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Icelanders | Sports | Sports
Iceland's men's national football team participated in their first FIFA World Cup in 2018, after reaching the quarter finals of its first major international tournament, UEFA Euro 2016. The women's national football team has yet to reach a World Cup; its best result at a major international event was a quarterfinal finish in UEFA Women's Euro 2013. The country's first Olympic participation was in the 1912 Summer Olympics; however, they did not participate again until the 1936 Summer Olympics. Their first appearance at the Winter Games was at the 1948 Winter Olympics. In 1956, Vilhjálmur Einarsson won the Olympic silver medal for the triple jump.Fiske et al., 1972, p. 7 The Icelandic national handball team has enjoyed relative success. The team received a silver medal at the 2008 Olympic Games and a 3rd place at the 2010 European Men's Handball Championship. |
Icelanders | See also | See also
List of Icelanders
List of Icelandic writers
Icelandic nationalism |
Icelanders | Notes | Notes |
Icelanders | References | References
|
Icelanders | External links | External links
Icelandic Tourist Board official site
CIA: The World Factbook entry on Iceland
Category:Icelandic people
Category:Society of Iceland
Category:North Germanic peoples |
Icelanders | Table of Content | short description, History, Initial migration and settlement, Hardship and conflict, Independence and prosperity, Demographics and society, Genetics, Emigration, Greenland, North America, Immigration, Culture, Language and literature, Religion, Cuisine, Performance art, Sports, See also, Notes, References, External links |
Gravity Probe | '''Gravity Probe''' | Gravity Probe may refer to:
Gravity Probe A
Gravity Probe B
de:Gravity Probe |
Gravity Probe | Table of Content | '''Gravity Probe''' |
Category:Russian artists | portal | +Artists |
Category:Russian artists | Table of Content | portal |
Structural violence | Short description | Structural violence is a form of violence wherein some social structure or social institution may harm people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs or rights.
The term was coined by Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung, who introduced it in his 1969 article "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research".Galtung, Johan (1969). "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research". Journal of Peace Research. 6 (3): 167–191. Some examples of structural violence as proposed by Galtung include institutionalized racism, sexism, and classism, among others. Structural violence and direct violence are said to be highly interdependent, including family violence, gender violence, hate crimes, racial violence, police violence, state violence, terrorism, and war. It is very closely linked to social injustice insofar as it affects people differently in various social structures. |
Structural violence | Definitions | Definitions |
Structural violence | Galtung | Galtung
According to Johan Galtung, rather than conveying a physical image, structural violence is an "avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs."Galtung, Johan. 1993. "Kulturelle Gewalt." Der Burger im Staat vol. 43. p. 106, as cited in Ho, Kathleen. 2007. "Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation." Essex Human Rights Review 4(2).
Galtung contrasts structural violence with "classical violence:" violence that is "direct," characterized by rudimentary, impermanent "bodily destruction" committed by some actor. Galtung places this as the first category of violence. In this sense, the purest form of structural violence can be understood as violence that endures with no particular beginning, and that lacks an 'actor' to have committed it.Galtung, Johan. 1975. "The Specific Contribution of Peace Research to the Study of the Causes of Violence: Typologies," UNESCO Interdisciplinary Expert Meeting on the Study of the Causes of Violence.
Following this, by excluding the requirement of an identifiable actor from the classical definition of violence, Galtung lists poverty (i.e., the "deprival of basic human needs") as the second category of violence and "structurally conditioned poverty" as the first category of structural violence.
Asking why violence necessarily needs to be done to the human body for it to be considered violence—"why not also include violence done to the human mind, psyche or how one wants to express it"—Galtung proceeds to repression (i.e., the "deprival of human rights") as the third category of violence, and "structurally conditioned repression" (or, "repressive intolerance") as the second type of structural violence.
Lastly, Galtung notes that repression need not be violence associated with repressive regimes or declared on particular documents to be human-rights infractions, as "there are other types of damage done to the human mind not included in that particular tradition." From this sense, he categorizes alienation (i.e., "deprival of higher needs") as the fourth type of violence, leading to the third kind of structural violence, "structurally conditioned alienation"—or, "repressive tolerance," in that it is repressive but also compatible with repression, a lower level of structural violence.
Since structural violence is avoidable, he argues, structural violence is a high cause of premature death and unnecessary disability.
Some examples of structural violence as proposed by Galtung include institutionalized adultism, ageism, classism, elitism, ethnocentrism, nationalism, racism, sexism, and speciesism.Johan Galtung"Seeking Peace from Resolving Conflict between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar and Sri Lanka" by Prof. Dr. Johan Galtung Structural violence and direct violence are said to be highly interdependent, including family violence, gender violence, hate crimes, racial violence, police violence, state violence, terrorism, and war. |
Structural violence | Others | Others
In his book Violence: Reflections on a National Epidemic, James Gilligan defines structural violence as "the increased rates of death and disability suffered by those who occupy the bottom rungs of society, as contrasted with the relatively lower death rates experienced by those who are above them." Gilligan largely describes these "excess deaths" as "non-natural" and attributes them to the stress, shame, discrimination, and denigration that results from lower status. He draws on Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb (i.e., The Hidden Injuries of Class, 1973), who examine the "contest for dignity" in a context of dramatic inequality.
In her interdisciplinary textbook on violence, Bandy X. Lee wrote "Structural violence refers to the avoidable limitations that society places on groups of people that constrain them from meeting their basic needs and achieving the quality of life that would otherwise be possible. These limitations, which can be political, economic, religious, cultural, or legal in nature, usually originate in institutions that exercise power over particular subjects." She goes on to say that "[it] is therefore an illustration of a power system wherein social structures or institutions cause harm to people in a way that results in maldevelopment and other deprivations."
Rather than the term being called social injustice or oppression, there is an advocacy for it to be called violence because this phenomenon comes from, and can be corrected by, human decisions, rather than just natural causes. |
Structural violence | Forms | Forms |
Structural violence | Cultural violence | Cultural violence
Cultural violence refers to aspects of a culture that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence, and may be exemplified by religion & ideology, language & art, and empirical science & formal science.Galtung, Johan. 1990. "Cultural Violence." Journal of Peace Research 27(3):291–305.
Cultural violence makes both direct and structural violence look or feel 'right', or at least not wrong, according to Galtung. The study of cultural violence highlights the ways the act of direct violence and the fact of structural violence are legitimized and thus made acceptable in society. Galtung explains that one mechanism of cultural violence is to change the "moral color" of an act from "red/wrong" to "green/right," or at least to "yellow/acceptable." |
Structural violence | Institutional violence | Institutional violence
Institutional violence is a form of structural violence in which organizations employ attitudes, beliefs, practices, and policies to marginalize or exploit vulnerable groups. Rossiter and Rinaldi (2018) argue that particular organizational traits serve as the structural elements allowing for the reconstruction of one's sense of inhumane behavior (e.g., moral justification), its deleterious effects (e.g., minimizing), the responsibility for its impact (e.g., denial), and the subject harmed (e.g., dehumanization), which influences moral abdication and thus create an ethos of violence. The authors mention that, as one example of such traits, the social or physical distance of organizations themselves from the wider society can be a key mechanism. |
Structural violence | Cause and effects | Cause and effects
In The Sources of Social Power (1986),Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . Michael Mann makes the argument that within state formation, "increased organizational power is a trade-off, whereby the individual obtains more security and food in exchange for his or her freedom."
Siniša Malešević elaborates on Mann's argument: "Mann's point needs extending to cover all social organizations, not just the state. The early chiefdoms were not states, obviously; still, they were established on a similar basis—an inversely proportional relationship between security and resources, on the one hand, and liberty, on the other." This means that, although those who live in organized, centralized social systems are not likely subject to hunger or to die in an animal attack, they are likely to engage in organized violence, which could include war. These structures make for opportunities and advances that humans could not create for themselves, including the development of agriculture, technology, philosophy, science, and art; however, these structures take tolls elsewhere, making them both productive and detrimental. In early human history, hunter-gatherer groups used organizational power to acquire more resources and produce more food; yet, at the same time, this power was also used to dominate, kill, and enslave other groups in order to expand territory and supplies.
Although structural violence is said to be invisible, it has a number of influences that shape it. These include identifiable institutions, relationships, social phenomenon, and ideologies, including discriminatory laws, gender inequality, and racism. Moreover, this does not solely exist for those of lower classes, though the effects are much heavier on them, including higher rates of disease and death, unemployment, homelessness, lack of education, powerlessness, and shared fate of miseries. The whole social order is affected by social power; other, higher-class groups, however have much more indirect effects on them, with the acts generally being less violent.
Due to social and economic structures in place today—specifically divisions into rich and poor, powerful and weak, and superior and inferior—the excess premature death rate is between 10 and 20 million per year, which is over ten times the death rates from suicide, homicide, and warfare combined.
The work of Yale-based German philosopher, Thomas Pogge, is one major resource on the connection between structural violence and poverty, especially his book World Poverty and Human Rights (2002). |
Structural violence | Access to health care | Access to health care
Structural violence affects the availability of health care insofar as paying attention to broad social forces (racism, gender inequality, classism, etc.) can determine who falls ill and who will be given access to care. It is therefore considered more likely for structural violence to occur in areas where biosocial methods are neglected in a country's health care system. Since situations of structural violence are viewed primarily as biological consequences, it neglects problems stimulated by people's environment, such as negative social behaviours or the prominence of inequality, therefore ineffectively addressing the issue.
Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer argues that the major flaw in the dominant model of medical care in the US is that medical services are sold as a commodity, remaining only available to those who can afford them. As medical professionals are not trained to understand the social forces behind disease, nor are they trained to deal with or alter them, they consequently have to ignore the social determinants that alter access to care. As a result, medical interventions are significantly less effective in low-income areas. Similarly, many areas and even countries cannot afford to stop the harmful cycle of structural violence.
The lack of training has, for example, had a significant impact on diagnosis and treatment of AIDS in the United States. A 1994 study by Moore et al. found that black Americans had a significantly lesser chance of receiving treatment than white Americans. Findings from another study suggest that the increased rate of workplace injury among undocumented Latino immigrants in the United States can also be understood as an example of structural violence.
If biosocial understandings are forsaken when considering communicable diseases such as HIV, for example, prevention methods and treatment practices become inadequate and unsustainable for populations. Farmer therefore also states that structural forces account for most if not all epidemic diseases.
Structural violence also exists in the area of mental health, where systems ignore the lived experiences of patients when making decisions about services and funding without consulting with the ill, including those who are illiterate, cannot access computers, do not speak the dominant language, are homeless, are too unwell to fill out long formal surveys, or are in locked psychiatric and forensic wards. Structural violence is also apparent when consumers in developed countries die from preventable diseases 15–25 years earlier than those without a lived experience of mental health. |
Structural violence | Solutions | Solutions
Farmer ultimately claims that "structural interventions" are one possible solution to such violence. However, for structural interventions to be successful, medical professionals need to be capable of executing such tasks; as stated above, though, many of professionals are not trained to do so. Medical professionals still continue to operate with a focus on individual lifestyle factors rather than general socio-economic, cultural, and environmental conditions. This paradigm is considered by Farmer to obscure the structural impediments to changes because it tends to avoid the root causes that should be focused on instead.
Moreover, medical professionals can rightly note that structural interventions are not their job, and as result, continue to operate under conventional clinical intervention. Therefore, the onus falls more on political and other experts to implement such structural changes. One response is to incorporate medical professionals and to acknowledge that such active structural interventions are necessary to address real public health issues.
Countries such as Haiti and Rwanda, however, have implemented (with positive outcomes) structural interventions, including prohibiting the commodification of the citizen needs (such as health care); ensuring equitable access to effective therapies; and developing social safety nets. Such initiatives increase the social and economic rights of citizens, thus decreasing structural violence.
The successful examples of structural interventions in these countries have shown to be fundamental.
Although the interventions have enormous influence on economical and political aspects of international bodies, more interventions are needed to improve access.
Although health disparities resulting from social inequalities are possible to reduce, as long as health care is exchanged as a commodity, those without the power to purchase it will have less access to it. Biosocial research should therefore be the main focus, while sociology can better explain the origin and spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV or AIDS. For instance, research shows that the risk of HIV is highly affected by one's behavior and habits. As such, despite some structural interventions being able to decrease premature morbidity and mortality, the social and historical determinants of the structural violence cannot be omitted. |
Structural violence | International scope | International scope
Petra Kelly wrote in her first book, Fighting for Hope (1984):
The violence in structural violence is attributed to the specific organizations of society that injure or harm individuals or masses of individuals. In explaining his point of view on how structural violence affects the health of subaltern or marginalized people, medical anthropologist Paul Farmer writes:Farmer, Paul, and Margaret Connors. 1996. Women, Poverty & AIDS: Sex, Drugs and Structural Violence (reprint ed.), Series in Health and Social Justice. Common Courage Press.
This perspective has been continually discussed by Farmer, as well as by Philippe Bourgois and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. Farmer ultimately claims that "structural interventions" are one possible solution to such violence; structural violence is the result of policy and social structures, and change can only be a product of altering the processes that encourage structural violence in the first place.
Theorists argue that structural violence is embedded in the current world system; this form of violence, which is centered on apparently inequitable social arrangements, is not inevitable. Ending the global problem of structural violence will require actions that may seem unfeasible in the short term. To some, this indicates that it may be easier to devote resources to minimizing the harmful impacts of structural violence. Others, such as futurist Wendell Bell, see a need for long-term vision to guide projects for social justice. Many structural violences, such as racism and sexism, have become such a common occurrence in society that they appear almost invisible. Despite this fact, sexism and racism have been the focus of intense cultural and political resistance for many decades. Significant reform has been accomplished, though the project remains incomplete.
Farmer notes that there are three reasons why structural violence is hard to see:
Suffering is exoticized—that is, when something/someone is distant or far away, individuals tend to not be affected by it. When suffering lacks proximity, it's easy to exoticise.
The weight of suffering is also impossible to comprehend. There is simply no way that many individuals are able to comprehend what suffering is like.
Lastly, the dynamics and distribution of suffering are still poorly understood.
Anthropologist Seth Holmes studied suffering through the lens of structural violence in his 2013 ethnography Fresh Fruit Broken Bodies: Migrant Farmworkers in the United States. He analyzed the naturalization of physical and mental suffering, violence continuum, and structural vulnerability experienced by Mexican migrants in the U.S. in their everyday lives. Holmes used examples like governmental influences of structural violence—such as how American subsidization of corn industries force Mexican farmers out of business, thereby forcing them to make the very dangerous trip across the border, where the U.S. Border Patrol hinder these migrants' chances of finding work in America, and the impact this all has on the migrants’ bodies. |
Structural violence | Criticism | Criticism
The concept of structural violence has come under criticism for being "increasingly outdated and poorly theorized".Hirschfield, Katherine. 2017. "Rethinking Structural Violence." |
Structural violence | See also | See also
Accumulation by dispossession
Communal violence
Conflict theories
Cycle of violence
Economic violence
Extermination through labour
Institutional abuse
Political violence
Slow violence
Social murder
Suicide among LGBTQIA+ people
Symbolic violence |
Structural violence | Footnotes | Footnotes |
Structural violence | Further reading | Further reading
Galtung, Johan. 1969. "Violence, Peace, and Peace Research." Journal of Peace Research 6(3):167–91.
Gilman, Robert. 1983. "Structural violence: Can we find genuine peace in a world with inequitable distribution of wealth among nations?" In Context 4(Autumn 1983):8–8.
Henderson, Sophie. 2019. "State-Sanctioned Structural Violence: Women Migrant Domestic Workers in the Philippines and Sri Lanka." Violence Against Women 26(12-13):1598–615. .
Ho, Kathleen. 2007. "Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation." Essex Human Rights Review 4(2). .
Category:1969 neologisms
Category:Violence
Category:Sociological terminology
Category:Social systems |
Structural violence | Table of Content | Short description, Definitions, Galtung, Others, Forms, Cultural violence, Institutional violence, Cause and effects, Access to health care, Solutions, International scope, Criticism, See also, Footnotes, Further reading |
Security police | Short description | thumb|A view from the gate corridor to the courtyard of the Finnish Security Police (SUPO) in 1957
Security police usually describes a law enforcement agency which focuses primarily on providing security and law enforcement services to particular areas or specific properties. They may be employed by governmental, public, or private institutions. Security police are generally considered distinct from security guards as security police personnel typically hold some level of law enforcement authority. The exact powers held by security police vary widely between jurisdictions. Examples of these types of agencies include the United States' DoD Police and FBI Police, the Indian Central Industrial Security Force, and the British Civil Nuclear Constabulary.
In some countries, security police is the name given to the secret security and intelligence services charged with protecting the state at the highest level, including responsibilities such as personal protection of the head of state, counter-espionage, and anti-terrorism. Examples of these agencies include the Japanese Security Police and the Georgian Security Police Department. |
Security police | Types of security police agencies | Types of security police agencies
Types of security police may include:
Airport police, who provide law enforcement and security services to airports
Campus police and school police, who provide law enforcement and security services to specific public and private schools, colleges, universities, and other educational institutions
Housing authority police, who primarily protect publicly-owned housing or housing projects
Hospital police, who provide law enforcement and security services to specific medical institutions and their facilities and properties
Park police and park rangers, who primarily protect parks facilities and their grounds
Capitol police, who protect state properties such as legislative, executive buildings, state/national capitol buildings, and their grounds, and can also include executive protection functions
Company police and private police, who provide law enforcement and security services on company or private property (working either directly for the company/private entity or for a third-party entity which provides law enforcement services by contract), where local law permits private organizations to establish their own law enforcement agencies
Generally, any law enforcement agency dedicated to the security of a particular property or properties may be considered a security police agency. |
Security police | Security police powers and authority | Security police powers and authority
Security police differ from security guards in that personnel of security police agencies are considered law enforcement officers, while security guards generally are not. Even where security guards hold some form of policing powers beyond that of the average individual they are not generally considered "security police." The powers and authority of security police vary by jurisdiction, but at a minimum they generally hold detainment and arrest powers.
Some security police agencies enjoy enhanced authority in certain circumstances. For example, the Belfast Harbour Police of Northern Ireland may, in addition to having authority to enforce the law of Northern Ireland and of the United Kingdom, enforce the Belfast Harbour Commissioners’ by-laws.
Security police are generally trained to a similar — if not identical — standard as other law enforcement officers of their nation, though standards do vary widely between jurisdictions. |
Security police | Security police around the world | Security police around the world |
Security police | Australia | Australia
The RAAF Security Police is responsible for base security and policing the RAAF and they work closely with the Airfield Defence Guards. The Military Working Dog Unit also provides a further security function.
Most state police force in Australia employs a team of officers known as Protective Services Officers (PSOs). Stationed in and around public or government buildings, these PSOs are armed (to varying degrees) and wear slightly different uniforms. They are also called upon by regular police officers if the need arises. They generally undergo training at the state police college and share many resources. Some police officers have used the PSO path as a stepping stone to their current roles.
In New South Wales, an armed internal unit of the New South Wales Police Force is staffed by special constables who hold identical powers and immunities of police officers at the rank of constable. Special constables wear similar uniforms to police officers, carry arms and appointments and are issued warrant cards and badges. Special constables provide security services to select government and police complexes. |
Security police | Germany | Germany
The Polizei beim Deutschen Bundestag (Polizei DBT, commonly known as Bundestagspolizei) is the smallest and least known police agency in Germany. It is responsible for the protection of the premises of the Bundestag in Berlin. Because the chief of the Bundestagspolizei is the president of the Bundestag (Federal Parliament of Germany) and not the minister of the interior, it can not be called a federal police agency. The number of their officers is not published yet. The Bundestagspolizei recruit their staff from all German police agencies. |
Security police | Hong Kong | Hong Kong
A special division of the Hong Kong Police Force, known as the Airport Security Unit (ASU), has been engaged by airports in Hong Kong (HK), to provide security services. These personnel have higher fitness standards and are issued with heavier firepower, than ordinary HK police officers. |
Security police | India | India
The Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) is the primary federal security police agency of India. It has a strength of more than 365,000 personnel and is responsible for protecting over 300 government industries, 66 of the 137 civilian airports of India and all the 13 major seaports of India. It also protects the Delhi Metro, the Visva-Bharti University, certain Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) buildings and 11 private establishments. In addition to this, it also provides consultancy services for more than 150 government and private establishments.
The Railway Protection Force (RPF) is responsible for protecting the Indian Railways and ensuring safety of citizens in trains. It has a strength of around 75,000 officers.
The Defence Security Corps (DSC) protects military installations and property belonging to the Ministry of Defence (MoD).
In addition, many states may have their own police units or government agencies responsible for providing security for industries not protected by the CISF. These include various State Industrial Security Forces (SISF). |
Security police | Japan | Japan
In Japan, security police, also known as "SP" are law enforcement officers that provide security for domestic and foreign dignitaries. Their role in dignitary protection is similar to that of the United States Secret Service. |
Security police | Malaysia | Malaysia
thumb|right|Malaysia - Police patrol personnel monitoring on the residence of VIP property. The police patrol mobile unit is a part of the C4-i implementation system.
The Royal Malaysia Police are generally responsible for protecting and policing the airports, seaports and government sites in Malaysia. Unlike several other countries, there is no state police for individual states. |
Security police | Portugal | Portugal
The Navy Establishments Police () is a small security police force responsible for protecting several of the facilities of the Portuguese Navy, including the navy central administration buildings, the Lisbon Naval Base and the Navy Museum.
The Navy Establishments Police is a non-military service, in contrast with the Naval Police (Polícia Naval) which is the Portuguese Navy's military police. |
Security police | South Africa | South Africa
During the 1960s the South African Security Police were known for detaining and interrogating members of the public, often leading to the victims death or disappearance, especially in the height of the Apartheid era. |
Security police | Sri Lanka | Sri Lanka
During the 1990s the Sri Lanka Police created a sub unit with its members known as police security assistants. They were mostly limited to protection of police and governmental facilities. |
Security police | Sweden | Sweden
thumb|Swedish ordningsvakt in the Stockholm metro
An ordningsvakt (”order-guard”) is a person deputized by the Swedish Police Authority to act as a law enforcement officer with limited police powers. Their main mission is to assist in maintaining public order.
An ordningsvakt may carry a baton, firearm, and handcuffs, may use a police dog, and is authorized to use force if necessary to maintain order. An ordningsvakt may reject, remove and, if necessary, detain, a person who disturbs the public order in his area of responsibility. He may also detain persons suffering from alcohol intoxication, seize alcoholic beverages, make a citizen's arrest (as everyone else), seize evidence after a citizen's arrest, and search a detained person. Detained persons and evidence are to be turned over to the police, who has a general command authority over him. An ordningsvakt carries a special badge, and, since 2012, wears a standardized uniform (irrespective of employer)."Ordningsvakter." Polisen. Retrieved 2018-02-12.
In February 2021, there were 7,830 persons deputized as ordningsvakter in Sweden. Of these, about 4,100 were employed by security companies while the rest had personal assignments from private or public clients. Previously, the assignments were mostly on a persona basis keeping public order at public events of a short duration such as soccer games and dances.
Nowadays they also serve as employees of security firms on a permanent basis in the Stockholm metro, in courts and at public meetings in municipalities and regions.Government of Sweden (2021). En ny lag om ordningsvakter m.m. (SOU SOU 2021:38). Stockholm, p. 53. The number of sworn police officers in Sweden were at about the same time 20,942. "Ny statistik visar på rekordnivåer av antalet polisanställda." Regeringskansliet. Retrieved 2022-02-13. |
Security police | Taiwan | Taiwan
The special police (保安警察, Bao-an Jingcha) is known as the Security Police of Taiwan. |
Security police | United Kingdom | United Kingdom |
Security police | Northern Ireland | Northern Ireland
The Northern Ireland Security Guard Service (not to be confused with MOD Police or MPGS) is a civilian armed guard service in which all civilian security officers are armed. They provide security at Ministry of Defence establishments in Northern Ireland.
The Belfast International Airport Constabulary is a small, armed, specialised police force responsible for policing Belfast International Airport, Northern Ireland. |
Security police | United States | United States
In the United States, the laws concerning peace officers vary widely from federal / state / city. Each state legislature with approval from the governor has the ability to modify the powers of peace officers in their state through legislation. |
Security police | Federal | Federal
Most of the federal government's uniformed police officers are security police who primarily serve to protect federal property and personnel. An example is the Federal Protective Service who protect federal buildings and the various agencies of the Department of Defense Police in protecting military installations and properties. |
Security police | By states | By states
Some major cities such as Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, San Francisco and Boston have a security police service separate from their city police. These may be employees of a public agency or private contractors. |
Security police | California | California
The complexity of special policing and special police authority is illustrated by these examples, which are not meant to be exhaustive.
In California, peace officer powers are granted by the California Penal Code under a number of different code sections. Cities, counties and special districts are authorized to form their own law enforcement agencies. Peace officer training is regulated by a state agency, Peace Officer Standards and Training or POST. This training can consist of as little as a 40-hour PC 832 course (for park rangers, probation officers or fire investigators who might make an arrest in the course of their duties), or as much as a 700-hour POST Basic Academy (for entry level peace officers).
Security guards (including off duty peace officers) may only carry firearms in private employment if licensed by the state licensing authority, the Bureau of Security and Investigative Services. Persons regularly employed by public agencies as security guards, however, may be exempt from BSIS regulation, if they have completed POST-certified training in accordance with PC 832 or other penal code sections. However, security guards employed by a private employer are still regulated by BSIS even though the client may be a public agency. |
Security police | Orange County | Orange County
Orange County Sheriff's Department special officers are duly appointed and dedicated California public officers under California Penal Code section 831.4. (a) (1), who provide citation enforcement and security services for the department in connection with the county bus system, airport, the operations of the local courts and the custody of local prisoners.
These sheriff's special officers attend a 16-week training academy at the Orange County Sheriff's Regional Training Academy that instructs new officers on laws of arrest, firearms training, arrest and control techniques, physical fitness, field and patrol tactics, first responder medical training, and corrections-custody training. Being duly non-sworn California public officers, Orange County Sheriff's special officers maintain public officer authority while on duty |
Security police | Los Angeles | Los Angeles
In the Los Angeles metropolitan area, there are numerous examples of security police with different levels of authority and responsibility.
Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department - employs Security assistants (security officer I) and Security officers (security officer II) who assist deputy sheriffs in the protection of various county government facilities. The LASD absorbed the Los Angeles County Office of Public Safety on June 30, 2010.
Security assistants are assigned to the Transit Services Bureau serve as fare inspectors. Security assistants and security officers assigned to the Court Services Division provide weapons screening and general security of the county's superior and municipal courts. Security officers assigned to the Community College Division provide campus security to the county's community colleges. Additionally, security officers may also be assigned to provide security at other county facilities.
Sheriff's security officers in compliance with applicable laws and regulations, such as peace officer ("POST") training, have limited peace officer powers while on duty and are outside the authority of the state security guard licensing agency, the Bureau of Security and Investigative Services (BSIS) with respect to their work for the county.
Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority - transit security officers are uniformed, 836.5 (a) PC public officers, who serve the MTA (Metro) by providing security for critical transportation infrastructure and internal revenue protection. Transit security officers undergo a selection process that is similar to that for police (including an identical background investigation, as well as a psychological review and physical agility test), as well as an 800-hour internal training program and POST-certified arrest and firearms course. |
Security police | New Orleans | New Orleans
The City of New Orleans Department of Police in accordance with New Orleans Home Rule Charter section 4-502 (2) (a) (b) and New Orleans Municipal Code 17-271 MCS 90–86, deputizes armed security officers, private investigators, college campus police, city, state, and federal agencies, within the city limits, with limited police powers as New Orleans Police special officers.
New Orleans Municipal Code 17-271 MCS 30-1122 states that it shall be unlawful for any person to act as an armed guard unless they are a peace officer. Louisiana R.S. 40:1379.1 (b) states that the special officer, when performing those tasks requiring a special officer's commission, shall have the same powers and duties as a peace officer. Special officers may make arrests for felony or misdemeanor offenses on the property or area they are to protect, patrol, or in relation to their direct assignment. The special officer, when making an arrest, may pat down the arrested subject for weapons. Special officers are to turn over arrested subjects and pertaining evidence to a New Orleans Police officer. Special officers are to honor all subpoenas on arrest made and appear in court to testify. Special officers, when not on a particular assignment, are regarded as private citizens and have no police powers. However, special officers still may make arrests for a felony, whether in or out of their presence, while not on a particular assignment, under Louisiana Law CCRP art.214 arrest by private person; when lawful. |
Security police | Venezuela | Venezuela
The Internal Security Division is a security police unit of the Bolivarian Service of National Intelligence. Dressed with black berets and armed with M16s and M4s. This unit provides security at counterintelligence territorial bases and other facilities. They have police powers. |
Security police | Obsolete uses | Obsolete uses |
Security police | Finland | Finland
The Suojelupoliisi or Finnish Security and Intelligence Service used the English title of “Finnish Security Police” until 2010. The name change was to emphasize its state security functions over any internal policing tasks it may have. |
Security police | Nazi Germany | Nazi Germany
The Sicherheitspolizei, often abbreviated as SiPo, was a term used in Nazi Germany to describe the state political and criminal investigation security agencies. It was made up by the combined forces of the Gestapo (secret state police) and the Kripo (criminal police) between 1936 and 1939. As a formal agency, the SiPo was folded into the RSHA in 1939, but the term continued to be used informally until the end of the Third Reich.
The Reichssicherheitsdienst (RSD) was the security police assigned to protect dignitaries. |
Security police | United States | United States
Security police is a term once used for the United States Air Force Security Forces, who function as the military police of the United States Air Force. |
Security police | See also | See also
Border guard
Gendarme
Traffic guard
List of protective service agencies
Provost
United States Air Force Security Forces
Department security in Russia |
Security police | Citations | Citations |
Security police | General references | General references
"A NEW MEMBER OF THE LASD FAMILY" by John Herrera, Star News, September 2006
The Privatization of Police in America: An Analysis and Case Study. McFarland & Company, 2003. |
Security police | External links | External links
History of the Los Angeles County MTA Police
Category:Crime prevention
Category:Law enforcement units
Category:Security |
Security police | Table of Content | Short description, Types of security police agencies, Security police powers and authority, Security police around the world, Australia, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Malaysia, Portugal, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Taiwan, United Kingdom, Northern Ireland, United States, Federal, By states, California, Orange County, Los Angeles, New Orleans, Venezuela, Obsolete uses, Finland, Nazi Germany, United States, See also, Citations, General references, External links |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | short description | A Thin Line Between Love and Hate is a 1996 American comedy thriller film starring and directed by Martin Lawrence in his feature film directorial debut. It tells the story of Darnell Wright (Lawrence), a ladies' man who finds himself stalked by one of his obsessed lovers: Brandi (Lynn Whitfield), an attractive and successful, but unstable older realtor businesswoman.
Along with directing and starring in the film, Lawrence co-wrote the screenplay alongside Kenny Buford, Bentley Kyle Evans and Kim Bass. Released on April 3, 1996, the film grossed over $34 million at the box office against a budget of $8 million. As of 2025, A Thin Line Between Love and Hate is the only film that Lawrence has ever directed. |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Plot | Plot
Nightclub manager Darnell Wright is a perpetual playboy and hopeless male chauvinist. He works for a nightclub called Chocolate City and aspires to be its co-owner. He trades VIP privileges at the club for favors from women. Though he is an expert at conning women, he sometimes worries about what his childhood sweetheart Mia thinks of his adventures. He realizes he has feelings for her.
When the beautiful and wealthy Brandi Web steps out of a limousine to enter the club, Darnell feels that he's met his ultimate challenge.
She initially rejects his come-ons, which only fuels his appetite. He pursues her, showing up with flowers at her office. He finally wins over Brandi, only to find out that he's really in love with Mia. He breaks ties with all his other girlfriends.
One morning, Darnell awakes to find Brandi in his kitchen making bacon and pancakes. She wants him to hold her, but he pushes her off aggressively. However, Brandi doesn't take kindly to rejection. She becomes an obsessed femme fatale: stalking him, nearly running him over, taking all four wheels off his SUV to ground him from his rounds, shattering his windshield, and setting his nightclub on fire. She hits herself with a fruit-stuffed stocking to cause herself bruises without fingerprints, and repeatedly slams a door on her arm injuring herself.
When Darnell goes to see Mia at the hospital, Brandi is there instead and he is arrested for a false domestic violence charge. She continues harassing and stalking Darnell, then threatens Mia's life.
Ending his relationship with Mia is not enough to satisfy Brandi who finally administers Darnell's punishment for his womanizing. Darnell quickly learns the hard way that if you "play", you have to "pay."
Darnell, now suffering from a gun wound attempts to take the gun from Brandi when she attempts to shoot Mia. The struggle causes Brandi, Mia, and him to fall out of a window and land in a pool.
Darnell awakes from the fall in a hospital, with all his friends, family, and Mia standing over him. He decides to change his life for the better and start a life with Mia. Darnell is grateful that Brandi showed him what love really is. Brandi is arrested and imprisoned. |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Cast | Cast
Martin Lawrence as Darnell Wright
Lynn Whitfield as Brandi Web
Regina King as Mia Williams
Bobby Brown as "Tee"
Daryl M. Mitchell as Earl
Roger E. Mosley as Smitty
Della Reese as Mama Wright
Simbi Khali as Adrienne
Tangie Ambrose as Nikki
Wendy Robinson as Gwen
Malinda Williams as Erica Wright
Stacii Jae Johnson as "Peaches"
Miguel A. Núñez Jr. as Reggie
Faizon Love as Manny
Michael Bell as Marvis
Michael Taliferro as Club Security
Tiny Lister as Tyrone
Tracy Morgan as Sean, The Bartender |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Style | Style
The plot of A Thin Line Between Love and Hate was influenced by Boomerang and Fatal Attraction. The opening sequence, depicting Darnell lying unconscious and fully clothed face down in a swimming pool while narrating the events that led him to there, was influenced by Billy Wilder's 1950 film Sunset Boulevard. The film has been classified as a comedy thriller. |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Reception | Reception
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate grossed $34,873,513 at the box office against a budget of $8 million.
The critical reception of the film was mostly negative. On Rotten Tomatoes the film has a 15% rating based on 26 reviews. |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Soundtrack | Soundtrack
YearAlbumPeak chart positionsCertificationsU.S.1996A Thin Line Between Love and Hate
Released: January 30, 1996
Label: Warner Bros.22 US: Gold |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | References | References |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | External links | External links
Category:1996 films
Category:1990s comedy thriller films
Category:1990s English-language films
Category:Films about stalking
Category:American comedy thriller films
Category:Films directed by Martin Lawrence
Category:New Line Cinema films
Category:Savoy Pictures films
Category:1996 directorial debut films
Category:1996 comedy films
Category:1996 thriller films
Category:1990s American films
Category:African-American films
Category:English-language comedy thriller films |
A Thin Line Between Love and Hate | Table of Content | short description, Plot, Cast, Style, Reception, Soundtrack, References, External links |
10 (1979 film) | short description | 10 is a 1979 American romantic comedy film written, produced and directed by Blake Edwards and starring Dudley Moore, Julie Andrews, Robert Webber, and Bo Derek. It was considered a trendsetting film at the time of its release and became one of the year's biggest box-office hits. The film follows a middle-aged man who becomes infatuated with a young woman whom he has never met, leading to a comic chase and an encounter in Mexico. |
10 (1979 film) | Plot | Plot
During a surprise 42nd birthday party for the wealthy and famous composer George Webber thrown by his actress girlfriend Samantha Taylor, George finds that he is coping badly with his age. From his car, George glimpses a bride on her way to be married and is instantly obsessed with her beauty. Following her to the church, he crashes into a police cruiser, is stung by a bee and nearly disrupts the wedding ceremony.
Later that night, Sam and George argue over his treatment of women and his habit of spying on the intimate acts of a neighbor with his consent.
George visits the minister who performed the wedding and learns that the woman is Jenny Miles, daughter of a prominent Beverly Hills dentist. The following day, while spying on his neighbor, George hits himself with the telescope and falls down an embankment, causing him to miss Sam's phone call. Still obsessed with Jenny, he schedules a dental appointment with her father and learns that Jenny and her husband David have gone to Mexico for their honeymoon. The effects of a comically implausible amount of treatment accompanied by a heavy dose of novocaine, aggravated by immediate heavy drinking, leave George completely incoherent. Sam finally reaches him on the phone, but mistakes him for an intruder and calls the police, who hold George at gunpoint while trying to understand his gibberish. George visits his neighbor's house to take part in an ongoing orgy, but Sam spots him through his telescope, widening the rift between them.
George impulsively boards a plane to follow the newlyweds to their exclusive resort in Mexico. In the bar, George encounters old acquaintance Mary Lewis, who lacks self-confidence. When they attempt a fling, Mary interprets George's inadequacy in bed as confirmation of her own insecurities.
At the beach, George sees Jenny in a swimsuit and is awestruck again by her beauty. Noticing that her husband has fallen asleep on a surfboard, George rents a catamaran and rescues David, making him a hero. Sam sees George on a TV newscast and tries to contact him unsuccessfully. David is hospitalized with sunburn, allowing Jenny and George to spend time alone together. Jenny smokes marijuana and seduces George, but he is horrified when Jenny takes a call from David and casually informs him of George's presence. George is even more confused with David's complete lack of concern. Jenny explains she is in an open marriage and married David only because of pressure from her conservative father. George leaves after realizing that Jenny sees their tryst as nothing more than a casual fling.
After flying home, George reconciles with Sam by performing an apologetic new song and demonstrating greater maturity. He suggests getting married, but they agree they should first work on arguing less and making love more. George takes an idea from Jenny when he starts Boléro on his phonograph and he makes love with Sam in full view of the neighbor's telescope, though the neighbor has already stopped watching out of frustration that he provides erotic entertainment for George and gets nothing in return. |
10 (1979 film) | Cast | Cast
Dudley Moore as George Webber
Julie Andrews as Samantha Taylor
Bo Derek as Jennifer Jenny Hanley
Robert Webber as Larry Hugh
Dee Wallace as Mary Lewis
Sam J. Jones as David Hanley
Don Calfa as The Neighbor
Brian Dennehy as Donald = Don, The Bartender
Doug Sheehan as The Policeman
Max Showalter as Reverend
Nedra Volz as Mrs. Kissell
James Noble as Dr. Miles, the Dentist, Jennifer Hanley's father.
Rad Daly as Josh Taylor, Samantha Taylor's son. |
10 (1979 film) | Production | Production
10 originally had a budget of $5-6 million and was due to start filming on October 2, 1978 but George Segal didn't show up and the production was cancelled. Dudley Moore was a last-minute replacement and the script was rewritten. Edwards sued Segal and won $270,000. Due to the stopping and restarting of production, the budget was expected to be higher than originally planned. Filming took place in Los Angeles and Mexico.
Peter Sellers originally had a cameo as a night club drummer but the scene was cut. |
10 (1979 film) | Release | Release
10 was released by Warner Bros. on October 5, 1979, opening in 706 theaters. It was released on DVD through Warner Home Video on May 21, 1997, and a Blu-ray edition was released on February 1, 2011. The supplemental material consists of the original theatrical trailer and a four-minute promotional documentary, present on both media. |
10 (1979 film) | Reception | Reception
10 opened at number one in the United States, grossing $3,526,692 ($ in ) for its opening weekend. The film went on to make a total of $74,865,517 ($ in ) in the U.S. and Canada by the end of 1980, making it one of the top-grossing films released in 1979. Worldwide, it grossed over $107 million. It received mostly positive reviews from critics. On Rotten Tomatoes, it has an approval rating of 65% based on 26 reviews, with an average rating of 6.40/10. The site's consensus states: "Blake Edwards' bawdy comedy may not score a perfect 10, but Dudley Moore's self-deprecating performance makes this midlife crisis persistently funny." On Metacritic, the film has a score of 68% based on reviews from seven critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".
Vincent Canby of The New York Times described 10 as "frequently hilarious", praising the performances by Moore and Andrews and concluding that the film "is loaded with odd surprises". Roger Ebert gave the film four stars in his review for the Chicago Sun-Times, calling it "one of the best films Blake Edwards has ever made"; he also ranked it 10th on his annual top-ten list. Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune called the film "a very funny comedy that couldn't be more serious about the plight of its lead character". He also noted that the film "turns out to be a gentle essay on the problems of male menopause".
The New York Times included the film on its Best 1,000 Movies Ever list from 2003.The Best 1,000 Movies Ever Made. The New York Times via Internet Archive. Published April 29, 2003. Retrieved June 12, 2008. |
10 (1979 film) | Accolades | Accolades
Award Category Recipients Result Academy Awards Best Original Score Henry Mancini Best Original Song "It's Easy to Say": Music by Henry Mancini; Lyrics by Robert Wells Golden Globe Awards Best Motion Picture – Musical or Comedy Best Actor in a Motion Picture – Musical or Comedy Dudley Moore Best Actress in a Motion Picture – Musical or Comedy Julie Andrews Best Original Score – Motion Picture Henry Mancini New Star of the Year – Actress Bo Derek Jupiter Awards Best International Actress National Society of Film Critics Awards Best Film Best Director Blake Edwards Best Screenplay Writers Guild of America Awards Best Comedy – Written Directly for the Screenplay |
10 (1979 film) | Cultural impact | Cultural impact
Bo Derek's role shot her to instant stardom and status as a sex symbol. Her beaded and plaited cornrow hairstyle in the film was widely copied.
The film also brought renewed fame to the one-movement orchestral piece Boléro by Maurice Ravel, whose music was still under copyright at the time. As a result of the film, sales of Boléro generated an estimated $1 million in royalties and briefly made Ravel the best-selling classical composer 40 years after his death. Derek appeared in a 1984 film named Bolero, titled to capitalize upon the piece's renewed popularity. |
10 (1979 film) | Remake | Remake
In 2003, it was announced that Blake Edwards would direct a remake to be titled 10 Again for MDP Worldwide, but the project was abandoned. |
10 (1979 film) | References {{Anchor | References |
10 (1979 film) | External links | External links
Category:1979 films
Category:1979 romantic comedy films
Category:1970s sex comedy films
Category:1970s American films
Category:American romantic comedy films
Category:American sex comedy films
Category:Films about casual sex
Category:1970s English-language films
Category:Films about adultery in the United States
Category:Films scored by Henry Mancini
Category:Films directed by Blake Edwards
Category:Films set in Los Angeles
Category:Films set in Mexico
Category:Midlife crisis films
Category:Orion Pictures films
Category:Warner Bros. films
Category:Films with screenplays by Blake Edwards
Category:English-language sex comedy films
Category:English-language romantic comedy films |
10 (1979 film) | Table of Content | short description, Plot, Cast, Production, Release, Reception, Accolades, Cultural impact, Remake, References {{Anchor, External links |
John Sainsbury | '''John Sainsbury''' | John Sainsbury may refer to:
John James Sainsbury (1844–1928), co-founder of the major UK supermarket chain Sainsbury's
John Benjamin Sainsbury (1871–1956), eldest son of John James Sainsbury and Sainsbury's chairman 1928–1956
John Sainsbury, Baron Sainsbury of Preston Candover (1927–2022), great-grandson of John James Sainsbury and Sainsbury's chairman 1969–1992
John Sainsbury (cricketer) (1927–2004), cricketer for Somerset |
John Sainsbury | Table of Content | '''John Sainsbury''' |
Avittom Thirunal Balarama Varma | Short description | thumb|left|The Maharaja and his attendants
Avittom Thirunal Bala Rama Varma (c. 17827 November 1810) was a ruler of the Indian princely state of Travancore from 1798 to 1810, succeeding his uncle Maharajah Dharma Raja on 12February 1798. His reign was a time of disturbances and internal and external problems. The revolt of Velu Thampi (who as Dewan negotiated the formal alliance between Travancore and the British East India Company) occurred during his rule. His great-granddaughter was the wife of Visakham Thirunal. Two ranis were adopted during the reign of Dharma Raja. They were Bharani Thirunal Parvathi Bayi and Uthram Thirunal Umayamma Bayi as the sisters of Avittom Thirunal. These princesses were the daughters of Chathayam Nal Mahaprabha Amma. |
Avittom Thirunal Balarama Varma | References | References
Bibliography
Category:1780s births
Category:1810 deaths
Category:Malayali people
Category:18th-century Indian monarchs
Category:Hindu monarchs
Category:Maharajas of Travancore
Category:19th-century Indian monarchs |
Avittom Thirunal Balarama Varma | Table of Content | Short description, References |
Clinic | Short description | thumb|Military Policlinic in Legionowo, Poland
A clinic (or outpatient clinic or ambulatory care clinic) is a health facility that is primarily focused on the care of outpatients. Clinics can be privately operated or publicly managed and funded. They typically cover the primary care needs of populations in local communities, in contrast to larger hospitals which offer more specialized treatments and admit inpatients for overnight stays.
Most commonly, the English word clinic refers to a general practice, run by one or more general practitioners offering small therapeutic treatments, but it can also mean a specialist clinic. Some clinics retain the name "clinic" even while growing into institutions as large as major hospitals or becoming associated with a hospital or medical school. |
Clinic | Etymology | Etymology
thumb|The entrance to a surgery clinic in Greenwich, London
The word clinic derives from Ancient Greek klinein meaning to slope, lean or recline. Hence klinē is a couch or bed and klinikos is a physician who visits his patients in their beds.κλινικός in A Greek–English Lexicon. Retrieved 18 September 2016. In Latin, this became clīnicus.clinicus in A Latin Dictionary. Retrieved 18 September 2016.Partridge, Eric. Origins: A short etymological dictionary of modern English. Book Club Associates, 1966.
An early use of the word clinic was "one who receives baptism on a sick bed".Clinic, Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, 1913. |
Clinic | Overview | Overview
thumb|A medpunkt (health care access point) delivers primary health care to the residents of the village of Veliki Vrag, Russia.
Clinics are often associated with a general medical practice run by one or several general practitioners. Other types of clinics are run by the type of specialist associated with that type: physical therapy clinics by physiotherapists and psychology clinics by clinical psychologists, and so on for each health profession. (This can even hold true for certain services outside the medical field: for example, legal clinics are run by lawyers.)
Some clinics are operated in-house by employers, government organizations, or hospitals, and some clinical services are outsourced to private corporations which specialize in providing health services. In China, for example, owners of such clinics do not have formal medical education. There were 659,596 village clinics in China in 2011.
Health care in India, China, Russia and Africa is provided to those regions' vast rural areas by mobile health clinics or roadside dispensaries, some of which integrate traditional medicine. In India these traditional clinics provide ayurvedic medicine and unani herbal medical practice. In each of these countries, traditional medicine tends to be a hereditary practice. |
Clinic | Function | Function
thumb|Policlinic in Karl-Marx-Stadt, German Democratic Republic
The function of clinics differs from country to country. For instance, a local general practice run by a single general practitioner provides primary health care and is usually run as a for-profit business by the owner, whereas a government-run specialist clinic may provide subsidized or specialized health care.
Some clinics serve as a place for people with injuries or illnesses to be seen by a triage nurse or other health worker. In these clinics, the injury or illness may not be serious enough to require a visit to an emergency room (ER), but the person can be transferred to one if needed.
Treatment at these clinics is often less expensive than it would be at a casualty department. Also, unlike an ER these clinics are often not open on a 24/7/365 basis. They sometimes have access to diagnostic equipment such as X-ray machines, especially if the clinic is part of a larger facility. Doctors at such clinics can often refer patients to specialists if the need arises. |
Clinic | Large outpatient clinics | Large outpatient clinics
thumb|Children Policlinic in Novokosino District of Moscow
Large outpatient clinics vary in size, but can be as large as hospitals. |
Clinic | Function | Function
Typical large outpatient clinics house general medical practitioners (GPs) such as doctors and nurses to provide ambulatory care and some acute care services but lack the major surgical and pre- and post-operative care facilities commonly associated with hospitals.
thumb|Policlinic in Vilnius-Karoliniškės, Lithuania
Besides GPs, if a clinic is a polyclinic, it can house outpatient departments of some medical specialties, such as gynecology, dermatology, ophthalmology, otolaryngology, neurology, pulmonology, cardiology, and endocrinology. In some university cities, polyclinics contain outpatient departments for the entire teaching hospital in one building. |
Clinic | Internationally | Internationally
thumb|Policlinic in Písek, Czech Republic
Large outpatient clinics are a common type of healthcare facility in many countries, including France, Germany (long tradition), Switzerland, and most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (often using a mixed Soviet-German model), as well as in former Soviet republics such as Russia and Ukraine; and in many countries across Asia and Africa.Google
In Europe, especially in the Central and Eastern Europe, bigger outpatient health centers, commonly in cities and towns, are called policlinics (derived from the word polis, not from poly-).
Recent Russian governments have attempted to replace the policlinic model introduced during Soviet times with a more western model. However, this has failed.
In the Czech Republic, many policlinics were privatized or leasehold and decentralized in the post-communist era: some of them are just lessors and coordinators of a healthcare provided by private doctor's offices in the policlinic building.David Rath: Trnitá cesta privatizace českého zdravotnictví, Hospodářské noviny, 10 September 1996
India has also set up huge numbers of polyclinics for former defense personnel. The network envisages 426 polyclinics in 343 districts of the country which will benefit about 33 lakh (3.3 million) ex-servicemen residing in remote and far-flung areas.
Policlinics are also the backbone of Cuba's primary care system and have been credited with a role in improving that nation's health indicators.Cuba's primary health care revolution: 30 years on, Bulletin of the World Health Organization |
Clinic | Mobile clinics | Mobile clinics
thumb|Hinduja National Hospital's mobile clinic
thumb|200px|A mobile health clinic operated from a truck
Providing health services through mobile clinics provides accessible healthcare services to these remote areas that have yet to make their way in the politicized space. For example, mobile clinics have proved helpful in dealing with new settlement patterns in Costa Rica. Before foreign aid organizations or the state government became involved in healthcare, Costa Rica's people managed their own health maintenance and protection. People relied on various socio-cultural adaptations and remedies to prevent illnesses, such as personal hygiene and settlement patterns. When new settlements that sprang up along the coast became "artificial" communities, and due to lack of traditional home healing practices here, alternative methods such as mobile clinics had to be implemented in these communities for the protection and prevention of diseases.
A study done in rural Namibia revealed the health changes of orphans, vulnerable children and non-vulnerable children (OVC) visiting a mobile clinic where health facilities are far from the remote villages. Over 6 months, information on immunization status, diagnosis of anemia, skin and intestinal disorders, nutrition, dental disorders was collected and showed that visits to mobile clinics improved the overall health of children that visited regularly. It concluded that specified "planning of these programs in areas with similarly identified barriers may help correct the health disparities among Namibian OVC and could be a first step in improving child morbidity and mortality in difficult-to-reach rural areas."
thumb|200px|A mobile clinic run from a pickup truck in Yemen
Food supplementation in the context of routine mobile clinic visits also shows to have improved the nutritional status of children, and it needs further exploration as a way to reduce childhood malnutrition in resource-scarce areas. A cross-sectional study focussed on comparing acute and chronic undernutrition rates prior to and after a food-supplementation program as an adjunct to routine health care for children of migrant workers residing in rural communities in the Dominican Republic. Rates of chronic undernutrition decreased from 33% to 18% after the initiation of the food-supplementation program and shows that the community members attending the mobile clinics are not just passively receiving the information but are incorporating it and helping keep their children nourished. |
Clinic | Types | Types
thumb|Storefront clinic in Manhattan
There are many different types of clinics providing outpatient services. Such clinics may be public (government-funded) or private medical practices.
A CLSC are in Quebec; they are a type of free clinic funded by the provincial government; they provide service not covered by Canada's healthcare plan including social workers
In the United States, a free clinic provides free or low-cost healthcare for those with little or without insurance.
A retail-based clinic is housed in supermarkets and similar retail outlets providing walk-in health care, which may be staffed by nurse practitioners.
A general out-patient clinic offers general diagnoses or treatments without an overnight stay.
A polyclinic or policlinic provides a range of healthcare services (including diagnostics) without need of an overnight stay
A specialist clinic provides advanced diagnostic or treatment services for specific diseases or parts of the body. This type contrasts with general out-patient clinics.
A sexual health clinic deals with sexual health related problems, such as prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections.
A gender identity clinic provides services relating to transgender health care.
A fertility clinic aims to help women and couples to become pregnant.
An abortion clinic is a medical facility providing abortion services to women.
An ambulatory surgery clinic offers outpatient or same day surgery services, usually for surgical procedures less complicated than those requiring hospitalization.
An ultrasound clinic offers medical ultrasound investigations for patients. An ultrasound clinic is normally run privately. |
Clinic | See also | See also
Healthcare provider
Health center
Health systems management
Healthcare system
Nurse-led clinic
Polyclinics in England
Walk-in clinic |
Clinic | References | References
Category:Ambulatory care
Category:Types of health care facilities
|
Clinic | Table of Content | Short description, Etymology, Overview, Function, Large outpatient clinics, Function, Internationally, Mobile clinics, Types, See also, References |
Tutu (clothing) | Short description | thumb|A colourfully decorated classical ballet tutu, on a dress form
A tutu is a dress worn as a costume in a classical ballet performance, often with attached bodice.Debra Craine and Judith Mackrell, "Tutu," in The Oxford Dictionary of Dance (Oxford University Press, 2000). It may be made of tarlatan, muslin, silk, tulle, gauze, or nylon. Modern tutus have two basic types: the Romantic tutu is soft and bell-shaped, reaching the calf or ankle; the Classical tutu is short and stiff, projecting horizontally from the waist and hip. |
Tutu (clothing) | Etymology | Etymology
The word tutu can refer to only the skirt part of the costume. The bodice and tutu make up what is usually the entire costume, but which is called the tutu (by synecdoche, wherein the part – the skirt – can embody the whole).
The derivation of the word tutu is unknown. The word was not recorded anywhere until 1881. One theory is that it is simply derived from the word tulle (one of the materials from which it is made).
A second theory is that the word comes from the slang of French children that refers to the buttocks (cul). During that era, the abonnés (rich male subscribers at the Paris Opera Ballet) were accustomed to mix with the ballet girls in the foyer and arrange assignations. It is suggested the expression came from the abonnés playfully patting the back of the tulle dress with the saying pan-pan cucul (French for I'll spank your bottom).
A third, related theory suggests a derivation from the more vulgar French word cul (which can be used to refer to the bottom or genital area). During this era, women (including dancers) wore pantalettes as underwear, which were open at the crotch. The abonnés favoured the very front rows in the hope of a scandalous view, and the skirt was modified for that reason. This is supported by the description by nineteenth-century balletomane, Charles Nuitter, who defined tutu as "a slang term for the very short petticoat worn by danseuses in the interest of modesty."
According to Etimonline, tutu first appeared in 1910 and is derived from the French tutu, which in turn was derived from the French cucu, in turn derived from the French cul meaning a bottom or backside. Similarly, Merriam-Webster claims that the word first appeared in 1913 and that it is derived from the French tutu which is babytalk for a backside. |
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