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| label
stringlengths 4
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⌀ | synonyms
sequence | __index_level_1__
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64.1k
⌀ | __index_level_0__
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2.4k
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|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
[
"Marine Directorate (Scottish Government)",
"replaces",
"Scottish Fisheries Protection Agency"
] | History
The Marine Directorate was established on 1 April 2009, merging two executive agencies (Fisheries Research Services and the Scottish Fisheries Protection Agency) and the Scottish Government marine and fishery policy divisions. | null | null | null | null | 5 |
[
"National Galleries Scotland",
"different from",
"Scottish National Gallery"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"National Galleries Scotland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | National Galleries Scotland (Scottish Gaelic: Gailearaidhean Nàiseanta na h-Alba, formerly the National Galleries of Scotland) is the executive non-departmental public body that controls the three national galleries of Scotland and two partner galleries, forming one of the National Collections of Scotland.
The purpose of National Galleries Scotland (NGS) was set out by an Act of Parliament in the National Galleries of Scotland Act 1906, amended by the National Heritage (Scotland) Act 1985. Its role is to manage the National Galleries of Scotland, care for, preserve and add to the objects in its collections, exhibit artworks to the public and to promote education and public enjoyment and understanding of the Fine Arts. It is governed by a board of trustees who are appointed by ministers of the Scottish Government. | null | null | null | null | 2 |
[
"National Galleries Scotland",
"founded by",
"Scottish Government"
] | null | null | null | null | 9 |
|
[
"National Galleries Scotland",
"topic's main category",
"Category:National Galleries Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 16 |
|
[
"Government of the 1st Scottish Parliament",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Government of the 1st Scottish Parliament",
"followed by",
"Government of the 2nd Scottish Parliament"
] | null | null | null | null | 5 |
|
[
"Education (Scotland) Act 1872",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Education (Scotland) Act 1872",
"based on",
"Elementary Education Act 1870"
] | null | null | null | null | 5 |
|
[
"Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | The Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland is an ombudsman in Scotland with the responsibility for investigating complaints about Members of the Scottish Parliament, councillors of the 32 Councils of Scotland, and members of Scottish public bodies. The Commissioner also monitors the appointment of members of specified public bodies in Scotland by the Scottish Ministers.History
The post was created by the Public Services Reform (Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland etc.) Order 2013, legislation which came into force on 1 July 2013. Prior to that there were separate pieces of legislation to deal with complaints and investigations. The Commissioner's role in public standards is legislated for in the Ethical Standards in Public Life etc. (Scotland) Act 2000, Scottish Parliamentary Standards Commissioner Act 2002 and the Public Appointsments and Public Bodies etc. (Scotland) act 2003.The Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body has a statutory responsibility for appointment of the Commissioner, with the agreement of the Scottish Parliament.On 29 January 2019, Parliament approved the appointment of Caroline Anderson as Commissioner for Ethical Standards in Public Life in Scotland, to take up the full-time post for a fixed term of 5 years from 1 April 2019, with a salary of £73,000. Ms Anderson is a chartered accountant with over 20 years of specialist experience in regulation and compliance, gained mainly within professional services environments. She succeeds Bill Thomson CBE. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Police Investigations and Review Commissioner",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Opinion polling on Scottish independence",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Tennis Scotland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | North of Scotland
Includes Districts: Tennis Central, Tennis Tayside, North East Scotland LTA and Highlands Tennis Ltd.Tennis CentralWebsite: www.tenniscentralscotland.org | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Lughnasadh",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Northern Lighthouse Board",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | The Northern Lighthouse Board (NLB) is the general lighthouse authority for Scotland and the Isle of Man. It is a non-departmental public body responsible for marine navigation aids around coastal areas.History
The NLB was formed by Act of Parliament in 1786 as the Commissioners of Northern Light Houses, largely at the urging of the lawyer and politician George Dempster ("Honest George"), to oversee the construction and operation of four Scottish lighthouses: Kinnaird Head, North Ronaldsay, Scalpay and Mull of Kintyre, for which they were empowered to borrow up to £1,200. Until then, the only major lighthouse in Scotland was the coal brazier mounted on the Isle of May in the Firth of Forth, together with some smaller lights in the Firths of the Tay and Clyde. None of the major passages around Scotland, which led through dangerous narrows, were marked.
The commissioners, whose first president was the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, Sir James Hunter-Blair, advertised for building estimates, but there were no takers. They received an offer of help from Ezekiel Walker of King's Lynn, who had developed a parabolic reflector for the Hunstanton Lighthouse, and sent Thomas Smith, who was making his name in street lighting in Edinburgh and had offered help, to England to learn from him. Smith soon returned and instructed an Edinburgh architect to prepare the plans for four lighthouses.
The £1,200 was spent before the first light at Kinnaird Head was finished, and a further Act of Parliament was required which allowed them to receive half their dues before all the lights were finished. By the end of 1787 the first light had been installed. At the Mull of Kintyre everything had to be transported by pack horse from Campbeltown, 12 miles away, but it was lit by October 1788. To get to Scalpay in the Outer Hebrides and North Ronaldsay in the Orkney Isles needed boat trips across rough waters for Smith and Mills, the stonemason, but all the same the job was completed by October 1789, to widespread praise. The dues which had originally been set at two shillings per ton of cargo in the 17th century, were now reduced to one penny per ton.The Commissioners' most famous engineer was Robert Stevenson, whose sons David, Alan, and Thomas followed their father into the profession. The Stevenson dynasty built the majority of the Northern lights, in some exceptionally challenging locations. Their lights were some of the engineering masterpieces of their time, notably those at Bell Rock, Skerryvore, and Muckle Flugga. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Northern Lighthouse Board",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Isle of Man"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
".scot",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | .scot is a GeoTLD for Scotland and Scottish culture, including the Gaelic and Scots languages.Later it was decided to allow almost any top-level domain for introduction some time in 2013, and a list of applications for these was published in June 2012; the domain .scot was included.On 27 January 2014, dotScot Registry, a not-for-profit organization established in 2009, announced that it had agreed terms to operate the .scot domain name, with plans to get it up and running later in summer of 2014.On 15 July 2014, .scot was officially launched. The first .scot domain name to go live was calico.scot, registered by hosting company Calico Internet Ltd.On 17 February 2015, the Scottish Government migrated its website from scotland.gov.uk to gov.scot. Likewise, the Scottish Parliament moved from scottish.parliament.uk to parliament.scot in May 2016, to coincide with the 2016 elections.The 2017 Global Amendment to the base New GeoTLD Registry Agreement is effective as of 31 July 2017.On 3 May 2018 the dotScot Registry lifted registration restrictions on locality domains (based on towns, etc.) and other premium names. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Helen Holm Scottish Women's Open Championship",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | The Helen Holm Scottish Women's Open Amateur Stroke Play Championship is the national women's amateur stroke play golf championship in Scotland (although entry is open to overseas golfers). It has been played annually at Royal Troon since 1973 and is organised by the Scottish Golf.The format is 54-hole stroke play contested over three days. It is played at Royal Troon with the first two rounds played on the Portland course and the final round on the Old course. Originally it was played over two days, with 36 holes on the first day.The tournament is named after Helen Holm, a Scottish amateur golfer who was Scottish champion five times. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"West of Scotland Marine Protected Area",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Constitution and External Affairs Directorates",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Scotland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Senedd Commission",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | The Senedd Commission (Welsh: Comisiwn y Senedd) is the corporate body for the Senedd of Wales. The Commission is responsible for ensuring the property, staff and services are provided for the Senedd. The Commission consists of the Llywydd of the Senedd and four Members from different political parties, who each have different portfolios of work. The Commission is supported by staff in the Commission and Support Service. Prior to 2020, the body was known as the National Assembly for Wales Commission.The Commission
The Senedd Commission consists of the Llywydd, plus four other Members of the Senedd, one nominated by each of the four party groups represented by the Senedd. The Commissioners are Suzy Davies MS, Joyce Watson MS, Rhun ap Iorwerth MS and David J Rowlands MS.
The role of the Commission is to set strategic aims and objectives and consider performance, agree standards and values, oversee change, encourage innovation and enterprise for the National Senedd.
To help achieve these aims, the Commissioners have special responsibility for certain aspects of the Senedd's work. This allows a great deal of work to take place outside of formal Commission meetings and positive working relationships to be developed with staff.
Their role is to ensure that the Senedd has enough resources (both in terms of staff and infrastructure) to work effectively. The Commissioners are also responsible for overseeing Senedd Members’ pay and allowances.
The Senedd Commission has further responsibilities to promote public awareness of the devolved government in Wales as well as the current and future electoral system. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Senedd building",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Senedd building",
"owned by",
"Senedd"
] | Senedd estate in Cardiff Bay
The Senedd building is part of the Senedd estate in Cardiff Bay, along with Tŷ Hywel (Howell House) and the Grade 1 listed Pierhead Building. Tŷ Hywel houses staff of the Senedd Commission, AMs, the First Minister and other ministers. Tŷ Hywel is named after Hywel Dda (Howell the Good), King of Deheubarth in South West Wales. On 26 June 2008, the Prince of Wales officially opened Siambr Hywel, the then National Assembly's youth debating chamber and education centre. It is based in the debating chamber that was used by the National Assembly between 1999 and 2006, while the Senedd building was being constructed. Two covered link bridges connect the Senedd building to Tŷ Hywel. Construction of the link bridges began in September 2004 and they were completed by December 2005.The Pierhead Building was opened in 1897 and designed by William Frame. It was originally the headquarters of the Bute Dock Company and by 1947 it was the administrative office for the Port of Cardiff. The building was reopened in May 2001 as 'The Assembly at the Pierhead', which was a visitor and education centre for the National Assembly. The exhibition provided visitors with information on the National Assembly. On 1 March 2010, the building was again reopened to the public as a Welsh history museum and exhibition.
In 2008, Elis-Thomas announced that the Pierhead Building would display the history of the Black community in Butetown, Cardiff Docks and Welsh devolution. | null | null | null | null | 5 |
[
"Secondary education in Wales",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Secondary education in Wales",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Secondary education in Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
"Welsh Baccalaureate",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Shadow Cabinet of Paul Davies",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"Third Shadow Cabinet of Andrew RT Davies",
"replaces",
"Shadow Cabinet of Paul Davies"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Third Shadow Cabinet of Andrew RT Davies",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 3 |
|
[
"Fourth Shadow Cabinet of Andrew RT Davies",
"replaces",
"Third Shadow Cabinet of Andrew R. T. Davies"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Fourth Shadow Cabinet of Andrew RT Davies",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Wales"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | The Northern Ireland Assembly (Irish: Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann; Ulster Scots: Norlin Airlan Assemblie), often referred to by the metonym Stormont, is the devolved legislature of Northern Ireland. It has power to legislate in a wide range of areas that are not explicitly reserved to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and to appoint the Northern Ireland Executive. It sits at Parliament Buildings at Stormont in Belfast.
The Assembly is a unicameral, democratically elected body comprising 90 members known as Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs). Members are elected under the single transferable vote form of proportional representation (STV-PR) In turn, the Assembly selects most of the ministers of the Northern Ireland Executive using the principle of power-sharing under the D'Hondt method to ensure that Northern Ireland's largest voting blocs, British unionists and Irish nationalists, both participate in governing the region. The Assembly's standing orders allow for certain contentious motions to require a cross-community vote; in addition to requiring the support of an overall majority of members, such votes must also be supported by a majority within both blocs in order to pass.
The Assembly is one of two "mutually inter-dependent" institutions created under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the other being the North/South Ministerial Council with the Republic of Ireland. The Agreement aimed to end Northern Ireland's violent 30-year Troubles. The first Assembly election was held in June 1998. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly",
"different from",
"Irish parliament"
] | The Northern Ireland Assembly (Irish: Tionól Thuaisceart Éireann; Ulster Scots: Norlin Airlan Assemblie), often referred to by the metonym Stormont, is the devolved legislature of Northern Ireland. It has power to legislate in a wide range of areas that are not explicitly reserved to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and to appoint the Northern Ireland Executive. It sits at Parliament Buildings at Stormont in Belfast.
The Assembly is a unicameral, democratically elected body comprising 90 members known as Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs). Members are elected under the single transferable vote form of proportional representation (STV-PR) In turn, the Assembly selects most of the ministers of the Northern Ireland Executive using the principle of power-sharing under the D'Hondt method to ensure that Northern Ireland's largest voting blocs, British unionists and Irish nationalists, both participate in governing the region. The Assembly's standing orders allow for certain contentious motions to require a cross-community vote; in addition to requiring the support of an overall majority of members, such votes must also be supported by a majority within both blocs in order to pass.
The Assembly is one of two "mutually inter-dependent" institutions created under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the other being the North/South Ministerial Council with the Republic of Ireland. The Agreement aimed to end Northern Ireland's violent 30-year Troubles. The first Assembly election was held in June 1998.Unlike the United Kingdom Parliament and the Oireachtas (Irish Parliament), the Assembly had no provision for an official opposition to hold governing parties to account until legislation was passed in 2016. A party may now form or join an Assembly Opposition, granting it additional speaking, scrutiny and funding rights, if it was entitled to Ministerial roles under the D'Hondt method and declined them, or if it wins 8% or more of the seats. This opportunity was qualified for and taken by the UUP and SDLP following the 2016 election. Even within the Executive, however, the parties (which have collectively held large majorities in the Assembly) have frequently voted against each other due to political and/or policy differences. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | null | null | null | null | 3 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | null | null | null | null | 10 |
|
[
"Abortion Rights Campaign",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | The Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC) is an Irish abortion rights group. The group's goal is the introduction of free and legal abortion in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Prior to May 2018, the group campaigned for the repeal of the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution, which was achieved with the passing of the Thirty-Sixth Amendment 2018. The ARC also campaigns for the Northern Ireland Assembly on behalf of abortion legislation and "to ensure the health of women in pregnancy is protected in line with international human rights standards". | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Abortion Rights Campaign",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | The Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC) is an Irish abortion rights group. The group's goal is the introduction of free and legal abortion in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Prior to May 2018, the group campaigned for the repeal of the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution, which was achieved with the passing of the Thirty-Sixth Amendment 2018. The ARC also campaigns for the Northern Ireland Assembly on behalf of abortion legislation and "to ensure the health of women in pregnancy is protected in line with international human rights standards".History
The Abortion Rights Campaign was founded by 40 people on 10 July 2012. Initially formed as the Irish Choice Network, after another meeting in the Gresham Hotel in Dublin on 8 December 2012 and another meeting on 19 January 2013 the Abortion Rights Campaign was formally launched. It has organized the annual March for Choice in Dublin since 2013.
ARC was one of the main partner organizations in Together for Yes, the civil society group advocating a Yes vote in the 2018 referendum. One of ARC's founding members was a co-director of Together for Yes. ARC's network of regional groups across the island of Ireland formed the basis for many Together for Yes groups in several counties in Ireland.
In January 2016, they received a grant of €23,000 from Open Society Foundations for "educational and stigma-busting projects." SIPO, a national ethics watchdog, sent a warning, reasoning that the money had been raised for a political purpose and therefore non-compliant. The ARC returned the money in November 2016 "in order to comply with all regulatory frameworks". The story was first reported by The Irish Catholic in late March 2017. | null | null | null | null | 2 |
[
"Sunday football in Northern Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Privy Council of Northern Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1982)",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | The Northern Ireland Assembly established in 1982 represented an ultimately unsuccessful attempt to restore the devolution to Northern Ireland which had been suspended 10 years previously. The Assembly was abolished in 1986.Origins
The Assembly emerged as a result of initiatives by the then Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland, Humphrey Atkins and James Prior. The first step in this process was a white paper called The Government of Northern Ireland: A Working Paper for a Conference, published on 20 November 1979. This established a conference, attended the following year by the Democratic Unionist Party, the Alliance Party and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). (The UUP refused to become involved in protest at a decision to allow discussions on an Irish dimension, discussions which the DUP also boycotted.) Talks between the DUP, Alliance and SDLP took place between 7 January and 24 March 1980, but failed to reach agreement.
In July 1980, the British Government published a discussion document, "The Government of Northern Ireland: Proposals for Further Discussion" which suggested creating a devolved Assembly either with compulsory power sharing or Majority Rule. The power sharing option proved unacceptable to Unionists while Nationalists and the Alliance Party were reluctant to return to the Majority Rule model. Consequently, on 27 November 1980, Humphrey Atkins, reported to the House of Commons that there was little prospect for a devolved government in Northern Ireland due to a lack of consensus amongst the parties.
With 1981 dominated by the Hunger Strikes and the Prisons issue, constitutional initiatives took a back seat to the security situation. However, on 5 April 1982, Atkins' successor James Prior published a white paper "Northern Ireland: A Framework for Devolution" which proposed what was referred to as partial or rolling devolution. Under the proposals, a 78-member assembly would be elected by proportional representation using the Single Transferable vote as in 1973. The Assembly's role at first would only be to scrutinise Government Departments as the white paper stated its role would be "consultative and deliberative, including scrutiny of draft legislation and making reports and recommendations to the Secretary of State which he will lay before Parliament." An executive could be formed consisting of not more than 13 members.
However, powers could be gradually devolved to the Assembly if 70 per cent of Assembly members agreed. These powers would be transferred back to the Secretary of State if that consent was later withdrawn. Furthermore, some functions such as Law and Order would remain with the Secretary of State, even if full devolution was achieved. The British government was clear that it was an "essential precondition" for a devolved administration to successfully function that any proposals needed the support of both Unionists and Nationalists in Northern Ireland. Cross border issues would remain the prerogative of the Westminster Parliament. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1982)",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | Origins
The Assembly emerged as a result of initiatives by the then Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland, Humphrey Atkins and James Prior. The first step in this process was a white paper called The Government of Northern Ireland: A Working Paper for a Conference, published on 20 November 1979. This established a conference, attended the following year by the Democratic Unionist Party, the Alliance Party and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). (The UUP refused to become involved in protest at a decision to allow discussions on an Irish dimension, discussions which the DUP also boycotted.) Talks between the DUP, Alliance and SDLP took place between 7 January and 24 March 1980, but failed to reach agreement.
In July 1980, the British Government published a discussion document, "The Government of Northern Ireland: Proposals for Further Discussion" which suggested creating a devolved Assembly either with compulsory power sharing or Majority Rule. The power sharing option proved unacceptable to Unionists while Nationalists and the Alliance Party were reluctant to return to the Majority Rule model. Consequently, on 27 November 1980, Humphrey Atkins, reported to the House of Commons that there was little prospect for a devolved government in Northern Ireland due to a lack of consensus amongst the parties.
With 1981 dominated by the Hunger Strikes and the Prisons issue, constitutional initiatives took a back seat to the security situation. However, on 5 April 1982, Atkins' successor James Prior published a white paper "Northern Ireland: A Framework for Devolution" which proposed what was referred to as partial or rolling devolution. Under the proposals, a 78-member assembly would be elected by proportional representation using the Single Transferable vote as in 1973. The Assembly's role at first would only be to scrutinise Government Departments as the white paper stated its role would be "consultative and deliberative, including scrutiny of draft legislation and making reports and recommendations to the Secretary of State which he will lay before Parliament." An executive could be formed consisting of not more than 13 members.
However, powers could be gradually devolved to the Assembly if 70 per cent of Assembly members agreed. These powers would be transferred back to the Secretary of State if that consent was later withdrawn. Furthermore, some functions such as Law and Order would remain with the Secretary of State, even if full devolution was achieved. The British government was clear that it was an "essential precondition" for a devolved administration to successfully function that any proposals needed the support of both Unionists and Nationalists in Northern Ireland. Cross border issues would remain the prerogative of the Westminster Parliament. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1982)",
"significant event",
"1982 Northern Ireland Assembly election"
] | null | null | null | null | 6 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1982)",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | Origins
The Assembly emerged as a result of initiatives by the then Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland, Humphrey Atkins and James Prior. The first step in this process was a white paper called The Government of Northern Ireland: A Working Paper for a Conference, published on 20 November 1979. This established a conference, attended the following year by the Democratic Unionist Party, the Alliance Party and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). (The UUP refused to become involved in protest at a decision to allow discussions on an Irish dimension, discussions which the DUP also boycotted.) Talks between the DUP, Alliance and SDLP took place between 7 January and 24 March 1980, but failed to reach agreement.
In July 1980, the British Government published a discussion document, "The Government of Northern Ireland: Proposals for Further Discussion" which suggested creating a devolved Assembly either with compulsory power sharing or Majority Rule. The power sharing option proved unacceptable to Unionists while Nationalists and the Alliance Party were reluctant to return to the Majority Rule model. Consequently, on 27 November 1980, Humphrey Atkins, reported to the House of Commons that there was little prospect for a devolved government in Northern Ireland due to a lack of consensus amongst the parties.
With 1981 dominated by the Hunger Strikes and the Prisons issue, constitutional initiatives took a back seat to the security situation. However, on 5 April 1982, Atkins' successor James Prior published a white paper "Northern Ireland: A Framework for Devolution" which proposed what was referred to as partial or rolling devolution. Under the proposals, a 78-member assembly would be elected by proportional representation using the Single Transferable vote as in 1973. The Assembly's role at first would only be to scrutinise Government Departments as the white paper stated its role would be "consultative and deliberative, including scrutiny of draft legislation and making reports and recommendations to the Secretary of State which he will lay before Parliament." An executive could be formed consisting of not more than 13 members.
However, powers could be gradually devolved to the Assembly if 70 per cent of Assembly members agreed. These powers would be transferred back to the Secretary of State if that consent was later withdrawn. Furthermore, some functions such as Law and Order would remain with the Secretary of State, even if full devolution was achieved. The British government was clear that it was an "essential precondition" for a devolved administration to successfully function that any proposals needed the support of both Unionists and Nationalists in Northern Ireland. Cross border issues would remain the prerogative of the Westminster Parliament. | null | null | null | null | 7 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1973)",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | The Northern Ireland Assembly was a legislative assembly set up by the Government of the United Kingdom on 3 May 1973 to restore devolved government to Northern Ireland with the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive made up of unionists and nationalists. It was abolished by the Northern Ireland Act 1974.History
Elections were held on 28 June 1973. The Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, which received the Royal Assent on 18 July 1973, abolished the suspended Parliament of Northern Ireland and the post of Governor and made provision for a devolved administration consisting of an Executive chosen by the Assembly.
108 members were elected by Single Transferable Vote from Northern Ireland's 12 Westminster constituencies, with 5 to 8 seats for each depending on its population.
The Assembly met for the first time on 31 July 1973. Following the Sunningdale Agreement, a power-sharing Executive was established from 1 January 1974. After opposition from within the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Ulster Workers' Council strike over the proposal of an all Ireland council, the Executive and Assembly collapsed on 28 May 1974 when Brian Faulkner resigned as Chief Executive. | null | null | null | null | 0 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1973)",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1973)",
"different from",
"Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1973)",
"significant event",
"1973 Northern Ireland Assembly election"
] | The Northern Ireland Assembly was a legislative assembly set up by the Government of the United Kingdom on 3 May 1973 to restore devolved government to Northern Ireland with the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive made up of unionists and nationalists. It was abolished by the Northern Ireland Act 1974.History
Elections were held on 28 June 1973. The Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, which received the Royal Assent on 18 July 1973, abolished the suspended Parliament of Northern Ireland and the post of Governor and made provision for a devolved administration consisting of an Executive chosen by the Assembly.
108 members were elected by Single Transferable Vote from Northern Ireland's 12 Westminster constituencies, with 5 to 8 seats for each depending on its population.
The Assembly met for the first time on 31 July 1973. Following the Sunningdale Agreement, a power-sharing Executive was established from 1 January 1974. After opposition from within the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Ulster Workers' Council strike over the proposal of an all Ireland council, the Executive and Assembly collapsed on 28 May 1974 when Brian Faulkner resigned as Chief Executive. | null | null | null | null | 5 |
[
"Northern Ireland Assembly (1973)",
"has part(s) of the class",
"member of the 1973–74 Northern Ireland Assembly"
] | History
Elections were held on 28 June 1973. The Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, which received the Royal Assent on 18 July 1973, abolished the suspended Parliament of Northern Ireland and the post of Governor and made provision for a devolved administration consisting of an Executive chosen by the Assembly.
108 members were elected by Single Transferable Vote from Northern Ireland's 12 Westminster constituencies, with 5 to 8 seats for each depending on its population.
The Assembly met for the first time on 31 July 1973. Following the Sunningdale Agreement, a power-sharing Executive was established from 1 January 1974. After opposition from within the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Ulster Workers' Council strike over the proposal of an all Ireland council, the Executive and Assembly collapsed on 28 May 1974 when Brian Faulkner resigned as Chief Executive. | null | null | null | null | 7 |
[
"2016 Irish general election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | The 2016 Irish general election took place on Friday 26 February to elect 158 Teachtaí Dála (TDs) across 40 constituencies to Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas, Ireland's parliament. The 31st Dáil was dissolved by President Michael D. Higgins on 3 February, at the request of Taoiseach Enda Kenny. There was a reduction of eight seats under the Electoral (Amendment) (Dáil Constituencies) Act 2013.
Following the election, Kenny's Fine Gael with 50 of the 158 seats available remained the largest party in the Dáil despite having lost 26 seats. The main opposition party Fianna Fáil, which had suffered its worst-ever election result of 20 seats in 2011, increased its seats to 44. Sinn Féin was expected to make gains, encouraged by opinion polls placing it ahead of Fianna Fáil, and it became the third-most numerous party with 23 deputies. The Labour Party, which had been the junior party in coalition government with Fine Gael and which had returned its best-ever showing of 37 seats in 2011, fell to just seven deputies, its lowest-ever share of Dáil seats. Smaller parties and independent politicians made up the remaining 34 seats.The 32nd Dáil met on 10 March and elected a new Ceann Comhairle, the first to be elected by secret ballot, which was won by Seán Ó Fearghaíl of Fianna Fáil. The Dáil proceeded to the nomination of Taoiseach, but no candidate received a majority. Kenny formally resigned as Taoiseach that same day, but remained in office as a caretaker until a new government was formed. Kenny sought an agreement with Fianna Fáil to form a government, and negotiations continued through most of April. An agreement was finally reached for a Fine Gael-led minority government on 29 April, 63 days after the election, and the Dáil formally re-elected Kenny as Taoiseach on 6 May. Kenny is the first Taoiseach from Fine Gael to win re-election.Following the introduction of gender quotas, a record 35 seats were filled by women, bringing the proportion of women in the Dáil to 22 percent, up from 15 percent after the previous general election.Electoral system
Ireland uses proportional representation with a single transferable vote (PR–STV). The general election took place throughout the state to elect 158 members of Dáil Éireann, a reduction of 8 from the previous 166 members. This follows the passage of the Electoral (Amendment) (Dáil Constituencies) Act 2013. The Ceann Comhairle (speaker of the lower house of parliament) is automatically re-elected unless he opts to retire from the Dáil. The election was held in 40 parliamentary constituencies. Each multi-member constituency elects three, four or five Teachtaí Dála (Dáil deputies, lit. Assembly Deputies).The closing date for nominations was 11 February 2016. A total of 551 candidates contested the election, slightly down from the 566 that took part in the 2011 general election, a record figure. The number of candidates for each party was: Fine Gael (88), Fianna Fáil (71), Sinn Féin (50), Green Party (40), Labour Party (36), Anti-Austerity Alliance–People Before Profit (31, of which 18 People Before Profit Alliance and 13 Anti-Austerity Alliance), Renua Ireland (26), Direct Democracy Ireland (19), Social Democrats (14), Independents 4 Change (5), Workers' Party (5), Catholic Democrats (3), Fís Nua (2), Irish Democratic Party (1), Communist Party of Ireland (1). Among the 159 independent candidates and others running without a party platform were 21 independents affiliated to the Independent Alliance, 19 independents affiliated to Right2Change, and the outgoing TD Séamus Healy, who was nominated as a non-party candidate for this election. Voting took place between 07:00 and 22:00 (WET).Islands off the coast of Donegal, Mayo, and Galway voted one day earlier. All resident Irish and British citizens were eligible to be on the Dáil electoral register. The 2016–17 register was published on 1 February by the local authorities, who were responsible for maintaining it. Applications for the supplementary register for the general election closed on 9 February, with 30,185 names added. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"2016 Irish general election",
"follows",
"2011 Irish general election"
] | null | null | null | null | 11 |
|
[
"2016 Irish general election",
"followed by",
"2020 Irish general election"
] | null | null | null | null | 41 |
|
[
"2016 Irish general election",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Irish general election, 2016"
] | null | null | null | null | 42 |
|
[
"Government of Northern Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Government of Northern Ireland",
"said to be the same as",
"Northern Ireland Executive"
] | null | null | null | null | 3 |
|
[
"Government of Northern Ireland",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Government of Northern Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
"Executive of the 7th Northern Ireland Assembly",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Northern Ireland"
] | The Executive of the 7th Northern Ireland Assembly is yet to be appointed, following the 2022 election to the seventh Northern Ireland Assembly held on 5 May. The newly elected assembly will meet for the first time on 13 May, and may elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister, as well as an executive.Formation discussions
As leader of the largest party in the Assembly, Sinn Féin's Michelle O'Neill is expected by commentators to be the leading candidate for the First Minister office, with the party entitled to make the only nomination to the position. Her election would rely on the Democratic Unionist Party's agreement to sit on the executive, and serve in the Assembly, something which is in doubt since the party's previous First Minister Paul Givan resigned the post in February 2022, in protest over the Northern Ireland Protocol of the Brexit agreement, the implementation of which unionists have objected to.Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, DUP leader and Member of Parliament for Lagan Valley secured an MLA position in the eponymous constituency, becoming the presumed choice for Deputy First Minister, but has since announced that the DUP leadership team would decide if he would take that seat, (and thus call a by-election for his Westminister seat), or appoint a proxy. On 12 May, the day before the first scheduled sitting day of the Assembly, Donaldson announced his decision to remain as an MP, and formally co-opted former MP for Belfast South and MLA for Belfast South, Emma Little-Pengelly, to take his seat in the Assembly.The DUP refused to assent to the election of a Speaker, on 13 May and again on 30 May, in further protest to the Northern Ireland Protocol, so the Assembly could not continue to other business, including the appointment of a fresh Executive. The Speaker and incumbent ministers would continue in office in caretaker roles until the Assembly would meet again, or fresh elections are called by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Executive of the 7th Northern Ireland Assembly",
"replaces",
"6th Executive of Northern Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"Thirty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Thirty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | The Thirty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland is an amendment to the Constitution of Ireland which altered the provisions regulating divorce. It removed the constitutional requirement for a defined period of separation before a Court may grant a dissolution of marriage, and eased restrictions on the recognition of foreign divorces. The amendment was effected by an act of the Oireachtas, the Thirty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution (Dissolution of Marriage) Act 2019 (introduced as bill no. 57 of 2016).
The bill as introduced did not propose the total deletion of a waiting period from the Constitution, merely a reduction in the required term. After amendments by the Oireachtas, the bill was put to a referendum on 24 May 2019, the same date as the local and European elections. The proposal was approved by 82% of voters. The bill was signed into law on 11 June 2019 by Michael D. Higgins, the President of Ireland. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Specialist registrar",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United Kingdom"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Specialist registrar",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"2020 Irish general election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | The 2020 Irish general election took place on Saturday 8 February, to elect the 33rd Dáil, the lower house of Ireland's parliament. The election was called following the dissolution of the 32nd Dáil by the president, at the request of the Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, on 14 January 2020. The members, Teachtaí Dála (TDs), were elected by single transferable vote in multi-seat constituencies. It was the first election since 1918 to be held on a weekend.
The election was an unprecedented three-way race, with the three largest parties each winning a share of the vote between 20% and 25%. Fianna Fáil finished with 38 seats (including one TD returned automatically as outgoing Ceann Comhairle). Sinn Féin made significant gains; it received the most first-preference votes, and won 37 seats, the party's best result since 1923. Fine Gael, the governing party led by Varadkar, came third both in seats (35) and in first-preference votes. International news outlets have described the result as a historic break from the two-party system, as it was the first time in almost a century that neither Fianna Fáil nor Fine Gael won the most votes. Furthermore, the combined vote share of the two traditional main parties fell to a historic low. The leaders of those parties had long ruled out forming a coalition government with Sinn Féin.
The 33rd Dáil first met on 20 February. The outgoing Ceann Comhairle, Seán Ó Fearghaíl of Fianna Fáil, was re-elected, reducing to 37 the number of Fianna Fáil TDs. Four candidates were proposed for the position of Taoiseach, but none were successful. Varadkar formally resigned as Taoiseach that day as he was constitutionally obliged to do, but he and the other members of the government continued to carry out their duties until the appointment of their successors. Negotiations to form a new government continued through to June, and a Programme for Government agreed by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party was published on 15 June 2020. On 26 June, all three parties voted to enter government under the Programme for Government. On 27 June, Micheál Martin was appointed as Taoiseach and formed a new government. The parties agreed that in December 2022, Varadkar would serve again as Taoiseach. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"2020 Irish general election",
"follows",
"2016 Irish general election"
] | null | null | null | null | 15 |
|
[
"Irish Coast Guard",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | The Irish Coast Guard (IRCG; Irish: Garda Cósta na hÉireann [ˈɡaːɾˠd̪ˠə ˈkoːsˠt̪ˠə n̪ˠə ˈheːɾʲən̪ˠ]) is part of the Department of Transport of Ireland. The primary roles of the Coast Guard include maritime safety and search and rescue. The Irish Marine Search and Rescue Region (IMSRR) is the area over which the Coast Guard has responsibility. This area is bordered by the UK Search and Rescue Region. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Corporation tax in the Republic of Ireland",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Corporation tax in the Republic of Ireland",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Taxation in the Republic of Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 5 |
|
[
"Fiant",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Republic of Ireland"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"2018 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Hungary"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"2018 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"followed by",
"2022 Hungarian parliamentary election"
] | null | null | null | null | 10 |
|
[
"2018 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"follows",
"2014 Hungarian parliamentary election"
] | null | null | null | null | 13 |
|
[
"2022 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Hungary"
] | Parliamentary elections were held in Hungary on 3 April 2022 to elect the National Assembly, coinciding with a referendum.Hungary's incumbent prime minister Viktor Orbán declared victory on Sunday night, with partial results showing his Fidesz party leading the vote by a wide margin. Addressing his supporters after the partial results, Orbán said: "We won a victory so big that you can see it from the moon, and you can certainly see it from Brussels". Opposition leader Péter Márki-Zay admitted defeat shortly after Orbán's speech. Reuters described it as a "crushing victory".The election had been predicted to be closer than in previous years, but Fidesz still held a 5–6 percentage point lead in the polls leading up to the vote. OSCE deployed a full monitoring mission for the vote. With Orbán seeking a fourth consecutive term in office, preliminary results showed his party Fidesz outperforming polls, winning its first absolute majority of the vote share since 2010 while expanding its supermajority to control 135 seats of the 199-seat Parliament, comfortably ahead of the opposition alliance United for Hungary, which was set to win 57 seats after 100% of the votes had been counted. The Mi Hazánk party won seats for the first time, obtaining 6 seats.With 54.13% of the popular vote, Fidesz received the highest vote share by any party since the fall of communism in 1989. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"2022 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"follows",
"2018 Hungarian parliamentary election"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
"2022 Hungarian parliamentary election",
"followed by",
"2026 Hungarian parliamentary election"
] | null | null | null | null | 5 |
|
[
"1990 Hungarian presidential election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Hungary"
] | The first indirect presidential election was held in Hungary on 3 August 1990, following the transition to multi-party democracy. Árpád Göncz (SZDSZ), Speaker of the National Assembly and acting head of state, was elected President with an absolute majority.Background
During the era of transition from communist one-party system into multi-party democracy, reburial of Imre Nagy proved to be a catalyst event; the hard-line Károly Grósz was outranked by a four-member collective presidency of the reformist wing within the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) on 26 June 1989. The ruling communist party began discussions with the opposition groups within the framework of the so-called Round Table Talks. The question of the post-communist presidential position was one of the most problematic disputes between the parties. The MSZMP suggested a directly elected semi-presidential system, however this proposal was strongly refused by the sharply anti-communist SZDSZ and Fidesz, because the reformer communist Imre Pozsgay was the most popular Hungarian politician in those months. The MSZMP leaders presumed Pozsgay, a leader of the Communists' radical reformer faction, would win. The smaller opposition parties wanted a parliamentary system, proportional representation, and a weak presidency. However, they too believed that Pozsgay would be elected president. In August 1989, József Antall, leader of the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) presented a new proposal (ceremonial presidential system with indirect elections by the parliament, but the first election by the people). Excluding SZDSZ, Fidesz and LIGA, the remaining five opposition groups and the MSZMP accepted and signed the proposal. However, following collecting signatures by Fidesz and SZDSZ, a four-part referendum was held on 26 November 1989, where the voters chose "yes" for the question of "Should the president be elected after parliamentary elections?"In the end, the implicit deal on the presidency (the only place where the Communists appeared to have gotten the upper hand) reached in the Round Table Talks was reversed: when the MSZMP dissolved itself in early October and became the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), a majority of members as well as MPs failed to join the new party, and Pozsgay was not elected its leader. The Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) won the first democratically free parliamentary election in March 1990, while SZDSZ came to the second place with 92 MPs. József Antall became Prime Minister and entered coalition with FKGP and the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP). As there were several two-thirds laws according to the Hungarian Constitution, Antall concluded pact with SZDSZ, under which the liberal opposition party could nominee a candidate for the position of President of Hungary, in exchange for contribution to the constitutional amendments. According to some opinions, the pact concluded specifically for the person of Árpád Göncz.The Socialist Party themselves used the initiative to force a vote on direct election of the president on 29 July 1990, but this failed due to a turnout of just 14%. Instead of a Communist candidate chosen in direct elections before the election of a new parliament, the parliamentary parties unanimously nominated SZDSZ politician and notable anti-communist Árpád Göncz to the position of President of Hungary.Results
Aftermath
Parliamentary speaker and, consequently, acting head of state Árpád Göncz was elected for a full term as president by the National Assembly by 295 votes to 13. After taking the oath before the new legislative speaker György Szabad (MDF), Göncz stated in his inaugural speech that: | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"1990 Hungarian presidential election",
"followed by",
"1995 Hungarian presidential election"
] | null | null | null | null | 5 |
|
[
"1995 Hungarian presidential election",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Hungary"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"1995 Hungarian presidential election",
"followed by",
"2000 Hungarian presidential election"
] | null | null | null | null | 3 |
|
[
"1995 Hungarian presidential election",
"follows",
"1990 Hungarian presidential election"
] | null | null | null | null | 4 |
|
[
"Flag of Spain",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Spain"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Flag of Spain",
"depicts",
"coat of arms of Spain"
] | Royal Standards of Spain
The King of Spain uses a flag known as the Royal Standard. The Royal Standard of Spain consists of a crimson square with the Coat of arms of the King in the center. It is usually flown at the King's official residence, the Palacio de la Zarzuela, other Spanish royal sites, displayed on his official car as small flags. It is regulated by clause 2 of Royal Decree 527/2014, 20 June, an amendment to Title II of Spanish Royal Decree 1511/1977 adopting Flags, Standards, Guidons, Insignia and Emblems Regulation.The Royal Guidon (Guión), the monarch's military personal ensign, is described by Rule 1 of Royal Decree 527/2014, an amendment to Title II, Rule 1 of Spanish Royal Decree 1511/1977. It is nearly identical to the Royal Standard except that the Royal Guidon has a Gold fringe. It is made of silk taffeta. The size of the guidon is 80 cm × 80 cm (31 in × 31 in). It is the personal command ensign or positional flag of the monarch, and is carried nearby him.
The heir to the crown, the Princess of Asturias, has her own standard and guidon. The Standard of the Princess of Asturias is regulated by Royal Decree 284/2001 that modified the Title II of Spanish Royal Decree 1511/1977. The Standard of the Princess of Asturias consists of a light blue (the colour of the flag of Asturias) square flag with the coat of arms of the Princess of Asturias in the center. The Guidon is identical to the Standard except that the Royal Guidon has a gold fringe. It is made of silk taffeta. The size of the guidon is 80 cm × 80 cm (31 in × 31 in). It has fallen into disuse because of the Princess's young age.Philip V and the new Bourbon dynasty
The arms of Bourbon-Anjou were added in 1700 when Philip V became king of Spain. He introduced several changes on the royal arms. The king's new arms were designed by the French heraldists Charles-René d'Hozier and Pierre Clairambault in November 1700. Philip V also changed the philosophy and the design of the flags of Spain. He was the first to give Spain a unified symbol of its own when putting on white fabric the Cross of Burgundy and the Royal coat of arms. It still was not a national flag, but a first "try", in line with similar attempts in other European nations.
The flags were organized in three groups: | null | null | null | null | 3 |
[
"Flag of Spain",
"depicts",
"field"
] | Other flags currently in use
Civil authorities
Some high-ranking officials of the Spanish state (i.e., the president, the vice-presidents and the ministers of the government, or the chairmen of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate) are entitled to display a flag representative of their status. It is a square flag of Spain with the Spanish coat of arms centered on the yellow stripe.Yacht ensign
The Yacht ensign is the flag of Spain charged with the royal crown in blue in the center of the yellow stripe. This flag was first established in 1875 by Royal Decree (decreto real), which provided that the central stripe would display the royal crown (corona real); this flag apparently continued to be used following the creation of the Spanish Republic in 1931, but the royal crown was changed to a blue mural crown or a blue coronet; the current version—depicting the royal crown in blue—was introduced following the restoration of the monarchy. | null | null | null | null | 6 |
[
"Flag of Spain",
"depicts",
"fess"
] | The coat of arms of Spain has a height equal to 2⁄5 of the hoist (height) and will figure on both sides of the flag.
When the flag is of regular proportions, having a length equal to 3⁄2 of the width, the coat's axis is placed at a distance from the hoist equal to 1⁄2 of the flag's height.
If the flag's length is less than normal, the coat of arms is placed at the center of the flag.This type of triband design has become known as a Spanish fess. | null | null | null | null | 7 |
[
"Coat of arms of Spain",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Spain"
] | The coat of arms of Spain represents Spain and the Spanish nation, including its national sovereignty and the country's form of government, a constitutional monarchy. It appears on the flag of Spain and it is used by the Government of Spain, the Cortes Generales, the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and other state institutions. Its design consists of the arms of the medieval kingdoms that would unite to form Spain in the 15th century, the Royal Crown, the arms of the House of Bourbon, the Pillars of Hercules and the Spanish national motto: Plus Ultra. The Monarch, the heir to the throne and some institutions like the Senate, the Council of State and the General Council of the Judiciary have their own variants of the coat of arms.
The blazon of the Spanish coat of arms is composed as follows:Historical Spanish coats of arms
The Arms of the Kingdom of Spain was the official coat of arms of the Monarch of Spain from the time of the Catholic Monarchs, and was used as the official arms of the Kingdom until the First Spanish Republic in 1873. Afterwards, the arms became an integral part of the Coat of Arms of Spain. The different governments since (whether republican or monarchist) have led to the arms being changed on various occasions, but always respecting the main heraldic design involving the former kingdoms and, in many cases, the pillars of Hercules.
As a reward for his successful voyage of discovery, the Spanish sovereigns granted Columbus the right to bear arms. According to the blazon specified in letters patent dated May 20, 1493, Columbus was to bear in the first and the second quarters the royal charges of Castile and León, the Castle and the Lion, but with different tinctures or colours. In the third quarter would be islands in a wavy sea, and in the fourth, the customary arms of his family.House of Trastámara
The arms of the Catholic Monarchs, Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, whose marriage unified Spain, were:Quarterly, 1 and 4. quarterly Castile-León,
2 and 3. per pale Aragon and Aragon-Sicily.
The arms were borne by the eagle of Saint John, sable, with an open royal crown.
The conquest of Granada was symbolized by the addition enté en point of a quarter for GranadaAfter Isabella I's death in 1504, Ferdinand used different arms, namely tierced per pale Castile-León, Aragon-Naples-Sicily, and Aragon. The annexation of Navarre (1513) brought about the final change in the arms of the Rey Católico (Catholic King): the second quarter was changed to per pale, 1. per fess Aragon and Navarra, 2. per fess Jerusalem and Hungary.
The arms as used in Navarra (until 1700) were Quarterly:House of Bourbon
Philip was born in Versailles. He was made the Duc d'Anjou upon his birth. He was the second son of Louis, le Grand Dauphin. In the year 1700, the King of Spain, Charles II, died. Charles' will named the 17-year-old Philip, the grandson of Charles' sister Maria Theresa, as his successor. Upon any possible refusal the Crown of Spain would be offered next to Philip's younger brother Charles, Duke of Berry, or to Archduke Charles of Austria.
Both claimants had a legal right due to the fact that Philip's grandfather, Louis XIV of France and Charles's father, Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor, were both the husbands of Charles' older half sisters and sons of Charles' aunts.
Philip had the better claim because his grandmother and great-grandmother were older than Leopold's. However, the Austrian branch claimed that Philip's grandmother had renounced the Spanish throne for her descendants as part of her marriage contract. This was countered by the French branch's claim that it was on the basis of a dowry that had never been paid.
After a long council meeting where the Dauphin spoke up in favour of his son's rights, it was agreed that Philip would ascend the throne but would forever renounce his claim to the throne of France for himself and his descendants. It was not difficult to see whether Louis would have refused anyway as a Habsburg ruler in Spain would've put a possible enemy on three frontiers.
The arms of Bourbon-Anjou were added in 1700 when Phillip V became king of Spain. He introduced changes in the royal arms of Spain. The king's new arms were designed by the French heraldist Clairambault in November 1700, and were as follows:
per fess: 1. per pale, quarterly Castile and León, enté en point Granada, and per pale, Aragon and Aragon-Sicily; 2. Quarterly, Austria, Burgundy modern, Burgundy ancient and Brabant; enté en point, per pale Flanders and Tyrol. Overall an escutcheon Anjou. The abbreviated arms were quarterly Castile and León, enté en point Granada, overall Anjou. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Coat of arms of Spain",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Spanish coats of arms"
] | null | null | null | null | 7 |
|
[
"Spanish Data Protection Agency",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Spain"
] | null | null | null | null | 1 |
|
[
"Spanish Data Protection Agency",
"replaces",
"Data Protection Agency of the Autonomous Community of Madrid"
] | null | null | null | null | 7 |
|
[
"United States Bill of Rights",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | null | null | null | null | 2 |
|
[
"United States Bill of Rights",
"topic's main category",
"Category:United States Bill of Rights"
] | null | null | null | null | 15 |
|
[
"Toxic Substances Control Act of 1976",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | The Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) is a United States law, passed by the 94th United States Congress in 1976 and administered by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), that regulates chemicals not regulated by other U.S. federal statutes, including chemicals already in commerce and the introduction of new chemicals. When the TSCA was put into place, all existing chemicals were considered to be safe for use and subsequently grandfathered in. Its three main objectives are to assess and regulate new commercial chemicals before they enter the market, to regulate chemicals already existing in 1976 that posed an "unreasonable risk of injury to health or the environment", as for example PCBs, lead, mercury and radon, and to regulate these chemicals' distribution and use.Contrary to what the name implies, TSCA does not separate chemicals into categories of toxic and non-toxic. Rather it prohibits the manufacture or importation of chemicals that are not on the TSCA Inventory or subject to one of many exemptions. Chemicals listed on the TSCA inventory are referred to as "existing chemicals", while chemicals not listed are referred to as new chemicals. The TSCA defines the term "chemical substance" as "any organic or inorganic substance of a particular molecular identity, including any combination of these substances occurring in whole or in part as a result of a chemical reaction or occurring in nature, and any element or uncombined radical" although TSCA excludes chemicals regulated by other federal statutes from the definition of a chemical substance.Generally, manufacturers must submit premanufacturing notification to EPA prior to manufacturing or importing new chemicals for commerce. Exceptions include foods, food additives, drugs, cosmetics or devices regulated under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, pesticides regulated by the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act, tobacco and tobacco products regulated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, substances used only in small quantities for research and development under Section 5(h)(3), and radioactive materials and wastes regulated by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. EPA reviews new chemical notifications and if it finds an "unreasonable risk of injury to health or the environment," it may regulate the substance from limiting uses or production volume to outright banning it. In 2016, the Frank R. Lautenberg Chemical Safety for the 21st Century Act was the first major overhaul in many years.Sections
The TSCA is found in United States law at Title 15 of the United States Code, Chapter 53, and administered by EPA.Title of the TSCA, "Control of Toxic Substances," is the original substance of the 1976 act, establishes the core program, including regulation of polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) products and bans certain activities with respect to elemental mercury.
Title II, "Asbestos Hazard Emergency Response," authorizes the EPA to set standards for asbestos abatement in schools, and requires asbestos contractors to be trained and certified, enacted in 1986 under PL 99-519 and amended in 1990 under PL 101-637.
Title III, "Indoor Radon Abatement," requires the EPA to publish a guide about radon health risks and to perform studies of radon levels in schools and federal buildings, enacted in 1988 under PL 100-551.
Title IV, "Lead Exposure Reduction" requires the EPA to identify sources of lead contamination in the environment to regulate amounts of lead allowed in products, including paint and toys, and to establish state programs that monitor and reduce lead exposures, enacted in 1992 under PL 102-550.U.S. regulations implementing the TSCA are in 40 CFR Part 195 for radon, and in 40 CFR Parts 700 through 766 for other matters.Under 15 USC 2605(e) the TSCA specifically regulates PCBs. Subsection (2)(A) provides that after January 1, 1978, "no person may manufacture, process or distribute in commerce or use any PCB in any manner other than in a totally enclosed manner." It also authorizes the EPA to regulate PCBs disposal.
Acting under the TSCA and other laws, the EPA has set limits for PCB contamination of the environment. It has engaged in protracted negotiations with the U.S. General Electric company and other firms for remediation of sites contaminated with PCBs such as the upper Hudson River. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Bureau of Engraving and Printing",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Occupational Safety and Health Act (United States)",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 is a US labor law governing the federal law of occupational health and safety in the private sector and federal government in the United States. It was enacted by Congress in 1970 and was signed by President Richard Nixon on December 29, 1970. Its main goal is to ensure that employers provide employees with an environment free from recognized hazards, such as exposure to toxic chemicals, excessive noise levels, mechanical dangers, heat or cold stress, or unsanitary conditions. The Act created the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH).The Act can be found in the United States Code at title 29, chapter 15. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"United States presidential line of succession",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | Current order of succession
The presidential order of succession is set by the Presidential Succession Act of 1947, as amended. The order consists of congressional officers, followed by the members of the cabinet in the order of the establishment of each department, provided that each officer satisfies the constitutional requirements for serving as president. In the table, the absence of a number in the first column indicates that the incumbent is ineligible. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"United States presidential line of succession",
"different from",
"order of precedence in the United States"
] | null | null | null | null | 16 |
|
[
"Gadsden flag",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | null | null | null | null | 0 |
|
[
"Gadsden flag",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Gadsden"
] | null | null | null | null | 3 |
|
[
"Gadsden flag",
"depicts",
"timber rattlesnake"
] | History
George Washington established the Continental Navy in 1775 as Commander in Chief of the Continental Forces, before Esek Hopkins was named Commodore of the Navy. The first ships were used to intercept incoming transport ships carrying war supplies to the British in the colonies in order to supply the Continental Army, which was desperately undersupplied in the opening years of the American Revolutionary War.
Continental Colonel Christopher Gadsden represented South Carolina in the Congress, and he was one of seven members of the Marine Committee outfitting the first naval mission.: 289 Paul Aron described Gadsden as a "leading advocate of an American navy." The first Marines carried drums painted yellow and depicting a coiled rattlesnake with thirteen rattles along with the motto "Don't Tread on Me." This is the first recorded mention of the flag's symbolism.Gadsden decided that the American navy needed a distinctive flag and took it upon himself to make one in 1775. He gave Commodore Esek Hopkins a yellow rattlesnake flag to serve as his personal standard on USS Alfred, the flagship of America's first navy squadron.: 289 Gadsden intended the design as a warning to Great Britain not to trample the liberties of its subjects. The rattlesnake was seen in Charleston, South Carolina as a "noble and useful" animal that gave warning before it attacked. Before being appointed to lead the Navy, Hopkins had led The United Companies of the Train of Artillery of the Town of Providence, a unit that flew a flag similar to Gadsden's. He unfurled the Gadsden flag on the main mast of USS Alfred on December 20, 1775 while the ship was at anchor in Chesapeake Bay. Whenever he was aboard, Hopkins flew the flag from the mainmast of the flagship as his personal banner. Alfred was also the first recorded ship to fly the Grand Union Flag, the first national flag of the United States, when Senior Lieutenant John Paul Jones hoisted it on December 3, 1775 while the ship floated in the Delaware River near Philadelphia.By winter 1775, the South Carolina Provincial Congress expected that the British would invade Charleston and recalled Gadsden home from Congress in Philadelphia to command the 1st South Carolina Regiment. By January 14, Gadsden had both his orders to return home and permission from the Continental Congress to leave. On Friday, February 9, 1776, he presented an example of his yellow rattlesnake flag to president of the Congress William Henry Drayton.
Gadsden's presentation of the rattlesnake flag was recorded in the South Carolina congressional journals on February 9, 1776:Col. Gadsden presented to the Congress an elegant standard, such as is to be used by the commander in chief of the American Navy; being a yellow field, with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in the middle in the attitude of going to strike and these words underneath, "Don't tread on me."
In the 19th century, the flag reappeared as a symbol of secessionists and the Confederacy. In 1860, the Gadsden flag became the “first flag of independence raised in the south” according to news reports at the time. In 1861, a ship from Georgia entered Boston Harbor flying a version of the Gadsden Flag with 15 stars on it signifying the 15 slave states. The captain removed the flag after a large and angry crowd gathered, who then destroyed it. | null | null | null | null | 8 |
[
"Controlled Substances Act",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"United States of America"
] | The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) is the statute establishing federal U.S. drug policy under which the manufacture, importation, possession, use, and distribution of certain substances is regulated. It was passed by the 91st United States Congress as Title II of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970 and signed into law by President Richard Nixon. The Act also served as the national implementing legislation for the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs.
The legislation created five schedules (classifications), with varying qualifications for a substance to be included in each. Two federal agencies, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), determine which substances are added to or removed from the various schedules, although the statute passed by Congress created the initial listing. Congress has sometimes scheduled other substances through legislation such as the Hillory J. Farias and Samantha Reid Date-Rape Prevention Act of 2000, which placed gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB) in Schedule I and sodium oxybate (the isolated sodium salt in GHB) in Schedule III when used under an FDA New Drug Application (NDA) or Investigational New Drug (IND). Classification decisions are required to be made on criteria including potential for abuse (an undefined term), currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States, and international treaties. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
[
"Controlled Substances Act",
"topic's main category",
"Category:Controlled Substances Act"
] | The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) is the statute establishing federal U.S. drug policy under which the manufacture, importation, possession, use, and distribution of certain substances is regulated. It was passed by the 91st United States Congress as Title II of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970 and signed into law by President Richard Nixon. The Act also served as the national implementing legislation for the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs.
The legislation created five schedules (classifications), with varying qualifications for a substance to be included in each. Two federal agencies, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), determine which substances are added to or removed from the various schedules, although the statute passed by Congress created the initial listing. Congress has sometimes scheduled other substances through legislation such as the Hillory J. Farias and Samantha Reid Date-Rape Prevention Act of 2000, which placed gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB) in Schedule I and sodium oxybate (the isolated sodium salt in GHB) in Schedule III when used under an FDA New Drug Application (NDA) or Investigational New Drug (IND). Classification decisions are required to be made on criteria including potential for abuse (an undefined term), currently accepted medical use in treatment in the United States, and international treaties. | null | null | null | null | 5 |
[
"Vino de la tierra",
"applies to jurisdiction",
"Spain"
] | Indicazione geografica tipica for equivalent quality wines from Italy.
Landwein for equivalent quality wines from Germany, Austria and South Tyrol.
Landwijn for equivalent quality wines from Netherlands.
Regional wine for equivalent quality wines from the United Kingdom.
Vin de pays for equivalent quality wines from France, Luxembourg and Val d'Aosta.
Vinho regional for equivalent quality wines from Portugal.
Viño da terra for equivalent quality wines from Galician-speaking regions in Spain.
Vi de la terra for equivalent quality wines from Catalan-speaking regions in Spain.
Ονομασία κατά παράδοση (traditional name) or τοπικός οίνος (regional wine) for equivalent quality wines from Greece. | null | null | null | null | 1 |
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