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4020658 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ottoman%20railways | Ottoman railways | Ottoman railways may refer to:
Chemins de Fer Ottomans d'Anatolie an Ottoman railway company located in Central Anatolia of the Ottoman Empire.
The Syria Ottoman Railway Company
Baghdad Railway
Hejaz railway
Other railways of the Ottoman Empire
For a history of railways in the parts of the Ottoman Empire subsequently becoming the Republic of Turkey both before and after 1927 see History of rail transport in Turkey
For descendent railway systems see also:
Rail transport in Turkey
Rail transport in Syria
Rail transport in Iraq
Rail transport in Lebanon
Rail transport in Israel
Rail transport in Egypt
Palestine Railways 1920-1948 |
4020668 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/An%C3%AAm%20language | Anêm language | The Anêm language is a Papuan language spoken in five main villages along the northwestern coast of New Britain, Papua New Guinea.
External relationships
Anêm may be related to neighboring Ata and possibly to Yélî Dnye. Stebbins et al. state that further data on Anêm and Ata would be useful for exploring the possible connection between them.
Demographics
Anêm is spoken in the following villages of West New Britain Province:
Malasoŋo () (where it is spoken alongside Bariai)
Karaiai ()
Mosiliki ()
Pudêlîŋ ()
Atiatu () (where it is spoken alongside Lusi)
Bolo () (where it is spoken alongside a version of Aria)
All of the villages above are located in Kove-Kaliai Rural LLG of West New Britain Province, except for Malasoŋo, which is located in Gurrissi ward of Gloucester Rural LLG, West New Britain Province.
Anêm is also spoken by small numbers of people, mostly of Anêm descent, scattered among the surrounding villages. There are two main dialects.
Akiblîk, the dialect of Bolo, was near functional extinction in 1982, the youngest speaker then being about 35 years old. The main dialect is spoken in the other villages named above. There are about 800 speakers.
Phonology
Grammar
Anêm has been restructured under the influence of Lusi, the local intercommunity language.
Anêm is notable for having at least 20 possessive classes.
Syntax
Anêm is an accusative language with unmarked subject–verb–object word order in plain statements. Yes/no questions are indicated with an intonation contour rather than alterations in word order. Negation (not, not yet, don't) and completive aspect (already) are indicated by modality markers which occur in clause-final position. Tense is not indicated directly. There are three distinctions of mood (realis, irrealis and hortative). Realis refers to something that has happened or is happening; irrealis refers to future tense and hypotheticals; and hortative (only in third persons) is used in commands.
Transitive clauses showing subject–verb–object order:
Negative markers are clause final:
Hortative mood:
Nouns
Anêm nouns are distinguished syntactically for gender, masculine or feminine. Masculine nouns are followed by demonstratives or relative pronouns that begin with /l/ while feminine nouns are followed by demonstratives or relative pronouns that begin with /s/. In addition, both subject prefixes and some object suffixes agree in gender with the noun they refer to:
Masculine and feminine gender forms of demonstratives:
Gender agreement by subject prefix and object suffix:
There are 20 possession classes in Anêm. Meanings vary depending on the assigned noun class, as shown in the examples below, with ki ‘hair’ as the noun root.
ki-l-e ‘my hair (head)’
ki-ŋ-e ‘my hair (pubic)’
ki-g-a ‘my hair (body)’
Vocabulary
100-word Swadesh list of Anêm:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! gloss !! Anêm
|-
| I || ue
|-
| you (sg.) || nin
|-
| we || miŋ / mîn
|-
| this (masc.) || ler
|-
| this (fem.) || ser
|-
| that (masc.) || lan
|-
| that (fem.) || san
|-
| who? || mên
|-
| what? || gîmên
|-
| not || mantu
|-
| all || buno
|-
| many || buno
|-
| one || mîdê
|-
| two || niak
|-
| big || omba
|-
| long || sêgêl
|-
| small || boid
|-
| woman || dobalîŋ
|-
| man || axaŋ
|-
| person || doxam
|-
| fish || ia
|-
| bird || êknîn
|-
| dog || kaua
|-
| louse || seim
|-
| tree || aŋ
|-
| seed || lali
|-
| leaf || ki
|-
| root || zilŋon
|-
| bark || palau
|-
| skin || palau
|-
| flesh || be
|-
| blood || esin
|-
| bone || exe
|-
| grease || êmzêk
|-
| egg || nil
|-
| horn ||
|-
| tail || taba
|-
| feather || ki
|-
| hair || ki
|-
| head || og
|-
| ear || gêt
|-
| eye || ei
|-
| nose || piŋi
|-
| mouth || boŋ
|-
| tooth || lo
|-
| tongue || êlêŋ
|-
| claw || gi
|-
| foot || ti
|-
| knee || bol
|-
| hand || tîm
|-
| belly || êtêl
|-
| neck || agîm
|-
| breasts || i
|-
| heart || dokam
|-
| liver || êl
|-
| drink || -ik
|-
| eat ||
|-
| bite || -ŋai
|-
| see || -kê
|-
| hear || -degiŋ
|-
| know || -pun
|-
| sleep || -sêm / -tel
|-
| die || -zik / -lkîl
|-
| kill || -b / -pel
|-
| swim || -us
|-
| fly || -iê
|-
| walk || -li
|-
| come || -mên
|-
| lie || -sêm / -tel
|-
| sit || -sîk / -sîl
|-
| stand || -lîk / -lul
|-
| give || -sn
|-
| say || -ual
|-
| sun || ado
|-
| moon || klîŋ
|-
| star || eilî
|-
| water || komu
|-
| rain || iuo
|-
| stone || pa
|-
| sand || iabu
|-
| earth || eidî
|-
| cloud || olok
|-
| smoke || bîl
|-
| fire || kmî
|-
| ash || goxub
|-
| burn || -pma
|-
| path || iuŋ
|-
| mountain || êbêt
|-
| red || êxiêk
|-
| green / blue || biê
|-
| yellow || iaŋo
|-
| white || iagu
|-
| black || kŋîx
|-
| night || nib
|-
| hot || êŋîl
|-
| cold || epen
|-
| full || êpêx
|-
| new || masîk
|-
| good || leim
|-
| round || puax
|-
| dry || pît
|-
| name || eŋi
|}
See also
East Papuan languages
Further reading
Thurston, William R. 1982. A comparative study in Anem and Lusi. Pacific Linguistics B-83. Canberra: Australian National University.
References
West New Britain languages
Languages of West New Britain Province
Subject–object–verb languages |
4020670 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menominee%20%28disambiguation%29 | Menominee (disambiguation) | Two other spellings of the name appear elsewhere, see Menomonee and Menomonie.
Menominee can refer to:
Municipalities and administrative divisions
Menominee, Illinois, a village
Menominee Township, Jo Daviess County, Illinois
Menominee, Michigan
Menominee Township, Michigan
Menominee County, Michigan
Menominee, Nebraska
Menominee, Wisconsin, a town
Menominee County, Wisconsin
Land features
Little Menominee River in Wisconsin and Illinois
Menominee River in Michigan and Wisconsin
Menominee River (Illinois)
Menominee Nation (a Native American tribe)
The Menominee Indians, the tribe
Menominee language, their language
College of Menominee Nation, a community college that the tribe founded
Menominee Indian Reservation, Wisconsin
Other
Chief Menominee (c. 1791 – 1841) of the Potawatomi
Round whitefish, called menominees in parts of the northern Great Lakes |
4020676 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menomonee | Menomonee | Menomonee can refer to:
United States
Little Menomonee River in Ozaukee and Milwaukee counties, Wisconsin
Menomonee, Wisconsin, former town
Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin, village
Menomonee River in Washington, Waukesha, and Milwaukee counties in Wisconsin
Menomonee River Valley, Milwaukee
Menomonee (sculpture), a public artwork by Hilary Goldblatt in Milwaukee, Wisconsin
See also
Menominee (disambiguation)
Menomonie (disambiguation) |
4020685 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orange%20Order | Orange Order | The Loyal Orange Institution, commonly known as the Orange Order, is an international Protestant fraternal order based in Northern Ireland and primarily associated with Ulster Protestants, particularly those of Ulster Scots heritage. It also has lodges in England, Scotland and the Republic of Ireland, as well as in parts of the Commonwealth of Nations, Togo and the United States. The Orange Order was founded by Ulster Protestants in County Armagh in 1795, during a period of Protestant–Catholic sectarian conflict, as a fraternity sworn to maintain the Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland. It is headed by the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, established in 1798. Its name is a tribute to the Dutch-born Protestant king William of Orange, who defeated Catholic king James II in the Williamite–Jacobite War (16881691). The order is best known for its yearly marches, the biggest of which are held on or around 12 July (The Twelfth), a public holiday in Northern Ireland.
The Orange Order is a conservative, British unionist and Ulster loyalist organisation. Thus it has traditionally opposed Irish nationalism/republicanism and campaigned against Scottish independence. The Order sees itself as defending Protestant civil and religious liberties, whilst critics accuse it of being sectarian, triumphalist and supremacist. As a strict Protestant society, it does not accept non-Protestants as members unless they convert and adhere to the principles of Orangeism, nor does it accept Protestants married to Catholics. Orange marches through Irish Catholic neighbourhoods are controversial and have often led to violence, such as the Drumcree conflict, although most marches pass without incident.
History
The Orange Institution commemorates the civil and religious privileges conferred on Protestants by William of Orange, the Dutch prince who became King of England, Scotland, and Ireland in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. In particular, the Institution remembers the victories of William III and his forces in Ireland in the early 1690s, especially the Battle of the Boyne.
Formation and early years
Since the 1690s commemorations—British state-sponsored and those held by the lower British classes—had been held throughout Ireland celebrating key dates in the Williamite War such as the Battle of Aughrim, Battle of the Boyne, Siege of Derry and the second Siege of Limerick. These followed a tradition started in Elizabethan England of celebrating key events in the Protestant calendar. By the 1740s there were organisations holding parades in Dublin such as the Boyne Club and the Protestant Society, both seen as forerunners to the Orange Order.
Armagh disturbances
Throughout the 1780s, sectarian tension had been building in County Armagh, largely due to the relaxation of the Penal Laws. Here the number of Protestants and Catholics (in what was then Ireland's most populous county) were of roughly equal number, and competition between them to rent patches of land near markets was fierce. Drunken brawls between rival gangs had by 1786 become openly sectarian. These gangs eventually reorganised as the Protestant Peep o' Day Boys and the Catholic Defenders, with the next decade in County Armagh marked by fierce sectarian conflict between both groups, which escalated and spread into neighbouring counties.
Battle of the Diamond
In September 1795, at a crossroads known as "The Diamond" near Loughgall, Defenders and Protestant Peep o' Day Boys gathered to fight each other. This initial stand-off ended without battle when the priest that accompanied the Defenders persuaded them to seek a truce, after a group called the "Bleary Boys" came from County Down to reinforce the Peep o' Day Boys. When a contingent of Defenders from County Tyrone arrived on 21 September, however, they were "determined to fight". The Peep o' Day Boys quickly regrouped and opened fire on the Defenders. According to William Blacker, the battle was short and the Defenders suffered "not less than thirty" deaths.
After the battle had ended, the Peep o' Days marched into Loughgall, and in the house of James Sloan they founded the Orange Order, which was to be a Protestant defence association made up of lodges. The principal pledge of these lodges was to defend "the King and his heirs so long as he or they support the Protestant Ascendancy". At the start the Orange Order was a "parallel organisation" to the Defenders in that it was a secret oath-bound society that used passwords and signs.
One of the very few landed gentry that joined the Orange Order at the outset, William Blacker, was unhappy with some of the outcomes of the Battle of the Diamond. He says that a determination was expressed to "driving from this quarter of the county the entire of its Roman Catholic population", with notices posted warning them "to Hell or Connaught". Other people were warned by notices not to inform on local Orangemen or "I will Blow your Soul to the Low hils of Hell And Burn the House you are in". Within two months, 7,000 Catholics had been driven out of County Armagh. According to Lord Gosford, the governor of Armagh:
A former Grand Master of the Order, also called William Blacker, and a former County Grand Master of Belfast, Robert Hugh Wallace have questioned this statement, saying whoever the Governor believed were the "lawless banditti", they could not have been Orangemen as there were no lodges in existence at the time of his speech. According to historian Jim Smyth:Later apologists rather implausibly deny any connection between the Peep-o'-Day Boys and the first Orangemen or, even less plausibly, between the Orangemen and the mass wrecking of Catholic cottages in Armagh in the months following 'the Diamond' – all of them, however, acknowledge the movement's lower-class origins.
The Order's three main founders were James Wilson (founder of the Orange Boys), Daniel Winter and James Sloan. The first Orange lodge was established in nearby Dyan, and its first grandmaster was James Sloan of Loughgall. Its first-ever marches were to celebrate the Battle of the Boyne and they took place on 12 July 1796 in Portadown, Lurgan and Waringstown.
United Irishmen rebellion
The Society of United Irishmen was formed by liberal Presbyterians and Anglicans in Belfast in 1791. It sought reform of the Irish Parliament, Catholic Emancipation and the repeal of the Penal Laws. By the time the Orange Order was formed, the United Irishmen had become a revolutionary group advocating an independent Irish republic that would "Unite Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter". United Irishmen activity was on the rise, and the government hoped to thwart it by backing the Orange Order from 1796 onward. Irish nationalist historians Thomas A. Jackson and John Mitchel argued that the government's goal was to hinder the United Irishmen by fomenting sectarianism, thereby creating disunity and disorder under pretence of "passion for the Protestant religion". Mitchel wrote that the government invented and spread "fearful rumours of intended massacres of all the Protestant people by the Catholics". Historian Richard R Madden wrote that "efforts were made to infuse into the mind of the Protestant feelings of distrust to his Catholic fellow-countrymen". Thomas Knox, British military commander in Ulster, wrote in August 1796 that "As for the Orangemen, we have rather a difficult card to play ... we must to a certain degree uphold them, for with all their licentiousness, on them we must rely for the preservation of our lives and properties should critical times occur".
The United Irishmen saw the Defenders as potential allies, and between 1794 and 1796 they formed a coalition. The United Irishmen, despite seeing the Defenders as "ignorant and poverty-stricken houghers and rick-burners" would claim in 1798 that they were indebted to the Armagh disturbances as the Orangemen had scattered politicised Catholics throughout the country and encouraged Defender recruitment, creating a proto-army for the United Irishmen to utilise.
The United Irishmen launched a rebellion in 1798. In Ulster, most of the United Irish commanders and many of the rebels were Protestant. Orangemen were recruited into the yeomanry to help fight the rebellion and "proved an invaluable addition to government forces". No attempt was made to disarm Orangemen outside the yeomanry because they were seen as by far the lesser threat. It was also claimed that if an attempt had been made then "the whole of Ulster would be as bad as Antrim and Down", where the United Irishmen rebellion was at its strongest. However, sectarian massacres by the Defenders in County Wexford "did much to dampen" the rebellion in Ulster. The Scullabogue Barn massacre saw over 100 non-combatant (mostly Protestant) men, women, and children imprisoned in a barn which was then set alight, with the Catholic and Protestant rebels ensuring none escaped, not even a child who it is claimed managed to break out only for a rebel to kill with his pike. In the trials that followed the massacres, evidence was recorded of anti-Orange sentiments being expressed by the rebels at Scullabogue. Partly as a result of this atrocity, the Orange Order quickly grew and large numbers of gentry with experience gained in the yeomanry came into the movement.
The homeland and birthplace of the Defenders was mid-Ulster and here they failed to participate in the rebellion, having been cowed into submission and surrounded by their Protestant neighbours who had been armed by the government. The sectarian attacks on them were so severe that Grand Masters of the Orange Order convened to find ways of reducing them. According to Ruth Dudley Edwards and two former Grand Masters, Orangemen were among the first to contribute to repair funds for Catholic property damaged in the rebellion.
One major outcome of the United Irishmen rebellion was the 1800 Act of Union that merged the Irish Parliament with that of Westminster, creating the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Many Catholics supported the Act, but the Orange Order saw it as a threat to the "Protestant constitution" and 36 lodges in counties Armagh and Monaghan alone passed declarations opposing the Union.
Suppression
In the early nineteenth century, Orangemen were heavily involved in violent conflict with an Irish Catholic secret society called the Ribbonmen. One instance, publicised in a 7 October 1816 edition of the Boston Commercial Gazette, included the murder of a Catholic priest and several members of the congregation of Dumreilly parish in County Cavan on 25 May 1816. According to the article, "A number of Orangemen with arms rushed into the church and fired upon the congregation". On 19 July 1823 the Unlawful Oaths Bill was passed, banning all oath-bound societies in Ireland. This included the Orange Order, which had to be dissolved and reconstituted. In 1825 a bill banning unlawful associations – largely directed at Daniel O'Connell and his Catholic Association, compelled the Orangemen once more to dissolve their association. When Westminster finally granted Catholic Emancipation in 1829, Roman Catholics were free to take seats as MPs (and take up various other positions of influence and power from which they had been excluded) and play a part in framing the laws of the land. The likelihood of Irish Catholic members holding the balance of power in the Westminster Parliament further increased the alarm of Orangemen in Ireland, as O'Connell's 'Repeal' movement aimed to bring about the restoration of a separate Irish Parliament in Dublin, which would have a Catholic majority, thereby ending to the Protestant Ascendancy. From this moment on, the Orange Order re-emerged in a new and even more militant form.
In 1836 the Order was accused of plotting to place Ernest Augustus, Duke of Cumberland and Imperial Grand Master of the Orange Order, on the throne in place of Victoria when King William IV died; once the plot was revealed the House of Commons called upon the King to disband the Order. Under pressure from Joseph Hume, William Molesworth and Lord John Russell, the King indicated measures would have to be taken and the Duke of Cumberland was forced to dissolve the Orange lodges.
Hume laid evidence before the House of Commons of an approach in July 1832 to Lord Londonderry. A letter from Lieutenant-Colonel W. B. Fairman, Deputy Grand Secretary of the Orange Institution of Great Britain, advised the Marquess that following "a death of importance" (the passing of the King), the Orangemen would abandon their policy of "non-resistance" to the present "Popish Cabinet, and democratical Ministry" (the parliamentary reform ministry of Earl Grey) and that "it might be political to join" them. Londonderry demurred: he had no doubt that the Duke of Cumberland would be persuaded that "the present state of liberal Whig feeling in this very Whig county ... entirely preclude the possibility of successful efforts at this juncture".
In 1845 the ban was again lifted, but the notorious Battle of Dolly's Brae between Orangemen and Ribbonmen in 1849 led to a ban on Orange marches which remained in place for several decades. This was eventually lifted after a campaign of disobedience led by William Johnston of Ballykilbeg.
Revival and the Independent Order
By the late 19th century, the Order was in decline. However, its fortunes were revived in the 1880s after its embrace by the landlords in opposition to both the Irish Land League and later Home Rule. The Order was heavily involved in opposition to Gladstone's first Irish Home Rule Bill 1886, and was instrumental in the formation of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). Protestant opposition to Irish self-government under Roman Catholic influence was intense, especially in the Protestant-dominated province of Ulster.
In 1903, the Order suffered a split when Thomas Sloan left the organisation to set up the Independent Orange Order. Sloan had been suspended after running against the official unionist candidate on a pro-Belfast Protestant Association platform in the 1902 Belfast South by-election. For at least some of the independents, the split was a protest against what they saw as the co-optation of the Orange Order by the Ulster Unionist Party and its alignment with the interests of landlords and employers (the "fur coat brigade"). Their Grand Master, R. Lindsay Crawford outlined the new order's democratic manifesto in Orangeism, its history and progress: a plea for first principles (1904). However, his subsequent call in the Magheramorne Manifesto (1904) on Irish Protestants to "reconsider their position as Irish citizens and their attitude towards their Roman Catholic countrymen" proved too much for Sloan and most of the membership, and Crawford was eventually expelled.
Role in the partition of Ireland
In 1912 the Third Home Rule Bill was introduced in the British House of Commons. However, its introduction would be delayed until 1914. The Orange Order, along with the British Conservative Party and unionists in general, were inflexible in opposing the Bill. The Order helped to organise the 1912 Ulster Covenant – a pledge to oppose Home Rule which was signed by up to 500,000 people. In 1911 some Orangemen began to arm themselves and train as militias. In 1913 the Ulster Unionist Council decided to bring these groups under central control, creating the Ulster Volunteer Force, an Ulster-wide militia dedicated to resisting Home Rule. There was a strong overlap between Orange Lodges and UVF units. A large shipment of rifles was imported from Germany to arm them in April 1914, in what became known as the Larne gun-running.
However, the crisis was interrupted by the outbreak of the World War I in August 1914, which caused the Home Rule Bill to be suspended for the duration of the war. Many Orangemen served in the war with the 36th (Ulster) Division, suffering heavy losses, and commemorations of their sacrifice are still an important element of Orange ceremonies.
The Fourth Home Rule Act was passed as the Government of Ireland Act 1920; the six northeastern counties of Ulster became Northern Ireland and the other twenty-six counties became Southern Ireland. This self-governing entity within the United Kingdom was confirmed in its status under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, and in its borders by the Boundary Commission agreement of 1925. Southern Ireland became first the Irish Free State in 1922 and then in 1949 a Republic.
Since 1921
The Orange Order had a central place in the new state of Northern Ireland. From 1921 to 1969, every Prime Minister of Northern Ireland was an Orangeman and member of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP); all but three Cabinet Ministers were Orangemen; all but one unionist Senators were Orangemen; and 87 of the 95 MPs who did not become Cabinet Ministers were Orangemen. James Craig, the first Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, maintained always that Ulster was in effect Protestant and the symbol of its ruling forces was the Orange Order. In 1932, Prime Minister Craig maintained that "ours is a Protestant government and I am an Orangeman". This was in response to a speech the year before by Eamonn de Valera in the Irish Free State claiming that Ireland was a "Catholic nation" in a debate about protests against Protestant woman Letitia Dunbar-Harrison being appointed as County Librarian in County Mayo. Two years later he stated: "I have always said that I am an Orangeman first and a politician and a member of this parliament afterwards ... All I boast is that we have a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant State".
At its peak in 1965, the Order's membership was around 70,000, which meant that roughly 1 in 5 adult Ulster Protestant males were members. Since 1965, it has lost a third of its membership, especially in Belfast and Derry. The Order's political influence suffered greatly after the unionist-controlled government of Northern Ireland was abolished in 1973.
In 2012, it was stated that estimated membership of the Orange Order was around 34,000.
After the outbreak of "the Troubles" in 1969, the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland encouraged Orangemen to join the Northern Ireland security forces, especially the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). The response from Orangemen was strong. Over 300 Orangemen were killed during the conflict, the vast majority of them members of the security forces. Some Orangemen also joined loyalist paramilitary groups. During the conflict, the Order had a fractious relationship with loyalist paramilitary groups, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), the Independent Orange Order and the Free Presbyterian Church. The Order urged its members not to join these organisations, and it is only recently that some of these intra-unionist breaches have been healed.
Drumcree dispute
The Drumcree dispute is perhaps the most well-known episode involving the Order since 1921. On the Sunday before 12 July each year, Orangemen in Portadown would traditionally march to-and-from Drumcree Church. Originally, most of the route was farmland, but is now the densely populated Catholic part of town. The residents have sought to re-route the march away from this area, seeing it as "triumphalist" and "supremacist".
There have been intermittent violent clashes during the march since the 19th century. The onset of the Troubles led to the dispute intensifying in the 1970s and 1980s. At this time, the most contentious part of the march was the outward leg along Obins Street. After serious violence two years in a row, the march was banned from Obins Street in 1986. The focus then shifted to the return leg along Garvaghy Road.
Each July from 1995 to 2000, the dispute drew worldwide attention as it sparked protests and violence throughout Northern Ireland, prompted a massive police/army operation, and threatened to derail the peace process. The situation in Portadown was likened to a "war zone" and a "siege". During this time, supporters of the Orangemen murdered at least six Catholic civilians. In 1995 and 1996, residents succeeded in stopping the march. This led to a standoff at Drumcree between the security forces and thousands of loyalists. Following a wave of loyalist violence, the march was allowed through. In 1997, security forces locked down the Catholic area and forced the march through, citing loyalist threats. This sparked widespread protests and violence by Irish nationalists. From 1998 onward the march was banned from Garvaghy Road and the Catholic area was sealed-off with large barricades. For a few years, there was an annual major standoff at Drumcree and widespread loyalist violence. Since 2001, things have been relatively calm, but the Order still campaigns for the right to march on Garvaghy Road. The dispute led to a short-lived boycott of businesses owned by Orangemen and their supporters elsewhere in the region.
Membership rates
Membership of the Order was historically lower in areas where Protestants are in the majority, and vice versa. In County Fermanagh, where the Catholic and Protestant populations are close to parity, membership in 1971 was three times as high as in the more Protestant counties of Antrim and Down, where it was just over 10% of adult Protestant males. Other factors that are associated with high rates of membership are levels of unemployment that more closely match Catholic levels, and low levels of support for the Democratic Unionist Party among unionists.
Beliefs and activities
Protestantism
The basis of the modern Orange Order is the promotion and propagation of "biblical Protestantism" and the principles of the Reformation. As such the Order only accepts those who confess a belief in a Protestant religion. As well as Catholics, non-creedal and non-Trinitarian Christians are also banned. This includes members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), Jehovah's Witnesses, Unitarians, and some branches of Quakers.
Previous rules specifically forbade Roman Catholics and their close relatives from joining but the current rules use the wording "non-reformed faith" instead. Converts to Protestantism can join by appealing to Grand Lodge.
Masonic influences
James Wilson and James Sloan, who issued the warrants for the first Lodges of the Orange Order along with 'Diamond' Dan Winter, were Freemasons, and in the 19th century many Irish Republicans regarded the Orange Order as a front group established by Unionist Masons as a more violent and jingoist vehicle for the promotion of Unionism. Some anti-Masonic evangelical Christian groups have claimed that the Orange Order is still influenced by freemasonry. Many Masonic traditions survive, such as the organisation of the Order into lodges. The Order has a similar system of degrees through which new members advance. These degrees are interactive plays with references to the Bible. There is particular concern over the ritualism of higher degrees such as the Royal Arch Purple and the Royal Black Institutions.
Sabbatarianism
The Order considers important the Fourth Commandment, and that it forbids Christians to work, or engage in non-religious activity generally, on Sundays. When the Twelfth of July falls on a Sunday the parades traditionally held on that date are held the next day instead. In March 2002, the Order threatened "to take every action necessary, regardless of the consequences" to prevent the Ballymena Show being held on a Sunday. The County Antrim Agricultural Association complied with the Order's wishes.
Politics
The Orange Order is strongly linked to British unionism. This is a political ideology that supports the continued unity of the United Kingdom. Unionism is thus opposed to, for example, the unification of Ireland and Scottish independence.
The Order, from its very inception, was an overtly political organisation. In 1905, when the Ulster Unionist Council (UUC) was formed, the Orange Order was entitled to send delegates to its meetings. The UUC was the decision-making body of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). Between 1922 and 1972, the UUP was consistently the largest party in the Northern Ireland Parliament, and all Prime Ministers of Northern Ireland and the vast majority of senior UUP figures were members of the Order. Due to its close links with the UUP, the Orange Order was able to exert great influence. The Order was the force behind the UUP no-confidence votes in reformist Prime Ministers Terence O'Neill (1969), James Chichester-Clark (1969–71), and Brian Faulkner (1972–74). At the outbreak of The Troubles in 1969, the Order encouraged its members to join the Northern Ireland security forces. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) attracted the most seats in an election for the first time in 2003. DUP leader Ian Paisley had been clashing with the Order since 1951, when the Order banned members of Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church from acting as Orange chaplains and later, from the 1970s, when it openly endorsed the UUP against the DUP. Recently, however, Orangemen have begun voting for the DUP in large numbers due to their opposition to the Good Friday Agreement. Relations between the DUP and Order have healed greatly since 2001, and there are now a number of high-profile Orangemen who are DUP MPs and strategists.
In December 2009, the Orange Order held secret talks with Northern Ireland's two main unionist parties, the DUP and UUP. The main goal of these talks was to foster greater unity between the two parties, in the run-up to the May 2010 general election. Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey said that the talks exposed the Order as a "very political organisation". Shortly after the election, Grand Master Robert Saulters called for a "single unionist party" to maintain the union. He said that the Order has members "who represent all the many shades of unionism" and warned, "we will continue to dilute the union if we fight and bicker among ourselves".
In the October 2010 issue of The Orange Standard, Grand Master Robert Saulters referred to 'dissident' Irish republican paramilitaries as the "Roman Catholic IRA". SDLP MLA John Dallat asked Justice Minister David Ford to find if Saulters had broken the hate speech laws. He said: "Linking the Catholic community or indeed any community to terror groups is inciting weak-minded people to hatred, and surely history tells us what that has led to in the past". In a 2011 survey of 1,500 Orangemen throughout Northern Ireland, over 60% believed that "most Catholics are IRA sympathisers".
In 2015, the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland made a submission to the Northern Ireland Department of Arts, Culture and Leisure opposing the introduction of an Irish Language Bill. In its submission, the Lodge stated that it respected "Irish as one of the indigenous languages of the British Isles". However, the Lodge argued an Irish Language Act would promote inequality because it would be "directed towards a section of the Roman Catholic community".
Parades
Parades are a big part of the Order's activities. Most Orange lodges hold a yearly parade from their Orange hall to a local church. The denomination of the church is quite often rotated, depending on local demographics.
The highlights of the Orange year are the parades leading up to the celebrations on the Twelfth of July. The Twelfth, however, remains in places a deeply divisive issue, not least because of the alleged triumphalism, anti-Catholicism and anti-Irish nationalism of the Orange Order. In recent years, most Orange parades have passed peacefully. All but a handful of the Orange Order parades, at so-called "interface areas" where the two communities live next to each other, are peaceful.
The locations used for the annual Twelfth parades are located throughout the six counties of Northern Ireland with County Down having the most venues with thirty-three. Counties Armagh and Fermanagh having a smaller population both have twelve host venues. Some smaller villages such as Carrickmore, Cushendall, Rostrevor, Crossmaglen and Draperstown are not marched in at all and areas with a sizeable population like Coalisland and Dungiven have never been the host for a major Twelfth parade.
The Grand Lodge of Ireland does not recognise the Parades Commission, which it sees as having been founded to target Protestant parades, as Protestants parade at ten times the rate of Catholics. Grand Lodge is, however, divided on the issue of working with the Parades Commission. 40% of Grand Lodge delegates oppose official policy while 60% are in favour. Most of those opposed to Grand Lodge policy are from areas facing parade restrictions like Portadown District, Bellaghy, Derry City and Lower Ormeau.
In a 2011 survey of Orangemen throughout Northern Ireland, 58% said they should be allowed to march through Irish nationalist and Catholic areas with no restrictions; 20% said they should negotiate with residents first.
Orange halls
Monthly meetings are held in Orange halls. Orange halls on both sides of the Irish border often function as community halls for Protestants and sometimes those of other faiths, although this was more common in the past. The halls often host community groups such as credit unions, local marching bands, Ulster-Scots and other cultural groups as well as religious missions and unionist political parties.
Of the approximately 700 Orange halls in Ireland, 282 have been targeted by arsonists since the beginning of the Troubles in 1968. Paul Butler, a prominent member of Sinn Féin, has said the arson is a "campaign against properties belonging to the Orange Order and other loyal institutions" by nationalists. On one occasion a member of Sinn Féin's youth wing was hospitalised after falling off the roof of an Orange hall. In a number of cases halls have been badly damaged or completely destroyed by arson, while others have been damaged by paint bombings, graffiti and other vandalism. The Order claims that there is considerable evidence of an organised campaign of sectarian vandalism by Irish republicans. Grand Secretary Drew Nelson claims that statistical analysis shows that this campaign began in the last years of the 1980s and continues to the present.
Historiography
One of the Orange Order's activities is teaching members and the general public about William of Orange and associated subjects. Both the Grand Lodge and various individual lodges have published numerous booklets about William and the Battle of the Boyne, often aiming to show that they have continued relevance, and sometimes comparing the actions of William's adversary James II with those of the Northern Ireland Office. Furthermore, historical articles are often published in the Order's monthly newspaper The Orange Standard (available in a print edition and also electronically) and the Twelfth souvenir booklet. While William is the most frequent subject, other topics have included the Battle of the Somme (particularly the 36th (Ulster) Division's role in it), Saint Patrick (who the Order argues was not Roman Catholic), and the Protestant Reformation.
There are at least two Orange Lodges in Northern Ireland which they claim represent the heritage and religious ethos of Saint Patrick. The best known is the Cross of Saint Patrick LOL (Loyal Orange lodge) 688, instituted in 1968 for the purpose of (re)claiming Saint Patrick. The lodge has had several well-known members, including Rev Robert Bradford MP who was the lodge chaplain who himself was killed by the Provisional IRA, the late Ernest Baird. Today Nelson McCausland MLA and Gordon Lucy, Director of the Ulster Society are the more prominent members within the lodge membership. In the 1970s there was also a Belfast lodge called Oidhreacht Éireann (Ireland's Heritage) LOL 1303, which argued that the Irish language and Gaelic culture were not the exclusive property of Catholics or republicans.
William was supported by the Pope in his campaigns against James' backer Louis XIV of France, and this fact is sometimes left out of Orange histories.
Occasionally the Order and the more fundamentalist Independent Order publishes historical arguments based more on religion than on history. British Israelism, which claims that the British people are descended from the Israelites and that Queen Elizabeth II is a direct descendant of the Biblical King David, has from time to time been advanced in Orange publications.
War commemoration
The Order has been prominent in commemorating Ulster's war dead, particularly Orangemen and particularly those who died in the Battle of the Somme (1916) during World War I. There are many parades on and around 1 July in commemoration of the Somme, although the war memorial aspect is more obvious in some parades than others. There are several memorial lodges, and a number of banners which depict the Battle of the Somme, war memorials, or other commemorative images. In the grounds of the Ulster Tower Thiepval, which commemorates the men of the Ulster Division who died in the Battle of the Somme, a smaller monument pays homage to the Orangemen who died in the war.
Relationship with loyalist paramilitaries
The Orange Order has been criticised for associating with loyalist paramilitary groups such as the UVF and UDA, which are classified as terrorist organisations. However, it has publicly condemned terrorism and paramilitary violence. Some bands that appear at Orange marches openly display support for loyalist paramilitary groups, such as by carrying paramilitary flags or sporting paramilitary names and emblems. For example, prominent loyalist John Gregg was a member of Cloughfern Young Conquerors band, while Coleraine-based Freeman Memorial band was named after a UVF member who was killed by his own bomb. It has also been claimed that paramilitary groups approach certain bands asking the band to carry a flag of their organisation with financial assistance sometimes offered for doing so.
A number of prominent loyalist militants were members of the Orange Order at the same time. This includes Gusty Spence, Robert Bates, Davy Payne, David Ervine, John Bingham, George Seawright, Richard Jameson, Billy McCaughey, Robert McConnell and Ernie Elliott. The banner of Old Boyne Island Heroes Orange lodge bears the names of John Bingham and Shankill Butcher Robert Bates, who were both members. Another Shankill Butcher, UDR soldier Eddie McIlwaine, was pictured taking part in an Orange march in 2003 with a bannerette of killed UVF member Brian Robinson (who himself was an Orangeman). McIlwaine was also pictured acting as a steward at a 2014 Orange march. An Orange Order spokesman refused to condemn McIlwaine's membership of the Order.
On 12 July 1972, at least fifty masked and uniformed members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) escorted an Orange march into the Catholic area of Portadown, saluting the Orangemen as they passed. That year, Orangemen formed a paramilitary group called the Orange Volunteers. This group "bombed a pub in Belfast in 1973 but otherwise did little illegal other than collect the considerable bodies of arms found in Belfast Orange Halls". Portadown Orangemen allowed known militants such as George Seawright to take part in a 6 July 1986 march, contrary to a prior agreement. Seawright was a unionist politician and UVF member who had publicly proposed burning Catholics in ovens. As the march entered the town's Catholic district, the RUC seized Seawright and other known militants. The Orangemen attacked the officers with stones and other missiles.
When a July 1992 Orange march passed the scene of the Sean Graham bookmakers' shooting—in which the UDA killed five Catholic civilians—Orangemen shouted pro-UDA slogans and held aloft five fingers as a taunt to residents. Journalists Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack said images of Orangemen "gloating over the massacre" were beamed around the world and were a public relations disaster for the Order. Patrick Mayhew, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said the marchers "would have disgraced a tribe of cannibals". The incident led to a more concerted effort by residents to have the marches banned from the area. In 2007, a banner commemorating UDA member Joe Bratty appeared at an Orange march. Bratty was said to have orchestrated the massacre.
Orange lodges in Britain have also been accused of links with loyalist paramilitaries. In the early years of The Troubles, the Order's Grand Secretary in Scotland toured Orange lodges for volunteers to "go to Ulster to fight". Thousands are believed to have volunteered although only a small number travelled to Ulster. During the 1970s an Orangeman—Roddy MacDonald—was the UDA's 'commander' in Scotland. In 1976, senior Scottish Orangemen tried to expel him after he admitted on television that he was a UDA leader and had smuggled weapons to Northern Ireland. However, his expulsion was blocked by 300 Orangemen at a special disciplinary hearing. His successor as Scottish UDA commander, James Hamilton, was also an Orangeman. Many Scottish Orangemen were also convicted for loyalist paramilitary activity, and some Orange meetings were used to raise funds for loyalist prisoners' welfare groups. In 2006, three Liverpool Orangemen were jailed for possession of weapons and UVF membership. Local MP Louise Ellman called for them to be expelled from the Order.
During the Drumcree standoffs, loyalist militants publicly supported the Orangemen and launched waves of violence across NI in protest at the Orange march being blocked. They smuggled homemade weaponry to Drumcree, apparently unhindered by the Orangemen, and attacked police lines. Members of the UDA/UFF appeared at Drumcree with banners supporting the Orangemen. Portadown Orange Lodge said it could not stop such people from gathering, but added that it welcomed any support. Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) leader Billy Wright was frequently seen at Drumcree in the company of Harold Gracey, head of Portadown Orange Lodge. Gracey later attended a rally in support of Wright and refused to condemn the loyalist violence linked to the standoff.
In the late 1990s, Stoneyford Orange Hall was reported to be a focal point for the Orange Volunteers. Following a police raid on the hall, two Orangemen were convicted for possession of "documents likely to be of use to terrorists", an automatic rifle, and membership of the Orange Volunteers. Their Orange lodge refused to expel them.
An Orangeman and DUP election candidate with links to the Real UFF in Antrim was jailed in 2013 for his part in a sectarian attack on a Polish family. He was expelled from the Order.
The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland has issued several statements condemning violence and paramilitarism. Answering accusations of paramilitary links by Sinn Féin in 2011, an Orange spokesman said: "The Orange Order has consistently condemned all terrorist violence". In 2008, Armagh Orangemen condemned the flying of paramilitary flags. Denis Watson, the then secretary of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, has publicly called for anyone convicted of terrorist offences to be thrown out. Addressing a 12 July demonstration in 2000, Orangeman and Democratic Unionist politician Jeffrey Donaldson said "It is essential that the Orange Order does not allow the paramilitaries to infiltrate its parades or hijack legitimate protests as a means of flaunting their aggression and engaging in displays of naked intimidation ... The Orange Order stands for higher ideals than this and must at every opportunity condemn the illegal activities of the paramilitaries and of all those who engage in acts of violence". Eric Kaufmann, in his book The New Unionism, writes: "The Orange Order actually took a firm stand against violence and paramilitarism throughout the Troubles. This opposition was rooted in the large contingent of Protestant clergymen who are built into the power structure of the Order. Young Orangemen were urged to join the RUC (police) or UDR (local security forces) and to stay away from paramilitaries".
Requirements for entry
"An Orangeman should have a sincere love and veneration for his Heavenly Father, a humble and steadfast faith in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of mankind, believing in Him as the only Mediator between God and man. He should cultivate truth and justice, brotherly kindness and charity, devotion and piety, concord and unity, and obedience to the laws; his deportment should be gentle and compassionate, kind and courteous; he should seek the society of the virtuous, and avoid that of the evil; he should honour and diligently study the Holy Scriptures, and make them the rule of his faith and practice; he should love, uphold, and defend the Protestant religion, and sincerely desire and endeavour to propagate its doctrines and precepts; he should strenuously oppose the fatal errors and doctrines of the Church of Rome and other Non-Reformed faiths, and scrupulously avoid countenancing (by his presence or otherwise) any act or ceremony of Roman Catholic or other non-Reformed Worship; he should, by all lawful means, resist the ascendancy, encroachments, and the extension of their power, ever abstaining from all uncharitable words, actions, or sentiments towards all those who do not practice the Reformed and Christian Faith; he should remember to keep holy the Sabbath Day, and attend the public worship of God, and diligently train up his offspring, and all under his control, in the fear of God, and in the Protestant faith; he should never take the name of God in vain, but abstain from all cursing and profane language, and use every opportunity of discouraging those, and all other sinful practices, in others; his conduct should be guided by wisdom and prudence, and marked by honesty, temperance, and sobriety, the glory of God and the welfare of man, the honour of his Sovereign, and the good of his country, should be the motives of his actions."
Most jurisdictions require both the spouse and parents of potential applicants to be Protestant, although the Grand Lodge can be appealed to make exceptions for converts. Members have been expelled for attending Roman Catholic religious ceremonies. In the period from 1964 to 2002, 11% of those expelled from the order were expelled for their presence at a Roman Catholic religious event such as a baptism, service or funeral. This is based on Reformed Christian theology, which teaches that the Roman Catholic Mass is idolatry, a view promulgated by Protestant Reformers such as Martin Luther.
The Order takes as its basis the Open Bible and historical Reformed documents such as the Presbyterian Westminster Confession, Anglican 39 Articles and other Protestant creeds. All prospective members must affirm their Reformed Christian Faith prior to membership.
The Laws and Constitutions of the Loyal Orange Institution of Scotland of 1986 state, "No ex-Roman Catholic will be admitted into the Institution unless he is a Communicant in a Protestant Church for a reasonable period." Likewise, the "Constitution, Laws and Ordinances of the Loyal Orange Institution of Ireland" (1967) state, "No person who at any time has been a Roman Catholic ... shall be admitted into the Institution, except after permission given by a vote of seventy-five per cent of the members present founded on testimonials of good character ..." In the 19th century, Mortimer O'Sullivan, a converted Roman Catholic, was a Grand Chaplain of the Orange Order in Ireland. In the 1950s, Scotland also had a former Roman Catholic as a Grand Chaplain, William McDermott.
Structure
The Orange Institution in Ireland has the structure of a pyramid. At its base are about 1400 private lodges; every Orangeman belongs to a private lodge. Each private lodge sends six representatives to the district lodge, of which there are 126. Depending on size, each district lodge sends seven to thirteen representatives to the county lodge, of which there are 12. Each of these sends representatives to the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, which heads the Orange Order.
The Grand Lodge of Ireland has 373 members. As a result, much of the real power in the Order resides in the Central Committee of the Grand Lodge, which is made up of three members from each of the six counties of Northern Ireland (Down, Antrim, Armagh, Londonderry, Tyrone and Fermanagh) as well as the two other County Lodges in Northern Ireland, the City of Belfast Grand Lodge and the City of Londonderry Grand Orange Lodge, two each from the remaining Ulster counties (Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan), one from Leitrim, and 19 others. There are other committees of the Grand Lodge, including rules revision, finance, and education.
Despite this hierarchy, private lodges are basically autonomous as long as they generally obey the rules of the Institution. Breaking these can lead to suspension of the lodge's warrant – essentially the dissolution of the lodge – by the Grand Lodge, but this rarely occurs. Private lodges may disobey policies laid down by senior lodges without consequence. For example, several lodges have failed to expel members convicted of murder despite a rule stating that anyone convicted of a serious crime should be expelled, and Portadown lodges have negotiated with the Parades Commission in defiance of Grand Lodge policy that the commission should not be acknowledged.
Private lodges wishing to change Orange Order rules or policy can submit a resolution to their district lodge, which may submit it upwards until it eventually reaches the Grand Lodge.
All Lodge meetings commence with the reading of the Bible and prayers that non-practising Protestants, Roman Catholics and people of other faiths and none, 'may become wise unto salvation' (which is direct quote from 2 Timothy 3:15 in the Bible).
Related organisations
Association of Loyal Orangewomen of Ireland
A distinct women's organisation grew up out of the Orange Order. Called the Association of Loyal Orangewomen of Ireland, this organisation was revived in December 1911 having been dormant since the late 1880s. They have risen in prominence in recent years, largely due to protests in Drumcree. The women's order is parallel to the male order, and participates in its parades as much as the males apart from 'all male' parades and 'all ladies' parades respectively. The contribution of women to the Orange Order is recognised in the song "Ladies Orange Lodges O!".
Independent Orange Institution
The Independent Orange Institution was formed in 1903 by Thomas Sloan, who opposed the main Order's domination by Unionist Party politicians and the upper classes. A dispute between unionist candidates in East Belfast who were both Orangemen, saw one being kicked out of the Order for embarrassing an Orange grandee who had apparently not voted against a nationalist motion. The Independent Order originally had radical tendencies, especially in the area of labour relations, but this soon faded. In the 1950s and 60s the Independents focused primarily on religious issues, especially the maintenance of Sunday as a holy day and separation of politics from religion. With the outbreak of the Troubles, Ian Paisley began regularly speaking at Independent meetings, although he was never a member. As a result, the Independent Institution has become associated with Paisley and the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster and Democratic Unionist Party. Recently the relationship between the two Orange Institutions has improved, with joint church services being held. Some people believe that this will ultimately result in a healing of the split which led to the Independent Orange Institution breaking away from the mainstream Order. Like the main Order, the Independent Institution parades and holds meetings on the Twelfth of July. It is based mainly in north Antrim.
Royal Black Institution
The Royal Black Institution was formed out of the Orange Order two years after the founding of the parent body. Although it is a separate organisation, one of the requirements for membership in the Royal Black is membership of the Orange Order and to be no less than 17 years old. The membership is exclusively male and the Royal Black Chapter is generally considered to be more religious and respectable in its proceedings than the Orange Order.
Apprentice Boys of Derry
The Apprentice Boys of Derry exist for their acts during the siege of Derry from James II. Although they have no formal connection with the Orange Order, the two societies have overlapping membership.
Throughout the world
The Orange Order was brought to other parts of the English-speaking world by Ulster Protestant migrants and missionaries. Grand Lodges have been set up in Scotland, England, Wales, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and West Africa. However, the Grand Lodges of Ireland and Scotland have always been the largest by far. The Imperial Grand Orange Council is made up of representatives from all of these various Grand Lodges. It has the power to arbitrate in disputes between Grand Lodges, and in internal disputes when invited.
Famous Orangemen have included Thomas Barnardo, who joined the Order in Dublin; Mackenzie Bowell, who was Grandmaster of the Orange Order of British North America before becoming the Prime Minister of Canada; William Massey, who was Prime Minister of New Zealand; Harry Ferguson, inventor of the Ferguson tractor; and Earl Alexander, the Second World War general. Mohawk chief Oronhyatekha, an Oxford scholar, was also a member.
Republic of Ireland
The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland represents lodges in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, where Orangeism remains particularly strong in border counties such as County Cavan, County Monaghan and, in particular, County Donegal (especially East Donegal). Before the partition of Ireland, the Order's headquarters were in Dublin, which at one stage had more than 300 private lodges. After partition, the Order declined rapidly in the Irish Free State, which later became the Republic of Ireland. Following partition, parades continued to take place in Counties Monaghan and Cavan, but none have taken place in those counties since 1931. The last 12 July parade in Dublin took place in 1937. The last Orange parade in the Republic of Ireland is at Rossnowlagh in County Donegal, an event which has been largely free from trouble and controversy. It is held on the Saturday before the Twelfth as the day is not a holiday in the Republic of Ireland. There are still Orange lodges in nine counties of the Republic of Ireland – counties Cavan, Cork, Donegal, Dublin, Laois, Leitrim, Louth, Monaghan and Wicklow, but most either do not parade or travel to other areas to do so.
In February 2008 it was announced that the Orange Order was to be granted nearly €250,000 from the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. The grant is intended to provide support for members in border areas and fund the repair of Orange halls, many of which have been subjected to vandalism.
In July 2011 there were 45 Orange Lodges in the Republic.
Scotland
The Scottish branch of the Orange Order is the largest outside Ireland. The vast majority of Scotland's lodges are found in the Lowlands, especially the west Central Lowlands (Glasgow, Ayrshire, Renfrewshire, Lanarkshire).
Scotland's first Orange lodges were founded in 1798 by soldiers returning home from Ireland, where they had helped suppress an Irish republican rebellion. The Scottish branch grew swiftly in the early 1800s, when there was an influx of working-class Ulster Protestant immigrants into the Scottish Lowlands. Many of these immigrants saw themselves as returning to the land of their forefathers (see Plantation of Ulster).
As such, the Scottish branch has always had strong links with Ulster, and tends to be largest wherever there are most descendants of Irish Protestants. In 1881, three-quarters of its lodge masters were born in Ireland and, when compared to Canada, the Scottish branch has been both smaller (no more than two percent of adult male Protestants in west central Scotland have ever been members) and had more of an Ulster link.
Scottish Orangeism was associated with the Tory Party, especially with the Scottish Unionist Party. The Order's political influence crested between the World Wars, but was effectively nil thereafter as the Tory Party began to move away from Protestant politics.
After the onset of the Troubles, many Scottish Orangemen began giving support to loyalist militant groups in Northern Ireland, such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Although the Grand Lodge publicly denounced paramilitary groups, many Scottish Orangemen were convicted of involvement in loyalist paramilitary activity, and Orange meetings were used to raise funds for loyalist prisoners' welfare groups.
The Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland has long been opposed to Scottish independence. In 2007, 12,000 Orangemen and women marched along Edinburgh's Royal Mile to celebrate the 300th anniversary of the Act of Union. It registered as an official participant in the 2014 independence referendum and formed an anti-independence campaign group called British Together.
In 2004, former Scottish Orangeman Adam Ingram, then Armed Forces Minister, sued George Galloway for stating in his book I'm Not the Only One that Ingram had "played the flute in a sectarian, anti-Catholic, Protestant-supremacist Orange Order band". The Lord Ordinary, Lord Kingarth, ruled that the phrase was 'fair comment' on the Orange Order and that Ingram had been a member, although he had not played the flute.
Between 2012 and 2016, an ethnographic study of the social, religious, and political life of the Orange Order in Scotland was conducted by anthropologist Joseph Webster. This was published by Manchester University Press in 2020 as a book entitled The Religion of Orange Politics: Protestantism and Fraternity in Contemporary Scotland.
England
The Orange Order reached England in 1807, spread by soldiers returning to the Manchester area from service in Ireland. Since then, the English branch of the Order has generally supported the Conservative and Unionist Party.
The Orange Order in England is strongest in Liverpool including Toxteth and Garston. Its presence in Liverpool dates to at least 1819, when the first parade was held to mark the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne, on 12 July. The Order was an important component in the founding of the Liverpool Protestant Party in 1909, keeping an association until the party's demise in 1974.
The Orange Order in Liverpool holds its annual Twelfth parade in Southport, a seaside town north of Liverpool. The Institution also holds a Junior parade there on Whit Monday. The Black Institution holds its Southport parade on the first Saturday in August. The parades in Southport have attracted controversy in recent times, with criticism of the disruption that results from the closure of main roads.
Other parades are held in Liverpool on the Sunday prior to the Twelfth and on the Sunday after. These parades along with Saint George's Day; Reformation Sunday and Remembrance Sunday go to and from church. Other parades are held by individual Districts of the Province, in all approximately 30 parades a year. One location is Petersfield in Hampshire, where the town square has an equestrian statue of King William III, as does Hull.
Wales
Cymru LOL 1922 was the only Orange lodge in Wales. A new Lodge in Cardiff opened on 17 March 2012, the first new Orange Lodge to be opened there for over 90 years.
Canada
Founded by Ogle Gowan, in Brockville Ontario, the Orange Order played an important role in the history of Canada, where it was established in 1830. Most early members were from Ireland, but later many English, Scots, Italians and other Protestant Europeans joined the Order, as well as Mohawk Native Americans. Four Canadian prime ministers were Orangemen. Toronto was the epicentre of Canadian Orangeism: most mayors were Orange until the 1950s, and Toronto Orangemen battled against Ottawa-driven initiatives like bilingualism and Catholic immigration. The Toronto lodge has held an annual Orange parade since 1821, claiming it to be the longest running consecutive parade on the North American continent. A third of the Ontario legislature was Orange in 1920, but in Newfoundland, the proportion has been as high as 50% at times. Indeed, between 1920 and 1960, 35% of adult male Protestant Newfoundlanders were Orangemen, as compared with just 20% in Northern Ireland and 5%–10% in Ontario in the same period.
In addition to Newfoundland and Ontario, the Orange Order played an important role in the frontier regions of Quebec, including the Gatineau-Pontiac, Quebec region. The region's earliest Protestant settlement occurred when fifteen families from County Tipperary settled in the valley in Carleton County after 1818. These families spread across the valley, settling towns near Shawville, Quebec. Despite these early Protestant migrants, it was only during the early 1820s that a larger wave of Irish migrants, many of them Protestants, came to the Ottawa valley region. Orangism developed throughout the region's Protestant communities, including Bristol, Lachute- Brownsburg, Shawville and Quyon. After further Protestant settlement throughout the 1830s and 40s, the Pontiac region's Orange Lodges developed into the largest rural contingent of Orangism in the Province. The Orange Lodges were seen as community cultural centres, as they hosted numerous dances, events, parades, and even the teaching of step dancing. Orange Parades still occur in the Pontiac-Gatineau- Ottawa Valley area; however, not every community hosts a parade. Now one larger parade is hosted by a different town every year.
United States
Participation in the Orange Institution was not as large in the United States as it was in Canada. In the early nineteenth century, the post-Revolutionary republican spirit of the new United States attracted exiled Protestant United Irishmen such as Wolfe Tone and others. Most Protestant Irish immigrants in the first several decades of the century were those who held to the republicanism of the 1790s, and who were unable to accept Orangeism. Loyalists and Orangemen made up a minority of Irish Protestant immigrants during this period. America offered a new beginning, and "... most descendents of the Ulster Presbyterians of the eighteenth century and even many new Protestant Irish immigrants turned their backs on all associations with Ireland and melted into the American Protestant mainstream."
Most of the Irish loyalist emigration was bound for Upper Canada and the Maritime provinces, where Orange lodges were able to flourish under the British flag. By 1870, when there were about 930 Orange lodges in Ontario, there were only 43 in the entire eastern United States.
The few American lodges were founded by newly arriving Protestant Irish immigrants in coastal cities such as Philadelphia and New York. The Institution maintained a home for sick and aged members. Qualifications for membership were restrictive, according to their "Declaration of Principles", and "no person who ever was or is a Roman Catholic, or who shall educate, or cause to be educated, his children or any children in his charge, in any Roman Catholic school, convent, nunnery or monastery, shall ever be admitted to membership." These ventures were short-lived and of limited political and social impact, although there were specific instances of violence involving Orangemen between Catholic and Protestant Irish immigrants, such as the Orange Riots in New York City in 1824, 1870 and 1871.
The first "Orange riot" on record was in 1824, in Abingdon, New York, resulting from a 12 July march. Several Orangemen were arrested and found guilty of inciting the riot. According to the State prosecutor in the court record, "the Orange celebration was until then unknown in the country". The immigrants involved were admonished: "In the United States the oppressed of all nations find an asylum, and all that is asked in return is that they become law-abiding citizens. Orangemen, Ribbonmen, and United Irishmen are alike unknown. They are all entitled to protection by the laws of the country."
The Orange riots of 1870 and 1871 killed nearly 70 people, and were fought out between Irish Protestant and Catholic immigrants. After this the activities of the Orange Order were banned for a time, the Order dissolved, and most members joined Masonic lodges. After 1871, there were no more riots between Irish Catholics and Protestants.
In 1923 the Loyal Orange Institution of the United States of America had 32,862 members in 256 lodges. The office of the "Supreme Grand Secretary" was at 229 Rhode Island Avenue, Washington, D.C.. There was apparently a split in the group in the early 1920s.
There are currently two Orange Lodges in New York City, one in Manhattan and the other in the Bronx.
The Ulster-Scots LOL 1690 was established in Torrance, California in 1998. It was the first new lodge to be instituted in the US for more than 20 years. The latest American Lodge, Heirs of Cromwell LOL 1599 was formed in 2011 in Naples, Florida.
Australia
The first Orange Institution Warrant (No. 1780) arrived in Australia with the ship . It was sewn in the tunic of Private Andrew Alexander of the 50th Regiment. The 50th was mainly Irish; many of its members were Orangemen belonging to the Regimental lodge and they had secretly decided to retain their lodge warrant when they had been ordered to surrender all military warrants, believing that the order would eventually be rescinded and that the warrant would be useful in Australia.
There are five state Grand Lodges in Australia which sit under the warrant of the Grand Lodge of Australia, the overall governing body for the institution in Australia.
New Zealand
New Zealand's first Orange lodge was founded in Auckland in 1842, only two years after the country became part of the British Empire, by James Carlton Hill of County Wicklow. The lodge initially had problems finding a place to meet, as several landlords were threatened by Irish Catholic immigrants for hosting it. The arrival of large numbers of British troops to fight the New Zealand Wars of the 1860s provided a boost for New Zealand Orangeism, and in 1867 a North Island Grand Lodge was formed. A decade later a South Island Grand Lodge was formed, and the two merged in 1908.
From the 1870s the Order was involved in local and general elections, although Rory Sweetman argues that 'the longed-for Protestant block vote ultimately proved unobtainable'. Processions seem to have been unusual before the late 1870s: the Auckland lodges did not march until 1877 and in most places Orangemen celebrated the Twelfth and 5 November with dinners and concerts. The emergence of Orange parades in New Zealand was probably due to a Catholic revival movement which took place around this time. Although some parades resulted in rioting, Sweetman argues that the Order and its right to march were broadly supported by most New Zealanders, although many felt uneasy about the emergence of sectarianism in the colony. From 1912 to 1925 New Zealand's most famous Orangeman, William Massey, was Prime Minister. During World War I Massey co-led a coalition government with Irish Catholic Joseph Ward. Historian Geoffrey W. Rice maintains that William Massey's Orange sympathies were assumed rather than demonstrated.
Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand argues that New Zealand Orangeism, along with other Protestant and anti-Catholic organisations, faded from the 1920s. The Order has certainly declined in visibility since that decade, although in 1994 it was still strong enough to host the Imperial Orange Council for its biennial meeting. However parades have ceased, and most New Zealanders are probably unaware of the Order's existence in their country. The New Zealand Order is unusual in having mixed-gender lodges, and at one point had a female Grand Master.
West Africa
Ghana
The Orange Order in Ghana was founded by Ulster-Scots missionaries some time during the early twentieth century, and is currently supported by the Institute of Ulster Scots Studies. Its rituals mirror those of the Orange Order in Ulster, though it does not place restrictions on membership for those who have Roman Catholic family members. The Orange Order in Ghana appears to be growing, largely based with the growing democracy there.
Nigeria
The first Orange Lodge in Nigeria was the Lagos Fine Blues LOL 801, which was first listed in 1907 in the returns of Woolwich District 64 to the Grand Orange Lodge of England, this District providing the traditional 'home' to overseas and military Lodges. Altogether there were three male lodges and one female lodge. They all appear to have died out some time in the 1960s, due to political unrest. Conversely the Ghana lodges increased greatly in popularity with the return of democracy.
Togo
In 1915, John Amate Atayi, a member of the Lagos Fine Blues LOL 801 moved to Lome, Togo, for work. Here he founded the Lome Defenders of the Truth LOL 867, under warrant of the Grand Orange Lodge of England. In 1916 a second lodge, Paline Heroes LOL No 884 was constituted.
'Diamond Dan'
As part of the re-branding of Orangeism to encourage younger people into a largely ageing membership, and as part of the planned rebranding of the July marches into an 'Orangefest', the 'superhero' Diamond Dan was created – named after one of its founding members, 'Diamond' Dan Winter – Diamond referring to the Institution's formation at the Diamond, Loughgall, in 1795.
Initially unveiled with a competition for children to name their new mascot in November 2007 (it was nicknamed 'Sash Gordon' by several parts of the British media); at the official unveiling of the character's name in February 2008, Orange Order education officer David Scott said Diamond Dan was meant to represent the true values of the Order: "... the kind of person who offers his seat on a crowded bus to an elderly lady. He won't drop litter and he will be keen on recycling". There were plans for a range of Diamond Dan merchandise designed to appeal to children.
There was however, uproar when it was revealed in the middle of the 'Marching Season' that Diamond Dan was a repaint of illustrator Dan Bailey's well-known "Super Guy" character (often used by British computer magazines), and taken without his permission, leading to the character being lampooned as "Bootleg Billy".
List of members
Grand Masters
Grand Masters, of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland:
1795: William Blacker (Unofficial)
1798 Thomas Verner
1801: George Ogle
1818: Mervyn Archdall (to 1822)
1822?: Earl O'Neill
1828: Duke of Cumberland
1836: Earl of Roden (Unofficial)
1845: Earl of Enniskillen
1886: Earl of Erne
1914: Sir James Stronge, 5th Baronet
1915: William H. H. Lyons
1926: Sir Edward Archdale, 1st Baronet
1941: Sir Joseph Davison
1948: J. M. Andrews
1954: Sir William McCleery
1957: Sir George Clark, 3rd Baronet
1968: John Bryans
1971: Martin Smyth
1996: Robert Saulters
2011: Edward Stevenson
University Societies
Both major universities in Northern Ireland have student societies to promote Orangeism on campus. Students at Queen's University Belfast formed the first 'Student's Orange Society' in May 2007 aiming to, "educate the students of Queen's on the different aspects of the Orange Order." Societies were later formed at Ulster University, first at the Jordanstown campus in 2010, followed by Coleraine in 2012. The societies engage in a range of cultural, historical and social events. Any student can join the Orange Society at their university regardless of their religion or background.
See also
Anti-Catholicism
Drumcree conflict
Presbyterian Church in Ireland
Royal Black Institution
Notes and references
Further reading
(Considered the principal study of English Orange traditions)
(Strongly favourable)
Canada and United States:
Pierre-Luc Bégin (2008). " Loyalisme et fanatisme ", Petite histoire du mouvement orangiste Canadien, Les Éditions du Québécois, 2008, 200 p. ().
Luc Bouvier, (2002). « Les sacrifiés de la bonne entente » Histoire des francophones du Pontiac, Éditions de l'Action nationale.
External links
The Grand Orange Lodge Of Ireland
The Independent Loyal Orange Institution
Grand Orange Lodge of England
Eric Kaufmann's Orange Order Page
The Orange Order, Militant Protestantism and anti-Catholicism: A Bibliographical Essay (1999)
Eric Kaufmann's Orange Order Page
1795 establishments in Ireland
Patriotic societies
Christian fundamentalism
Protestant organizations
Protestantism in the United Kingdom
Anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland
Anti-Catholic organizations
Ulster unionism
All-Ireland organisations
Ulster Scottish
Critics of the Catholic Church
William III of England |
4020693 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ata%20language | Ata language | The Ata language, also known as Pele-Ata after its two dialects, or Wasi, is a Papuan language spoken on New Britain island, Papua New Guinea. It appears to be related to neighboring Anêm, and possibly also to Yélî Dnye in a proposed Yele-West New Britain family. There are about 2000 speakers.
Ata is spoken in West Pomio-Mamusi Rural LLG, East New Britain Province, and in Talasea District, West New Britain Province.
Dialects
According to Yanagida (2004), there are two dialects of Ata, a Lower dialect spoken in the lowlands and an Upper dialect spoken in the mountains. The Lower dialect is spoken in Bialla Rural LLG, West New Britain Province, while the Upper dialect is spoken mostly in West Pomio-Mamusi Rural LLG, East New Britain Province:
Lower dialect (in Bialla Rural LLG, West New Britain Province):
Kiava (Old Kiava) ()
Korovasi
Malasi ()
Milikina (Elobe) ()
Mulusi
Ole
Sale (Gogosi) ()
Sege ()
Silanga [settlement] ()
Upper dialect (in West Pomio-Mamusi Rural LLG, East New Britain Province, unless noted otherwise):
Sipa (Bauka), West New Britain ()
Uasilau [settlement], West New Britain ()
Kaikou ()
Lavugi ()
Luge, West New Britain ()
Ti ()
Yauyau ()
Kukulu ()
Both the lower and upper dialects are spoken in the settlement of Silanga.
There are some lexical differences between the dialects. Some examples are listed below.
{|
! gloss !! Upper Ata !! Lower Ata
|-
| rain || uali || laʔiua
|-
| sweet potato || totoʔo || kelatu
|-
| cassava || mio || mio, mioxa
|-
| throw something || paxele || pei
|-
| yes || iou || ani
|-
| the day before yesterday || malakaumei || malaʔo
|-
| 2nd person dual independent pronoun || ngolou || ngongou
|-
| 3rd person dual independent pronoun || olou || ilou
|}
Phonology
Phonology of the Ata language:
/s/ is pronounced as alveolo-palatal [ɕ] before /i/, /x/ is voiced as [ɣ] when occurring intervocalically.
A word-initial /i/ is realized as a [j], and a word-initial /u/ becomes a [w] when preceding /o/ or /ɑ/.
Noun classes
Ata makes use of noun classes, some of which are:
Class 1 nouns: stationary and function in a state of relative stagnancy
Class 2 nouns: portable and function in a state of relative motion
Class 3 nouns: relating to the body’s internal needs
Below are some Ata noun class paradigms, using the noun roots lavo’o ‘stone’ and lexe ‘song’ as examples:
{|
! root !! lavo’o !! /stone/ !! ‘stone’
|-
| Class 1 || lavo'o-silo || /stone-my/ || ‘my stone to be used for a house’
|-
| Class 2 || lavo'o-xeni || /stone-my/ || ‘my stone to be used for breaking nuts’
|-
| Class 3 || lavo'o-xo || /stone-my/ || ‘my stone for a stone oven’
|}
{|
! root !! lexe !! /song/ !! ‘song’
|-
| Class 1 || lexe-silo || /song-my/ || ‘a song to be sung for me’
|-
| Class 2 || lexe-xeni || /song-my/ || ‘the song I sing’
|-
| Class 3 || lexe-xo || /song-my/ || ‘the song about me’
|}
Vocabulary
Selected basic vocabulary items in Ata:
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! gloss !! Ata
|-
| bird || ngiala
|-
| blood || sialuxu
|-
| bone || xine
|-
| breast || susu
|-
| ear || sangalie
|-
| eat || ’ie
|-
| egg || atolu
|-
| eye || iei
|-
| fire || navu
|-
| give || iti; losie
|-
| go || lai
|-
| ground || lia
|-
| leg || tava'a
|-
| louse || meni
|-
| man || aliko
|-
| moon || so'io
|-
| name || uala
|-
| one || vile
|-
| road, path || vote'i
|-
| see || maisou
|-
| sky || loxotolo
|-
| stone || lavo'o
|-
| sun || aso
|-
| tongue || levexe
|-
| teeth || anaxu ilaanu (anaxu = 'mouth')
|-
| tree || aiinu; ovu
|-
| two || tamei
|-
| water || lexa
|-
| woman || sema
|}
See also
East Papuan languages
References
Further reading
West New Britain languages
Languages of East New Britain Province
Languages of West New Britain Province |
4020699 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supreme%20Court%20of%20Alabama | Supreme Court of Alabama | The Supreme Court of Alabama is the highest court in the state of Alabama. The court consists of a chief justice and eight associate justices. Each justice is elected in partisan elections for staggered six-year terms. The Supreme Court is housed in the Heflin-Torbert Judicial Building in downtown Montgomery, Alabama.
The Governor of Alabama may fill vacancies when they occur for the remainder of unexpired terms. The current partisan line-up for the court is all Republican. There is no specific limitation on the number of terms to which a member may be elected. However, the state constitution under Amendment 328, adopted in 1973, prohibits any member from seeking election once they have attained the age of seventy years. This amendment would have prohibited then Chief Justice Roy Moore from seeking re-election in 2018. However, on April 26, 2017, Moore announced his intent to run for the United States Senate seat formerly held by United States Attorney General Jeff Sessions, and resigned from the court.
The Clerk of Court is Julia Jordan Weller.
History
The Supreme Court of Alabama was organized under the governorship of William Wyatt Bibb, and had its beginnings with the Alabama Constitution of 1819, which stated that until the General Assembly deemed otherwise, the functions of the Supreme Court would be handled by the judges of the Alabama circuit courts. The circuit judges were elected by a joint vote of both houses of the Alabama Legislature. These judges met in May 1820 in the capital city of Cahaba for the first term of the Supreme Court. Clement Comer Clay was appointed by the other judges as the first chief justice of the court. Following his resignation in 1823, he was succeeded by Abner Smith Lipscomb.
The court was then reorganized in 1832. It then became a separate court with three justices elected to six-year terms. Abner Lipscomb remained as chief justice. In 1851 the number of justices was increased to five. In 1853 the membership of the court was reduced to three again. By this time the court had its own chambers in the newly completed Alabama State Capitol. No changes to the court occurred during the years of the Civil War.
The new state constitution of 1868, drafted during the Reconstruction Era, committed the election of the three justices to the people rather than the legislature. The number of justices was increased to four in 1889. 1891 saw the number increased to five. Following the adoption of the 1901 constitution, the 1903 session of the legislature raised the number of justices to seven. In 1940 the Supreme Court moved from the Capitol Building to 445 Dexter Avenue. The building had been built as a Scottish Rite temple in 1926 but was sold to the state during the financially difficult years of the Great Depression. The state acquired and started a remodel of the building in 1938 for the relocation of the Judicial Department, Attorney General and State Law Library.
Legislative Act Number 602, 1969 Alabama Acts was passed during Regular Session of 1969. It increased the number of associate justices to eight, bringing the number of court justices to the configuration that remains today. Former Justice Janie L. Shores was the first of six women to serve on the court. She was elected to the court in 1974. The first of three black justices to serve on the court was former Justice Oscar W. Adams Jr., who in 1980 was initially appointed by then Governor Fob James to serve the remainder of an unexpired term. Justice Adams would become the first black justice elected to the court when he was elected two years later to serve a full six-year term. The court moved to the new Heflin-Torbert Judicial Building at 300 Dexter Avenue in 1994.
Jurisdiction
The Supreme Court of Alabama has the authority to review decisions by all the lower courts of the state and the authority to determine certain legal matters over which no other court has jurisdiction. It further has the authority to issue any necessary orders to carry out the general superintendence of the Unified Judicial System of Alabama. It has exclusive jurisdiction over all appeals in disputes exceeding $50,000, as well as appeals from the Alabama Public Service Commission.
The chief justice also serves as the administrative head of the Alabama Judicial System. The court makes all rules governing administration, practice, and procedure for all Alabama courts. The exercise of this authority eliminates technicalities which usually cause delays in trial courts and reversals in appellate courts.
Chief Justices
The Alabama Supreme Court has had an unusually high turnover in the chief justice position, going back to October 1995. Since then, the post has been occupied by eight different individuals for nine different time periods. Not one of these individuals has completed an entire term of six years.
Perry Hooper Sr., elected in 1994, did not assume the office until October, 1995, after a protracted election contest that prevented him from taking office until nine months into the term. He was succeeded by Roy Moore, who was elected in 2000 but removed from office due to violations of the judicial canon of ethics. Associate Justice Gorman Houston acted as temporary chief justice during Moore's suspension but before his actual removal from office. After Moore vacated the office, the Governor appointed Drayton Nabers Jr. Sue Bell Cobb defeated Chief Justice Nabers in 2006. Cobb resigned for personal reasons in the middle of her term. Her replacement, Chuck Malone was appointed on August 1, 2011, by Governor Robert Bentley but was defeated for re-nomination by former Chief Justice Roy Moore in 2012.
Moore assumed the office a second time beginning in January 2013, and was again suspended from office on May 6, 2016, by the Court of the Judiciary. Associate Justice Lyn Stuart became chief justice on April 26, 2017, when Moore formally resigned from the seat from which he was already suspended. Moore then sought election to the U.S. Senate seat vacated by Jeff Sessions for which a special election was held in December 2017. Stuart was appointed for the remainder of the term by Governor Kay Ivey on April 26, 2017. Chief Justice Stuart, who became the first female Republican chief justice, has been an associate justice of the court since 2001. She faced Associate Justice Tom Parker in the GOP primary in June 2018, and lost the primary to Parker in a relatively close race. Parker had previously lost a GOP primary for the post to Drayton Nabers in 2006.
In November 2018, Alabamians selected a new chief justice when Republican Tom Parker easily defeated Democrat Robert Vance. Justice Parker became the eighth different chief justice in only seventeen years when he assumed office on January 11, 2019. When Parker became chief justice, he vacated the associate justice seat he then held and Governor Kay Ivey appointed outgoing Justice Mendheim to the seat. Chief Justice Parker is 67 years old and will not be constitutionally eligible to seek another term in 2024, thus resulting in another new chief justice in 2025.
List of all chief justices of Alabama Supreme Court:
Clement Claiborne Clay
Abner S. Lipscomb
Reuben Saffold
Henry Hitchcock (D)
Arthur F. Hopkins (D)
Henry W. Collier (D)
Edmund S. Dargan (D)
William P. Chilton (D)
George Goldthwaite (D)
Samuel F. Rice (D)
Abram J. Walker (D)
Elisha W. Peck (R)
Thomas Minott Peters (R)
Robert C. Brickell (D)
George W. Stone (D)
Robert C. Brickell (D) (re-elected)
Samuel D. Weakley Jr. (D)
John R. Tyson (D)
James R. Dowdell (D)
John C. Anderson (D)
Lucien D. Gardner (D)
J. Ed Livingston (D)
Howell Heflin (D)
C.C. Torbert (D) (1977-1989)
Ernest C. Hornsby (D) (1989-1995)
Perry O. Hooper Sr. (R) (1995–2001)
Roy Moore (R) (2001–2003)
Gorman Houston (R) (acting 2003–2004)
Drayton Nabers Jr. (R) (2004–2007)
Sue Bell Cobb (D) (2007–2011)
Chuck Malone (R) (2011–2013)
Roy Moore (R) (2013–2017)
Lyn Stuart (R) (acting 2016–2017; appointed 2017–2019)
Tom Parker (R) (2019–present)
Current Justices
The eight current associate justices are Sarah Hicks Stewart, Tommy Bryan, Kelli Wise, Michael F. Bolin, James L. Mitchell, Brady E. Mendheim Jr., Greg Shaw and William B. Sellers.
Most of the members of the court initially came to their seats via election, with two exceptions:
Justice Lyn Stuart's elevation to the chief justice position created a vacancy in the associate justice seat she held. That vacancy was filled by Governor Kay Ivey on May 25, 2017, with the appointment of Justice William B. Sellers.
Justice Tom Parker became chief justice on January 14, 2019, vacating the associate justice seat he held. On December 28, 2018, Governor Ivey appointed outgoing Justice Brady E. Mendheim Jr. to that seat, effective January 15, 2019. Mendheim had previously been appointed by Ivey to replace Justice Glenn Murdock, who resigned effective January 2018; Mendheim was defeated in the election to serve the remainder of that term.
Administrative Office of the Courts and State Marshals
The Administrative Office of the Courts is under the leadership of a director appointed by the chief justice of the Court. The Administrative Office of the Courts is responsible for a variety of functions including but not limited to the Juvenile Probation Offices for the Family Court System, Child Support Enforcement, Human Resources Division of the Court, and the Court Interpreter Registry. The current director, Rich Hobson, was appointed by Chief Justice Tom Parker to the position in January, 2019. This is Hobson's third time in the position having previously served in the post from 2001 to 2003 and from 2013 to 2016.
The State of Alabama marshals are responsible for protection of the Supreme Court, Court of Criminal Appeals, and the Court of Civil Appeals. They also serve subpoenas and court documents among other duties. The current marshal of the Alabama Appellate Courts is Earl Marsh, who was appointed in 2020.
See also
Courts of Alabama
Alabama Court of Civil Appeals
Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals
References
External links
Alabama
Alabama state courts
Politics of Alabama
1819 establishments in Alabama
Courts and tribunals established in 1819 |
4020701 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yok-Utian%20languages | Yok-Utian languages | Yok-Utian is a proposed language family of California. It consists of the Yokuts language and the Utian language family.
While connections between Yokuts and Utian languages were noticed through attempts to reconstruct their proto-languages in 1986, it was not until 1991 that Yok-Utian was proposed and named by Geoffrey Gamble. Yok-Utian has been further supported by Catherine Callaghan, who has argued for the family's existence on the basis of lexical, morphological, and phonological similarities between the reconstructed proto-languages. However, she and others have noted that while it is compelling, the evidence presented is not conclusive.
According to the proposal, the Yok-Utian proto-language was spoken by a group originating in the Great Basin at least as early as 4500 BC. There was a division around 2500 BC, as the group which began speaking Proto-Utian migrated from the Great Basin into California. Proto-Miwok began to emerge in the northern Bay Area between 1000 and 500 BC, and began to spread west and south. Proto-Costanoan emerged in the eastern Bay Area, splitting from the larger Utian group sometime after 1500 BC, if not earlier. The language that remained in the Great Basin turned into proto-Yokuts before gradually splitting into the various Yokuts dialects and only later began to migrate into California. However, Scott DeLancey and Victor Golla have proposed that the language distribution could be the result of a single migration of Yok-Utian speakers who later spread out throughout California.
One component of the evidence offered for Yok-Utian is that of sound correspondences in the reconstructed proto-languages for Yokuts and the Utian family, such as the sample below.
However, while the reconstructed correspondences can be compelling, they are not conclusive. As the speakers of the Yokuts and Utian languages were in contact with one another for hundreds or thousands of years, it is entirely possible that the sound correspondences are the result of borrowing, rather than a common linguistic ancestor.
While Yok-Utian can be included in the larger Penutian proposal, the Yok-Utian proposal does not directly support Penutian.
References
External links
Native Tribes, Groups, Language Families and Dialects of California in 1770 (map after Kroeber)
Penutian languages
Indigenous languages of California
Proposed language families |
4020705 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plumbago%20drawing | Plumbago drawing | Plumbago drawings are graphite drawings from the 17th and 18th centuries. There was a group of artists whose work in plumbago is remarkable for their portraits drawn with finely pointed pieces of graphite and on vellum. These works were initially prepared as the basis of an engraving. Eventually they would be produced as works in their own right.
Early artists in plumbago
One of the earliest of this group of workers was Simon Van de Pass (1595–1647), and his pencil drawings were probably either for reproduction on silver tablets or counters or for engraved plates. The earlier miniature painters also drew in this manner, notably Nicholas Hilliard in preparing designs for jewels and seals, and Isaac Oliver and Peter Oliver in portraits.
A few pencil portraits by Abraham Blooteling, the Dutch engraver, have been preserved, which appear to have been first sketches, from which plates were afterwards engraved. David Loggan (1635–1700), a pupil of Van de Pass, also left a few portraits, as a rule drawn on vellum and executed with dexterity.
These works were not always prepared for engraving. There is one representing Charles II, set in a gold snuff box, which was given by the King to the Duchess of Portsmouth, and which went to the Duke of Richmond, and a similar portrait of Oliver Cromwell which was in the possession of Lord Verulam; and there are no engravings corresponding to these.
Later works
William Faithorne (1616–1691) derived much of his skill from the time he spent with Robert Nanteuil, whose style he followed. There are drawings by him in the Bodleian Library, at Welbeck Abbey and at Montagu House, and two fine portraits in the British Museum. Thomas Forster (c. 1695–1712) was one of the major draughtsmen in this form of portraiture, on vellum and on paper. His work was at Welbeck Abbey, in the Holburne Museum at Bath, in the Victoria and Albert Museum and elsewhere.
Robert and George White, were English artists, father and son. The former (1645–1704) was a pupil of Loggan and a prolific engraver, and most of his drawings executed on vellum were for the purpose of engraving. George White (c. 1684–1732) was taught by his father, and finished some of his father's plates. Forster and the two Whites signed their drawings and dated them. By Robert White there are portraits of John Bunyan and Sir Matthew Hale in the British Museum, and his own portrait at Welbeck; and by him and his son there are other drawings, depicting Sir Godfrey Kneller, Archbishop Tenison and others.
The two John Fabers, John Faber the Elder (c.1660–1721) and John Faber the Younger (1684–1756), were Dutch; they usually added drawn inscriptions, often found within circles around the portraits and occasionally extending to many lines below them. The son was the more significant artist, known for mezzotints. The portrait painter Jonathan Richardson (1665–1745) executed many drawings in pencil, examples of which can be seen in the British Museum.
The Scot David Paton was working in 1670. Most of his drawings belonged to the Earl of Dysart and were at Ham House; examples of his portraiture were in the possession of the Daizell family. Paton was attached to the court of Charles II, when the king was in Scotland; at that time he drew his portrait of the King. There are drawings of the same character as his, the work of George Glover (d. 1618) and Thomas Cecill (fl. 1630), but they were evidently studies for engravings. A Swiss artist, Joseph Werner (b. 1637) drew in pencil, adopting brown paper as the material on which his best drawings were done, and in some cases heightening them with touches of white paint.
Later miniature artists, including Nathaniel Hone, Grimaldi, Bernard Lens and John Downman, also drew in plumbago. Other exponents of this art were Thomas Worlidge (1700–1766), F. Steele (c. 1714), W. Robins (c. 1730), G. A. Wolffgang (1692–1775), George Vertue the engraver (1684–1756), Johann Zoffany (1733–1810), and the Swede, Charles Bancks (c. 1748).
References
External links
Attribution
Drawing |
4020713 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New%20Harbor%2C%20Maine | New Harbor, Maine | New Harbor is a small scenic coastal village in the town of Bristol, in Lincoln County, Maine, United States. In 2019, the town of Bristol, and in-turn New Harbor was a finalist in the Reader's Digest award for "America's Nicest Place." Bristol and New Harbor were also nominated for and won the "Nicest Place in Maine Award" by Reader's Digest. In New Harbor you will find famous scenic historical sites such as the Pemaquid Point Lighthouse, which is found on the back of the Maine state quarter, and Fort William Henry. New Harbor also sports a large white sand public beach known as Pemaquid Beach, that sits on the calm Atlantic waters of Johns Bay.
The village's lobster fishermen and "Back Cove" were featured on an episode of the Discovery Channel's Sunrise Earth. The community was also used as a filming location for the 1999 film Message in a Bottle, with some scenes filmed at Shaw's Wharf. In 1922 the silent film The Seventh Day, starring Richard Barthelmess, was filmed in New Harbor.
One cannot forget the endless hiking and nature preserves that are available for public exploration. One such important public Wildlife Refuge is the Rachel Carson Salt Pond Preserve in New Harbor. One can go for a 1.1-mile walk on the 78-acre Salt Pond Preserve, which starts on the north side of Route 32 along the shore and ventures West into the preserve's woods. Activities include hiking and climbing as well as coastal activities such as tidal pool searching and sea glass gathering. The Rachel Carson Salt Pond Preserve was one of legendary scientist and environmentalist Rachel Carson's favorite spots, and inspired some of the research for her book, The Edge of the Sea.
Brief Beach History
Pemaquid Beach, is a public family beach in New Harbor, Maine. The Beach is owned by the Town of Bristol in mid-coast Maine and, along with its "sister" park- the Pemaquid Point Lighthouse, are operated by the Bristol Parks Commission. Pemaquid beach boasts clean, clear water. The sand is groomed daily to ensure beach goers enjoy the cleanest beach setting possible. The beautiful new Pavilion offers large changing rooms and, popular with the younger beach goers, are the outdoor shower towers to rinse off. You will find a Beach Shop, stocked with beach chairs, boggie boards and umbrellas for rent.
Since 2003, Pemaquid Watershed Association (now Coastal Rivers) has partnered with the Town of Bristol Parks & Recreation Commission to offer Beachcombers’ Rest, a nature center located in the pavilion at Pemaquid Beach Park.
In addition to displays and exhibits, the Nature Center is host to a number of educational programs for all ages.
Beachcombers’ Rest Nature Center offers special programs such as educational workshops, diving show-and-tells, treasure hunts, celebrations, and sand sculpture contests. All events are open to the public.
In 1958 there was a special town meeting held where voters of New Harbor approved a large purchase of what was once called "Big Beach." This town purchase officially made the beach public, allowing all residents to visit any time of the year even when closed in the off-season.
The Beach's Big Burn
In October 2019, the Village of New Harbor performed a controlled burn of the Pemaquid Beach Pavilion. This burn was designed as a training exercise for local and area fire departments. In exchange, the old pavilion was demolished and a new one was erected by the Bristol Parks and Recreation department in time for the 2020 beach season.
The Reconstruction
The new pavilion designed by The Arrowsic firm Theodore + Theodore, Architecture & Design, features a refreshed coastal chic design with larger restrooms, shower stalls, and brand-new entertainment space for events and performances. Among many other new features, the new pavilion offers clear views of Johns Bay and features a new boardwalk that stretches from the pavilion to the white sands of Pemaquid Beach for better accessibility. The project was completed during the Fall and Winter months of 2019 and 2020, opening just in time for the 2020 beach season. However, that season was greatly impacted by the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic that rocked the area's tourism community and industry.
A History of Fires
In early September 2020, The Sea Gull Shop and Restaurant, located adjacent to the Pemaquid Point Lighthouse, were incinerated in an unusual midnight fire that engulfed the entire structure in an inferno so hot that it melted the trim and windows of a nearby home. The shop was a total loss and at a great cost to the community. The lighthouse is a popular attraction for locals and tourists and a much needed restaurant nearby to the residential and tourist community is no longer operational, leaving demand in the market. Moreover, paired with the COVID-19 crisis of 2020, it packed a huge hit to an already suffering tourism industry in the area. Currently, the shop remains in ashes as the New Jersey co-owners Tim and Betsey Norland and Brooke Cotter, who have visited New Harbor for over fifty (50) years, decide what to do with what remains. The co-owners hope to have the shop and restaurant rebuilt in time for the 2021 season.
Notable residents
Benjamin Bates IV
Slaid Cleaves
Thomas Drummond (judge)
John Gyles
Marcus Hanna (lighthouse keeper)
Robert Livingston Ireland Jr.
Cabot Lyford, sculptor
William North
Elizabeth Upham Yates
References
Villages in Maine
Villages in Lincoln County, Maine
Populated coastal places in Maine |
4020722 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watoosh%21 | Watoosh! | Watoosh! is the only studio album released by Canadian rock band Pezz, released in 1999 before they changed their name to Billy Talent. The album was re-released in 2005 through Atlantic Records.
Track listing
Track 13 is an instrumental, while tracks 11, 12 and 14–16 are blank.
The track "M & M" is about a group of gothic kids that used to come into the HMV where Benjamin Kowalewicz worked.
Personnel
Benjamin Kowalewicz – lead vocals
Ian D'Sa – lead guitar, backing vocals, cover art
Jonathan Gallant – bass, backing vocals
Aaron Solowoniuk – drums
Brad Nelson – producer
Daryl Smith – engineer/mixing
Brett Zilahi – mastering
See also
Dudebox
References
Billy Talent albums
1999 albums |
4020725 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alto%20of%20Altom%C3%BCnster | Alto of Altomünster | Alto, O.S.B., (died c. 760) was a Benedictine abbot active in the Duchy of Bavaria during the mid-8th century. Tradition holds him to be the eponymous founder of Altomünster Abbey, around which a market town grew up, also called Altomünster. He is honored as a saint by the Catholic Church.
Life
Little is known about Alto; he is believed to have arrived in the region as a wandering Irish or Scottish monk, and to have previously lived as a hermit near both Munich and Augsburg.
There is a Vita of his life written by Otloh of St. Emmeram about 1062. The Diocese of Freising has a document dating perhaps to 763 with the signature Alto reclausus (Alto the hermit) which is considered to be his.
A donation by King Pepin the Short gave Alto some wooded land on which to build his monastery. Saint Boniface is said to have come to dedicate the church about the year 750.
A Gospel lectionary made for Altomünster Abbey has a metal cover which was added to the manuscript in 1489, depicting one of Saint Alto's miracles.
Alto's feast day is celebrated on 9 February.
Legacy
St-Alto-way is a trail in the forest Alto.
References
8th-century births
760s deaths
German hermits
German Benedictines
Benedictine abbots
Colombanian saints
Medieval German saints
8th-century Christian saints |
4020736 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steve%20Kirby | Steve Kirby | Steve Kirby may refer to:
Steve T. Kirby (born 1952), 35th Lieutenant Governor of South Dakota
Steve Kirby (musician) (born 1956), American jazz musician
Steven Kirby (born 1977), English cricketer
Steve Kirby (Washington politician) (born 1951), member of the Washington House of Representatives |
4020740 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bitterballen | Bitterballen | Bitterballen (plural of bitterbal) are a Dutch meat-based snack, made by making a very thick stew thickened with roux and beef stock and generously loaded with meat, refrigerating the stew until it firms, and then rolling the thick mixture into balls which then get breaded and fried. Seasonings in the base stew usually include onions, salt and pepper, parsley and nutmeg. Most recipes include nutmeg and there are also variations using curry powder or that add in finely chopped vegetables such as carrot.
The bitterbal derives its name from a generic word for certain types of herb-flavoured alcoholic beverages, called a bitter in Dutch, and are popularly served as part of a bittergarnituur, a selection of savoury snacks to go with drinks, at pubs or at receptions in the Netherlands.
Bitterballen are very similar to the more common croquette (kroketten in Dutch) in ingredients and preparation/cooking methods, as well as flavour, though the larger kroketten have a distinct oblong sausage shape, but with a similar diameter.
Preparation
The ingredients are combined and cooked, then refrigerated for the mixture to firm up. Once firm, the filling is rolled into balls roughly 3 to 4 cm in diameter, then battered in a breadcrumb and egg mixture and deep-fried. They are typically served with a ramekin or small bowl of mustard for dipping. They are eaten in Suriname, the Netherlands Antilles, the Netherlands, Belgium, Bonaire, and to some degree in Indonesia.
See also
List of meatball dishes
References
External links
The Dutch Table - Bitterballen
Dutch cuisine
Dutch words and phrases
Beef dishes
Deep fried foods
Snack foods
Meatballs |
4020758 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dog%20biscuit | Dog biscuit | A dog biscuit is a hard biscuit-based dietary supplement for dogs or other canines, similar to human snack food.
Dog biscuits tend to be hard and dry. Dog biscuits may be sold in a flat bone-shape. The dry and hard biscuit texture helps clean the dog's teeth, promoting oral health.
History
"Dog's bread", made from bran, has been mentioned since at least Roman times. It was already criticized (as in later centuries) as particularly bad bread; Juvenal refers to dog's bread as "filth" - "And bit into the filth of a dog's bread" Et farris sordes mordere Canini.
In Spain, "pan de perro" is mentioned as early as 1623 in a play by Lope de Vega. It is used here in the sense of giving someone blows; to "give dog's bread" to someone could mean anything from mistreating them to killing them. The latter meaning refers to a special bread (also called zarazas) made with ground glass, poison and needles and intended to kill dogs.
The bread meant as food for dogs was also called parruna and was made from bran. This was very likely what was referred to in associating the bread with (non-fatal) mistreatment.
In France, Charles Estienne wrote in 1598: "Take no notice of bran bread,... it is better to leave it for the hunting, or shepherd, or watch dogs." By the nineteenth century, "pain de chien" had become a way of referring to very bad bread: "It is awful, general, they give us dog's bread!"
The English dog biscuit appears to be a nineteenth-century innovation: "With this may be joined farinaceous and vegetable articles — oat-meal, fine-pollard, dog-biscuit, potatoes, carrots, parsnips" (1827); "being in the neighbourhood of Maidenhead, I inspected Mr. Smith's dog-biscuit manufactory, and was surprised to find he has been for a long period manufacturing the enormous quantity of five tons a-week !" (1828)
In later years, dog biscuits began to be made of meat products and were sometimes treated as synonymous with dog food. In 1871, an ad appeared in Cassell's Illustrated Almanac for "SLATER'S MEAT BISCUIT FOR DOGS - Contains vegetable substances and about 25 per cent of Prepared Meat. It gives Dogs endurance, and without any other food will keep them in fine working condition."
In England, Spratt's Dog Biscuits not only obtained a patent but seems to have claimed to have invented the food:
In at least one case (in 1886) Spratt sued a seller accused of substituting another product - an early example of a company fighting "knock-offs":
Spratt lost in this case and the judge regretted that he could not grant the defendant court costs.
At one point after this, as an industrial product, dog biscuits were classified in the same category as soap: "Of the making of dog biscuits, which the census places in the same category with soap, as using animal refuse from which soap grease has been extracted, it is unnecessary to say much."
Spratt dominated the American market until 1907, when F. H. Bennett, whose own dog biscuits were faring poorly against those of the larger company, had the idea of making them in the shape of a bone. "His 'Maltoid Milk-Bones' were such a success that for the next fifteen years Bennett's Milk-Bone dominated the commercial dog food market in America." In 1931, the National Biscuit Company, now known as Nabisco, bought the company.
World's Largest Dog Biscuit
The world's largest dog biscuit weighs 279.87 kg and was baked to be 2,000 larger than average by Hampshire Pet Products from Joplin, Missouri, USA.
References
Dog nutrition
Pet foods
Biscuits |
4020775 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First%20Nagorno-Karabakh%20War | First Nagorno-Karabakh War | The First Nagorno-Karabakh War was an ethnic and territorial conflict that took place from February 1988 to May 1994, in the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in southwestern Azerbaijan, between the majority ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh backed by Armenia, and the Republic of Azerbaijan. As the war progressed, Armenia and Azerbaijan, both former Soviet Republics, entangled themselves in protracted, undeclared mountain warfare in the mountainous heights of Karabakh as Azerbaijan attempted to curb the secessionist movement in Nagorno-Karabakh. The enclave's parliament had voted in favor of uniting with Armenia and a referendum, boycotted by the Azerbaijani population of Nagorno-Karabakh, was held, in which a majority voted in favor of independence. The demand to unify with Armenia began in a relatively peaceful manner in 1988; in the following months, as the Soviet Union disintegrated, it gradually grew into an increasingly violent conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, resulting in ethnic cleansing, including the Sumgait (1988) and Baku (1990) pogroms directed against Armenians, and the Gugark pogrom (1988) and Khojaly Massacre (1992) directed against Azerbaijanis.
Inter-ethnic clashes between the two broke out shortly after the parliament of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) in Azerbaijan voted to unite the region with Armenia on 20 February 1988. The declaration of secession from Azerbaijan was the culmination of a territorial conflict. As Azerbaijan declared its independence from the Soviet Union and removed the powers held by the enclave's government, the Armenian majority voted to secede from Azerbaijan and in the process proclaimed the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Full-scale fighting erupted in early 1992. International mediation by several groups including the Conference for Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) failed to bring an end resolution that both sides could work with. In early 1993, Armenian forces captured seven Azerbaijani-majority districts outside the enclave itself, threatening the involvement of other countries in the region. By the end of the war in 1994, the Armenians were in full control of the enclave, in addition to surrounding Azerbaijani territories, most notably the Lachin Corridor – a mountain pass that links Nagorno-Karabakh with mainland Armenia. A Russian-brokered ceasefire was signed in May 1994.
As a result of the conflict, approximately 724,000 Azerbaijanis were expelled from Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories, while 300,000–500,000 Armenians living in Azerbaijan or Armenian border areas were displaced. After the end of the war and over a period of many years, regular peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan were mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group but failed to result in a peace treaty. This left the Nagorno-Karabakh area in a state of legal limbo, with the Republic of Artsakh remaining de facto independent but internationally unrecognized. Ongoing tensions persisted, with occasional outbreaks of armed clashes. Armenian forces occupied approximately 9% of Azerbaijan's territory outside the enclave until the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.
Background
The territorial ownership of Nagorno-Karabakh today is heavily contested between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. The current conflict has its roots in events following World War I. Amid the dissolution of the Russian Empire in November 1917 and seizure of power by the Bolsheviks, the three main ethnic groups of the South Caucasus, Armenians, Azerbaijanis and Georgians, struggled to come to an agreement on the nature of political government in the region. An attempt at shared political authority in the form of the Transcaucasian Federation in the spring of 1918 came to naught in the face of an invasion by the forces of the Ottoman Empire. In May 1918, separate Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian national republics declared their formal independence from Russia.
Armenian–Azerbaijani war
Fighting soon broke out between the First Republic of Armenia and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in three regions in particular: Nakhchivan, Zangezur (today the Armenian provinces of Syunik and Vayotz Dzor) and Karabakh itself.
Armenia and Azerbaijan quarreled over the prospective boundaries of the three regions. The Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh sought to unite the region with the Armenian republic. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, forces led by Armenian general Andranik Ozanian entered Karabakh and made for the regional capital of Shusha in December 1918 when they were stopped by newly-arrived British troops. The British commander suggested Andranik desist from marching on to Shusha and allow Armenia's and Azerbaijan's territorial disputes be left to the diplomats meeting at the forthcoming Paris Peace Conference. The British in the meantime decided to appoint Khosrov bey Sultanov, an Azerbaijani statesman, as provisional governor, but insisted that all sides await the decision made at the peace conference. Intermittent fighting broke out shortly after and accelerated following the British pull-out in early 1919. The violence culminated in Shusha's partial destruction by Azerbaijani forces in April 1920.
Soviet division
In April 1920, the Soviet Eleventh Army invaded the Caucasus and within two years, the Caucasian republics were formed into the Transcaucasian SFSR of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks created a seven-member committee, the Caucasus Bureau (known as the Kavburo). Established under the auspices of the People's Commissariat for Nationalities, the Kavburo was tasked with resolving a myriad of national-related issues in the Caucasus. On 4 July 1921 the committee voted 4–3 in favor of assigning Nagorno-Karabakh to the newly created Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia, but a day later the Kavburo reversed its decision and voted to leave the region within the Azerbaijan SSR.
Historians to this day debate the reason for the Kavburo's last-minute reversal. Early scholarship argued that the decision was driven by a Soviet nationality policy that sought to create divisions within different ethnic and national groups. In addition to Nagorno-Karabakh, the Soviets also turned Nakhichevan, a region with a large Armenian minority population, into an exclave of Azerbaijan, separated by Armenia's border. More recent research has pointed to geography, Soviet economic policy, and ensuring close relations with Turkish nationalist leader Mustafa Kemal as factoring heavily in the Soviet decision-making.
The creation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) in 1923 left the region with a 94% Armenian population. The region's capital was moved from Shusha to Khankendi, which was subsequently renamed Stepanakert.
Over the following decades of Soviet rule, the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians retained a strong desire to reunite with Armenia. A number of Armenian Communist Party officials attempted to persuade Moscow to reconsider the question, to little avail. In 1936, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Armenia Aghasi Khanjian was murdered by the deputy head (and soon head) of the NKVD Lavrentiy Beria after submitting Armenian grievances to Stalin, which included requests to return Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhichevan to Armenia. The Armenians of the region frequently complained over the span of Soviet rule that their cultural and national rights were continually trampled upon by the Soviet Azerbaijani authorities in Baku.
Prelude
Revival of the Karabakh issue
After Stalin's death, Armenian discontent began to be voiced. In 1963, around 2,500 Karabakh Armenians signed a petition calling for Karabakh to be put under Armenian control or to be transferred to Russia. The same year saw violent clashes in Stepanakert, leading to the death of 18 Armenians. In 1965 and 1977, there were large demonstrations in Yerevan calling to unify Karabakh with Armenia.
In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the new general secretary of the Soviet Union and began implementing plans to reform the Soviet Union through his policies of perestroika and glasnost. Many Armenians took advantage of the unprecedented opening of political expression offered by his policies and brought the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh back into the limelight. Karabakh Armenian leaders complained that the region had neither Armenian language textbooks in schools nor in television broadcasting, and that Azerbaijan's Communist Party General Secretary Heydar Aliyev had attempted to "Azerify" the region by increasing the influence and number of Azerbaijanis living in Nagorno-Karabakh while at the same time pressuring its Armenian population to emigrate (Aliyev would step down as general secretary in 1987) Over the course of seventy years, the Armenian population of Karabakh had dwindled to nearly three-quarters of the total population by the late 1980s.
In February 1988, Armenians began protesting and staging workers' strikes in Yerevan, demanding unification with the enclave. On 20 February 1988, the leaders of the regional Soviet of Karabakh voted in favour of unifying the autonomous region with Armenia in a resolution reading:
The response from Moscow and Baku was swift and unequivocal. Counter-protests were held in Baku on 19 February 1988 (the seventh day of Armenian rallies). The poet Bakhtiyar Vahabzadeh and the historian Suleyman Aliyarov published an open letter in the newspaper Azerbaijan, declaring Karabakh historic Azerbaijani territory. On 24 February, Boris Kevorkov, the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region party secretary and an Azerbaijan loyalist, was dismissed. Among the Soviet intelligentsia, the reaction was far more receptive. Soviet dissident Andrei Sakharov, among many others, voiced their support for the Armenians.
In an attempt to calm tempers in Armenia, on 26 February, Gorbachev met with two popular Armenian cultural figures and intellectuals prominent in the Karabakh movement, Zori Balayan and Silva Kaputikyan, and asked them for a one-month moratorium on demonstrations. Returning to Armenia the same evening, Kaputikyan told the crowds the "Armenians [had] triumphed," although Gorbachev had not made any promises. According to Svante Cornell, this was an attempt to pressure Moscow. On 10 March, Gorbachev doubled down and stated that, in accordance with Article 78 of the Soviet constitution, no borders between the republics could change. He added since that several other regions in the Soviet Union were seeking territorial changes, redrawing the boundaries in Karabakh would set a dangerous precedent. While the Armenians denounced the 1921 Kavburo decision and believed they were correcting a historical error through the principle of self-determination (a right also granted in the constitution), Azerbaijanis found calls to cede the territory unacceptable and thus found themselves in alignment with Moscow.
Askeran and Sumgait
Ethnic infighting soon broke out between Armenians and Azerbaijanis living in Karabakh. In his 2003 book Black Garden, journalist Thomas de Waal interviewed a number of Azerbaijanis who claimed that as early as the end of 1987 Azerbaijanis from the villages of Ghapan and Meghri in Armenia were forced to leave their homes as a result of tensions between them and their Armenian neighbours. They claimed in November 1987 two freight cars full of Azerbaijanis are alleged to have arrived at the train station in Baku. In later interviews, the mayors of the two villages denied that any such tension existed at the time.
Amid a swirl of rumors, further acts of violence took place in February 1988. On 20 February, two Azerbaijani trainee female students were admitted to Stepanakert hospital for rape. On 22 February 1988, rumours of an Azerbaijani having been killed in Stepanakert, which was refuted by authorities, led an angry mob of thousands of Azerbaijanis from Agdam to march towards Nagorno-Karabakh. Policemen and armed Armenian villagers met them near the town of Askeran (located on the road between Stepanakert and Aghdam), leading to a direct confrontation. Numerous people on both sides were injured, and two Azerbaijani youth were killed. One of them was probably shot by a local policeman, possibly an Azerbaijani, either by accident or as a result of a quarrel. On 27 February 1988, while speaking on Baku's central television, the Soviet Deputy Procurator Alexander Katusev reported that "two inhabitants of the Agdam district fell victim to murder" and released their names.
The clash in Askeran served as a prelude to the pogroms in the seaside town of Sumgait, where tensions, already heightened by the Karabakh crisis, increased following a series of protests starting on 27 February. Speaking at the rallies, Azerbaijani refugees from the Armenian town of Ghapan accused Armenians of "murder and atrocities." Soviet media refuted these allegations and claimed that many of the speakers were agents provocateurs. Within hours, the pogrom against Sumgait's Armenian population broke out. Armenians were beaten, raped, mutilated and killed both on the streets of Sumgait and inside their apartments during three days of violence (with the police and local authorities failing to intervene) that only ended when Soviet armed forces entered the city and quelled much of the rioting on 1 March. The pogroms resulted in the deaths of 32 people (26 Armenians and 6 Azerbaijanis), according to official Soviet figures, although many Armenians believed this to be an undercount. Nearly all of Sumgait's Armenian population fled the city after the pogrom. Among Armenians, the killings revived memories of the Armenian genocide.
On 23 March 1988, the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union rejected Armenian demands to reassign Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. Troops were dispatched to Yerevan to curtail protests. Gorbachev's attempts to quell tensions were to no avail, however. In Armenia, there was a firm belief that what had taken place in the region of Nakhichevan would be repeated in Nagorno-Karabakh: prior to its absorption by Soviet Russia, its population had stood at about 40% Armenian; by the late 1980s, its Armenian population was virtually non-existent.
Interethnic violence
Despite promises by Gorbachev to increase spending in the Nagnorno-Karabakh region, including investing 400 million-rubles in the introduction of Armenian language textbooks and television programming, Armenians remained dissatisfied with the state of affairs in 1988. Armenian agitation briefly subsided when a devastating earthquake hit Armenia on 7 December 1988, leveling the towns of Leninakan (now Gyumri) and Spitak and killing an estimated 25,000 people. Amid the tragedy, Soviet authorities arrested eleven members of the newly-formed Karabakh Committee, including the future president of Armenia Levon Ter-Petrosyan. Such actions polarized relations between Armenian leaders and the Kremlin; Armenians lost faith in Gorbachev, not least because of the bungled Soviet earthquake relief effort.
In the months following the Sumgait pogrom, a massive population exchange took place, as Armenians living in Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis living in Armenia were forced out or chose to abandon their homes. According to the Azerbaijani government, between 27 and 29 November 1988, 33 Azerbaijanis were killed in Spitak, Gugark and Stepanavan and 216 in the 1987–1989 period. According to Arif Yunusov, an Azerbaijani MP and statistician, in November of the same year twelve Azerbaijanis from the Armenian village of Vardan were reportedly burned to death. According to Armenian sources, the number of Azerbaijanis killed in the 1988–1989 period reached 25.
Interethnic fighting also spread across Azerbaijan. In December 1988, seven people (among them four soldiers) were killed and hundreds injured when Soviet army units attempted once more to stop attacks directed at Armenians in Kirovabad and Nakhichevan. Estimates vary on how many people were killed during the first two years of the conflict. The Azerbaijani government alleges that 216 Azerbaijanis were killed in Armenia, while Yunusov gives 127 for those killed in 1988 alone. An October 1989 article in Time reported that over 100 people were estimated to have been killed in Armenia and Azerbaijan since February 1988.
By the end of 1988, dozens of villages in Armenia had become deserted, as most of Armenia's more than 200,000 Azerbaijanis and Muslim Kurds left.
Black January
By January 1989, the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh had grown so out of control that the central government in Moscow impose direct rule over region, a move welcomed by many Armenians. In September 1989, Popular Front (APF) leaders and their ever-increasing supporters set up a railway blockade against Armenia and the NKAO, effectively crippling Armenia's economy, as 85% of cargo and goods arrived through rail traffic, although some scholars claim this was a response to Armenia's own embargo against Nakhichevan ASSR that had started earlier that year. Rail service to Armenia was also disrupted by attacks by Armenian militants against Azerbaijani train crews.
In January 1990, another pogrom directed at Armenians in Baku forced Gorbachev to declare a state of emergency and send interior ministry (MVD) troops to restore order. City residents, who saw tanks arriving at about 5 AM, said the troops were the first to open fire. The Shield Report, an independent commission from the USSR military procurator's office, rejected the military's claims of it have returning fire, finding no evidence that those manning the barricades on the roads to Baku were armed. A curfew was established and violent clashes between the soldiers and the surging APF ensued. One hundred twenty Azerbaijanis and eight MVD soldiers were killed in the fighting in Baku. The events referred to in Azerbaijan as Black January, strained relations between Azerbaijan and the central government, and led to the collapse of the Azerbaijan Communist Party .
Fighting in Qazakh
Azerbaijan has several exclaves within the territory of Armenia: Yukhari Askipara, Barkhudarli and Sofulu in the northwest and an exclave of Karki in the Nakhchivan exclave of Azerbaijan. In early 1990, the road alongside the border village of Baghanis came under routine attack by militia members from Azerbaijan. At the same time, Armenian forces attacked both these Azerbaijani enclaves within Armenia proper and the border villages of the Qazakh and Sadarak rayons in Azerbaijan proper. On 26 March 1990 several cars filled with Armenian paramilitaries arrived in the Armenian border village of Baghanis. At dusk, they crossed the border storming the Azerbaijani village Bağanis Ayrum. About 20 houses were burned and 8 to 11 Azerbaijani villagers killed. The bodies of members of one family, including infants, were found in the charred ruins of their burned homes. By the time the MVD troops arrived in Bağanis Ayrum, the attackers had already fled.
The Armenian-Azerbaijani border was also the flashpoint of fighting between Armenian units and the Soviet army. On 19 August, units of the Armenian national army fired upon Azerbaijani villages Yuxarı Əskipara, Bağanis Ayrum, Aşağı Əskipara and Quşçu Ayrım, and according to eyewitnesses used Rocket-propelled grenades and mortars. The first attack was repulsed, but with additional reinforcements arriving from Yerevan, Armenian forces were able to seize Yukhari Askipara and Bağanis Ayrum. On 20 August Soviet army tanks, anti-aircraft units, and helicopter gunships under the command of Major General Yuri Shatalin were brought in and by the end of the day the Armenians were driven off. According to the Soviet Ministry of Interior, one internal ministry officer, and two police officers were killed, nine soldiers and thirteen residents were injured. According to Armenian media reports, five militants were killed and 25 were wounded; according to Azerbaijani media, about 30 were killed and 100 wounded.
Operation Ring
In early 1991, President Gorbachev held a special countrywide referendum called the Union Treaty which would decide if the Soviet republics would remain together. Newly elected non-communist leaders had come to power in the Soviet republics, including Boris Yeltsin in Russia (Gorbachev remained the President of the Soviet Union), Levon Ter-Petrosyan in Armenia, and Ayaz Mutalibov in Azerbaijan. Armenia and five other republics boycotted the referendum (Armenia declared its independence from the Soviet Union on 23 August 1990, whereas Azerbaijan voted in favor of joining.
As many Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Karabakh began acquiring arms located in caches throughout Karabakh, Mutalibov turned to Gorbachev for support in launching a joint military operation in order to disarm Armenian militants in the region. Codenamed Operation Ring, Soviet forces, acting in conjunction with the local Azerbaijani OMON, entered villages in the Shahumyan region and began to forcibly expel their Armenian inhabitants. The operation involved the use of ground troops, armored vehicles and artillery. The deportations of the Armenian civilians was accompanied by allegations of gross human rights violations.
Operation Ring was viewed by many Soviet and Armenian government officials as a heavy-handed attempt by Moscow to intimidate the Armenian populace and forced them to give up their demands for unification. In the end, the operation proved counter-productive, with the violence only reinforcing the belief among Armenians that armed resistance remained the only solution to the conflict. The initial Armenian resistance inspired volunteers to start forming irregular volunteer detachments.
Early reconciliation efforts
In September 1991, Russian president Boris Yeltsin and Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev tried their first hand at mediation efforts. After peace talks in Baku, Ganja, Stepanakert, and Yerevan on 20–23 September, the sides agreed to sign the Zheleznovodsk Communiqué in the Russian city of Zheleznovodsk taking the principles of territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs of sovereign states, observance of civil rights as a base of the agreement. The agreement was signed by Yeltsin, Nazarbayev, Mutalibov and Ter-Petrosyan. The peace talks came to an end, however, due to continuing bombardment and atrocities by Azerbaijani OMON in Stepanakert and Chapar in late September. with the final blow brought about by the shooting down of an Mi-8 helicopter near the village of Karakend in the Martuni District. The helicopter contained a peace mediating team made up of Russian and Kazakh observers and Azerbaijani high-ranking officials.
Implosion and Soviet dissolution
In late 1991, Armenian militia groups launched a number of operations to capture Armenian-populated villages seized by Azerbaijani OMON in May–July 1991. A number of Azerbaijani units burned these villages down as they withdrew from their positions. According to the Moscow-based Human Rights organization Memorial, at the same time, as a result of attacks by Armenian armed forces, several thousand residents of Azerbaijani villages in the former Shahumian, Hadrut, Martakert, Askeran and Martuni rayons of Azerbaijan left their homes. Some villages (e.g., Imereti and Gerevent) were burned by the militants. There were instances of violence against the civilian population (in particular, in the village Meshali).
Starting in late 1991, when the Azerbaijani side started its counter-offensive, the Armenian side began targeting Azerbaijani villages. According to Memorial, the villages Malibeyli and Gushchular, from which Azerbaijani forces regularly bombarded Stepanakert, were attacked by Armenians. Houses were burned and dozens of civilians were killed. Each side accused the other of using the villages for military purposes. On 19 December, interior ministry troops began to withdraw from Nagorno-Karabakh, completing their departure on 27 December. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the withdrawal of interior ministry troops from Nagorno-Karabakh, the situation in the region spiraled out of control.
Weapons vacuum
As the dissolution of the Soviet Union accelerated in late 1991, both sides sought to acquire weaponry from military caches located throughout the region. The initial advantage tilted in Azerbaijan's favour. During the Cold War, Soviet military doctrine for the defense of the Caucasus had outlined a strategy where Armenia would become a combat zone in the event that NATO member Turkey invaded from the west. Thus, there were only three military divisions stationed in the Armenian SSR, and the country had no airfields, while Azerbaijan had a total of five divisions and five military air bases. Furthermore, Armenia had approximately 500 railroad cars of ammunition compared to Azerbaijan's 10,000.
As MVD forces began pulling out, they bequeathed the Armenians and Azerbaijanis a vast arsenal of ammunition and armored vehicles. The government forces initially sent by Gorbachev three years earlier were from other Soviet republics and many had no wish to stay too long. Most were poor, young conscripts and many simply sold their weapons for cash or even vodka to either side, some even trying to sell tanks and armored personnel carriers (APCs). The unsecured weapons caches led both sides to accuse Gorbachev of allowing the region to slip into conflict. The Azerbaijanis purchased a large quantity of vehicles, with the Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan reporting in November 1993 the acquisition of 286 tanks, 842 armored vehicles and 386 artillery pieces during the power vacuum. The emergence of black markets helped facilitate the import of Western-made weaponry.
Most weaponry was of either Russian or former Eastern bloc manufacture; although, some improvisation was also made by both sides. Azerbaijan received substantial military aid and provisions from Turkey, Israel and numerous Middle East countries. The Armenian Diaspora donated a significant amount of aid to Armenia through the course of the war and even managed to push for legislation in the United States Congress to ban American military aid to Azerbaijan in 1992. While Azerbaijan charged the Russians with helping the Armenians, a reporter from Time magazine confirmed that "the Azerbaijani fighters in the region [were] far better equipped with Soviet military weaponry than their opponents."
Following Gorbachev's resignation as president of the USSR on 25 December 1991, the remaining republics, including Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia itself, declared their independence and the Soviet Union ceased to exist on 31 December 1991. This dissolution gave way to any barriers that were keeping Armenia and Azerbaijan from waging a full-scale war. One month prior, on 26 November, the Azerbaijani Parliament had rescinded Karabakh's status as an autonomous region and renamed Stepanakert "Xankandi." In response, on 10 December, a referendum was held in Karabakh by parliamentary leaders (the local Azerbaijani community boycotted the referendum), with the Armenians voting overwhelmingly in favour of independence. On 6 January 1992, the region declared its independence from Azerbaijan.
The withdrawal of Soviet interior troops from Nagorno-Karabakh did not necessarily lead to the complete drawdown of former Soviet military power. In February 1992, the former Soviet republics came to form the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). While Azerbaijan abstained from joining, Armenia, fearing a possible invasion by Turkey, did, bringing the country under the organization's "collective security umbrella". In January 1992, CIS forces established their new headquarters at Stepanakert and took up an active role in peacekeeping. The CIS incorporated older Soviet formations, including the 366th Motorized Rifle Regiment and elements of the Soviet Fourth Army.
Building armies
Sporadic battles between Armenians and Azerbaijanis intensified after Operation Ring. Thousands of volunteers joined the new armies Armenia and Azerbaijan were trying to build from the ground up. In addition to the formation of regular army units, in Armenia many men volunteered to join detachments (jokats), units of about forty men, which, combined with several others, were placed under the command of a lieutenant colonel. Many saw themselves in the mold of historic Armenian military figures, such as Andranik Ozanian and Garegin Nzhdeh, who had fought against the Ottoman Empire and Azerbaijan Democratic Republic during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. According to a biographer of one of the men who served in these units, the detachments at first lacked organization and often chose to attack or defend certain targets and areas without central coordination. Insubordination was common, as many men simply chose not to show up, looted the belongings of dead soldiers and sold supplies, such as diesel oil intended for armoured vehicles, on the black market.
Many women also enlisted in the Nagorno-Karabakh military, taking part in the fighting as well as serving in auxiliary roles such as providing first-aid and evacuating wounded men from the battlefield.
Azerbaijan's military functioned in much the same manner: it was better organized during the first years of the war. The Azerbaijan government carried out conscription and many Azerbaijanis enthusiastically enlisted for combat in the first months after the Soviet Union collapsed. Azerbaijan's national army consisted of roughly 30,000 men, as well as nearly 10,000 in its OMON paramilitary force and several thousand volunteers from the Popular Front. Suret Huseynov, a wealthy Azerbaijani, also improvised by creating his own military brigade, the 709th, and purchased many weapons and vehicles from the 23rd Motor Rifle Division's arsenal. Isgandar Hamidov's Grey Wolves (bozqurt) Brigade was another privately-funded military outfit. The Azerbaijan government, flush with money from oil revenues, also hired foreign mercenaries.
Former troops of the Soviet Union similarly offered their services to either side. One of the most prominent officers to serve on the Armenian side, for example, was former Soviet general Anatoly Zinevich, who remained in Nagorno-Karabakh for five years (1992–1997) and was involved in the planning and implementation of many operations of the Armenian forces. By the end of the war, he held the position of Chief of Staff of the Republic of Artsakh armed forces. The Azerbaijani military, on the other hand, was assisted by Afghan commander Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. The recruitment for the purpose was mostly made in Peshawar by commander Fazle Haq Mujahid and several groups were dispatched to Azerbaijan for different duties.
The estimated manpower and equipment of each side in 1993–1994 was:
Because at the time Armenia did not have the kind of far-reaching treaties with Russia (signed later in 1997 and 2010), and because the CSTO did not yet exist, it had to allocate its own resources for the defense of its western border with Turkey. For the duration of the war, most of the military personnel and equipment of the Republic of Armenia stayed in the country proper.
In an overall military comparison, the number of men eligible for military service in Armenia, in the age group of 17–32, totalled 550,000, while in Azerbaijan it was 1.3 million. Most men from both sides had served in the Soviet army and so had some form of military experience prior to the conflict, including men who had served their tours of duty in Afghanistan. Among Karabakh Armenians, about 60% had served in the Soviet amy Most Azerbaijanis were often subject to discrimination during their service in the Soviet military and relegated to work in construction battalions rather than fighting corps. Despite the presence of two military academies, including a naval school in Azerbaijan, the lack of such military experience was one factor that left Azerbaijan unprepared for the war.
War
Stepanakert under siege
During the winter of 1991–1992 Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh was blockaded by Azerbaijani forces and many civilian targets in the city were intentionally bombarded by artillery and aircraft. The bombardment of Stepanakert and adjacent Armenian-held towns and villages during the blockade caused widespread destruction and the Interior Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh claimed that 169 Armenians died between October 1991 and April 1992. Azerbaijan used weapons such as the BM-21 Grad multiple-launch rocket system during the bombardment. The indiscriminate shelling and aerial attacks, terrorized the civilian population and destroyed numerous civilian buildings, including homes, hospitals and other non-legitimate military targets.
Human Rights Watch reported that main bases used by Azerbaijani armed forces for the bombardment of Stepanakert were the towns of Khojaly and Shusha. In February 1992, Khojaly was captured by a mixed force of ethnic Armenians and, according to international observers, the 366th CIS Regiment. After its capture, Khojaly became the site of the largest massacre to occur during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. Human Rights Watch estimates that at least 161 Azerbaijani civilians, as well as a number of unarmed hors de combat, were killed as they fled the town. The siege was finally lifted a few months later, in May 1992, when Armenian forces scored a decisive victory by capturing Shusha.
Early Armenian offensives
Khojaly
On 2 January 1992 Ayaz Mutalibov assumed the presidency of Azerbaijan. Officially, the newly created Republic of Armenia publicly denied any involvement in providing any weapons, fuel, food, or other logistics to the secessionists in Nagorno-Karabakh. Ter-Petrosyan later did admit to supplying them with logistical supplies and paying the salaries of the separatists, but denied sending any of its own men into combat. Armenia faced a debilitating blockade by the now Republic of Azerbaijan, as well as pressure from neighbouring Turkey, which decided to side with Azerbaijan and build a closer relationship with it. In early February, the Azerbaijani villages of Malıbəyli, Karadagly and Agdaban were conquered and their population evicted, leading to at least 99 civilian deaths and 140 wounded.
The only land connection Armenia had with Karabakh was through the narrow, mountainous Lachin corridor which could only be reached by helicopters. The region's only airport was in Khojaly, a small town north of Stepanakert and a population of somewhere between 6,000–10,000 people. Khojaly had been serving as an artillery base from which Grad rockets were launched upon the civilian population of capital Stepanakert:
On some days as many as 400 Grad rockets rained down on Armenian multi-story apartments. By late February, the Armenian forces reportedly warned about the upcoming attack and issued an ultimatum that unless the Azerbaijanis stopped the shelling from Khojaly they would seize the town.
By late February, Khojaly had largely been cut off. On 26 February, Armenian forces, with the aid of some armored vehicles from the 366th, mounted an offensive to capture Khojaly. According to the Azerbaijani side and the affirmation of other sources including Human Rights Watch, the Moscow-based human rights organization Memorial and the biography of a leading Armenian commander, Monte Melkonian, documented and published by his brother, after Armenian forces captured Khojaly, they killed several hundred civilians evacuating from the town. Armenian forces had previously stated they would attack the city and leave a land corridor for them to escape through. When the attack began, the attacking Armenian force easily outnumbered and overwhelmed the defenders who along with the civilians attempted to retreat north to the Azerbaijani held city of Agdam. The airport's runway was found to have been intentionally destroyed, rendering it temporarily useless. The attacking forces then went on to pursue those fleeing through the corridor and opened fire upon them, killing scores of civilians. Facing charges of an intentional massacre of civilians by international groups, Armenian government officials denied the occurrence of a massacre and asserted an objective of silencing the artillery coming from Khojaly.
An exact body count was never ascertained but conservative estimates have placed the number to 485. The official death toll according to Azerbaijani authorities for casualties suffered during the events of 25–26 February is 613 civilians, of them 106 women and 83 children. On 3 March 1992, the Boston Globe reported over 1,000 people had been slain over four years of conflict. It quoted the mayor of Khojaly, Elmar Mamedov, as also saying 200 more were missing, 300 were held hostage and 200 injured in the fighting.
A report published in 1992 by the human rights organization Helsinki Watch stated that their inquiry found that the Azerbaijani OMON and "the militia, still in uniform and some still carrying their guns, were interspersed with the masses of civilians" which may have been the reason why Armenian troops fired upon them.
Under pressure from the APF due to the mismanagement of the defence of Khojaly and the safety of its inhabitants, Mutalibov was forced to submit his resignation to the National Assembly of Azerbaijan.
Capture of Shusha
On 26 January 1992, the Azerbaijani forces stationed in Shusha encircled and attacked the nearby Armenian village Karintak (located on the way from Shusha to Stepanakert) in an attempt to capture it. This operation was conducted by Azerbaijan's then-defence minister Tajedin Mekhtiev and was supposed to prepare the ground for a future attack on Stepanakert. The operation failed as the villagers and the Armenian fighters strongly retaliated. Mekhtiev was ambushed and up to 70 Azeri soldiers died. After this debacle, Mekhtiev left Shusha and was fired as defence minister.
On 28 March, Azerbaijani troops deployed to attack Stepanakert, attacked Armenian positions above the village Kərkicahan from the village of Dzhangasan. During the afternoon of the next day, Azerbaijani units took up positions in close proximity to the city, but were quickly repulsed by the Armenians.
In the ensuing months after the capture of Khojaly, Azerbaijani commanders holding out in the region's last bastion of Shusha began a large-scale artillery bombardment with Grad rocket launchers against Stepanakert. By April, the shelling had forced many of the 50,000 people living in Stepanakert to seek refuge in underground bunkers and basements. Facing ground incursions near the city's outlying areas, military leaders in Nagorno-Karabakh organized an offensive to take the town.
On 8 May a force of several hundred Armenian troops accompanied by tanks and helicopters attacked Shusha. Fierce fighting took place in the town's streets and several hundred men were killed on both sides. Although the Armenians were outnumbered and outgunned by the Azerbaijani Army, they managed to capture the town and force the Azerbaijanis to retreat on 9 May.
The capture of Shusha resonated loudly in neighbouring Turkey. Its relations with Armenia had grown better after it had declared its independence from the Soviet Union; they gradually worsened as a result of Armenia's gains in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Turkey's prime minister Suleyman Demirel said that he was under intense pressure by his people to have his country intervene and aid Azerbaijan. Demirel was opposed to such an intervention, saying that Turkey's entrance into the war would trigger an even greater Muslim-Christian conflict (Turkey is overwhelmingly Muslim).
Turkey never sent troops to Azerbaijan but did contribute substantial military aid and advisers. In May 1992, the military commander of the CIS forces, Marshal Yevgeny Shaposhnikov, issued a warning to Western nations, especially the United States, to not interfere with the conflict in the Caucasus, stating it would "place us [the Commonwealth] on the verge of a third world war and that cannot be allowed".
The Lachin Corridor
TheAzerbaijani parliament blamed Yaqub Mammadov, then acting President of Azerbaijan, for Shusha's loss, and removed him from power. This cleared Mutalibov of any responsibility after the loss of Khojaly, and paved the way for reinstatement him as president on 15 May 1992. Many Azerbaijanis objected to this move, viewing as an attempt to forestall parliamentary elections due in June of that year. The Azerbaijani parliament at that time was made up of former leaders from the country's communist regime, and the losses of Khojaly and Shusha led to further agitation for free elections.
To add to the turmoil, on 18 May Armenian forces launched an offensive to take the town of Lachin, situated along a narrow corridor that separated Armenia proper from Nagorno-Karabakh. The town was poorly guarded, and the next day Armenian forces took control of the town and opened the road that linked the region to Armenia. The capture of Lachin allowed an overland route for supply convoys to Karabakh.
The loss of Lachin was the final blow to Mutalibov's regime. Demonstrations were held despite Mutalibov's ban and an armed coup was staged by Popular Front activists. Fighting between government forces and Popular Front supporters escalated as the political opposition seized the parliament building in Baku as well as the airport and presidential office. On 16 June 1992 Abulfaz Elchibey was elected leader of Azerbaijan with many political leaders from the Azerbaijan Popular Front Party were elected into the parliament. The instigators lambasted Mutalibov as an undedicated and weak leader in the war in Karabakh. Elchibey was staunchly opposed to asking for help from Russians, preferring instead to build closer ties with Turkey.
There were times when the fighting also spilled outside the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Nakhchivan, for example, was shelled by Armenian troops in May 1992.
Escalation
Azerbaijani offensive in June 1992
On 12 June 1992, the Azeri military, along with Huseynov's own brigade, used a large amount of tanks, armored personnel carriers and attack helicopters to launch a three-day offensive from the relatively unguarded region of Shahumian, north of Nagorno-Karabakh, in the process taking back several dozen villages in the Shahumian region originally held by Armenian forces. Another reason the front collapsed so effortlessly was because it was manned by the volunteer detachments from Armenia, having abandoned their positions to return to Armenia proper after the capture of Lachin. The offensive prompted the Armenian government to openly threaten Azerbaijan that it would overtly intervene and assist the separatists fighting in Karabakh.
The scale of the Azerbaijani offensive prompted the Armenian government to threaten Azerbaijan with directly intervening and assisting the separatists. The assault forced Armenian forces to retreat south towards Stepanakert, where Karabakh commanders contemplated destroying a vital hydroelectric dam in the Martakert region if the offensive was not halted. An estimated 30,000 Armenian refugees were also forced to flee to the capital as the assaulting forces had taken back nearly half of Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the offensive soon ground to a halt as helicopter gunships began picking away at the columns.
On 18 June 1992, a state of emergency was announced throughout the NKR. On 15 August, the Committee for State Defense of the NKR was created, headed by Robert Kocharyan and later by Serzh Sargsyan. Partial mobilization was called for, which covered sergeants and privates in the NKR, NKR men available for military service aged 18–40, officers up to the age of 50 and women with previous military training. Many of the crew members of the armored units in the offensive belonged to the Russian 23rd Division of the 4th Army, based out of Ganja and, ironically, as were the units that eventually stopped them. According to an Armenian government official, they were able to persuade Russian military units to bombard and effectively halt the advance within a few days; allowing the Armenian government to recuperate for the losses and mount a counteroffensive to restore the original lines of the front.
Renewed peace talks
New efforts at peace talks were initiated by Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani in the first half of 1992, after the events in Khojaly and the resignation of Azerbaijani President Ayaz Mutallibov. Iranian diplomats conducted shuttle diplomacy and were able to bring the new president of Azerbaijan Yaqub Mammadov and President of Armenia Levon Ter-Petrosian to Tehran for bilateral talks on 7 May 1992. The Tehran Communiqué was signed by Mammadov, Ter-Petrosian and Rafsanjani following the agreement of the parties to international legal norms, stability of borders and to deal with the refugee crisis. The peace efforts were disrupted on the next day when Armenian troops captured the town of Shusha and completely failed following the capture of Lachin on 18 May.
In mid-1992, the CSCE (later to become the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe), created the Minsk Group in Helsinki which comprised eleven nations and was co-chaired by France, Russia and the United States with the purpose of mediating a peace deal with Armenia and Azerbaijan. In their annual summit in 1992, the organization failed to address and solve the many new problems that had arisen since the Soviet Union collapsed, much less the Karabakh conflict. The wars in Yugoslavia, Moldova's war with the breakaway republic of Transnistria, the secessionist movement in Chechnya and Georgia's renewed disputes with Russia, Abkhazia, and Ossetia were all top agenda issues that involved various ethnic groups fighting each other.
The CSCE proposed the use of NATO and CIS peacekeepers to monitor ceasefires and protect shipments of humanitarian aid being sent to displaced refugees. Several ceasefires were put into effect after the June offensive, but the implementation of a European peacekeeping force, endorsed by Armenia, never came to fruition. The idea of sending 100 international observers to Karabakh was once raised but talks broke down completely between Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders in July. Russia was especially opposed to allowing a multinational peacekeeping force from NATO to entering the Caucasus, seeing it as a move that encroached on its "backyard".
The southern front
In late June, a new, smaller Azerbaijani offensive was planned, this time against the town of Martuni in the southeastern half of Karabakh. The attack force consisted of several dozen tanks and armored fighting vehicles along with a complement of several infantry companies massing along the Machkalashen and Jardar fronts near Martuni and Krasnyy Bazar. Martuni's regimental commander, Monte Melkonian, although lacking heavy armor, managed to beat back repeated assaults by the Azerbaijani forces.
In late August 1992, Nagorno-Karabakh's government was in order disorder, and its members resigned on 17 August. Power was subsequently assumed by a council called the State Defense Committee and chaired by Robert Kocharyan. The committee would temporarily govern the enclave until war's end. At the same time, Azerbaijan also launched attacks by fixed-wing aircraft, often bombing civilian targets. Kocharyan accused Azerbaijan of intentionally targeting civilians in the aerial campaign. He also blamed Russia for allowing its army's weapons stockpiles to be sold or transferred to Azerbaijan.
Winter thaw
As winter approached, both sides largely abstained from launching full-scale offensives so as to preserve resources, such as gas and electricity, for domestic use. Despite the opening of an economic highway to the residents living in Karabakh, both Armenia and the enclave suffered a great deal due to the economic blockades imposed by Azerbaijan. While not completely shut off, material aid sent through Turkey arrived sporadically.
Experiencing both food shortages and power shortages, after the shutting down of the Metsamor nuclear power plant, Armenia's economic outlook appeared bleak: in Georgia, a new bout of civil wars against separatists in Abkhazia and Ossetia began, and supply convoys were raided and the only oil pipeline leading from Russia to Armenia was repeatedly destroyed. As in 1991–1992, the 1992–1993 winter was especially cold, as many families throughout Armenia and Karabakh were left without heating and hot water.
Grain had become difficult to procure. The Armenian Diaspora raised money and donated supplies to Armenia. In December, two shipments of 33,000 tons of grain and 150 tons of infant formula arrived from the United States via the Black Sea port of Batumi, Georgia. In February 1993, the European Community sent 4.5 million ECUs to Armenia. Iran also helped by providing power and electricity to Armenian. Elchibey's acrimonious stance toward Iran and provocative remarks about unifying with Iran's Azerbaijani minority alienated relations between the two countries.
Azerbaijanis were displaced as internal and international refugees were forced to live in makeshift camps provided by both the Azerbaijan government and Iran. The International Red Cross also distributed blankets to the Azerbaijanis and noted that by December, enough food was being allocated for the refugees. Azerbaijan also struggled to rehabilitate its petroleum industry, the country's chief export. Its oil refineries were not generating at full capacity and production quotas fell well short of estimates. In 1965, the oil fields in Baku were producing 21.5 million tons of oil annually; by 1988, that number had dropped down to almost 3.3 million. Outdated Soviet refinery equipment and a reluctance by Western oil companies to invest in a war region where pipelines would routinely be destroyed prevented Azerbaijan from fully exploiting its oil wealth.
Mid-1993
The northern front
Despite a brutal winter, both sides looked to the new year to break the inertia of the war. Azerbaijan's President Elchibey expressed optimism toward bringing solution to the conflict with Armenia's Ter-Petrosyan. Glimmers of such hope quickly began to fade in January 1993, despite the calls for a new ceasefire by Boris Yeltsin and George H. W. Bush. Armenian forces launched a new round of attacks that overran villages in northern Karabakh that had been held by the Azerbaijanis since the previous year. After Armenian losses in 1992, Russia started massive armament shipments to Armenia in the following year. Russia supplied Armenia with arms with a total cost of US$1 billion in value in 1993. According to Russian general Lev Rokhlin, Russians supplied Armenians with such massive arms shipment in return for "money, personal contacts and lots of vodkas".</ref>
Frustration over these military defeats took a toll on the domestic front in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan's military had grown more desperate and defence minister Gaziev and Huseynov's brigade turned to Russian help, a move which ran against Elchibey's policies and was construed as insubordination. Political infighting and arguments about where to shift military units between the country's ministry of the interior Isgandar Hamidov and Gaziev led to the latter's resignation on 20 February. Armenia was similarly wracked by political turmoil and growing Armenian dissension against President Ter-Petrosyan.
Kalbajar
Situated west of northern Karabakh, outside the official boundaries of the region, was the rayon of Kalbajar, which bordered Armenia. With a population of about 60,000, the several dozen villages were made up of Azerbaijani and Kurds. In March 1993, the Armenian-held areas near the Sarsang reservoir in Mardakert were reported to have been coming under attack by the Azerbaijanis. After successfully defending the Martuni region, Melkonian's fighters were tasked to move to capture the region of Kalbajar, where the incursions and artillery shelling were said to have been coming from.
Scant military opposition by the Azerbaijanis allowed Melkonian's fighters to gain a foothold in the region and along the way capture several abandoned armored vehicles and tanks. At 2:45 pm, on 2 April, Armenian forces from two directions advanced toward Kalbajar in an attack that struck Azerbaijani armor and troops entrenched near the Ganja-Kalbajar intersection. Azerbaijani forces were unable to halt the advances made by Armenian armor and were wiped out completely. The second attack toward Kalbajar also quickly overran the defenders. By 3 April, Armenian forces were in possession of Kalbajar.
On 30 April, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed Resolution 822, co-sponsored by Turkey and Pakistan, demanding the immediate cessation of all hostilities and the withdrawal of all occupying forces from Kalbajar. Human Rights Watch concluded that during the Kalbajar offensive Armenian forces committed numerous violations of the rules of war, including the forcible exodus of a civilian population, indiscriminate fire, and taking of hostages.
The political repercussions were also felt in Azerbaijan when Huseynov embarked on his "march to Baku". Frustrated with what he felt was Elchibey's incompetence and demoted from his rank of colonel, his brigade advanced in early June from its base in Ganja toward Baku with the explicit aim of unseating the president. Elchibey stepped down from office on 18 June and power was assumed by then parliamentary member Heydar Aliyev. On 1 July, Huseynov was appointed prime minister of Azerbaijan. As acting president, Aliyev disbanded 33 voluntary battalions of the Popular Front, which he deemed politically unreliable.
Agdam, Fuzuli, Jabrail and Zangilan
The Armenian side took advantage of the turmoil in Baku, which had left the Karabakh front almost undefended. The following four months of political instability in Azerbaijan led to the loss of control over five districts, as well as the north of Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijani military forces were unable to put up much resistance in the face of Armenian advances and abandoned most of their positions with little resistance. In late June 1993, they were driven out from Mardakert, losing their final foothold of the enclave. By July, Armenian forces were seen preparing for to attack and capture Agdam, another district that fell outside of Nagorno-Karabakh, with the aim of widening a cordon that would keep towns and villages and their positions out of the range of Azerbaijani artillery.
On 4 July Armenian forces commenced an artillery bombardment on Agdam, destroying many parts of the town. Soldiers, along with civilians, began to evacuate Agdam. Facing military collapse, Aliyev resumed talks with the Karabakh government and Minsk Group officials. In mid-August, Armenians massed a force to take Fuzuli and Jebrail, two regions in Azerbaijan proper.
In the wake of the Armenian offensive in these two regions, Turkish prime minister Tansu Çiller demanded that the Armenians withdraw and issued a warning to the Armenian government not to undertake any offensives in Nakhichevan. Thousands of Turkish troops were sent to the border between Turkey and Armenia in early September. Russian forces in Armenia, in turn, likewise mobilized in the country's northwest border.
By early September, Azerbaijani forces were in a state of complete disarray. Many of the heavy weapons they had received and bought from the Russians were either taken out of action or abandoned during battles. Since the June 1992 offensive, Armenian forces had captured dozens of tanks, light armor, and artillery from Azerbaijan. According to Monte Melkonian, his forces in Martuni alone had captured or destroyed a total of 55 T-72s, 24 BMP-2s, 15 APCs and 25 heavy artillery pieces since the June 1992 Goranboy offensive. Serzh Sargsyan, the then-military leader of the Karabakh armed forces, calculated a total of 156 tanks captured over the course of the war.
Azerbaijan was so desperate for manpower that Aliyev recruited 1,000–1,500 mujahadeen fighters from Afghanistan. Azerbaijan's government refuted the claim at the time, although the Armenian side provided correspondence and photographs to support their presence in the region. A shady American petroleum company, MEGA OIL, was also alleged to have sent American military trainers to Azerbaijan in order to acquire oil drilling rights in the country.
Air war over Karabakh
The aerial warfare in Karabakh involved primarily fighter jets and attack helicopters. The primary transport helicopters of the war were the Mi-8 and its cousin, the Mi-17 and were used extensively by both sides. The most widely used helicopter gunship by both sides was the Soviet-made Mi-24 Krokodil. Armenia's active air force at the time consisted of only two Su-25 ground support bombers, one of which was lost due to friendly fire. There were also several Su-22s and Su-17s; these ageing craft took a backseat for the duration of the war.
Azerbaijan's air force was composed of 45 combat aircraft which were often piloted by experienced Russian and Ukrainian mercenaries from the former Soviet military. They flew mission sorties over Karabakh with such sophisticated jets as the MiG-25 and Sukhoi Su-24 and with older-generation Soviet fighter bombers, such as the MiG-21. They were reported to have been paid a monthly salary of over 5,000 rubles and flew bombing campaigns from air force bases in Azerbaijan, often targeting Stepanakert. These pilots, like the men from the Soviet interior forces at the onset of the conflict, were also poor and took the jobs as a means of supporting their families. Several were shot down over the city by Armenian forces and according to one of the pilots' commanders, with assistance provided by the Russians. Many of these pilots risked the threat of execution by Armenian forces if they were shot down. The setup of the defence system severely hampered Azerbaijan's ability to carry out and launch more airstrikes.
Azerbaijani fighter jets attacked civilian airplanes too. An Armenian civil aviation Yak-40 plane traveling Stepanakert Airport to Yerevan with 34 passengers and crew was attacked by an Azerbaijani Su-25. Though suffering engine failure and a fire in rear of the plane, it eventually made a safe landing in Armenian territory.
Armenian and Azerbaijani aircraft equipment
Below is a table listing the number of aircraft that were used by Armenia and Azerbaijan during the war.
1993–1994, exhaustion and peace
In October 1993, Aliyev was formally elected president of Azerbaijan and promised to bring social order to the country in addition to recapturing the lost regions. In October, Azerbaijan joined the CIS. The winter season was marked with similar conditions as in the previous year, both sides scavenging for wood and harvesting foodstuffs months in advance. Two subsequent UNSC resolutions on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict were passed, 874 and 884, in October and November. Reemphasizing the same points as the previous two, they acknowledged Nagorno-Karabakh as a region of Azerbaijan.
In early January 1994, Azerbaijani forces and Afghan guerrillas recaptured part of the Fuzuli district, including the railway junction of Horadiz on the Iranian border, but failed to recapture the town of Fuzuli itself. On 10 January an offensive was launched by Azerbaijan toward the region of Mardakert in an attempt to recapture the northern section of the enclave. The offensive managed to advance and take back several parts of Karabakh in the north and to the south but soon petered out. In response, Armenia began sending conscripts and regular Army and Interior Ministry troops to stop the Azerbaijani advance in Karabakh. To bolster the ranks of its army, the Armenian government issued a decree that instituted a three-month call-up for men up to age 45 and resorted to press-gang raids to enlist recruits. Several active-duty Armenian Army soldiers were captured by the Azerbaijani forces.
Azerbaijan's offensives grew more desperate as boys as young as 16, with little to no training, were recruited and sent to take part in ineffective human wave attacks (a tactic often compared to the one employed by Iran during the Iran–Iraq War). The two offensives that took place in the winter cost Azerbaijan as many as 5,000 lives (at the loss of several hundred Armenians). The main Azerbaijani offensive was aimed at recapturing the Kalbajar district, which would thus threaten the Lachin corridor. The attack initially met little resistance and was successful in capturing the vital Omar Pass. As the Armenian forces reacted, the bloodiest clashes of the war ensued and the Azerbaijani forces were soundly defeated. In a single clash, Azerbaijan lost about 1,500 of its soldiers after the failed offensive in Kalbajar.
While the political leadership changed hands several times in Azerbaijan, most Armenian soldiers in Karabakh claimed that the Azerbaijani youth and Azerbaijanis themselves, were demoralized and lacked a sense of purpose and commitment to fighting the war. Russian professor Georgiy I. Mirsky supported this contention in his 1997 book On Ruins of Empire, writing that "Karabakh does not matter to Azerbaijanis as much as it does to Armenians. Probably, this is why young volunteers from Armenia proper have been much more eager to fight and die for Karabakh than the Azerbaijanis have." A New York Times correspondent who visited the region in 1994 noted that, "In Stepanakert, it is impossible to find an able-bodied man – whether volunteer from Armenia or local resident – out of uniform. [Whereas in] Azerbaijan, draft-age men hang out in cafes." At the outset of the conflict, Andrei Sakharov famously remarked: "For Azerbaijan, the issue of Karabakh is a matter of ambition, for the Armenians of Karabakh, it is a matter of life or death."
1994 ceasefire
After six years of intense fighting, both sides were ready for a ceasefire. Azerbaijan, with its manpower exhausted and aware that Armenian forces had an unimpeded path to march on to Baku, counted on a new ceasefire proposal from either the OSCE or Russia. As the final battles of the conflict took place near Shahumyan, in a series of brief engagements in Gulustan, Armenian and Azerbaijani diplomats met in the early part of 1994 to hammer out the details of the ceasefire. On 5 May, with Russia acting as a mediator, all parties agreed to cease hostilities and vowed to observe a ceasefire that would go into effect at 12:01 AM on 12 May. The agreement was signed by the respective defence ministers of the three principal warring parties (Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Republic of Artsakh). In Azerbaijan, many welcomed the end of hostilities. Sporadic fighting continued in some parts of the region but all sides vowed to abide by the terms of the ceasefire.
Media coverage
Coverage of the war was provided by a number of journalists from both sides, including Vardan Hovhannisyan, who won the 2007 Tribeca Film Festival's prize for a best new documentary filmmaker for his A Story of People in War and Peace, and Chingiz Mustafayev, who was posthumously awarded the title of National Hero of Azerbaijan. Armenian-Russian journalist Dmitri Pisarenko who spent a year at the front line and filmed many of the battles later wrote that both Armenian and Azerbaijani journalists were preoccupied with echoing the official stands of their respective governments and that "objectiveness was being sacrificed for ideology." Armenian military commanders were eager to give interviews following Azerbaijani offensives when they were able to criticise the other side for launching heavy artillery attacks that the "small-numbered but proud Armenians" had to fight off. Yet they were reluctant to speak out when Armenian troops seized a village outside Nagorno-Karabakh in order to avoid justifying such acts. Therefore, Armenian journalists felt the need to be creative enough to portray the event as "an Armenian counter-offensive" or as "a necessary military operation".
Bulgarian journalist Tsvetana Paskaleva is noted for her coverage of Operation Ring. Some foreign journalists previously concerned with emphasizing the Soviets conceding in the Cold War, gradually shifted toward presenting the USSR as a country awash in ethnic conflict, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict being one of them.
Due to lack of available information about the roots and causes of the conflict, foreign reporters filled the information vacuum with constant references to the religious factor, i.e. the fact that Armenians were predominantly Christian, whereas Azeris were predominantly Muslim; a factor which in fact was virtually irrelevant in the course of the entire conflict. Readers already aware of rising military Islamism in the Middle East were considered a perfect audience to be informed of a case of "Muslim oppressors victimising a Christian minority". Religion was unduly stressed more than political, territorial and ethnic factors, with very rare references to democratic and self-determination movements in both countries. It was not until the Khojaly Massacre in late February 1992, when hundreds of civilian Azeris were massacred by Armenian units, that references to religion largely disappeared, as being contrary to the neat journalistic scheme where "Christian Armenians" were shown as victims and "Muslim Azeris" as their victimisers. A study of the four largest Canadian newspapers covering the event showed that the journalists tended to present the massacre of Azeris as a secondary issue, as well as to rely on Armenian sources, to give priority to Armenian denials over Azerbaijani "allegations" (which were described as "grossly exaggerated"), to downplay the scale of death, not to publish images of the bodies and mourners, and not to mention the event in editorials and opinion columns.
Post-ceasefire violence and mediation
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict remains one of several frozen post-Soviet conflicts, alongside Georgia's conflicts with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Transnistria conflict and the Russo-Ukrainian War. Karabakh remains under the jurisdiction of the government of the unrecognized but de facto independent Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (now the Republic of Artsakh), which maintains its own uniformed military, the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army.
Contrary to media reports that nearly always mentioned the religions of the Armenians and Azerbaijanis, religious aspects never gained significance as an additional casus belli, and the Karabakh conflict has remained primarily an issue of territory and the human rights of Armenians in Karabakh. Since 1995, the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group has been mediating with the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan for a new solution. Numerous proposals have been made which have primarily been based on both sides making several concessions. One such proposal stipulated that as Armenian forces withdrew from the seven regions surrounding Karabakh, Azerbaijan would share some of its economic assets including profits from an oil pipeline that would go from Baku through Armenia to Turkey. Other proposals also included that Azerbaijan would provide the broadest form of autonomy to Karabakh next to granting it full independence. Armenia has also been pressured by being excluded from major economic projects throughout the region, including the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and Kars-Tbilisi-Baku railway.
According to Armenia's former president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, by giving certain Karabakh territories to Azerbaijan, the Karabakh conflict would have been resolved in 1997. A peace agreement could have been concluded and a status for Nagorno-Karabakh would have been determined. Ter-Petrosyan noted years later that the Karabakh leadership approach was maximalist and "they thought they could get more." Most autonomy proposals have been rejected by the Armenians, who consider it as a matter that is not negotiable. Likewise, Azerbaijan warns the country is ready to free its territories by war, but still prefers to solve the problem by peaceful means. On 30 March 1998, Robert Kocharyan was elected president and continued to reject calls for making a deal to resolve the conflict. In 2001, Kocharyan and Aliyev met in Key West, Florida for peace talks sponsored by the OSCE. While several Western diplomats expressed optimism, failure to prepare the populations of either country for compromise reportedly thwarted hopes for a peaceful resolution.
An estimated 400,000 Armenians living in Azerbaijan fled to Armenia or Russia and a further 30,000 came from Karabakh. Many of those who left Karabakh returned after the war ended. An estimated 800,000 Azerbaijanis were displaced from the fighting including those from both Armenia and Karabakh. Various other ethnic groups living in Karabakh were also forced to live in refugee camps built by both the Azerbaijani and Iranian governments. While Azerbaijan has repeatedly claimed that 20% of its territory has fallen under Armenian control, other sources have given figures as high 40% (the number comes down to 9% if Nagorno-Karabakh itself is excluded).
The First Nagorno-Karabakh War has given rise to strong anti-Armenianism in Azerbaijan and anti-Azerbaijani sentiment in Armenia. The ramifications of the war were said to have played a part in the February 2004 murder of Armenian Lieutenant Gurgen Markaryan who was hacked to death with an axe by his Azerbaijani counterpart, Ramil Safarov at a NATO training seminar in Budapest, Hungary.
Presumably trying to erase any traces of Armenian heritage, the Azerbaijani government ordered its military the destruction of thousands of unique medieval Armenian gravestones, known as khachkars, at a massive historical cemetery in Julfa, Nakhichevan. This destruction was temporarily halted when first revealed in 1998, but then continued on to completion in 2005.
Current situation
In the years since the end of the war, a number of organizations have passed resolutions regarding the conflict. On 25 January 2005, for example, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) adopted a controversial non-binding resolution, Resolution 1416, which criticized the "large-scale ethnic expulsion and the creation of mono-ethnic areas" and declared that Armenian forces were occupying Azerbaijan lands. The Assembly recalled that the occupation of a foreign country by a Member State was a serious violation of the obligations undertaken by that State as a member of the Council of Europe and once again reaffirmed the right of displaced persons to return to their homes safely. On 14 May 2008 thirty-nine countries from the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 62/243 which called for "the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of all Armenian forces from all occupied territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan". Almost one hundred countries abstained from voting while seven countries, including the three co-chairs of the Minsk Group, Russia, the United States and France, voted against it.
During the summit of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the session of its Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, member states adopted OIC Resolution No. 10/11 and OIC Council of Foreign Ministers Resolution No. 10/37, on 14 March 2008 and 18–20 May 2010, respectively. Both resolutions condemned alleged aggression of Armenia against Azerbaijan and called for immediate implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 822, 853, 874 and 884. As a response, Armenian leaders have stated Azerbaijan was "exploiting Islam to muster greater international support".
In 2008, the Moscow Defense Brief opined that because of the rapid growth of Azerbaijani defence expenditures – which is driving the strong rearmament of the Azerbaijani armed forces – the military balance appeared to be now shifting in Azerbaijan's favour: "The overall trend is clearly in Azerbaijan's favour, and it seems that Armenia will not be able to sustain an arms race with Azerbaijan's oil-fueled economy. And this could lead to the destabilization of the frozen conflict between these two states", the journal wrote. Other analysts have made more cautious observations, noting that administrative and military deficiencies are obviously found in the Azerbaijani military and that the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army maintains a "constant state of readiness".
Clashes
In early 2008, tensions between Armenia, the NKR Karabakh and Azerbaijan grew. On the diplomatic front, President Ilham Aliyev repeated statements that Azerbaijan would resort to force, if necessary, to take the territories back; concurrently, shooting incidents along the line of contact increased. On 5 March 2008 a significant breach of the ceasefire occurred in Mardakert when up to sixteen soldiers were killed. Both sides accused the other of starting the battle. Moreover, the use of artillery in the skirmishes marked a significant departure from previous clashes, which usually involved only sniper or machine-gun fire. Deadly skirmishes took place during mid-2010 as well.
Tensions escalated again in July–August 2014 with ceasefire breaches by Azerbaijan taking place and President Aliyev, threatening Armenia with war.
Rather than receding, the tension in the area increased in April 2016 with the 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh clashes when the worst clashes since the 1994 ceasefire erupted. The Armenian Defense Ministry alleged that Azerbaijan launched an offensive to seize territory in the region. Azerbaijan reported that 12 of its soldiers were killed in action and that an Mi-24 helicopter and tank were also destroyed. Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan stated that 18 Armenian soldiers were killed and 35 were wounded.
2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war
The clashes began on the morning of 27 September 2020 along the Nagorno-Karabakh Line of Contact. In response to the clashes, Armenia and Artsakh introduced martial law and total mobilization, while Azerbaijan introduced martial law and a curfew. On 28 September, partial mobilization was declared in Azerbaijan. Engagements were characterised by the use of heavy artillery, armoured warfare, rocket attacks, and drone warfare, as well as by emerging accounts of the use of cluster munitions, banned by most of the international community but not by Armenia or Azerbaijan, and ballistic missile attacks on civilian populations. The amount of territory contested has been relatively restricted, but the conflict has expanded beyond the borders of Nagorno-Karabakh due to the kind of munitions deployed and spilled over international borders. Shells and rockets have landed in East Azerbaijan Province in Iran, though causing no damage, and Iran has downed several unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), while Georgia stated that two UAVs crashed in Kakheti Province. As claims of Syrian fighters taking part in the conflict have surfaced, Azerbaijan was quick to deny. According the Syrian National Army (SNA), Turkey, and geolocated videos, Turkish backed Syrian mercenary groups, such as the Sultan Murad and Al Hamza divisions, are fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh in aid of Azerbaijan.
Civilian and military casualties have been high and may be being underestimated as casualty claims have not been independently verified. Civilian areas, including major cities, have been hit, including Azerbaijan's second-largest city, Ganja, and the region's capital, Stepanakert, with many buildings and homes destroyed; Ghazanchetsots Cathedral in Shusha has been damaged.
A fragile humanitarian ceasefire brokered by Russia, facilitated by the International Committee of the Red Cross, and agreed to by both Armenia and Azerbaijan, formally came into effect on 10 October.
On 9 October 2020, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet expressed alarm over the suffering of civilians, as hostilities continued to widen in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone, and appealed for an urgent ceasefire. The UN report suggest that artillery strikes have reportedly hit several cities, towns and villages, destroying a large number of buildings, including houses, schools and other civilian facilities.
On 2 November 2020, Michelle Bachelet, warned of possible war crimes
in the ongoing fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone. The UN Chief cited that despite a truce signed between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which called for refraining from deliberately targeting civilian populations, artillery strikes and indiscriminate attacks in populated areas continued.
The second war ended with the victory of Azerbaijan, which took control of 4 Armenian-occupied districts, as well as towns of Shusha and Hadrut in Nagorno-Karabakh proper, and signing of a Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement, under which Armenia agreed to withdraw from another 3 occupied districts. The agreement also provided for deployment of Russian peacekeeping forces along the line of contact and the Lachin corridor.
War crimes
Emerging from the collapse of the Soviet Union as nascent states and due to the near-immediate fighting, it was not until mid-1993 that Armenia and Azerbaijan became signatories of international law agreements, including the Geneva Conventions. Allegations from all three governments (including Nagorno-Karabakh's) regularly accused the other side of committing atrocities which were at times confirmed by third party media sources or human rights organizations. Khojaly Massacre, for example, was confirmed by both Human Rights Watch and Memorial. The Maraga Massacre was testified to by British-based organization Christian Solidarity International and by the Vice-Speaker of the British Parliament's House of Lords, Caroline Cox, in 1992. Azerbaijan was condemned by HRW for its use of aerial bombing in densely populated civilian areas and both sides were criticized for indiscriminate fire, hostage-taking, and the forcible displacement of civilians. The pogrom of Armenians in Baku was one of the acts of ethnic violence in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
As neither side was party to international military conventions, instances of ill-discipline and atrocity were rife. Looting and mutilation of body parts (brought back as war trophies) of dead soldiers were common. Another activity that was by regular civilians and not just soldiers during the war was the bartering of prisoners between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Often, when contact was lost between family members and a soldier or a militiaman serving at the front, they took it upon themselves to organize an exchange by personally capturing a soldier from the battle lines and holding them in the confines of their own homes. New York Times journalist Yo'av Karny noted this practice was as "old as the people occupying [the] land".
After the war ended, both sides accused their opponents of continuing to hold captives; Azerbaijan claimed Armenia was continuing to hold nearly 5,000 Azerbaijani prisoners while Armenians claimed Azerbaijan was holding 600 prisoners. The non-profit group, Helsinki Initiative 92, investigated two prisons in Shusha and Stepanakert after the war ended, but concluded there were no prisoners-of-war there. A similar investigation arrived at the same conclusion while searching for Armenians allegedly labouring in Azerbaijan's quarries.
Cultural legacy
The 1992-94 war figures heavily in popular Armenian and Azerbaijani media. It is a subject of many films and popular television shows. In June 2006, the film Destiny (Chakatagir) premiered in Yerevan and Stepanakert. The film, written and starring Gor Vardanyan, is a fictional account of the events revolving around Operation Ring. It cost $3.8 million to make, the most expensive film ever made in the country, and was touted as the first film made about the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. In mid-2012, Azerbaijanis in Azerbaijan released a video game entitled İşğal Altında: Şuşa (Under Occupation: Shusha), a free first-person shooter that allows the player to assume the role of an Azerbaijani soldier who takes part in the 1992 battle of Shusha. Commentators have noted that the game "is not for the faint of heart: there's lots of killing and computer-generated gore. To a great extent, it's a celebration of violence: to advance, players must handle a variety of tasks, including shooting lots of Armenian enemies, rescuing a wounded Azerbaijani soldier, retrieving a document, and blowing up a building in the town of Shusha." Another opus followed, İşğal Altında: Ağdam, which was released in 2013. This episode is very similar to the previous one, but this time it takes place in Agdam. In April 2018, a documentary film about an Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh War participant Imran Gurbanov, called Return was premiered in Baku. It was directed by Rufat Asadov and written by Orkhan Fikratoglu.
References
Notes
Citations
Sources
Freire, Maria Raquel (2003). Conflict and Security in the Former Soviet Union: The Role of the OSCE. Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
Libaridian, Gerard (1988). The Karabagh File: Documents and Facts on the Region of Mountainous Karabagh, 1918–1988. Cambridge, MA: Zoryan Institute.
Further reading
Broers, Laurence (2019). Armenia and Azerbaijan: Anatomy of a Rivalry. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Cheterian, Vicken (2011). War and Peace in the Caucasus: Russia's Troubled Frontier. New York: Columbia University Press.
Goltz, Thomas (1998). Azerbaijan Diary: A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet Republic. New York: M.E. Sharpe
Geukjian, Ohannes (2016). Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy. London: Routledge.
Hovannisian, Richard G. "The Armeno-Azerbaijani Conflict Over Mountainous Karabagh". Armenian Review 24 (Summer 1971).
Hovannisian, Richard G. "Mountainous Karabagh in 1920: An Unresolved Contest". Armenian Review 46 (1993, 1996).
Malkasian, Mark (1996). Gha-Ra-Bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia. Wayne State University Press.
Shahmuratian, Samvel (ed.) (1990). The Sumgait Tragedy: Pogroms Against Armenians in Soviet Azerbaijan. New York: Zoryan Institute.
External links
Dr. Laurence BROERS: "There won’t be Armenian-Azerbaijani Dayton*" — Interview for Caucasian Journal
Articles and Photography on Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh – War and its Legacy, from Russell Pollard UK Photojournalist
Information Site about Nagorno-Karabakh, history and background of the present-day conflict, maps and resolutions
Crisis Briefing Nagorno-Karabakh From Reuters Alertnet
Military Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by GlobalSecurity.org
A 2005 report on the status of undetonated land mines in Nagorno-Karabakh compiled by the International Campaign to Ban Landmines
A chronology of the events of Nagorno-Karabakh from 1988 to Present by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
Regions and territories: Nagorno-Karabakh Overview of the region by the BBC
– a documentary film by Armenia's Vardan Hovhannisyan, who won the prize for best new documentary filmmaker at the 2007 Tribeca Film Festival in New York, about the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.
BBC News, Regions and Territories- Nagorno-Karabakh
1988 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1988 in the Soviet Union
1989 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1990 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1991 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1992 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1993 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
1994 in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
20th century in Armenia
Armenia–Azerbaijan relations
Azerbaijan–Turkey relations
Conflicts in 1988
Conflicts in 1989
Conflicts in 1990
Conflicts in 1991
Conflicts in 1992
Conflicts in 1993
Conflicts in 1994
Grey Wolves (organization)
History of Stepanakert
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
Post-Soviet conflicts
Separatism in Azerbaijan
Wars involving Armenia
Wars involving Azerbaijan
Military conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan |
4020779 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20Leyland%20buses | List of Leyland buses | This is a list of all known passenger chassis and integral bus vehicles manufactured by Leyland Motors and Leyland Bus from 1919 until closure.
1919 - 1925
A1, A5, A7, A9, A11, A13 - 1920-1926
B - 1919-1920
C, C1, C5, C7, C9 - 1919-1926
D - 1920-1924
E - 1919-1920
F - 1919
G, G1, G2, G3, G4, G5, G6, G7, G8 - 1919-1924
H - 1919-1920
J - 1919-1920
K - 1919
L - 1919-1920
M, M1 - 1919-1921
N - 1919-1921
O, O1 - 1919-1921
RAF - 1919-1925
SG2, SG4, SG6, SG7, SG9, SG11 - 1923-1926
GH2, GH4, GH5, GH7, GH8 - 1923-1926
OP2 - 1921-1924
OH2 - 1923-1926
LB2, LB4, LB5 - 1922-1926
Z3, Z4, Z5, Z6, Z7 - 1923-1926
1925 - 1942
Leviathan - 1925-1927
Lion LSC1, LSC3 - 1925-1931
Leopard (PLSC2) - 1926
Leveret - 1926-1928
Lioness - 1926-1934
Lion (LT series) - 1929-1940
Titan (front-engined, TD series) - 1927-1942, unfrozen only after 1940
Titanic - 1927-1931
Tiger (front-engined, TS series) - 1927-1942, unfrozen only after 1940
Tigress - 1934-1939
Badger - 1930-1936
Cub - 1931-1938
Cheetah - 1935-1940
Gnu - 1937-1939
Tiger FEC (underfloor engine) - London Transport TF Class - 1939
REC Cub (rear engine) - London Transport CR Class - 1939
Panda - 1940
Most chassis with names beginning with the letter L had four-cylinder engines; those beginning with the letter T had six-cylinder engines. There was a Tiger model (built in small numbers) with a four-cylinder engine
1945 - closure
Articulated
Leyland-DAB articulated bus 1980-?
Double deck
Titan (front-engined, PD series) - 1945-1970
Lowlander - 1961-1966
Atlantean - 1956-1986
Fleetline - 1973-1980, from Daimler
Titan (B15) - 1974-1984
Victory Mark 2 - 1978-1981, built at Guy factory at Wolverhampton
Olympian - 1979-1993
Lion - 1986-1988
Single deck
Tiger (front-engined, PS series) - 1948-1968
Comet - 1948-1971
Olympic - 1949-1971
Royal Tiger - 1950-1955
Worldmaster - 1955-1979
Tiger Cub - 1952-1969
Olympian - 1953-1958
Leopard - 1959-1982
Lion - 1960-1965
Royal Tiger Cub - 1960-1968
Panther - 1964-1972
Panther Cub - 1964-1968
National/National 2 - 1969-1985
Cub - 1979-1987
Tiger (mid-engined) - 1979-1992
B21 - 1975-1983
Super Viking - 1980-1984
Royal Tiger (B50/B54) - 1982-1987
Lynx - 1984-1992
Swift - 1987-1991
See also
List of buses
Leyland Motors
Leyland Bus
Leyland Buses
Leyland Buses |
4020780 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henning%20Meyer | Henning Meyer | Henning Meyer is a German social scientist, consultant and policy specialist. He is the first Fellow of the German Federal Ministry of Finance and Honorary Professor for Public Policy and Business at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Furthermore, he is Research Associate at Cambridge University’s Centre for Business Research (CBR), Future World Fellow at the Centre for the Governance of Change at IE University and founder and Editor-in-Chief of Social Europe. Previously, he was John F. Kennedy Memorial Fellow at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies at Harvard University, Senior Visiting Fellow and Research Associate at the London School of Economics and Political Science and Visiting Fellow at Cornell University.
Education
After undergraduate studies in Political Science and English at the University of Trier, Meyer continued his education in the UK. He studied for an MA in British and European Politics and Government at London Guildhall University, a PhD in Comparative Politics and an Executive MBA at London Metropolitan University, an MSc in Finance with a focus on economic policy at the University of London as well as a Diploma in Global Business at the University of Oxford. At Oxford, Meyer won two Said Prizes as best overall student and for the best project in global business.
Career
Until 2010, Meyer was Senior Research Fellow and Head of the European Programme at the Global Policy Institute at London Metropolitan University. Following this, he was Director of the consultancy New Global Strategy Ltd. and the digital media publishing company Social Europe Ltd. until he relocated to Germany in 2018. He is an expert on Public Policy, Social Democracy, Political Economy, European Union, Digital Technology, Strategy and Business.
Media
Meyer has been a frequent contributor to academic and mainstream publications such as The Guardian, New York Times, Foreign Affairs, DIE ZEIT and Süddeutsche Zeitung. He is also a regular TV commentator on political and economic issues on news channels such as BBC News, Sky News, CNBC, Al Jazeera International, France 24 and SBS Broadcasting Group Australia.
Selected bibliography
Books
Chapters in books
References
External links
Social Europe
1978 births
German political scientists
German social democrats
Living people
Political commentators |
4020784 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bluegrass%20Cat | Bluegrass Cat | Bluegrass Cat (foaled January 23, 2003) is an American thoroughbred race horse. Although he won several major stakes races, he is best known for finishing second in both the 2006 Kentucky Derby and Belmont Stakes.
Background
Bluegrass Cat was bred by WinStar Farm in Versailles, Kentucky and raced under their colors as a homebred. He is by leading American sire Storm Cat, while his dam She's a Winner belongs to "the best family on earth", descending from La Troienne through Numbered Account.
He was trained by Hall of Famer Todd Pletcher. His jockey was John Velazquez except in the Kentucky Derby, where Ramon Dominguez picked up the mount after Velazquez suffered a serious injury two weeks before the race.
Racing career
2005: Two-year-old season
Bluegrass Cat made his debut on June 24 in a maiden race at Churchill Downs, finishing eighth after being bumped hard at the start. On September 24, he broke his maiden by lengths in his second lifetime start in a seven-furlong race at Belmont Park. In his third career race, he won the one mile Nashua Stakes, also at Belmont. "What I loved about the race today was that he was in behind horses, and got an education," said Pletcher. "He had to make room for himself at the top of the stretch and pushed his way through."
In his final start at age two on November 26, he won the -mile Remsen Stakes at Aqueduct Racetrack. In his first two-turn race, he prevailed by lengths after being challenged by Flashy Bull in the stretch. "He's quite a fighter," said Velazquez. "He was a little spooked at the end of the race when he saw a tire track. But, he's a nice horse, and I look forward to next year."
2006: Three-year-old season
Bluegrass Cat started his three-year-old campaign at Tampa Bay Downs in the Sam F. Davis Stakes on February 16. He won by lengths in a good time of 1:44.17 for miles, less than 1 second off the track record. On March 18, Bluegrass Cat was the 2-5 favorite in the Tampa Bay Derby but lost his footing on the far turn and finished second to Deputy Glitters, a horse he had defeated in the Sam Davis. Bluegrass Cat next entered the Blue Grass Stakes at Keeneland on April 15, where he was badly beaten by front running Sinister Minister. Pletcher felt the loss may have been due to the Keeneland surface, which had shown a speed bias that favored horses on the lead.
In the 2006 Kentucky Derby on May 6, Bluegrass Cat was a 30-1 longshot in a field of 20. For the first of a mile, he raced in fifth or sixth a few lengths behind the leaders, with Barbaro just ahead on the outside. On the far turn, Barbaro made his move, eventually winning by lengths. Bluegrass Cat could not match Barbaro's acceleration but was good enough to finish second by two lengths over Steppenwolfer, with Jazil and Brother Derek in a dead heat for fourth another length back. Bluegrass Cat's connections skipped the Preakness Stakes, won by Bernardini after Barbaro's tragic breakdown, and rested him for the Belmont Stakes. When Bernardini skipped the Belmont Stakes, Bluegrass Cat became the second choice in a wide-open field of twelve. He raced just behind the early pace and made his move on the far turn, but was out-kicked by Jazil and finished second.
After a brief rest, Bluegrass Cat next ran in the Haskell Invitational at Monmouth Park on August 6. Racing just off the pace for the first miles, he made a "devastating" move coming into the stretch and drew off to win by seven lengths. "We're delighted with his effort," said Pletcher. "His performance today is as good as any 3-year-old's this year. To win a grade one as significant as the Haskell puts him in the elite category."
In the Travers Stakes on August 26, Bluegrass Cat finished second to Bernardini, who won by lengths. Although he seemed to come out of the race in good shape, the next morning he was found to be lame in his right hind pastern. X-rays showed he had a nondisplaced fracture, which his connections believe occurred in the latter part of the Travers. "It's obviously very disappointing when you have your leading earner and top 3-year-old injured, but it emphasizes that this is a horse with tremendous quality and tremendous courage," stated Pletcher. "To get injured in a race like that and still run as well as he did and continue trying just emphasizes the quality of horse he is."
Bluegrass Cat was retired from racing with five wins and four places out of eleven starts, and earnings of $1,761,280.
Statistics
Stud career
Bluegrass Cat was retired to stud for the 2007 season at WinStar Farm, where his initial fee was $50,000. Because of the economic downturn in 2008, his fee subsequently declined to $25,000. He got off to a fast start when his first crop reached racing age in 2010, with seven winners by July, all of them reinforcing Bluegrass Cat's linebreeding to La Troienne. He eventually finished second on the freshman sire list with two graded stakes winners including Kathmanblu, his leading earner.
In the 2011 second-crop sire listing, Bluegrass Cat finished second behind Bernardini but was moved to New York for the 2012 season in partnership with Vinery Stud. After being the leading sire in New York for 2013 and 2014, he was relocated to Ballena Vista stud in California for the 2015 season. He finished 2015 as the number 1 ranked sire in California.
Bluegrass Cat's descendants include:
c = colt, f = filly
Pedigree
Bluegrass Cat's sire Storm Cat was one of the most important American stallions of the late 20th century and early 21st century. Although he started at stud with low expectations, by the end of his career his fee was $500,000, the highest in North America. Storm Cat was the leading sire in North America for 1999 and 2000, and led the juvenile (two-year-old) sire list a record seven times. His offspring tended to be precocious and fast, but sometimes inherited his offset knees, making them vulnerable to injury.
Bluegrass Cat's dam She's a Winner was unraced but was descended from a high quality family. Bred by Ogden Phipps, she was privately purchased by WinStar Farms and produced 7 winners from 12 named foals. In late 2006, WinStar Farm purchased her full sister Supercharger in foal to Maria's Mon for $160,000: The resulting colt was 2010 Kentucky Derby winner Super Saver. Both She's a Winner and Supercharger were out of stakes winner Get Lucky, who was out of stakes winner Dance Number, who was out of stakes winner and Champion Numbered Account. Bluegrass Cat has a total of five strains of the highly influential mare La Troienne: two through Numbered Account, two through Seattle Slew's dam My Charmer and one through A.P. Indy's dam Weekend Surprise.
Bluegrass Cat is inbred 3s x 4d to both Secretariat and Northern Dancer, meaning these stallions each appear in the 3rd generation of the sire's side of his pedigree and in the 4th generation of the dam's side.
References
NTRA bio and stats
NTRA bio of WinStar Farm
Racehorses bred in Kentucky
Racehorses trained in the United States
2003 racehorse births
Thoroughbred family 1-x |
4020794 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Millicent%20Hearst | Millicent Hearst | Millicent Veronica Hearst (née Willson; July 16, 1882 – December 5, 1974), was the wife of media tycoon William Randolph Hearst. Willson was a vaudeville performer in New York City whom Hearst admired, and they married in 1903. The couple had five sons, but began to drift apart in the mid-1920s, when Millicent became tired of her husband's longtime affair with actress Marion Davies.
Life and career
She was the daughter of vaudevillian George Willson and Hannah Murray Willson. Following in their father's footsteps, Millicent and her older sister Anita performed at the Herald Square Theater on Broadway in 1897 as "bicycle girls" in Edward Rice's The Girl From Paris. The girls caught the eye of the 34-year-old W.R. Hearst, and their first dates were chaperoned by her sister Anita. After a six-year courtship, the publisher and aspiring politician Hearst married 20-year-old Millicent Willson on April 28, 1903.
Millicent Hearst gave birth to five sons: George Randolph Hearst, born on April 23, 1904; William Randolph Hearst Jr., born on January 27, 1908; John Randolph Hearst, born in 1909; and the twins, Randolph Apperson Hearst and David Whitmire (né Elbert Willson) Hearst, born on December 2, 1915. Hearst's mother, Phoebe Apperson Hearst, was dismayed by Millicent’s humble origins, but warmed to her daughter-in-law with the birth of the grandchildren.
She was a member of the New York State Commission for the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in 1915, and acted as chief official hostess at the New York Pavilion during the exposition.
New York City Mayor John Hylan appointed her chairman of the Mayor’s Committee of Women on National Defense during World War I. The committee sponsored entertainments for servicemen, operated a canteen, encouraged enlistments, sponsored patriotic rallies, and provided staples such as coal, milk, and ice to the needy. Hearst also served on wartime committees to raise funds for the rebuilding of France and the relief of French orphans.
In 1921, she founded the Free Milk Fund for Babies, which provided free milk to the poor of New York City for decades. She also hosted charitable fundraisers for a variety of causes, including crippled children, unemployed girls, the New York Women’s Trade League, the Democratic National Committee, the Evening Journal - New York Journal Christmas Fund, and the Village Welfare of Port Washington, New York. Eleanor Roosevelt joined Millicent Hearst at many of these charitable events during the Great Depression.
The Hearsts remained married until W.R. Hearst's death in 1951 partly due to her being a Catholic, but were estranged beginning in 1926 when his liaison with Marion Davies became public. M. Hearst had sought a divorce from W.R. Hearst in around 1937, but the terms of the divorce agreement fell through when she included handing her Cosmopolitan Magazine as part of the settlement, which W.R. Hearst could not agree to. M. Hearst established a separate life and residence in New York City as a socialite and philanthropist, rarely visiting her husband at their estate in San Simeon, California, known as Hearst Castle. She was close to her five sons throughout her life and they generally sided with her.
Millicent Willson Hearst died on December 5, 1974, more than two decades after the death of her husband, and was buried at the Woodlawn Cemetery in the Bronx.
References
External links
Finding Aid to the Millicent Willson Hearst Papers, 1914-1947 (bulk 1926-1935) at The Bancroft Library
1882 births
1974 deaths
Millicent
Vaudeville performers
American women in World War I
California Democrats
New York (state) Democrats |
4020795 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Northern%20route | Northern route | Northern route may refer to
North–South Expressway northern route
Northern Dispersal
Northern Sea Route |
4020805 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ken%20Willard | Ken Willard | Kenneth Henderson Willard (born July 14, 1943) is a former American football running back/fullback in the National Football League, where he was a four-time Pro-Bowler with the San Francisco 49ers in the 1960s.
College career
He attended the University of North Carolina after turning down Ted Williams and a contract with the Boston Red Sox. He went to Carolina on a football scholarship and also played baseball for the Tar Heels. He led the ACC in home runs two times and is unofficially credited with the longest home run in Tar Heel history at . He is the first UNC athlete to be named to the first-team Academic All-America team and had his portrait placed on Kenan Stadium in 2013 celebrating this honor.
Professional career
Willard was drafted with the second pick of the 1965 NFL Draft, by the San Francisco 49ers ahead of future NFL Hall of Famers Dick Butkus and Gale Sayers. He played nine seasons with the San Francisco 49ers and one with the St. Louis Cardinals. He opted to pass on his eleventh season after two consecutive years of knee injuries in St. Louis.
Willard was a four-time Pro Bowler, selected in 1965, 1966, 1968 and 1969 and scored 45 rushing and 17 receiving touchdowns. His best year was 1968 when he ran for and 7 touchdowns. He was a member of the 49ers when the team won the NFC West title in 1970, 1971 and 1972 and with the Cardinals when they won the division title in 1974. On the retirement of Leroy Kelly, Willard became the NFL's active leader in career rushing yards for most of the 1974 season, before being passed by O. J. Simpson in Game 11. He retired with 6,105 rushing yards (then 8th all-time) and 45 rushing touchdowns (tied for 12th).
NFL career statistics
Source
Honors
In 1985, he was inducted into the Virginia Sports Hall of Fame and was honored as an ACC football Legend on May 6, 2013.
References
1943 births
Living people
American football running backs
Players of American football from Richmond, Virginia
San Francisco 49ers players
St. Louis Cardinals (football) players
Western Conference Pro Bowl players
North Carolina Tar Heels football players |
4020807 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Survey%20of%20London | Survey of London | The Survey of London is a research project to produce a comprehensive architectural survey of central London and its suburbs, or the area formerly administered by the London County Council. It was founded in 1894 by Charles Robert Ashbee, an Arts-and-Crafts designer, architect and social reformer and was motivated by a desire to record and preserve London's ancient monuments. The first volume was published in 1900, but the completion of the series remains far in the future.
The London Survey Committee was initially a volunteer effort, but from 1910 published the surveys jointly with the London County Council (later the Greater London Council, GLC). From 1952, the voluntary committee was disbanded, and all survey work was wholly council-run. Following the abolition of the GLC in 1986, responsibility for the survey was taken over by the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England (RCHME). Since 2013, it has been administered by The Bartlett School of Architecture, University College London.
The series borrows its title from John Stow's A Survay of London (first edition 1598; revised edition 1603).
Scope
The Survey consists of a series of volumes based mainly on the historical parish system. Each volume gives an account of the area, with sufficient general history to put the architecture in context, and then proceeds to describe the notable streets and individual buildings one by one. The accounts are exhaustive, reviewing all available primary sources in detail. The Survey devotes thousands of words to some buildings that receive the briefest of mentions in the Buildings of England series (itself a vast and detailed reference work by most standards). However, the earlier volumes largely ignored buildings built after 1800.
Due to the scale of the existing endeavour, there are no current plans to extend the project to take in the whole of Greater London. As of 2020, 53 volumes in the main series have been published. Separately, 18 monographs on individual buildings have been published. Most of the volumes have not been updated since publication, but those published online (up to Vol. 47) have received a limited amount of updating.
Since 2008, the Survey of London has been published by Yale University Press. With the publication of the volumes on Clerkenwell in 2008, colour photography was used for the first time, and the images incorporated in the text – previously they had been grouped separately as plates. A further volume on Woolwich was published in 2012, and two on Battersea appeared in late 2013. Two volumes on the eastern part of Marylebone, south of Marylebone Road, were issued in late 2017. Work has begun on Whitechapel, the historically rich and complex area on the eastern fringe of the City of London.
The British History Online digital library project of the Institute of Historical Research has published all volumes, sponsored by English Heritage.
Volumes
Bromley-by-Bow – C. R. Ashbee (editor) (1900) (LSC)
Chelsea, pt I – Walter H. Godfrey (1909) (LSC)
St Giles-in-the-Fields, pt I: Lincoln's Inn Fields – W. Edward Riley and Sir Laurence Gomme (editors) (1912) (LCC)
Chelsea, pt II – Walter H. Godfrey (1913) (LSC)
St Giles-in-the-Fields, pt II – W. Edward Riley and Sir Laurence Gomme (editors) (1914) (LSC)
Hammersmith – James Bird and Philip Norman (general editors) (1915) (LSC)
Chelsea, part III: The Old Church – Walter H. Godfrey (editor) (1921) (LSC)
Shoreditch – Sir James Bird (editor) (1922) (LCC)
The parish of St Helen, Bishopsgate, part I – Minnie Reddan and Alfred W. Clapham (1924) (LSC)
St. Margaret, Westminster, part I: Queen Anne's Gate area – Montague H. Cox (editor) (1926) (LCC)
Chelsea, part IV: The Royal Hospital – Walter H. Godfrey (editor) (1927) (LSC)
The parish of All Hallows Barking, part I: The Church of All Hallows – Lilian J. Redstone (1929) (LSC)
St Margaret, Westminster, part II: Whitehall I – Montagu H. Cox and Philip Norman (editors) (1930) (LCC)
St Margaret, Westminster, part III: Whitehall II – Montague H. Cox and G. Topham Forrest (editors) (1931) (LCC)
All Hallows, Barking-by-the-Tower, pt II – G. H. Gater and Walter H. Godfrey (general editors) (1934) (LSC)
St Martin-in-the-Fields I: Charing Cross – G. H. Gater and E. P. Wheeler (editors) (1935) (LCC)
The parish of St Pancras part 1: The village of Highgate – Percy Lovell and William McB. Marcham (editors) (1936) (LSC)
St Martin-in-the-Fields II: The Strand – G. H. Gater and E. P. Wheeler (editors) (1937) (LCC)
The parish of St Pancras part 2: Old St Pancras and Kentish Town – Percy Lovell and William McB. Marcham (editors) (1938) (LSC)
St Martin-in-the-Fields, pt III: Trafalgar Square & Neighbourhood – G. H. Gater and F. R. Hiorns (editor) (1940) (LCC)
The parish of St Pancras part 3: Tottenham Court Road & neighbourhood – J. R. Howard Roberts and Walter H. Godfrey (editors) (1949) (LSC)
Bankside (the parishes of St. Saviour and Christchurch Southwark) – Sir Howard Roberts and Walter H. Godfrey (editors) (1950) (LCC)
Lambeth: South Bank and Vauxhall – Sir Howard Roberts and Walter H. Godfrey (editors) (1951) (LCC)
The parish of St Pancras part 4: King's Cross Neighbourhood – Walter H. Godfrey and W. McB. Marcham (editors) (1952) (LSC)
St George's Fields (The parishes of St. George the Martyr Southwark and St. Mary Newington) – Ida Darlington (editor) (1955) (LCC)
Lambeth: Southern area – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1956) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
Spitalfields and Mile End New Town – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1957) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
Brooke House, Hackney – W. A. Eden, Marie P. G. Draper, W. F. Grimes and Audrey Williams (1960) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
St James Westminster, Part 1 (Vol I) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1960) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
St James Westminster, Part 1 (Vol II) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1960) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
St James Westminster, Part 2 (Vol I) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1963) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
St James Westminster, Part 2 (Vol II) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1963) (Athlone Press for the LCC)
St Anne Soho (Vol I) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1966) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
St Anne Soho (Vol II) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1966) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
The Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, and the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1970) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
The Parish of St. Paul Covent Garden – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1970) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
Northern Kensington – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1973) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
The Museums Area of South Kensington and Westminster – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1975) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
The Grosvenor Estate in Mayfair, Part 1 (General History) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1977) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
The Grosvenor Estate in Mayfair, Part 2 (The Buildings) – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1980) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
Brompton – F. H. W. Sheppard (General Editor) (1983) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
Kensington Square to Earl's Court – Hermione Hobhouse (General Editor) (1986) (Athlone Press for the GLC)
Poplar, Blackwall and Isle of Dogs (Vol I) – Hermione Hobhouse (General Editor) (1994) (Athlone Press for the RCHME)
Poplar, Blackwall and Isle of Dogs (Vol II) – Hermione Hobhouse (General Editor) (1994) (Athlone Press for the RCHME)(A supplement to Volumes 43 and 44 entitled Docklands in the Making: The Redevelopment of the Isle of Dogs, 1981–1995 by Alan Cox () was issued in 1995 in an attempt to keep up with the pace of redevelopment in the area)
Knightsbridge – John Greenacombe (General Editor) (2000) (Continuum Publishing for English Heritage)
South and East Clerkenwell – Philip Temple (Editor) (2008) (Yale University Press)
Northern Clerkenwell and Pentonville – Philip Temple (Editor) (2008) (Yale University Press)
Woolwich – Peter Guillery (Editor) (2012) (Yale University Press)
Battersea: Public, Commercial and Cultural – Andrew Saint (Editor) (2013) (Yale University Press)
Battersea: Houses and Housing – Colin Thom (Editor) (2013) (Yale University Press)
South-East Marylebone: Part 1 – Andrew Saint (General Editor) (2017) (Yale University Press)
South-East Marylebone: Part 2 – Andrew Saint (General Editor) (2017) (Yale University Press)
Oxford Street – Andrew Saint (General Editor) (2020) (Yale University Press)
Monographs
Monographs, focusing only on one structure, were published during the existence of the voluntary survey committee. The first monograph predated the first Survey volume, and work on the subsequent publications was always outside the auspices of the LCC. The original sequence ended with the disbanding of the voluntary committee; the sixteenth volume represented work which had started under the committee's governance.
Almost thirty years later, a further monograph (No. 17) was published, focusing on County Hall and written by Hermione Hobhouse (1991). It was intended as a tribute to the LCC/GLC which, until its abolition in 1986, had responsibility for the Survey. Nearly twenty years after that, an eighteenth volume was issued, describing the Charterhouse in Smithfield and written by Philip Temple (2010).
Trinity Hospital, Mile End – C. R. Ashbee (1896)
Saint Mary, Stratford Bow – Osborn C. Hills (1900)
Old Palace, Bromley-by-Bow – Ernest Godman (1902)
The Great House, Leyton – Edwin Gunn (1903)
Brooke House, Hackney – Ernest A. Mann (1904)
St Dunstan's Church, Stepney – W. Pepys and Ernest Godman (1905)
East Acton Manor House – no author listed
Sandford Manor, Fulham – W. Arthur Webb (1907)
Crosby Place – Philip Norman (1908)
Morden College, Blackheath – Frank T. Green (1916)
Eastbury Manor House, Barking – Hubert Curtis (1917)
Cromwell House, Highgate – Philip Norman (1926)
Swakeleys, Ickenham – Walter H. Godfrey (1933)
The Queen's House, Greenwich – George H. Chettle (1937)
St. Bride's Church, Fleet Street – Walter H. Godfrey (1944)
College of Arms, Queen Victoria Street – Walter H. Godfrey and Anthony Wagner (1963)
County Hall – Hermione Hobhouse (1991)
The Charterhouse – Philip Temple (2010)
See also
Victoria County History
References
External links
Official website
Map showing areas covered by the Survey of London (as of June 2019)
The first 47 main sequence volumes and 17 monograph volumes online at British History Online
'Cinematic Geographies' Battersea film project
Architecture of London
Architecture books
1894 establishments in England
History of the built environment of London |
4020827 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KNAI%20%28AM%29 | KNAI (AM) | KNAI (860 AM; "La Campesina 101.9") is a Regional Mexican-formatted radio station in Phoenix, Arizona. KNAI is owned by the Farmworker Educational Radio Network, Inc. Its studios are located in Phoenix near Piestewa Peak and its transmitter is in South Phoenix near Broadway and 27th Avenue.
KNAI operates by day with 940 watts non-directional and at 1,000 watts at night with a directional antenna. Its programming is also heard on two translator stations, K270BZ (101.9 FM) and K270CV (101.9 FM).
860 AM is a Canadian clear-channel frequency, on which CJBC in Toronto, Ontario is the dominant Class A station.
History
KIFN and KVVA
On June 8, 1949, the Western Broadcasting Company received the construction permit to build a new radio station in Phoenix on 860 kHz. Construction work on KIFN's facilities in Riverside Park began in September, and an accelerated schedule allowed Arizona's first full-time Spanish-language radio station, KIFN signed on at midnight on Tuesday, November 22. KIFN initially broadcast with 250 watts but benefitted from an increase to 1,000 watts in 1952. From the time it signed on until the early 1980s, KIFN operated as a daytime-only station. (860 is a Canadian clear channel frequency, limiting the coverage of American stations operating at 860.)
The partners in Western sold their interests to H. Walker Harrison in 1959. Harrison sold KIFN in 1966 to the Tichenor family, which owned a group of Spanish-language stations that ultimately became the Hispanic Broadcasting Corporation. Mauricio Méndez, operating as Hispanic Communications Corporation, acquired KIFN in 1979.
Citing the difficulty of getting authorization to go to 24-hour operation on 860 and facing competition from 24-hour station KPHX, Méndez sold KIFN in 1982 to Beta Communications, bringing it under common ownership with Apache Junction's KSTM-FM. Beta relaunched the station as KVVA ("Viva"), retaining its Spanish-language format. In 1987, Beta changed KSTM-FM, a rock station known as "The Storm", to KVVA-FM, a more contemporary Spanish-language station, to pair with KVVA AM; it was the first Spanish-language FM station for Phoenix since 99.9 KNNN had been sold in 1984 and flipped formats. Among the programs aired in this era was a simulcast of Channel 10 KTSP-TV's 10 p.m. news, which began in 1988.
As a sports station
In 1996, KVVA-AM-FM went bankrupt, and the two stations found different buyers at auction. All of the Spanish-language programming moved to KVVA-FM, which was bought by Z-Spanish Network, a predecessor to Entravision Communications Corporation. The AM frequency, however, was purchased by Pulitzer Broadcasting Company, which acquired it with intentions on moving play-by-play sports contracts from 620 KTAR (then a news/talk outlet) to 860. Pulitzer beat out MAC America Communications, owners of KTVK-TV and KESZ, for the frequency. On December 12, 1996, KVVA left AM, ending 47 straight years of Spanish-language radio on 860. Pulitzer relaunched the station with new call letters KMVP (for "most valuable player"). Eventually, fans and team owners found the KMVP nighttime signal too weak to cover the entire Phoenix metropolitan area for play-by-play coverage, and the Phoenix Suns and Arizona Diamondbacks moved back to KTAR with KMVP retaining broadcasts of the Phoenix Mercury and Arizona Rattlers games. Over time, KMVP added more national sports talk (including ESPN Radio) and less local programs.
Along with KTAR, ownership passed from Pulitzer to Hearst-Argyle, then Emmis Communications, and then Bonneville International, a subsidiary of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
When KTAR became a full-time sports station in 2007, it simulcast the programs of KMVP. The simulcast of KTAR and KMVP ended on April 14, 2007. On August 27, KMVP converted to Spanish language religious programming from Radio Vida Abundante. It later became a gospel music station, under a time brokerage agreement.
KMVP continued to air some sports programs. When Bonneville's two Phoenix sports stations, 98.7 KMVP-FM and 620 KTAR, were already committed to running other sporting events, KMVP aired the "overflow" games, such as Phoenix Coyotes play-by-play and Arizona State Sun Devils basketball. In 2016, Bonneville reassumed control of KMVP, and started simulcasting sister sports station KMVP-FM.
Sale to CCF
On March 9, 2017, Bonneville announced that it would sell KMVP to César Chávez Foundation’s Farmworker Educational Radio Network, Inc. for $800,000; the foundation already owned KNAI (88.3 FM) in Phoenix. The sale was completed on May 15, 2017; concurrently, the call letters changed to KNAI while 88.3 became KNAI-FM.
On May 15, 2017, 860 AM dropped the KMVP-FM simulcast and began simulcasting KNAI-FM's Regional Mexican format, including programming after KNAI-FM's handover to KPHF at 7:30 pm each night. In August, after remediating interference concerns, newly bought translator K270BZ, which prior to going dark had been relaying KKFR from South Mountain, re-emerged to be fed by KNAI. In October 2017, the "La Campesina" programming moved exclusively to 860 AM and 101.9 FM; 88.3 FM, which changed its call letters to KCCF-FM, then began carrying a loop directing listeners to KNAI. KCCF-FM was sold to VCY America in 2018.
Translators
References
External links
FCC History Cards for KNAI
NAI (AM)
Radio stations established in 1949
1949 establishments in Arizona |
4020844 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daniel%20Tkaczuk | Daniel Tkaczuk | Daniel Tkaczuk (born June 10, 1979) is a Canadian ice hockey coach and former centre who played 19 games in the National Hockey League for the Calgary Flames. He is currently an assistant coach for the Springfield Thunderbirds of the American Hockey League.
Playing career
Tkaczuk was born in Toronto, Ontario. As a youth, he played in the 1993 Quebec International Pee-Wee Hockey Tournament with Toronto Marlboros minor ice hockey team.
He was selected sixth overall in the 1997 NHL Entry Draft by the Calgary Flames. He represented Canada at the 1999 World Junior Ice Hockey Championships, where he won a silver medal and led the team in scoring. Tkaczuk was named to the American Hockey League's All-Rookie Team the following season. He played in the National Hockey League for the Calgary Flames during the 2001–02 campaign, but suffered a severe concussion in a game against the Arizona Coyotes during his 19th game. He returned to the minors and never saw NHL action again.
Tkaczuk left the Flames system at the end of 2000–01 after winning the Calder Cup when traded along with Fred Brathwaite, Sergei Varlamov, and a 2001 ninth-round pick to the St. Louis Blues for goaltender Roman Turek on June 23, 2001. He would then play two more years in the AHL for the Worcester IceCats and after being released by the St. Louis Blues, for the Bridgeport Sound Tigers.
Unhappy with his shaky status in the minors, he tried his luck in Europe, spending the 2003–04 season with Lukko of Finland's major league, the SM-liiga, where his numbers were respectable, but not impressive enough to earn him a significant profile in Finland.
Tkaczuk then turned to Milan, the highest paying club in the Italian league, where he enjoyed considerable success, maintaining his preeminence even during the 2004–5 season, when the squad was strengthened by the arrival of NHL players during the NHL lockout. He led Milan in goals (23), assists (33) and points (56) during the regular season and playoffs, good enough for third place overall in Serie A scoring. Thanks to those solid numbers, Tkaczuk was one of three Milan players, along with defenceman Marc Savard and veteran forward Ryan Savoia, named to Team Canada's roster for the 2004 Loto Cup in Slovakia. Milan went on to win the national title, their fourth in a row, defeating Cortina in the finals.
In the late summer of 2005, Tkaczuk held talks with Krefeld Pinguine of the Deutsche Eishockey Liga (DEL), Grand Rapids Griffins of the American Hockey League, and Lada Togliatti of the Russian Super League before eventually returning to Milan.
In 2006, Tkaczuk signed for ERC Ingolstadt of the DEL. In 2007, he moved to EV Duisburg Die Füchse and played there until the completion of the 2008–09 season. Tkaczuk was second in goals during the 2007–08 season (17).
After six years abroad, Tkaczuk returned to North America and signed with the Charlotte Checkers of the ECHL on November 13, 2009. He would later be loaned to the Rochester Americans on December 7, 2009. On January 6, 2010, the Hartford Wolf Pack signed Tkaczuk to a professional tryout (PTO) contract. Tkaczuk finished the season with 45 points in 46 games for the Checkers.
In the following season, Tkaczuk signed a one-year contract with the EC TREND-Dornbirn of the second-tier Austrian National League on September 16, 2010 After scoring 33 points in 26 games with Trend, Tkaczuk signed for the Nottingham Panthers of the Elite Ice Hockey League (EIHL) in the United Kingdom, on January 19, 2011.
Coaching career
After retiring, he became an assistant coach with the Owen Sound Attack and the Kitchener Rangers of the OHL. He then became assistant coach of the American Hockey League's Chicago Wolves in 2016 before spending the 2017–18 season as skills coach with the St. Louis Blues. In 2018, he became an assistant coach for the Blues' AHL affiliate the San Antonio Rampage.
Personal
Tkaczuk is the president of iHockeyTrainer.com, an online hockey school for training and skill development. He is also a columnist for The Hockey News, often providing insight from a player's perspective He is married and has two young boys, Weylan and Sawyer Tkaczuk.
Career statistics
Regular season and playoffs
International
References
External links
1979 births
Living people
Barrie Colts players
Bridgeport Sound Tigers players
Calgary Flames draft picks
Calgary Flames players
Canadian ice hockey centres
Charlotte Checkers (1993–2010) players
Dornbirn Bulldogs players
ERC Ingolstadt players
Füchse Duisburg players
Hartford Wolf Pack players
Ice hockey people from Ontario
Lukko players
National Hockey League first round draft picks
Nottingham Panthers players
Rochester Americans players
Saint John Flames players
Sportspeople from Toronto
Syracuse Crunch players
Worcester IceCats players
Canadian expatriate ice hockey players in England
Canadian expatriate ice hockey players in Finland
Canadian expatriate ice hockey players in Germany |
4020851 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anatoly%20Morozov | Anatoly Morozov | Anatoly Morozov may refer to:
Anatoly Morozov (pilot) (19161944), Soviet World War II pilot and Hero of the Soviet Union
Anatoly Morozov (scientist) (born 1939), Ukrainian scientist
Anatoly Morozov (athlete) (born 1973), Russian football player |
4020853 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County%20Route%20585%20%28New%20Jersey%29 | County Route 585 (New Jersey) | County Route 585 (CR 585) is a county highway in the U.S. state of New Jersey. The highway extends from MacArthur Boulevard (Route 52) in Somers Point to Absecon Boulevard (U.S. Route 30 or US 30) in Absecon.
Route description
CR 585 begins at the former location of the Somers Point Circle in Somers Point, intersecting Route 52 and the southern terminus of CR 559. The route heads north-northeast on two-lane undivided Shore Road through residential and commercial areas, intersecting CR 635 and CR 665 before passing west of Shore Medical Center and coming to CR 620, which provides access to Route 152. CR 585 intersects with the eastern terminus of CR 559 Alternate at the point it crosses into Linwood. In Linwood, the road passes several homes as well as the Linwood Country Club. Continuing into Northfield, CR 585 reaches a junction with CR 563 and CR 662. Past this intersection, the road turns northeast and passes the Atlantic City Country Club and meets CR 615 and CR 644.
Upon entering Pleasantville, the route becomes Main Street and passes a mix of homes and businesses as it reaches the US 40/US 322 junction. Following this, CR 585 crosses the Southern Railroad of New Jersey's Pleasantville Industrial Track line and CR 608 as it heads through commercial areas. The road passes over the Atlantic City Expressway as it enters a mix of homes and commercial establishments. The route crosses CR 646 before intersecting CR 663, at which point it enters Absecon. In Absecon, CR 585 becomes Shore Road again and passes residences, intersecting CR 631 and CR 630. Immediately after the intersection with the latter, the route passes under NJ Transit’s Atlantic City Line and reaches US 30. Here, CR 585 ends and Shore Road continues north as Route 157.
History
CR 585 once continued farther to the south, ending at Route 109 in Lower Township, Cape May County. From its current southern terminus, it followed Route 52 into Ocean City, where it then continued on 9th Street before heading south on CR 656. It then headed west onto CR 623 into Upper Township. The route then headed to the southwest on CR 631 and then onto CR 610 passing through the eastern part of Woodbine and entering Dennis Township. CR 585 then ran concurrent with Route 47 through South Dennis before heading to the south on CR 657. It headed into Middle Township and into Cape May Court House, where CR 657 currently continues to Stone Harbor. At this point, CR 585 headed south concurrent with US 9. It then headed east on Route 147 into North Wildwood, where it turned south on CR 621. It then shifted to Park Boulevard, which carried it south through Wildwood and into Wildwood Crest, where it rejoined CR 621. It then headed into Lower Township to its terminus at Route 109.
A spur route, CR 585 Spur, existed, which is now CR 618.
As part of improvements to Route 52, including the construction of a new causeway over the Great Egg Harbor Bay, the Somers Point Circle at the southern terminus of CR 585 was replaced with a traffic light in October 2010.
Major intersections
CR 585 Spur
County Route 585 Spur was a highway running from Route 47 east to US 9/CR 585 in Middle Township, Cape May County. That designation was removed when CR 585 was truncated to Somers Point and is currently CR 618.
See also
References
External links
County Route 585
585
585 |
4020858 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill%20Hume%20%28footballer%29 | Bill Hume (footballer) | William McLeod Hume (1 December 1937 – 10 December 2005) was a footballer.
Born in Alloa, Scotland, Hume signed as an apprentice for Hibernian in 1955, before emigrating to New Zealand the following year. Hume represented both New Zealand and Australia at international level.
His senior career began with Hamilton Wanderers before he moved to Australia to join Gladesville-Ryde in the NSW Premier League, and later playing for Sydney Hakoah. He returned to New Zealand in the early 1960s playing out his career with club side Hamilton Wanderers.
Hume made his full All Whites debut in a 2–3 loss to Australia on 16 August 1958 and made four more appearances over the following month, scoring a total of six goals, the last of his A-international caps being in a 2–1 win over New Caledonia on 14 September 1958.
He moved to Australia in 1959 and later that year he made his two appearances for Australia in unofficial matches against Scottish club Heart of Midlothian in Sydney and Melbourne, scoring in the Melbourne match.
Hume died of a heart attack on St Andrews golf course on 10 December 2005.
References
2005 deaths
New Zealand association footballers
Scottish footballers
Scottish emigrants to New Zealand
Australian soccer players
New Zealand international footballers
Australia international soccer players
Dual internationalists (football)
Association football forwards
1937 births
Hibernian F.C. players |
4020861 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Midwest%20Collegiate%20Hockey%20Association | Midwest Collegiate Hockey Association | Midwest Collegiate Hockey Association was a college athletic conference which operated in the midwestern United States. It participated in the NCAA's Division III as a hockey-only conference. The conference included only men's teams.
History
The league was founded in 1998 with six teams: Benedictine University, the University of Findlay, Lawrence University, Marian University, the Milwaukee School of Engineering, and Northland College. After one year in the conference, Benedictine dropped hockey, and Findlay moved to the Division I College Hockey America conference. The University of Minnesota Crookston joined in 1999. As a Division II school, Minnesota Crookston operated the hockey team with no scholarships like the other Division III members of the league. While they competed in the conference championship, they were ineligible for the NCAA Division III Tournament, but they were eligible for the Harris Cup.
In 2007, in order to meet NCAA guidelines and receive an automatic bid for the Division III tournament, the NCHA mandated that all member programs be Division III by the end of the 2008–09 season. Minnesota–Crookston continued to play in the conference for the next two years but after the '09 season the university dropped varsity hockey and were replaced by Lake Forest.
Finlandia University joined the conference for the 2004–05 season. Before the 2007–08 season, the MCHA added Concordia University in Mequon, Wisconsin, and Adrian College in Adrian, Michigan.
In the summer of 2012, the five hockey-playing schools in the University of Wisconsin System announced that they would leave the Northern Collegiate Hockey Association (NCHA) to begin playing hockey in their all-sports conference, the Wisconsin Intercollegiate Athletic Conference. The move would have left only two men's teams in the NCHA, leading St. Norbert College and the College of St. Scholastica to join the MCHA. In April 2013, the NCHA and MCHA announced a merger, where the NCHA would absorb the MCHA's teams (of the MCHA's 10 schools, all seven who also sponsored women's hockey played in the NCHA). The men's and women's sides will retain separate administrative structures, as well as their automatic bids to the NCAA Tournament.
Members
Champions
MCHA regular season champions
1998–99: Findlay
1999–2000: UM–Crookston
2000–01: UM–Crookston
2002–03: UM–Crookston
2001–02: Marian
2003–04: Marian
2004–05: MSOE
2005–06: MSOE
2006–07: MSOE
2007–08: Adrian
2008–09: Adrian
2009–10: Adrian
2010–11: Adrian
2011–12: Adrian
2012–13: Adrian
Harris Cup Champions (playoffs)
2002: Marian
2003: UM–Crookston
2004: UM–Crookston
2005: MSOE
2006: MSOE
2007: Finlandia
2008: Adrian
2009: Adrian
2010: Adrian
2011: Adrian
2012: MSOE
2013: Adrian
NCAA Tournament Results
2010 Adrian
First Round vs. St. Norbert College L 3–4
2011 Adrian
Quarterfinals vs. Elmira College W 5–3
Semifinals vs. Oswego State University W 5–3
Championship vs. St. Norbert College L 3–4
2012 MSOE
First Round vs. Gustavus Adolphus College L 1–3
2013 Adrian
Quarterfinals vs. Oswego State University L 2-3 (OT)
References
External links
Official web site
MCHA Page on U.S. College Hockey Online |
4020862 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fiona%20Rae | Fiona Rae | Fiona Rae (born 10 October 1963) is a Hong Kong-born British artist. She is one of the Young British Artists (YBAs) who rose to prominence in the 1990s. Throughout her career, she has been known for having a portfolio of work that includes elements of energy, and complexity. Her work is known for aiming at expanding the modern traditions of painting.
Life and career
Rae was born in Hong Kong and also lived in Indonesia before moving to England in 1970. After moving to England she attended Downe House which is an all girls boarding school in Berkshire. She then attended Croydon College of Art to study a Foundation Course (1983–1984) and Goldsmiths College (1984–1987), where she completed a BA (Hons) Fine Art.
Young British Artist
In 1988, she participated in Freeze, an art exhibition organised by Damien Hirst in London Docklands; the exhibition helped launch a generation of artists who became known as Young British Artists or YBAs.
In 1991, Rae was shortlisted for the Turner Prize, and in 1993 she was nominated for the Austrian Eliette Von Karajan Prize for Young Painters.
She was elected to the Royal Academy of Arts in 2002 and is referred to as a Royal Academician allowing the use of RA after her name. In 2002 she was appointed a Tate Artist Trustee between 2005 and 2009. She was commissioned by Tate Modern to create a 10-metre triptych Shadowland for the restaurant there in 2002.
In December 2011, she was appointed Professor of Painting at the Royal Academy, one of the first two female professors since the Academy was founded in 1768.
Rae has exhibited extensively in museums and galleries internationally and her work is held in public and private collections worldwide. Of her work, William Corwin summarises, "Rae's paintings are very much objects to be admired; windows into worlds in which she is mistress, giving the viewer over to a semi-recognizable, occasionally comforting, but mostly alien dreamscape."
Public collections
Tate Collection: five works: ‘Untitled (yellow)’, 1990, ‘Untitled (grey and brown)’, 1991, ‘Untitled (emergency room)’, 1996, ‘Night Vision', 1998, ‘Shadowland', 2002
Birmingham Museums & Art Gallery; 'Dark Star', (2000)
Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, Washington D.C.; 'Sunburst Finish' (1997)
Royal Academy of Arts, London, UK; 'Untitled (six on brown)'
Sintra Museum of Modern Art: The Berardo Collection, Sintra, Portugal
Southampton City Art Gallery, England (6/1998); Fast Breeder
Solo exhibitions
Following the success of 'Freeze' in 1988, Rae's paintings have appeared in solo shows internationally.
'Fiona Rae' Kunsthalle Basel, Switzerland (1992)
'Fiona Rae' at the Institute of Contemporary Arts, London (1993–1994)
'Fiona Rae', Carré d'Art Musée d'art contemporain de Nîmes, France (2002–2003)
Publications
Aside from numerous exhibition catalogues, Rae’s paintings are discussed in many publications including:
1996 – Morgan, Stuart, "Fiona Rae: Playing for Time", What the Butler Saw, Ian Hunt (ed.), London, UK: Durian Publications
1996 – The 20th-Century Art Book, London, UK, Phaidon Press
1999 – Stallabrass, Julian, High Art Lite: British Art in the 1990s, Verso London and New York
1997 – Button, Virginia, The Turner Prize, London, UK, Tate Gallery Publishing
2004 – Tate Women Artists, text by Alicia Foster, London, UK, Tate Gallery Publishing
2006 – Tate Modern: The Handbook, Frances Morris (ed.), texts by Michael Craig-Martin, Andrew Marr and Sheena Wagstaff, London, UK, Tate Publishing
2007 – The Turner Prize. Revised Edition, Virginia Button, London, UK, Tate Publishing
2007 – Open Space: Art in the Public Realm in London 1995–2005, Jemima Montagu (ed.), London, UK, Arts Council England and Central London Partnership
2009 – Painting Today, Tony Godfrey (ed.), London, UK, Phaidon Press
2010 – Barret, Terry, Making Art: Form and Meaning, New York City: McGraw-Hill Publishers
2010 – Pooke, Grant, Contemporary British Art: An Introduction, London, UK: Routledge
2012 – Fiona Rae: maybe you can live on the moon in the next century, London, UK: Ridinghouse in association with Leeds Art Gallery.
References
External links
Artists site
Paintings, list of exhibitions and literature
Fiona Rae on Artcyclopedia
1963 births
Living people
Royal Academicians
British women painters
British contemporary painters
Hong Kong people
Alumni of Goldsmiths, University of London
English contemporary artists
20th-century British women artists
21st-century British women artists |
4020868 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen%20Russell | Stephen Russell | Stephen L. Russell is an American actor, playwright, and theater director. He is best known for his video game voice roles as Garrett in the Thief series, Corvo Attano in Dishonored 2, and various characters in Skyrim and the Fallout series.
Career
Russell appeared onstage in Huntington's The Last Hurrah. Other stage credits include The Life of Galileo (Underground Railway Theater), The Bottom of the Lake (Tir Na Theatre), Daughter of Venus (Boston Playwrights' Theatre), A Pinter Duet, A House With No Walls, White People (New Repertory Theatre), And Then There Were None, A Prayer for Owen Meany (Stoneham Theatre), Talley's Folly (The Lyric Stage Company of Boston), and more than two dozen productions with the Wellfleet Harbor Actors' Theatre (WHAT), including The Beauty Queen of Leenane and the Eliott Norton Award-winning production of A New War. He is the author of 13 plays for young audiences and won the 2009 WHAT Award for Sustained Artistic Excellence.
Russell made his debut film appearances as Bob in the 2007 film Noëlle and in 2008 appeared as Luther Norris in the film Chatham. In 2009, he played a minor role in the film The Ghosts of Girlfriends Past. In addition to voicing Garrett in the Thief video game series, he voiced Garrett's chief antagonist Karras in Thief II: The Metal Age, as well as many of the supporting characters in the series. He contributed the voice of the starship Von Brauns central computer XERXES and William Bedford Diego in System Shock 2. He also provided the voices of Andy, Mr. Buckingham, The Great One, Wadsworth, Sergeant RL-3, Cerberus, Enclave Scientists, an Enclave Soldier, and every Mr. Handy in Fallout 3, Fallout 4, and Fallout 76. The 2011 game Skyrim features Russell voicing a range of characters, including Barbas the talking dog, Daedric Prince Clavicus Vile, Belethor, and Thieves Guild leader Mercer Frey. In the 2015 game Fallout 4, he voices Codsworth and the android detective Nick Valentine. He provided the voice for Lord Protector Corvo Attano in the 2016 video game Dishonored 2.
Russell did not return to the Thief franchise for the 2014 reboot because it utilized motion-capture acting, which required the voice actors to physically portray the characters and perform their own stunts. Eidos-Montréal announced that Russell had been replaced by Romano Orzari for the role of Garrett in the series, and explained their decision: "The actor playing Garrett needed to be able to perform his own stunts. Garrett's a really athletic guy. We could have pasted Stephen's voice on top of the actions and stunts of someone else, but this wouldn't appear natural." The decision upset some fans of the series, who initiated an online petition requesting Eidos-Montréal to bring back Russell as lead voice actor.
Personal life
He is a vegetarian. He has a son named Peter, who is an actor and musician, and a daughter named Robin, who is a voice actress.
Selected voice credits
References
External links
IGDB.com
Place of birth missing (living people)
Date of birth missing (living people)
Living people
American male film actors
American theatre directors
American male voice actors
American male video game actors
Year of birth missing (living people)
American male writers |
4020878 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adinkerke | Adinkerke | Adinkerke (French: Adinkerque) is a village in the municipality of De Panne in western Belgium close to the French border. It forms a conurbation with the coastal town of De Panne, which in turn is part of the west Belgian coastal conurbation. Adinkerke railway station is also the western terminus of the Belgian coast tram line to De Panne; Nieuwpoort, Ostend and beyond. Near the city is Plopsaland, formerly Meli Park.
The 'kerke' suffix is common in west Flanders as an area surrounding a church (similar to kirk in Scotland and North East England). The closest French towns are Ghyvelde and Bray-Dunes, which can be accessed via the E40 (A16) motorway, N39 (N1) main road, or N386 (D 60) minor road in addition to a canal. The roads names in brackets employ French nomenclature once crossing the border.
There are regular NMBS trains to Brussels. Access by train to Dunkirk is via Gare de Lille Flandres which is in France. The line across the border is out of use. Dk' bus run buses from the station forecourt to Gare de Dunkerque. A campaign group called Trekhaak-73 is seeking to re-open the railway line.
History
In the First World War, from June to November 1917 the Commonwealth XV Corps held the front from the Belgian coast to St. Georges . The 24th and 39th Casualty Clearing Stations were posted at Oosthoek (between Adinkerke and Veurne) from July to November, and the 1st Canadian Casualty Clearing Station was at Adinkerke for a short time in June and July.
During the Second World War, the British Expeditionary Force was involved in the later stages of the defence of Belgium following the German invasion in May 1940, and suffered many casualties in covering the withdrawal to Dunkirk. Commonwealth forces did not return until September 1944, but in the intervening years, many airmen were shot down or crashed in raids on strategic objectives in Belgium, or while returning from missions over Germany.
Adinkerke Military Cemetery contains 365 burials (168 Commonwealth dead of the First World War, 55 from the Second World War, also 142 Czech, Slovak and German war graves). Further Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) graves can be found in the Adinkerke Churchyard Extension, which contains a Belgian military cemetery as well as 67 Commonwealth burials.
Tobacco
Belgium has lower taxes on tobacco than France or the UK; as Adinkerke is the closest Belgian town accessible to the French ferry ports, it attracts many French smokers and British booze cruisers every day to make the trip across the border to buy cheaper tobacco. Adinkerke has the unusual claim to fame of having the greatest number of tobacconists per capita of any area in Europe.
Previously, tobacconists were open around the clock, which provided the advantage of offering other commercial and fuel services that would not normally be found in a town of such a small size. While this may have proved beneficial to travellers, local people were inconvenienced by the constant traffic, so the local mayor ordered the tobacco stores to close during the night. Due to the smuggling associated with reduced tobacco duty, it is not uncommon for the E40 to be closed at night at junction 1 and French and Belgian police to question drivers and passengers of vehicles on the N34 road over the motorway.
A weak euro combined with increasingly expensive tobacco prices has resulted in more and more UK shoppers to make the day trip to Adinkerke to stock up on cheap tobacco. Tax increases have made the UK the second most expensive place to buy tobacco in Europe. Adinkerke tobacco shops cater to English shoppers, selling popular UK brands and accepting payment in sterling.
Notes and references
Populated places in West Flanders
De Panne |
4020879 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second%20Battle%20of%20Fort%20Sumter | Second Battle of Fort Sumter | The Second Battle of Fort Sumter was fought on September 8, 1863, in Charleston Harbor. Confederate General P. G. T. Beauregard, who had commanded the defenses of Charleston and captured Fort Sumter in the first battle of the war, was in overall command of the defenders. In the battle, Union forces under Major General Quincy Gillmore attempted to retake the fort at the mouth of the harbor. Union gunners pummeled the fort from their batteries on Morris Island. After a severe bombing of the fort, Beauregard, suspecting an attack, replaced the artillerymen and all but one of the fort's guns with 320 infantrymen, who repulsed the naval landing party. Gillmore had reduced Fort Sumter to a pile of rubble, but the Confederate flag still waved over the ruins.
Background
Union efforts to retake Charleston Harbor began on April 7, 1863, when Rear Admiral Samuel Francis Du Pont, commander of the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, led the ironclad frigate New Ironsides, the tower ironclad Keokuk, and the monitors Weehawken, Pasaic, Montauk, Patapsco, Nantucket, Catskill, and Nahant in an attack on the harbor's defenses (The 1863 Battle of Fort Sumter was the largest deployment of monitors in action up to that time). The attack was unsuccessful, the Union's best ship, USS New Ironsides never effectively engaged, and the ironclads fired only 154 rounds, while receiving 2,209 from the Confederate defenders . Due to damage received in the attack, the USS Keokuk sank the next day, off the southern tip of Morris Island. Over the next month, working at night to avoid the attention of the Federal squadron, the Confederates salvaged Keokuk's two eleven-inch Dahlgren guns . One of the Dahlgren guns was promptly placed in Fort Sumter.
The Confederates, in the meantime, were strengthening Fort Sumter. A workforce of just under 500 slaves, under the supervision of Confederate army engineers, were filling casemates with sand, protecting the gorge wall with sandbags, and building new traverse, blindages, and bombproofs. Some of Fort Sumter's artillery had been removed, but 40 pieces still were mounted. Fort Sumter's heaviest guns were mounted on the barbette, the fort's highest level, where they had wide angles of fire and could fire down on approaching ships. The barbette was also more exposed to enemy gunfire than the casemates in the two lower levels of the fort.
A special military decoration, known as the Gillmore Medal, was later issued to all Union service members who had performed duty at Fort Sumter under the command of Major-General Quincy Adams Gillmore
Fort Sumter Armaments, August 17, 1863
Battle
After the devastating bombardment, both Major General Quincy A. Gillmore and Rear Admiral John A. Dahlgren, now commanding the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron, determined to launch a boat assault on Fort Sumter for the night of September 8–9, 1863. Cooperation between the Army and Navy was poor. Dahlgren refused to place his sailors and marines under the command of an army officer, so two flotillas set out towards Fort Sumter that night. The army flotilla was detained off Morris Island by the low tide. By the time they could proceed, the navy assault had already been defeated and the army flotilla returned to shore.
The navy's assault involved 400 sailors and marines in 25 boats. The operation was a fiasco from beginning to end. Poor reconnaissance, planning and communication all characterized the operation. Commander Thomas H. Stevens, Jr., commanding the monitor Patapsco, was placed in charge of the assault. When Commander Stevens protested that he "knew nothing of [the assault's] organization " and "made some remonstrances on this grounds and others." Dahlgren replied "There is nothing but a corporal's guard [about 6–10 men] in the fort, and all we have to do is go and take possession." . This underestimation of the Confederate forces on Dahlgren's part may explain why he was hostile to a joint operation wishing to reserve the credit for the victory to the navy. Fewer than half of the boats landed. Most of the boats that did land landed on the right flank or right gorge angle, rather than on the gorge where there was a passable breach. The Union sailors and marines who did land could not scale the wall. The Confederates fired upon the landing party and as well as throwing hand grenades and loose bricks. The men in the boats that had not landed fired muskets and revolvers blindly at the fort, endangering the landing party more than the garrison. The landing party took shelter in shell holes in the wall of the fort. In response to a signal rocket fired by the garrison, Fort Johnson and the Confederate warship CSS Chicora opened fire upon the boats and landing party. The boats that could withdraw withdrew, and the landing party surrendered. The Union casualties were 8 killed, 19 wounded, and 105 captured (including 15 of the wounded). The Confederates did not suffer any casualties in the assault.
Aftermath
After the unsuccessful boat assault, the bombardment recommenced and proceeded with varying degree of intensity, doing more damage to Fort Sumter until the end of the war. The garrison continued to suffer casualties. The Confederates continued to salvage guns and other material from the ruins and harassed the Union batteries on Morris Island with sharpshooters. The Confederates mounted four columbiads, one columbiad rifled, and two rifled 42-pounders, in the left face, bottom tier casemates. The last Confederate commander, Major Thomas A. Huguenin, a graduate from The Citadel, The Military College of South Carolina, never surrendered Fort Sumter, but General William T. Sherman's advance through South Carolina finally forced the Confederates to evacuate Charleston on February 17, 1865, and abandon Fort Sumter. The Federal government formally took possession of Fort Sumter on February 22, 1865, with a flag-raising ceremony. One Union soldier was killed and another Union soldier was mortally wounded during the surrender ceremony (see above). Fifty-two Confederate soldiers were killed there during the remainder of the war. While a number of slaves were killed while working at the fort, the exact number is unknown.
Notes
References
CWSAC Report Update
Ripley, Warren (1984). Artillery and Ammunition of the Civil War. Charleston, S.C.: The Battery Press. .
Wise, Stephen R. (1994). Gate of Hell: Campaign for Charleston Harbor, 1863. Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press. .
Operations against the Defenses of Charleston (American Civil War)
Confederate victories of the American Civil War
Battles of the American Civil War in South Carolina
Battle of Fort Sumter II
Naval battles of the American Civil War
United States Marine Corps in the 18th and 19th centuries
Conflicts in 1863
1863 in South Carolina
History of Charleston, South Carolina
September 1863 events
19th-century in Charleston, South Carolina |
4020880 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social%20Europe | Social Europe | Social Europe (ISSN 2628-7641), is a leading European digital media publisher and a forum for debate and innovative thinking. Social Europe states about itself that it uses the values of freedom, sustainability and equality as the foundation on which its contributors examine important policy issues. Social Europe was founded by Henning Meyer and is focused on publishing new and pioneering answers to issues in economics, politics and employment & labor.
Social Europe is published by Social Europe Publishing & Consulting GmbH based in Berlin. Between 2005 and 2018 Social Europe was published from London.
Social Europe is the winner of an 2018 .eu Web Award in the House of EU category. The House of EU award presented annually by EURid celebrates the best website that represent blogs, news outlets, and the media. The 2018 .eu Web Awards competition recorded over 200 nominations with close to 10.000 votes during the nomination and voting period. The winners were announced at the 2018 awards gala, which took place at the Theatre du Vaudeville in Brussels on 21 November 2018.
Since its foundation, Social Europe has published high-profile authors such as Zygmunt Bauman Sheri Berman, Jayati Gosh, Jürgen Habermas, Michael Higgins, Paul Mason, and Adam Tooze. Articles published on Social Europe have been commented on or referenced in publications such as The Atlantic, The Guardian, Harvard Business Review and Die Zeit.
References
External links
Social Europe Mission Statement
Publishing companies of Europe
Mass media companies of Europe
Mass media in Europe
Media freedom in Europe |
4020883 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution%20Trail | Constitution Trail | The Constitution Trail is a multi-use rail trail located in Illinois. It occupies an abandoned Illinois Central Gulf Railroad corridor that runs through the 'Twin Cities' of Bloomington and Normal in McLean County, Illinois.
The trail, which is owned by the municipalities of Bloomington and Normal, is used by bikers, inline skaters, walkers, runners and skiers, and covers approximately . of former railways. It features the Camelback Bridge in Normal, a site on the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Its official opening was May 6, 1989. In 2000, the trail was officially named a "Millennium Trail" by the White House Millennium Council.
Trail description
Constitution Trail consists of over 45 miles of trail and connects to the historic Route 66 Trail in McLean County. The trail features 32 trailheads around the cities of Normal and Bloomington with multiple historic sites and points of
interest throughout the trail system.
Trail branches
Illinois Central: The main trail that runs north-south through the Bloomington-Normal area. The trailhead starts north of Normal at the Kerrick Parking and Access Point () and ends after 6.5 miles at Croxton Ave, Bloomington ().
Northtown: Splits off from the Illinois Central branch and runs along the Ironwood Golf Course. Trail is almost 3 miles long.
Bloomer Line: Splits off from the Illinois Central branch at the Allers Shelter Wayside and Connie Link Ampitheater. This branch runs west-east and is roughly 4.5 miles long.
Collegiate: Splits off from the Illinois Central branch at the Normal Parks & Rec Office and ends at the Heartland Community College after 3.5 miles.
Southtown: A 7-mile branch with the trailhead beginning at Pepper Ridge Park and ending at Streid Drive.
Interurban: A little over 4.5 miles, this branch begins at the West Route 9 Wayside and ends at the Evergreen Memorial Cemetery.
Route 66: Follows US Route 66 as it cuts southwest through Normal and Bloomington. There is an access point at Pepper Ridge Park in Bloomington. From Bloomington to Normal the trail is 7.8 miles. The total trail length is 37.2 miles.
Trail amenities
Amenities include restrooms, shelters/gazebos, parking, benches, water fountains, trash receptacles, and picnic tables.
References
External links
Town of Normal
City of Bloomington
Official website of The Constitution Trail
Rail trails in Illinois
Illinois Central Railroad
Bloomington–Normal
Protected areas of McLean County, Illinois
Tourist attractions in Bloomington–Normal
1989 establishments in Illinois
Protected areas established in 1989 |
4020884 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Willie%20Mae%20Reid | Willie Mae Reid | Willie Mae Reid (born April 20, 1928) is an American politician who ran as the Socialist Workers Party candidate for Mayor of Chicago in 1975, winning 16,693 votes but coming in third place against Richard J. Daley. The number had fallen from the number of signatures she'd acquired to get on the ballot, 66,000. She also ran as their vice presidential candidate in 1976 (Presidential candidate: Peter Camejo) and 1992 (Presidential candidate: James "Mac" Warren), winning 91,314 votes.
Bibliography
The racist offensive against busing: the lessons of Boston, how to fight back (1974)
Last hired, first fired. Affirmative action vs seniority NY: Pathfinder Press. 1975.
Black Women's Struggle for Equality NY: Pathfinder Press. (1976) (co-author)
Which way for the women's movement? How to win against the attacks on women's rights NY: Pathfinder Press. (1977) (co-author)
References
Living people
African-American candidates for Vice President of the United States
American Trotskyists
American women writers
Politicians from Chicago
1976 United States vice-presidential candidates
1992 United States vice-presidential candidates
20th-century American politicians
Socialist Workers Party (United States) vice presidential nominees
Female candidates for Vice President of the United States
Communist women writers
Socialist Workers Party (United States) politicians from Illinois
1928 births |
4020896 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elizabeth%20Scott%20%28mathematician%29 | Elizabeth Scott (mathematician) | Elizabeth Leonard Scott (November 23, 1917 – December 20, 1988) was an American mathematician specializing in statistics.
Scott was born in Fort Sill, Oklahoma. Her family moved to Berkeley, California when she was 4 years old. She attended the University of California, Berkeley where she studied astronomy. She earned her Ph.D. in 1949 in astronomy, and received a permanent position in the Department of Mathematics at Berkeley in 1951.
She wrote over 30 papers on astronomy and 30 on weather modification research analysis, incorporating and expanding the use of statistical analyses in these fields. She also used statistics to promote equal opportunities and equal pay for female academics.
In 1957 Scott noted a bias in the observation of galaxy clusters. She noticed that for an observer to find a very distant cluster, it must contain brighter-than-normal galaxies and must also contain a large number of galaxies. She proposed a correction formula to adjust for (what came to be known as) the Scott effect.
Dr. Scott was a Fellow of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics.
The Committee of Presidents of Statistical Societies awards a prize in her honor, the Elizabeth L. Scott Award, for "fostering opportunities in statistics for women".
References
1917 births
1988 deaths
American statisticians
Women statisticians
Fellows of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics
Presidents of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics
20th-century American mathematicians
20th-century women mathematicians
University of California, Berkeley alumni |
4020905 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BCN | BCN | BCN may refer to:
Places
Barcelona El Prat Airport, IATA code
an abbreviation for the city of Barcelona
Port of Barcelona, by shortened form of the UN/LOCODE ESBCN without the country prefix
Baja California, geographical ISO 3166 code MX-BCN
Birmingham Canal Navigations, a network of the English canal system in Birmingham, Wolverhampton
Companies and organizations
BCN Competicion, a Spanish Formula 3000/GP2 Series motorsport team bought by Ocean Racing Technology in 2008
Broadcasting Corporation of Newfoundland, public radio service of Newfoundland prior to absorption into the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation in 1949
Broadcasting Corporation of Niue, government-owned broadcaster operating Niue's only television and radio channels
Library of Congress of Chile ()
Rinker School of Building Construction at the University of Florida, formerly abbreviated BCN
Publications and literature
Y Beibl Cymraeg Newydd, a Welsh Bible translation
Bi Community News, a United Kingdom magazine serving the bisexual community
Breaking Cat News, a syndicated comic strip
Other uses
Bicyclononyne, a small molecule used in the bioorthogonal chemistry of antibody-drug conjugates
Board Certified in Neurofeedback, a certification administered by the Biofeedback Certification International Alliance
Boron Carbonitride, another name for Heterodiamond, a superhard material
Büro Center Nibelungenplatz, a skyscraper in Frankfurt am Main, Germany
A model designation of the Type B videotape
See also |
4020918 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seo%20Bong-soo | Seo Bong-soo | Seo Bong-soo (born February 1, 1953) is a professional Go player.
Biography
Seo Bong-soo turned professional in 1970. By 1986 he became the 4th ever Korean 9 dan. He was Cho Hunhyun's biggest rival in the 1980s and frequently challenged Cho in major title events. During their career, Seo and Cho played against each other in more than 350 official games, which is a world record. He was a part of the "Gang of Four" of Korean Go in 1990s, the rest being Cho Hunhyun, Lee Chang-ho, and Yoo Changhyuk. He made an amazing run of wins in 1997 during the 5th SBS Cup. He played as fourth captain for Korea, and singlehandedly beat the entire Chinese team as well as what was left of the Japanese team--a winning streak of 9 straight games.
Titles
Ranks #6-t in total number of titles in Korea.
References
External links
Interview
1953 births
Living people
South Korean Go players |
4020935 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KZQZ | KZQZ | KZQZ was a commercial radio station that was licensed to serve St. Louis, Missouri at 1430 AM, and broadcast from 1922 to 2020. As WEB it was one of the first radio stations to have been established and licensed in the Greater St. Louis metropolitan area, and was known for most of its life as WIL. The Federal Communications Commission revoked the license for the station and its three co-owned stations in March 2020 after discovering that a convicted felon had effective control of the stations in their last years; despite the revocation, KZQZ and KQQZ continued to broadcast without a valid license into April 2020.
History
Experimental broadcasts by The Benwood Company
KZQZ traces its founding to April 5, 1922, the date that radio station WEB was first licensed to The Benwood Company of St. Louis. This makes it one of four St. Louis radio stations awarded a license in the spring of 1922.
In the year-and-a-half prior to WEB's first license, the Benwood Company and its owners had made several experimental broadcasts on an irregular schedule. The Benwood Company was a small electrical firm, specializing in radio, that was named after its co-founders, the company's president William E. Woods, and vice president Lester Arthur "Eddie" Benson. On election night November 2, 1920, the two men broadcast election results provided by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch newspaper, over a radiotelephone transmitter operated at Woods' home at 4312 De Tonty Street. (At least three other stations made election night broadcasts: the Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Company at East Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania under a Special Amateur authorization, 8ZZ (now KDKA), the Detroit News''' "Detroit News Radiophone" station, operating under an amateur station authorization, 8MK (now WWJ), and the Buffalo Evening News, over an amateur station operated by Charles C. Klinck, Jr.)
Benson and Woods continued to work on developing radiotelephone equipment, and an early December 1920 newspaper article stated that they had successfully communicated with an automobile over a distance of 30 miles (48 kilometers). At the time, it was noted that "The wireless telephone will be the last word in luxury tourists", and it also could be installed on police department automobiles for emergency communication. The two also made a few additional experimental radio broadcasts, from a variety of sites and apparently under multiple station licenses, although details are limited. On January 29, 1922 it was announced that Woods was preparing a radio concert for the upcoming Friday evening featuring the City Club Quartet, to be followed at noon on Saturday by an address by Beatrice Forbes Robertson on the "Causes and Cure of Labor Unrest".
The St. Louis Star began working in conjunction with The Benwood Company, a partnership that would expand over the next few years. The newspaper arranged for Benson and Woods to conduct a broadcast on February 9, 1922 from the Benwood building located at 1110 Olive Street, and following its successful completion the effort was hailed by the paper as "the first elaborate program given by wireless in this section of the United States". A second Star-promoted broadcast was made two weeks later, on February 23. It was announced that a third concert would be held on March 16, 1922, transmitting on the standard amateur radio station wavelength of 200 meters (1500 kHz) from Benson's home at 4942 Wiesehan Avenue. However, this broadcast was canceled shortly before it was scheduled to take place, when L. R. Schmidt, in charge of monitoring the federal government's ninth Radio Inspection district, notified the participants that he had begun strictly enforcing a rule, adopted effective December 1, 1921, that banned amateur radio stations from making broadcasts intended for the general public.
WEB
The December 1, 1921 regulations mandated that stations wishing to make broadcasts now had to hold a Limited Commercial license that explicitly authorized the broadcasts. The Benwood Company filed the necessary paperwork, and on April 5, 1922 was issued a broadcasting station license with the randomly assigned call letters of WEB. The authorization included permission to use both wavelengths that had been set aside by the government for broadcasting stations: 360 meters (833 kHz) for "entertainment" and 485 meters (619 kHz) for "market and weather news".
WEB was the fourth St. Louis radio station to receive a broadcasting license, preceded by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch's KSD (March 14, 1922, now KTRS), St. Louis University's WEW (March 23, 1922), and the Stix-Baer-Fuller department store's WCK (April 3, 1922, deleted November 30, 1928 as WSBF). At this time all broadcasters transmitted their entertainment programs on 360 meters, so the stations in a given area had to establish a time-sharing agreement specifying the time periods during which each would operate. A Benwood Company advertisement that appeared in early May listed WEB's schedule as 6:30 to 8:00 p.m. on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday evenings. In late April it was announced that WEB had installed a 300-watt transmitter — a high power for the time — consisting of six 50-watt tubes.
WIL
In November 1924, ownership of WEB was transferred to the Benson Radio Company, and in January 1925 the station's call sign was changed to WIL. Shortly thereafter primary responsibility for the station's operations was taken over by the Star. A new studio was built on the eighth floor of the Star building, and the station licensee was changed to "St. Louis Star and the Benson Co." After a short series of tests, the newspaper announced that regular programming from the new studio would start on January 31, and the station's schedule would be 10p.m. to midnight on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday, and 9p.m. to 11p.m. on Friday. WIL was now broadcasting on 1100 kHz, a frequency it shared with WCK. This arrangement lasted until early 1927, when the Benson Radio Broadcasting Company resumed as the sole operator, and the station's studios were moved to the Missouri Hotel Building.
There were numerous frequency shifts during the WIL's early history, until, in mid-1929, the station was assigned to part-time operation on a low-powered "local" frequency, 1200 kHz. It initially shared this frequency with two other St. Louis stations, WMAY and KFWF, but after both of these stations were deleted in the early 1930s WIL was able to operate fulltime.
A station advertisement in a 1933 issue of Broadcasting magazine claimed a number of "firsts" for WIL, including:
first commercial station on the air in St. Louis
first to broadcast police news
first to broadcast election returns and
first to have its own news-gathering organization.
In the 1930s, WIL branded itself as "The Biggest Little Station in the Nation". Under the provisions of the North American Regional Broadcasting Agreement, in March 1941 it, along with all the other stations transmitting on 1200 kHz, was moved to 1230 kHz. In 1949, WIL received permission to shift to a "regional" frequency, 1430 kHz, where it and its successors have been ever since. This new frequency also resulted in a major power increase, from 250 to 5,000 watts.
WIL replaced KXOK (now KYFI) as St. Louis's ABC Radio affiliate on April 28, 1957. Later that year, the Bensons sold WIL, along with Fort Lauderdale, Florida sister station WWIL, to H. &. E. Balaban Corp. for $650,000. Beginning in the 1950s WIL was the first station in St. Louis to air a popular music format, and it was an early career stop in the late 1950s and early 1960s for some personalities who later achieved success in New York City radio, including WABC's Dan Ingram and Ron Lundy. It also boasted Jack Carney. WIL's rating eventually shrank due to competition from Storz Broadcasting's KXOK.
In 1967, the Balabans sold WIL and its FM sister station, WIL-FM at 92.3 MHz, to LIN Broadcasting for $1.65 million; LIN immediately announced plans to program WIL as an all-news station. After one year, LIN changed WIL's format to country music on July 8, 1968. It became St. Louis's top country music outlet, while featuring personalities such as Davey Lee.
In the mid-1970s, facing competition from startup country station WGNU-FM in Granite City, Illinois at 106.5 (now WARH), WIL's programs began to be simulcast over WIL-FM. By the early 1980s, WIL-FM was established as the top country music station in town, so the programming at the two stations was again separated, with WIL, on the AM band, adopting a classic country format.
LIN Broadcasting put its radio stations up for sale on September 23, 1986; that November, it agreed to sell WIL and WIL-FM, along with its stations in Milwaukee, Wisconsin and Rochester, New York, to Heritage Communications in a $23 million deal. The following year, as part of Heritage's merger with Tele-Communications Inc., its stations were spun off to the company's executives for $200 million, forming Heritage Media.
WRTH
On June 21, 1990, WIL switched to an adult standards format, using Unistar's "Hits of the '40s, '50s and '60s" programming. That December, it announced a call sign change to WRTH, which took effect on January 18, 1991. The station inherited the format and call sign used for many years at 590 AM in Wood River, Illinois (now KFNS AM).
Sinclair Broadcast Group announced that it would acquire the Heritage Media stations for $630 million on July 14, 1997; the sale was completed in early 1998. Heritage was in the process of being acquired by News Corporation, which had no interest in operating radio stations. Emmis Communications announced plans to acquire Sinclair's St. Louis stations in June 1999; a year later, following subsequent litigation, Emmis agreed to only acquire six radio stations for $220 million, with Sinclair retaining television station KDNL-TV. Emmis then turned around and swapped WRTH, WIL-FM, and WVRV (now WXOS), along with its own WKKX (now WARH), to Bonneville International in exchange for KZLA-FM in Los Angeles; both deals were completed in October 2000.
Facing the aging demographics of the nostalgia format, WRTH to a short-lived 50s/60s oldies format, dubbed "Real Oldies 1430", on June 27, 2003. The adult standards format returned October 12, 2004.
Return to WIL
The call sign was changed back to WIL on June 29, 2005; on July 1, the station relaunched as "Country Legends 1430" with a classic country format.
On July 20, 2006, severe thunderstorms caused major damage around St. Louis, leaving hundreds of thousands without electricity, and knocking down one of WIL's transmitting towers. (At the same time, two of the KTRS AM 550 towers were toppled, and KSLG AM 1380 was knocked off the air as well.) WIL had to apply for a special temporary authority from the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to operate non-directionally with reduced power until the tower was replaced.
KZQZ
In January 2008, Bonneville agreed to sell the station to the Entertainment Media Trust for $1.2 million; the deal did not include the rights to the WIL call sign. Following the sale's completion, on March 5, 2008, the call sign was changed to KZQZ, and the format was changed to oldies, branded as "Krazy Q".
KZQZ and its sister Entertainment Media Trust stations had their licenses revoked on March 20, 2020 for being controlled by Bob Romanik, a convicted felon. Despite the license revocation, KZQZ programming continued on 1430 kHz, effectively as pirate radio, until early April 2020, just after the St. Louis Post-Dispatch'' published stories about the continuing illegal broadcasts.
FCC Auction 109
The FCC announced on February 8, 2021, that the former EMT-licensed AM allocations in the St. Louis market, including KZQZ's frequency, would go up for auction on July 27, 2021. No bids were received for any of the four frequencies during the eight-day auction.
References
External links
(covering 1927–1981 as WIL)
1922 establishments in Missouri
Radio stations disestablished in 2020
2020 disestablishments in Missouri
Radio stations established in 1922
American Basketball Association flagship radio stations
ZQZ
Defunct radio stations in the United States
ZQZ |
4020936 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donation%20of%20Sutri | Donation of Sutri | The Donation of Sutri was an agreement reached at Sutri by Liutprand, King of the Lombards and Pope Gregory II in 728. At Sutri, the two reached an agreement by which the city and some hill towns in Latium (like Vetralla) were given to the Papacy, "as a gift to the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul" according to the Liber Pontificalis. The pact formed the first extension of papal territory beyond the confines of the Duchy of Rome and was the first of two land transfers from Liutprand to the Church of Rome.
History
The Lombard peoples had long been adherents to the Christian sect of Arianism, but they had converted to Catholicism over time. After his election as King of the Lombards in 712, Liutprand faced a series of challenges from the strength of aristocratic families and the threat of secession from the grand duchies in his domain. The duchies of Spoleto and Benevento in Langobardia Minor were particularly autonomous from Liutprand's central power and were separated from the rest of the kingdom by the informal division of the that ran through the center of Italy, from Rome to north of Ravenna.
Liutprand began to centralize the power of his kingdom. Meanwhile, he found support from Rome and the Papal State once disputes over iconoclasm turned them against the Byzantine Empire, which had attempted to conquer the territory that divided it into two parts. Liutprand seized the moment when the Italian territories governed by the Byzantines rejected the emperor Leo III the Isaurian's support of iconoclasm. Liutprand's military campaign began with his goal to take the territory that divided Langobardia in two—the duchy of Rome and the Byzantine Corridor.
When the Pope understood Liutprand's intentions—that he would probably decide to conquer Rome—he felt endangered. For many years, the Byzantine Empire had ceased to intervene militarily for Rome, using its energies only for the defense of Ravenna. The course of Liutprand's campaign changed, however, when in 728, the Lombards conquered the fortress of Narni, the strategic center of the Via Flaminia. Having lost the Roman road, the Byzantines concentrated their defenses upon the , the only Roman road that left Rome and crossed Umbria and Picenum.
Controlling the Via Amerina were the fortresses of Todi, Amelia, and Orte. Further south, the castra of Bomarzo, Sutri, and Blera safeguarded the Via Cassia. In 728, Liutprand took the castle of Sutri, which held strategic importance in the duchy of Rome and dominated the highway at Nepi on the roads to Perugia and Tuscany.
Pope Gregory II asked Liutprand directly to renounce the territories he had just conquered and to return them to the control of the Byzantine Exarchate of Ravenna. By that time, Liutprand had already quelled the rebelling duchies of Spoleto and Benevento. Softened by the entreaties of Pope Gregory II, he restored Sutri "as a gift to the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul" directly to the Papal State. According to Gustav Schnürer, This expression of the "Liber pontificalis" was erroneously interpreted to mean that in this gift the beginning of the States of the Church was to be recognized. This is incorrect inasmuch as the popes continued to acknowledge the imperial Government, and Greek officials appear in Rome for some time longer. True it is, however, that here for the first time we meet the association of ideas on which the States of the Church were to be constructed. The pope asked the Lombards for the return of Sutri for the sake of the Princes of the Apostles and threatened punishment by these sainted protectors. The pious Liutprand was undoubtedly susceptible to such pleas, but never to any consideration for the Greeks. For this reason he gave Sutri to Peter and Paul, that he might not expose himself to their punishment. What the pope then did with it would be immaterial to him.
The pact was the first extension of Papal territory beyond the confines of the Duchy of Rome.
Political context
At the end of the 7th century, under Pope Gregory I, the Catholic church had been forced to replace the Byzantine administration in providing for the population of Rome and the surrounding countryside. The population had suffered under several famines and plagues during that time. With the assent to the Papacy's intervention by the Byzantine Empire and the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Pope placed the duchy of Rome's civil and military administration under his control. Often, to defend the territory and in the name of the Emperor, the same Pope Gregory had to exercise the duchy's imperium (the command of the military garrison) over the Byzantine troops stationed in Rome.
In this period, the duchy's de facto acquisition by the Pope lead to a new political role for the Papacy in the territory and its surroundings. This was not by virtue of a formal territorial sovereignty, but by the recognition of the states surrounding it and the peoples living within it. The heightened political clout of the Church, that also had religious authority, also lead to a restructuring of the Papal household to address its increased secular responsibilities.
The Lombardic donations of the first castles in the 8th century, including Sutri, formally intended "for the Apostles Peter and Paul", took place in recognition of the consolidated political role of the Church, which the Lombard kings saw as a power in the political equilibrium of the Italian peninsula. That belief was strengthened by the traditions of Papal primacy and Apostolic succession—the Papacy's moral authority had come to be recognized even by the Germanic peoples: the Franks, the Visigoths of Spain, the Burgundians, the Anglo-Saxons of England, and the Lombards themselves.
On the other hand, the Papacy was already the owner of numerous territories, the , documented churches and monasteries given to the Pope. These had been received by the end of the 4th century, as testified by the Edict of Milan through which Constantine and Licinius ordered that previously confiscated goods be returned to the Church and as described in the Liber Pontificalis. In the years just before the Donation of Sutri, other restitutions of land had come to the Catholic Church from the Lombards, like lands in Alpi Cozie and the city of Cumae.
The Donation of Sutri, which occurred during the revolt against the Byzantine iconoclast decrees, placed the Roman population on the side of the Pope, against the representatives of the Byzantine Empire. The Donation was one of the few times the Papal State aligned itself against the legitimate rulers of territory surrounding Rome. The recognition of the Papal State's authority, even if it was de facto and not de jure, by the Lombards would be accentuated in the following years by the successors of Gregory II (Popes Gregory III and Zachary), thanks to the growing disinterest and distance of the Byzantine Emperors.
Legacy
In 739, Pope Gregory III addressed a letter to Charles Martel, master of the Frankish kings' royal palace in which appeared, for the first time, the phrase "populus peculiaris beati Petri". The Pope was referring to the population of the duchies of Rome, Ravenna, and the Pentapolis as living together in a republic, of which Saint Peter was the protector and eponymous hero.
Between 739 and 741, the following were added to the land ceded with Sutri: Gallese, Amelia, Orte, Blera, and Bomarzo. And again in 743, Liutprand titled to Pope Zachary four cities that he had occupied—Vetralla, Palestrina, Ninfa, and Norma—as well as restoring to the Pope part of the Sabina that had been taken by the dukes of Spoleto thirty years before. Liutprand, having temporarily eased the tensions between the Lombardic dukes of Spoleto and Benevento, avoided a civil war.
The Donation of Sutri was followed in 754 by the Donation of Pepin, affirmed in Pavia by the Frankish king Pepin the Short.
Through the close pacts with the Frankish sovereigns from the second half of the 9th century, the Papal State was no longer solely the patrimony of the archbishop of Rome, but as a body with recognized jurisdiction to which Pepin the Short guaranteed military protection in 754 against potential aggression by the Lombardic kings. The following restitutions of the Lombardic kings to the Papacy in 774, including Ravenna and the Pentapoli—induced by pacts with the Franks—spoke directly of a return to the "republic of Romans' of which the bishop of Rome was recognized as leader.
Another consequence of the Donation of Sutri was the drafting of the false document, the Donation of Constantine. According to the document, retrodated to 321, the Roman Emperor Constantine had ceded to the Catholic Church of Pope Sylvester I the civil jurisdiction of the city of Rome, Italy, and the entire Western Roman Empire. The authenticity of the Donation of Constantine was greatly debated among the Catholic canon law synods after the year 1000 and was questioned by the Germanic and Frankish chanceries. While they couldn't place the document itself in doubt, they had evidence that the plan was inconsistent with the claimed prerogatives of the Church.
Given the uncertain secular power of the Church when the Donation of Constantine was forged (the 9th and 10th centuries), the document reflects the new role occupied by the Papal State and the jurisdictional status it intended to retain, especially regarding Rome. This was a claim particularly useful for the new representatives of the Holy Roman Empire, that was born in the year 800 thanks to the support of the Papal State.
See also
Translatio imperii
Inter caetera
Caesaropapism
Byzantine Papacy
References
Bibliography
External links
Santo Gregorio
Kingdom of the Lombards
8th century in the Papal States
8th-century treaties
728
Western Christianity
History of the Papal States
Catholicism and politics
History of Catholicism in Italy
de:Kirchenstaat#Schenkung von Sutri |
4020949 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maher | Maher | Maher may refer to:
Name
Maher (given name), an Arabic given name
Maher (surname), list of people with the name
Places
Maher Island, small horseshoe-shaped island near Siple Island
Maher, Colorado, an unincorporated town in the United States
Maher, West Virginia
Mahers, settlement in Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada
Maher Building, also known as the Illinois Hotel, historic building in Vero Beach, Florida
Other uses
Maher Cup, Australian rugby league football trophy
Maher (NGO), Indian non-profit organization running homes for women and children
Maher (god), or Mahrem, an ancient god of the Aksumite pantheon
Maher (Community), a Hindu Rajput community originating in Gujarat, India.
See also
Waltons Stores (Interstate) Ltd v Maher, leading case in Australian contract law
Maher v. Town Council of Portland, Canadian constitutional law court decision dealing with the constitutional guarantees for denominational schools
Mehr (disambiguation)
Mahar (tribe)
Mahir |
4020950 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County%20Route%20581%20%28New%20Jersey%29 | County Route 581 (New Jersey) | County Route 581 (CR 581) is a county highway in the U.S. state of New Jersey. The highway extends from Main Street (Route 49) in Quinton Township to Bridgeton Pike (Route 77) in Harrison Township.
Route description
CR 581 begins at an intersection with Route 49 in Quinton Township, Salem County, heading east-northeast on two-lane undivided Alloway Road. The road runs through areas of farms and woods along with homes. The setting becomes more rural as the road continues east and crosses into Alloway Township. Residential development increases as the road runs through the community of Alloway and crosses CR 540. The route intersects CR 611 before becoming Commissioners Pike and making a turn northeast at Alloway Lake and intersecting CR 603. CR 581 enters rural areas with some homes again at this point and crosses CR 672 before entering Pilesgrove Township. Within Pilesgrove Township, the road has intersections with CR 614 and CR 615.
Crossing into Upper Pittsgrove Township, the route reaches the US 40 intersection. Continuing more to the north-northeast, CR 581 has junctions with CR 619 and CR 660. Upon crossing Oldmans Creek, the road continues into South Harrison Township in Gloucester County and intersects CR 694 and CR 538. Residential development increases past the intersection with the latter as the route enters Harrison Township. CR 581 comes to its northern terminus at an intersection with Route 77 in the community of Mullica Hill.
History
The Commissioners' Pike used to be known as the Commissioners' Road. Due to its renaming, the road was likely maintained by the Mullica Hill and Pole Tavern Turnpike Company, chartered in 1851 to maintain a road from Mullica Hill to Daretown.
Major intersections
See also
References
External links
County Route 581
581
581
581 |
4020958 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ten%20Year%20Rule | Ten Year Rule | The Ten Year Rule was a British government guideline, first adopted in August 1919, that the armed forces should draft their estimates "on the assumption that the British Empire would not be engaged in any great war during the next ten years".
The suggestion for the rule came from Winston Churchill, who in 1919 was Secretary of State for War and Air. Former Prime Minister Arthur Balfour unsuccessfully argued to the Committee of Imperial Defence, which adopted the rule, that "nobody could say that from any one moment war was an impossibility for the next ten years ... we could not rest in a state of unpreparedness on such an assumption by anybody. To suggest that we could be nine and a half years away from preparedness would be a most dangerous suggestion."
In 1928 Churchill, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, successfully urged the Cabinet to make the rule self-perpetuating, and hence it was in force unless specifically countermanded. In 1931 the Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald wanted to abolish the Ten Year Rule because he thought it unjustified based on the international situation. This was bitterly opposed by the Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson who succeeded in keeping the rule.
There were very large cuts in defence spending as a result of this rule, with defence spending going down from £766 million in 1919–20, to £189 million in 1921–22, to £102 million in 1932. In April 1931 the First Sea Lord, Sir Frederick Field, claimed in a report to the Committee of Imperial Defence that the Royal Navy had declined not only in relative strength compared to other Great Powers but "owing to the operation of the 'ten-year-decision' and the clamant need for economy, our absolute strength also has ... been so diminished as to render the fleet incapable, in the event of war, of efficiently affording protection to our trade". Field also claimed that the navy was below the standard required for keeping open Britain's sea communications during wartime and that if the navy moved to the East to protect the Empire there would not be enough ships to protect the British Isles and its trade from attack and that no port in the entire British Empire was "adequately defended".
The Ten Year Rule was abandoned by the Cabinet on 23 March 1932, but this decision was countered with: "this must not be taken to justify an expanding expenditure by the Defence Services without regard to the very serious financial and economic situation" which the country was in due to the Great Depression.
Recent reference
In 2010, the Royal Navy decided to retire HMS Ark Royal, Britain's only aircraft carrier, in 2011. This was five years earlier than previously planned and up to ten years before the planned entry into service of the new Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers. A group of retired admirals criticized the decision, calling it a new "10-year rule".
See also
British re-armament
Notes
20th-century military history of the United Kingdom |
4020964 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaubier | Chaubier | Chaubier is a washed rind French Cheese made from half goat's milk and half cow's milk. The cheese was produced by the Soignon division of DCI's cheese section. The cheese was discontinued in 2012 with small amounts of the cheese being available in 2013 from distributors.
DCI has discontinued all references to the cheese on their website as of 1/1/2013.
References
http://www.nalascheese.com/store/Cheese/Cheese-Type/Firm-Cheese/Chaubier/
http://www.igourmet.com/shoppe/Chaubier.asp
http://www.crackerscheese.com/home/chaubier
French cheeses
Goat's-milk cheeses
Cow's-milk cheeses |
4020984 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WXOS | WXOS | WXOS (101.1 FM) is a commercial radio station affiliated with ESPN Radio and licensed to East St. Louis, Illinois, broadcasting to the Greater St. Louis area. Owned by Hubbard Broadcasting, its studio facilities are located on Olive Boulevard in St. Louis, while its transmitter is located in south St. Louis County near Concord.
Programming
WXOS, an ESPN Radio affiliate, carries ESPN shows on nights and weekends. The station is the flagship station for the St. Louis Blues. It also previously held the rights to Saint Louis Billikens men's basketball which it acquired from KFNS, until 2020 saw the Bills move to KMOX. Play-by-play announcer Bob Ramsey joined 101 ESPN as a member of the Fast Lane when the station launched. 101 ESPN also airs the College Football Playoff, the World Series, the NBA Finals, and other events from ESPN Radio.
Sportswriter and The Fast Lane Producer Michelle Smallmon had been filling the spot left by Chris Duncan on The Fast Lane. However, that spot was permanently filled by Brad Thompson in 2014. Smallmon later became a co-host on "The Bernie Miklasz Show" in 2018 but left the show in 2019. As of May 2020, Randy Karraker and Smallmon co-host the station's morning drive program, "Karraker & Smallmon".
WXOS held the radio rights to the St. Louis Rams of the National Football League from 2009 to 2015 after which they relocated to Los Angeles. Rams games were previously aired on KLOU.
History
WXOS has adopted several call letters and formats since it began airing on May 13, 1966. The station first broadcast under WMRY and had studios based out of the Our Lady of the Snows shrine near Belleville. The station, however, never broadcast a religious format. Rather, they aired non-commercial pop music with periodic positive motivational messages from different faiths interspersed. In the mid-1980s, the station became a commercial station, and aired a progressive rock format. Their studios were relocated to an office park in St. Louis County, Missouri. In January 1991, the station flipped to soft AC as "Sunny 101", WSNL. Two months later, the station flipped to "mellow rock" as WFXB, "The Fox", and simulcasted on KFXB (105.7 FM). In February 1993, the simulcasting ended, though 101.1 would continue to carry the mellow rock format, which would evolve to a AAA format, and then an "Arrow"-type classic hits format, while still being called "The Fox." On November 24, 1994, the station would return to AAA as "101 The River" and the WVRV call letters. By Summer of 1997, the format evolved to modern AC. In 2004, the format shifted to adult top 40, but retained the "River" moniker and call letters.
On September 8, 2006, at 11:00 a.m., WVRV changed its format to Rhythmic adult contemporary, changed its moniker to "MOViN 101.1", and adopted the slogan of "Makes You Feel Good." The first song on "MOViN" was "Good Vibrations" by Marky Mark & the Funky Bunch. They were the fourth station to adopt the "MOViN" moniker, after KQMV Seattle, KMVN Los Angeles and KYMV Salt Lake City. The announcement was made with no prior notification to its on-air personalities, and they were dismissed on short notice, as is the norm in format switches. The station announced that it would go 90 days without personalities before DJs would be announced. Under the Rhythmic AC format, the station's playlist consisted of "adult rhythmic hits from today, the 1980s and 1990s, plus a sprinkling of rhythmic classics." The station would change call letters to WMVN shortly afterward.
The first on-air DJs were former Steve & DC castmember Jill Devine (10a-3p), Mysti (2-7p) and Raven Rush (7p-mid), who joined on December 15. On February 12, 2007, former KYKY morning show co-host Steph Duran joined MOViN' for mornings. Prior to joining WMVN, Duran had been at KZON and KUPD in Phoenix. She was joined on September 1, 2007 by co host Eric Schmidt. Schmidt had previously worked at WMVN sister station WARH. A veteran of the St. Louis market he had also worked at WVRV, KPNT, WXTM, WMLL, KCLC, and KFAV. WMVN was programmed by Jules Riley, who also programs WARH.
After an economic-related shakeup on March 3, 2008, Mysti and Raven Rush were let go. Schmidt moved to the 2-7p slot and Steph Duran took a solo morning shift. The format was shifted to Hot AC after this.
On September 22, 2008, it was announced that WMVN would flip to an all-sports format on January 1, 2009, featuring a combination of local and ESPN Radio programming. The station would also change call letters to the current WXOS. To prepare for the change, on October 10, WMVN began stunting with all-Christmas music, which lasted until the full format flip occurred.
Bonneville International announced the sale of WXOS, as well as 16 other stations, to Twin Cities-based Hubbard Broadcasting on January 19, 2011. The sale was completed on April 29, 2011.
References
External links
Station website
Sports in St. Louis
µ
XOS
Sports radio stations in the United States
ESPN Radio stations
Radio stations established in 1966
Hubbard Broadcasting
1966 establishments in Missouri |
4020995 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laser%20capture%20microdissection | Laser capture microdissection | Laser capture microdissection (LCM), also called microdissection, laser microdissection (LMD), or laser-assisted microdissection (LMD or LAM), is a method for isolating specific cells of interest from microscopic regions of tissue/cells/organisms (dissection on a microscopic scale with the help of a laser).
Principle
Laser-capture microdissection (LCM) is a method to procure subpopulations of tissue cells under direct microscopic visualization. LCM technology can harvest the cells of interest directly or can isolate specific cells by cutting away unwanted cells to give histologically pure enriched cell populations. A variety of downstream applications exist: DNA genotyping and loss of heterozygosity (LOH) analysis, RNA transcript profiling, cDNA library generation, proteomics discovery and signal-pathway profiling. The total time required to carry out this protocol is typically 1–1.5 h.
Extraction
A laser is coupled into a microscope and focuses onto the tissue on the slide. By movement of the laser by optics or the stage the focus follows a trajectory which is predefined by the user. This trajectory, also called element, is then cut out and separated from the adjacent tissue. After the cutting process, an extraction process has to follow if an extraction process is desired. More recent technologies utilize non-contact microdissection.
There are several ways to extract tissue from a microscope slide with a histopathology sample on it. Press a sticky surface onto the sample and tear out. This extracts the desired region, but can also remove particles or unwanted tissue on the surface, because the surface is not selective. Melt a plastic membrane onto the sample and tear out. The heat is introduced, for example, by a red or infrared (IR) laser onto a membrane stained with an absorbing dye. As this adheres the desired sample onto the membrane, as with any membrane that is put close to the histopathology sample surface, there might be some debris extracted. Another danger is the introduced heat: Some molecules like DNA, RNA, or protein don't allow to be heated too much or at all for the goal of being isolated as purely as possible.
For transport without contact. There are three different approaches. Transport by gravity using an upright microscope (called GAM, gravity-assisted microdissection) or transport by laser pressure catapult; the most recent generation utilizes a technology based on laser induced forward transfer (LIFT). With cut-and-capture, a cap coated with an adhesive is positioned directly on the thinly cut (5-8 μm) tissue section, the section itself resting on a thin membrane (polyethylene naphthalene). An IR laser gently heats the adhesive on the cap fusing it to the underlying tissue and an UV laser cuts through tissue and underlying membrane. The membrane-tissue entity now adheres to the cap and the cells on the cap can be used in downstream applications (DNA, RNA, protein analysis).
Procedure
Under a microscope using a software interface, a tissue section (typically 5-50 micrometres thick) is viewed and individual cells or clusters of cells are identified either manually or in semi-automated or more fully automated ways allowing the imaging and then automatic selection of targets for isolation. Currently six primary isolation/collection technologies exist using a microscope and device for cell isolation. Four of these typically use an ultraviolet pulsed laser (355 nm) for the cutting of the tissues directly or the membranes/film, and sometimes in combination with an IR laser responsible for heating/melting a sticky polymer for cellular adhesion and isolation. IR laser provides a more gentle approach to microdissection. A fifth ultraviolet laser based technology uses special slides coated with an energy transfer coating which, when activated by the laser pulse, propels the tissue or cells into a collection cap.
The laser cutting width is usually less than 1 μm, thus the target cells are not affected by the laser beam. Even live cells are not damaged by the laser cutting and are viable after cutting for cloning and reculturing as appropriate.
The various technologies differ in the collection process, possible imaging methods (fluorescence microscopy/bright field microscopy/differential interference contrast microscopy/phase contrast microscopy/ etc.) and the types of holders and tissue preparation needed before the imaging and isolation. Most are primarily dedicated micro-dissection systems, and some can be used as research microscopes as well, only one technology (#2 here, Leica) uses an upright microscope, limiting some of the sample handling capabilities somewhat, especially for live cell work.
The first technology (used by Carl Zeiss PALM) cuts around the sample then collects it by a "catapulting" technology. The sample can be catapulted from a slide or special culture dish by a defocused U.V laser pulse which generates a photonic force to propel the material off the slide/dish, a technique sometimes called Laser Micro-dissection Pressure Catapulting (LMPC). The dissected material is sent upward (up to several millimetres) to a microfuge tube cap or other collector which contains either a buffer or a specialized tacky material in the tube cap that the tissue will adhere to. This active catapulting process avoids some of the static problems when using membrane-coated slides.
Another process follows gravity-assisted microdissection method that turns on gravity to collect samples in tube cap under the slide used (used by ION LMD system, Jungwoo F&B). In case of this system, it moves the motorized stage to cut the cells of interests, keeping the laser beam fixed. And the system uses a 355 nm Solid-state laser(UV-A) which is the safest way to cut the tissues without RNA or DNA damage.
Another closely related LCM process (used by Leica) cuts the sample from above and the sample drops via gravity (gravity-assisted microdissection) into a capture device below the sample. The different point with upper one is, the laser beam here is moving to cut tissue by moving dichroic mirror.
When the cells (on a slide or special culture dish) of choice are in the center of the field of view, the operator selects the cells of interest using instrument software. The area to be isolated when a near-IR laser to activate transfer film on a cap placed on the tissue sample, melting the adhesive which then fuses the film with the underlying cells of choice (see Arcturus systems); and/or by activating a UV laser to cut out the cell of interest. The cells are then lifted off the thin tissue section, leaving all unwanted cells behind. The cells of interest are then viewed and documented prior to extraction.
The fourth UV based technology (used by Molecular Machines and Industries AG) offers a slight difference to the 3rd technology here by essentially creating a sandwich of sorts with slide>sample>and membrane overlying the sample by the use of a frame slide whose membrane surface is cut by the laser and ultimately picked up from above by a special adhesive cap.
A fifth UV based technology uses standard glass slides coated with an inert energy transfer coating and a UV based laser microdissection system (typically a Leica LMD or PALM Zeiss machine). Tissue sections are mounted on top of the energy transfer coating. The energy from a UV laser is converted to kinetic energy upon striking the coating, vaporizing it, instantly propelling selected tissue features into the collection tube. The energy transfer coated slides, commercialized under the trade name DIRECTOR slides by Expression Pathology Inc. (Rockville, MD), offer several advantages for proteomic work. They also do not autofluoresce, so they can be used for applications using fluorescent stains, DIC or polarized light.
In addition to tissue sections, LCM can be performed on living cells/organisms, cell smears, chromosome preparations, and plant tissue.
Applications
The laser capture microdissection process does not alter or damage the morphology and chemistry of the sample collected, nor the surrounding cells. For this reason, LCM is a useful method of collecting selected cells for DNA, RNA and/or protein analyses. LCM has also been used to isolate acellular structures, such as amyloid plaques. LCM can be performed on a variety of tissue samples including blood smears, cytologic preparations, cell cultures and aliquots of solid tissue. Frozen and paraffin embedded archival tissue may also be used.
References
External links
East Carolina University: LCM for "Dummies"
Yale Rice Transcriptional Atlas Project employing Laser Capture Microdissection
Cell imaging
Biological techniques and tools
Laser medicine |
4021008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cha%20Gui-hyun | Cha Gui-hyun | Cha Gui-Hyun (차귀현) is a football player from South Korea.
He was a member of the South Korean Youth (U-20) team in early 1990s and went on to play as a professional in the K-League.
Club history
Daejeon Citizen (1997–1998)
Chunnam Dragons (1999)
See also
List of South Korean footballers
Sport in South Korea
List of Koreans
External links
K League Player record 차귀현
South Korean footballers
Daejeon Hana Citizen FC players
Jeonnam Dragons players
Year of birth missing (living people)
Living people
Association football forwards |
4021011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gangstress | Gangstress | Gangstress is the second studio album by American rapper Khia. The album was released by Thug Misses Entertainment and Warlock Records on July 11, 2006 in the United States. The album was fully produced by Khia. It debuted at #67 on the Billboard'''s Top R&B/Hip-Hop Albums chart.
Release
The release party for Gangstress was hosted at BED, a New York City nightclub featuring mattresses scattered around the space.
Chart performanceGangstress debuted at number 67 on the Billboard Top R&B/Hip-Hop Albums chart dated July 29, 2006. It spent a total of three weeks on the chart, compared to 29 and 20 weeks, respectively, for the two editions of her debut album. The album did not enter the Billboard 200, in contrast to Thug Misses'', which had peaked within the top 40.
Track listing
All songs written by Khia Chambers
"Answering Machine" – 3:40
"Respect Me" – 4:49
"Thugmisses Speaks, Pt. 1" – 0:19
"Bitch Muthafucka Got Damn" – 4:10
"Grandma" – 1:00
"Ah Ha" – 3:50
"I've Been High" – 4:02
"Thugmisses Speaks, Pt. 2" – 0:15
"I've Been Called a Bitch" – 4:14
"Pop's" – 2:11
"Thugmisses Thugniggaz" – 4:36
"Sunshine" – 1:12
"Fucking Me Tonight" – 4:11
"Questions for the Niggaz" – 0:39
"Snatch the Cat Back" – 4:32
"Insufficient Funds" – 1:10
"Bryan Brooks" – 2:56
"Hit the Door" – 4:23
"Thugmisses Speaks, Pt. 3" – 0:13
"Don't Trust" – 4:11
"Thugmisses Speaks, Pt. 4" – 0:13
"For the Love of Money" – 4:20
"Forgive Me for My Sins" – 5:12
Bonus DVD
"Khia Live" (featuring Khia performing her hits live)
"Photoshoot"
"On the Radio" (Interview)
"Back to T-Town" ("Memory Lane")
"Interview"
Charts
Personnel
Khia – rapping
JA – rapping on "Hit the Door"
References
External links
[ Gangstress track listing at Billboard.com]
[ Gangstress chart history at Billboard.com]
2006 albums
2006 live albums
2006 video albums
Khia albums
Live video albums
RED Distribution albums |
4021016 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Escape%20response | Escape response | Escape response, escape reaction, or escape behavior is a mechanism by which animals avoid potential predation. It consists of a rapid sequence of movements, or lack of movement, that position the animal in such a way that allows it to hide, freeze, or flee from the supposed predator. Often, an animal's escape response is representative of an instinctual defensive mechanism, though there is evidence that these escape responses may be learned or influenced by experience.
The classical escape response follows this generalized, conceptual timeline: threat detection, escape initiation, escape execution, and escape termination or conclusion. Threat detection notifies an animal to a potential predator or otherwise dangerous stimulus, which provokes escape initiation, through neural reflexes or more coordinated cognitive processes. Escape execution refers to the movement or series of movements that will hide the animal from the threat or will allow for the animal to flee. Once the animal has effectively avoided the predator or threat, the escape response is terminated. Upon completion of the escape behavior or response, the animal may integrate the experience with its memory, allowing it to learn and adapt its escape response.
Escape responses are anti-predator behaviour that can vary from species to species. The behaviors themselves differ depending upon the species, but may include camouflaging techniques, freezing, or some form of fleeing (jumping, flying, withdrawal, etc.). In fact, variation between individuals is linked to increased survival. In addition, it is not merely increased speed that contributes to the success of the escape response; other factors, including reaction time and the individual's context can play a role. The individual escape response of a particular animal can vary based on an animal's previous experiences and its current state.
Evolutionary importance
The ability to perform an effective escape maneuver directly affects the fitness of the animal, because the ability to evade predation enhances an animal's chance of survival. Those animals that learn to or are simply able to avoid predators have contributed to the wide variety of escape responses seen today. Animals that are able to adapt their responses in ways different from their own species have displayed increased rates of survival. Because of this, it is common for the individual escape response of an animal to vary according to reaction time, environmental conditions, and/or past and present experience.
Arjun et al. (2017) found that it is not necessarily the speed of the response itself, but the greater distance between the targeted individual and the predator when the response is executed. In addition, the escape response of an individual is directly related to the threat of the predator. Predators that pose the biggest risk to the population will evoke the greatest escape response. Therefore, it may be an adaptive trait selected for by natural selection.
Law & Blake (1996) argue that many morphological characteristics could contribute to an individual's efficient escape response, but the escape response has undoubtedly been molded by evolution. In their study, they compared more recent sticklebacks to their ancestral form, the Paxton Lake stickleback, and found that the performance of the ancestral form was significantly lower. Therefore, one may conclude that this response has been ripened by evolution.
Neurobiology
How the escape responses are initiated neurologically, and how the movements are coordinated is dependent on the species. The behaviors alone vary widely, so, in a similar manner, the neurobiology of the response can be highly variable between species.
‘Simple’ escape responses are commonly reflex movements that will quickly move the animal away from the potential threat. These neural circuits operate quickly and effectively, rapidly taking in sensory stimuli and initiating the escape behavior through well-defined neuron systems.
Complex escape responses often require a mixture of cognitive processes. This may stem from a difficult environment to escape from, or the animal having multiple potential escape methods. Initially, the animal must recognize the threat of predation, but following the initial recognition the animal might have to quickly determine the best route of escape, based on prior experience. This means rapid integration of incoming information with prior knowledge, and then coordination of motor movements deemed necessary. Complex escape responses generally require a more robust neural network.
Researchers will often evoke an escape response to test the potency of hormones and/or medication and their relationship to stress. As such, the escape response is fundamental to anatomical and pharmacological research.
Role of learning
Habituation
A series of initially threatening encounters that do not lead to any true adverse outcomes for the animal can drive the development of habituation. Habituation is an adaptation strategy that refers to the diminishing response of an animal to a stimulus following repetitive exposures of the animal to that same stimulus. In other words, the animal learns to distinguish between innately threatening situations and may choose to not go through with their escape response. This is a highly variable phenomenon, where the stimulus itself is highly specific, and the experience is highly context dependent. This suggests that there is no one mechanism by which a species will develop habituation to a stimulus, instead habituation may arise from the integration of experiences. A number of cognitive processes may operate during one single threatening experience, but the levels at which these processes are integrated will determine how the individual animal will potentially respond next.
Caenorhabditis elegans, commonly identified as nematodes, have been used as a model species for studies observing their characteristic “tap-withdrawal response”. The tapping on serves as the fear-provoking, mechanical stimulus which C. elegans worms will move away from. If the tapping stimulus continues without any direct effects on the worms, they will gradually stop responding to the stimulus. This response is modulated by a series of mechanosensory neurons (AVM, ALM, PVD, and PLM) which synapse with interneurons (AVD, AVA, AVB, and PVC) transmitting the signal to motor neurons that cause the back-and-forth movements. Habituation to the tapping reduces activity of the initial mechanosensory neurons, seen as decrease in calcium channel activity and neurotransmitter release.
The primary force driving escape habituation is suspected to be energy conservation. If an animal learns that a certain threat will not actively cause harm to it, then the animal can choose to minimize its energy costs by not performing its escape. For example, Zebra danios, also known as Zebrafish, who are habituated to predators are more latent to flee than those who were not habituated to predators. However, habituation did not affect the fish's angle of escape from the predator.
Learned Helplessness
If an animal cannot react via a startle or avoidance response, they will develop learned helplessness as a result of receiving or perceiving repeated threatening stimuli and believing the stimuli is unavoidable. The animal will submit and not react, even if the stimuli previously triggered instinctual responses or if the animal is provided an escape opportunity. In these situations, escape responses are not used because the animal has almost forgotten their innate response systems.
Helplessness is learned through habituation, because the brain is programmed to believe control is not present. In essence, animals operate under the assumption they have the free will to fight, flee or freeze as well as engage in other behaviors. When escape responses fail, they develop helplessness.
A common, theoretical example of learned helplessness is an elephant, trained by humans who condition the elephant to believe it cannot escape punishment. As a young elephant, it would be chained down with a pick to keep it from leaving. As it grows, the elephant would have the ability to easily overpower the tiny pick. Development of learned helplessness keeps the elephant from doing so, believing that it is trapped and the effort is futile.
In a more natural setting, learned helplessness would most often be displayed by animals that live in group settings. If food were scarce and one individual was always overpowered when it came time to get food, it would soon believe that no matter what it did, getting food would be impossible. It would have to find food on its own or submit to the idea it will not eat.
Startle Response
Startle response is an unconscious response to sudden or threatening stimuli. In the wild, common examples would be sharp noises or quick movements. Because these stimuli are so harsh they are connected to a negative effect. This reflex causes a change in body posture, emotional state, or a mental shift to prepare for a specific motor task.
A common example would be cats and how, when startled, their arrector pili muscles contract, making the hair stand up and increase their apparent size. Another example would be excessive blinking due to the contraction of the orbicularis oculi muscle when an object is rapidly moving toward an animal; this is often seen in humans.
Halichoerus grypus, or Grey seals, respond to acoustic startle stimuli by fleeing from the noise. The acoustic startle reflex is only activated when the noise is over eighty decibels, which promotes stress and anxiety responses that encourage flight.
Flight Zone
Flight zone and flight distance are interchangeable and refer to the distance needed to keep an animal under the threshold that would trigger a startle response.
A flight zone can be circumstantial, because a threat can vary in size (individually or in group number). Overall, this distance is the measure of an animal's willingness to take on risks. This differentiates a flight zone from personal distance an animal prefers and social distance (how close other species are willing to be).
An applicable analogy would be a reactive dog. When the flight zone is large, the dog will maintain an observant stance, but a startle response will not occur. As the threatening stimuli moves forward and decreases the flight zone, the dog will exhibit behaviors that fall into a startle or avoidance response.
Avoidance Response
The avoidance response is a form of negative reinforcement which is learned through operant conditioning. This response is usually beneficial, as it reduces risk of injury or death for animals, also because it is an adaptive response and can change as the species evolves. Individuals are able to recognize certain species or environments that need to be avoided, which can allow them to increase the flight distance to ensure safety.
When scared, octopus release ink to distract their predators enough that they can burrow into a safe area. Another example of avoidance is the fast-start response in fish. They are able to relegate musculoskeletal control which allows them to withdraw from the environment with the threatening stimuli. It is believed that the neural circuits have adapted over time to more quickly react to a stimulus. Interestingly, fish that keep to the same groups will be more reactive than those who are not.
Examples
In birds
Avian species also display unique escape responses. Birds are uniquely vulnerable to human interference in the form of aircraft, drones, cars, and other technology. There has been a lot of interest in how these structures will and do affect the behaviors of terrestrial and aquatic birds.
One study, Weston et al., 2020, observed how flight initiation changed according to the distance of the drone from the birds. It was found that as the drone approached the tendency of birds to take flight to escape it increased dramatically. This was positively affected by the altitude at which the birds were exposed to the drone. In another experiment by Devault et al. (1989), brown-headed cowbirds (Molothrus ater) were exposed to a demonstration of traffic traveling at speeds between 60 – 360 km/hr. When approached by a vehicle travelling at 120 km/h, the birds only allotted 0.8s to escape before a possible collision. This study showed that fast traffic speeds may not allow enough time for birds to initiate an escape response.
In fish
In fish and amphibians, the escape response appears to be elicited by Mauthner cells, two giant neurons located in the rhombomere 4 of the hindbrain.
Generally, when faced with a dangerous stimuli, fish will contract their axial muscle, resulting a C-shaped contraction away from the stimulus. This response occurs in two separate stages: a muscle contraction that allows them to speed away from a stimulus (stage 1), and a sequential contralateral movement (stage 2). This escape is also known as a "fast-start response". The majority of the fish respond to an external stimulus (pressure changes) within 5 to 15 milliseconds, while some will exhibit a slower response taking up to 80 milliseconds. While the escape response generally only propels the fish a small distance away, this distance is long enough to prevent predation. While many predators use water pressure to catch their prey, this short distance prevents them from feeding on the fish via suction.
Particularly in the case of fish, it has been hypothesized that the differences in escape response are due to the evolution of neural circuits over time. This can be witnessed by observing the difference in the extent of stage 1 behaviour, and the distinct muscle activity in stage 2 of the C-start or fast-start response.
In larval zebrafish (Danio rerio), they sense predators using their lateral line system. When larvae are positioned lateral to a predator, they will escape in a likewise lateral direction. According to game theory, zebrafish who are positioned lateral and ventral to the predator are more likely to survive, rather than any alternate strategy. Finally, the faster (cm/s) the predator is moving, the faster downward the fish will move to escape predation.
Recent research in guppies has shown that familiarity can affect the reaction time involved in the escape response. Guppies that were placed in familiar groups were more likely to respond than guppies who were assigned to unfamiliar groups. Wolcott et al. (2017) suggest that familiar groups may lead to reduced inspection and aggression among conspecifics. The theory of limited attention states that the brain has a limited amount of information processing, and, as an individual is engaged in more tasks, the less resources it can provide to one given task. As a result, they have more attention that they can devote toward anti-predator behaviour.
In insects
When house flies (Musca domestica) encounter an aversive stimulus, they jump rapidly and fly away from the stimulus. A recent research suggests that the escape response in Musca domestica is controlled by a pair of compound eyes, rather than by the ocelli. When one of the compound eyes was covered, the minimum threshold to elicit an escape response increased. In short, the escape reaction of Musca domestica is evoked by the combination of both motion and light.
Cockroaches are also well known for their escape response. When individuals sense a wind puff, they will turn and escape in the opposite direction. The sensory neurons in the paired caudal cerci (singular: cercus) at the rear of the animal send a message along the ventral nerve cord. Then, one of two responses are elicited: running (through the ventral giant interneurons) or flying/running (through the dorsal giant interneurons).
In mammals
Mammals can display a wide range of escape responses. Some of the most common escape responses include withdrawal reflexes, fleeing, and, in some instances where outright escape is too difficult, freezing behaviors.
Higher-order mammals often display withdrawal reflexes. Exposure to danger, or a painful stimulus (in nociceptor-mediated loops), initiate a spinal reflex loop. Sensory receptors transmit the signal to the spine where it is rapidly integrated by interneurons and consequently an efferent signal is sent down motor neurons. The effect of the motor neurons is to contract the muscles necessary to pull the body, or body part away from the stimulus.
Some mammals, like squirrels and other rodents, have defensive neural networks present in the midbrain that allow for quick adaptation of their defense strategy. If these animals are caught in an area without refuge, they can quickly change their strategy from fleeing to freezing. Freezing behavior allows for the animal to avoid detection by the predator.
In one study, Stankowich & Coss (2007) studied the flight initiation distance of Columbian black-tailed deer. According to the authors, the flight initiation distance is the distance between prey and predator when the prey attempts an escape response. They found that the angle, distance, and speed that the deer escaped was related to the distance between the deer and its predator, a human male in this experiment.
Other examples
Squids have developed a multitude of anti-predator escape responses, including: jet-driven escape, postural displays, inking and camouflage. Inking and jet-driven escape are arguably the most salient responses, in which the individual squirts ink at the predator as it speeds away. These blobs of ink can vary in size and shape; larger blobs can distract the predator while smaller blobs can provide a cover under which the squid can disappear. Finally, the released ink also contains hormones such as L-dopa and dopamine that can warn other conspecifics of danger while blocking olfactory receptors in the targeted predator.
Cuttlefish (Sepia officinalis) are also well known for their escape responses. Unlike squids, who may engage more salient escape responses, the cuttlefish has few defences so it relies on more conspicuous means: jet-driven escape and freezing behaviour. However, it appears that the majority of cuttlefish use a freezing escape response when avoiding predation. When the cuttlefish freeze, it minimizes the voltage of their bioelectric field, making them less susceptible to their predators, mainly sharks.
References
Ethology
Animals by adaptation |
4021051 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zarlor%20Mercenary | Zarlor Mercenary | Zarlor Mercenary is a vertically scrolling shooter for the Atari Lynx handheld console, developed by Epyx and published by Atari Corporation.
Gameplay
Zarlor Mercenary is a vertically scrolling shoot 'em up in which the player controls a spacecraft destroying enemy spaceships and buildings in order to earn money which can be used to buy upgrades between levels. At the end of each level there is a boss ship or landing craft that needs to be destroyed. Up to four players can play simultaneously using the Comlynx. Noted in the game manual you don't start with life but a fleet of ships. In single-player you start off with four ships, in two player mode you start off with three ships each. With three and four players you only start the game with two ships each.
There are seven different pilot mercenaries to choose from, each having their own permanent unique weapon or skill. When playing in multiplayer mode, each player has a unique colour, you can either work together or towards completing the game. However one can purchase the weapon attachment backstabber that can kill another pilot causing him to loose money. Ship health is displayed on the right as a vertical green bar, this will deplete to yellow and flash red when near destruction. Ships left in the fleet are displayed as blue dots, while the mega bomb is displayed as a red dot.
After each mission there is a shop run by the Merchant of Venus. Here you can purchase and sell extra items. These include extra ships, which is like buying extra lives. Speed Up, Wing Cannons, Super Shield (regenerating shielding), Power Shots, Laser, Auto Fire, Mega Bomb, Back Shooter and Side Shooter. There are also two items for use in multiplayer mode. Invisibility so you can hide from other players and Back stabber which will attack your allied friends and not the enemy as well as protecting your loot so you don't lose it in that life.
Plot
The war had been going on for years between the Mendicant and the Zarlor races. It wasn't going anywhere so the Zarlors decided to hire outside help. There are six key installations on the Mendicant's home planet of Yorith. The first mission is the Cadmar Desert where you are to locate and destroy a super weapon. The second mission Mesort Swamp holds a secret base. Third mission is in the Docrit Sea where you have to destroy the Mendicant Navy. Forth mission titled Sedimor Domes is to attack a moon in the sector. Mardic Ice is the fifth mission where you fly to the ice caps of Mardi Koldavia, these ice caps are described as radioactive and here the Mendicants have built nuclear reactors, power plants and weapons factories. The sixth and final mission is Cedmite City the only city on the Mendicant planet, the Zarlors have ask for everything to be destroyed, all to be cleared out for colonisation.
Development
Peter Engelbrite at Epyx who was known for including easter eggs and mini-games in Atari Lynx games also included a version of the cellular automata, Conway's Game of Life in Zarlor Mercenary.
Reception
In Computer and Video Games, Paul Glancey called Zarlor Mercenary "a decent-looking shoot 'em up, but quite difficult and not overly exciting to play." Clayton Walnum wrote in STart, "As you struggle to destroy the attacking aliens and blast the ground targets, you'll begin to understand what people mean by the term 'control pad ache'. This blastathon will please all players with a thirst for destruction."
In a 1999 retrospective review, Robert Jung of IGN stated "A great no-nonsense action game, perfect for people who love the 'shoot it if it exists' philosophy. The game itself is not easy, and the addition of four-player teamups and cash payments/transfers/power-ups ensure quite a bit of variety to the game. Though there are only six levels, they are quite varied, and should offer many challenging hours to the average player." Kyle Knight of AllGame praised the graphics but stated that "Zarlor Mercenary moves sluggishly". In July 2013 GamesRadars Jeff Dunn wrote that Zarlor Mercenary along with Blue Lightning were the "obscure but excellent games" for the Lynx.
References
External links
Zarlor Mercenary on GameSpot
Zarlor Mercenary on AtariAge
1990 video games
Atari Lynx games
Atari Lynx-only games
Epyx games
Vertically scrolling shooters
Video games developed in the United States
Cellular automata in computer games |
4021059 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nippon%20Suisan%20Kaisha | Nippon Suisan Kaisha | , more commonly known as Nissui, is a marine products company based in Japan. It had annual revenues of US$5.1 billion in 2014. The company was established in 1911, and is a commercial fishing and marine product procurement corporation. Its goal is to “Establish a global supply chain of marine products.”
The company is the second-largest of its kind in Japan after Maruha Nichiro Holdings and owns Gorton's, a US frozen seafood company, among other companies. The company is listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange and is constituent of the Nikkei 225 stock index. Its main competitors are Maruha Nichiro and Kyokuyo Co., Ltd.
Its former headquarters, built in Tobata (Kita Kyushu) in 1929, is now an exhibit center.
In 2005, the company divested its whaling fleet following controversy for its role in the modern global whaling industry (see Whaling in Japan).
As of 2013, the company has 61 subsidiaries and 44 associated companies across Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Asia, Europe and North and South America.
History
1908 – Founder Ichiro Tamura constructed Daiichi-Maru (199 gross tons), the first steel-frame trawler in Japan
1911 – Ichiro Tamura established the Tamura Steamship Fishery Division in Shimonoseki, Yamaguchi Prefecture, and started trawling in cooperation with Kosuke Kunishi and other people (foundation of Nippon Suisan)
1920 – Hayatomo Fishery Research Group, the first private fishery research organization in Japan, was established
1929 – The base of fishery moved from Shimonoseki to Tobata, Fukuoka Prefecture
1934 – First whaling expedition conducted in the Antarctic Ocean
1937 – Company name changed to Nippon Suisan
1946 – First postwar whaling expedition conducted in the Antarctic Ocean with permission of the General Headquarters (GHQ)
1949 – Nippon Suisan listed its shares on the Tokyo Stock Exchange
1952 – North Sea fisheries reopened and NISSUI's mother ship-type salmon and trout fleet began fishing.
1966 – Head office moved to the present address (Nippon Building in Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo)
1974 – Unisea founded in the U.S
1978 – EMDEPES founded in Santiago, Chile, as a fishery base
1988 – NISSUI acquired Salmones Antartica, a salmon and trout aquaculture company in Chile
1990 – NISSUI obtained approval to make "EPA-E NISSUI," a drug substance
1995 – involved in financing a management-buyout of ANZCO Foods (just over 25% shareholding; minor partner to Itoham Foods), a meat producer in New Zealand
2001 – Acquired 50% of shares of Sealord, a fishery company in New Zealand
Acquired from Unilever Gorton's and Blue Water, pre-cooked frozen seafood brands for household use in North America
2002 – Acquired 25% of shares of Alaska Ocean Seafood
2004 – Founded NAL Peru, a procurement company specializing in fish meat and fish oil, in Lima, Peru
Founded Europacifico, a marketer of marine products, in Vigo, Spain
2005 – Acquired King & Prince Seafood, a U.S. company of pre-cooked frozen seafood for business use
2006 – Acquired three marketers of marine products: Nordic Seafood in Denmark, F.W. Bryce in the U.S. and Nordsee in Brazil
2007 – Acquired shares of Cité Marine S.A.S., a processed seafood company in France
DOSA was established in Chile in order to administrating, marketing, and distributing for group fishery companies in Chile
2008 – Qingdao Nissui Food Research and Development founded
Acquired 25% of shares of Glacier Fish Company
Hokkaido Fine Chemicals Co., Ltd. founded
2009 – TN Fine Chemicals Co., Ltd. founded
Acquired Hokkaido Fine Chemicals Co from Nikkashi
2010 – Acquired shares of Delmar
Nordic Seafood A/S becomes consolidated subsidiary
2011 – Opening The Nissui Pioneer Exhibition Center
2012 – The Medium-Term Management Plan 2014(MVIP) was initiated.
2013 – "Yumigahama Suisan Co.,Ltd" was established for domestic Coho Salmon farming.
2014 – Head office moved to Nishi-Shimbashi Square in Minato-ku, Tokyo.
2015 – Nissui sells part of its shareholding in ANZCO Foods to Itoham Foods
2018 – Nissui sells remaining part of its shareholding in ANZCO Foods to Itoham Foods
2019 – Acquired 75% of shares of Flatfish Ltd
See also
Fishing industry in Japan
References
External links
Company website
Yahoo! Finance company profile
Companies listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange
Food and drink companies based in Tokyo
Food and drink companies established in 1911
Fuyo Group
Japanese companies established in 1911
Whaling firms |
4021067 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menominie | Menominie | Menominie is a common misspelling for:
Menominee
Menomonee
Menomonie |
4021068 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KSFI | KSFI | KSFI is a radio station operating at frequency 100.3 FM in Salt Lake City, Utah, United States. KSFI maintains studio facilities located at the KSL Broadcast House building in Salt Lake City's Triad Center (which also house KRSP-FM and the KSL-AM-FM-TV partners), and its transmitter is located on Farnsworth Peak in the Oquirrh Mountains, southwest of Salt Lake City.
History
On October 31, 1940, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) awarded the first fifteen commercial FM station construction permits, including an assignment for Salt Lake City on 44.7 MHz to the Radio Service Corporation of Utah, which was also the licensee of AM station KSL. The FM station was issued the call sign K47SL.
There were numerous delays before broadcasting began. In early 1941 the FCC began an investigation whether newspaper ownership of radio stations should be restricted, which put K47SL's authorization on hold, because approximately twenty percent of Radio Service Corporation of Utah stock was held by the publisher of the Salt Lake Tribune and Salt Lake Telegram newspapers. As of June 1943, K47SL was included in a list of "other construction permit authorizations outstanding for FM stations not on the air".
Effective November 1, 1943, the FCC modified its policy for FM call letters, and the station was assigned new call letters of KSL-FM. Equipment and staffing shortages resulted in additional delays, and the station did not commence broadcasting until December 26, 1946, now assigned to 100.1 MHz, which shortly thereafter was changed to 100.3 MHz.
Originally owned by the Deseret News, it became a part of Bonneville International when the Latter Day Saints Church formed it as the parent of its broadcasting outlets in 1964. "FM 100" was a pioneer of Bonneville's "beautiful music" format, but in late 1977 it was sold to Simmons.
Simmons changed the call letters to KSFI (Simmons Family Incorporated) on January 6, 1978 and began adding more vocal selections to the music mix, eventually evolving the format to soft adult contemporary. Bonneville reacquired the station (along with Star 102.7 and Arrow 103.5) from Simmons in 2003. According to the website of its owner, Bonneville International, FM100 is the top-performing adult contemporary station in Utah.
Former logo
References
External links
FM100 Official Site
FCC History Cards for KSFI (covering 1940-1981 as K47SL / KFI-FM / KSFI)
Bonneville International
SFI
Adult contemporary radio stations in the United States
Mass media in Salt Lake City
Radio stations established in 1946
1946 establishments in Utah |
4021090 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1976%20American%20League%20Championship%20Series | 1976 American League Championship Series | The 1976 American League Championship Series was a best-of-five playoff pitting the New York Yankees against the Kansas City Royals for the American League pennant and the right to represent the American League in the 1976 World Series. The Yankees defeated the Royals in five games to advance to win their first pennant in twelve years.
Chris Chambliss would cap a memorable series with the first ever walk-off home run to end a League Championship Series, a feat not matched again for 27 years.
Summary
New York Yankees vs. Kansas City Royals
Game summaries
Game 1
The opener was played on a bright Saturday afternoon at Royals Stadium and pitted Yankee ace Jim "Catfish" Hunter against left-hander and ex-Yankee Larry Gura. The Yankees got off to a quick start, scoring two in the first aided by a pair of George Brett throwing errors. Hunter was in top form and went the distance, not going to a three-ball count the entire game. While the Royals were able to halve that margin going into the ninth, Roy White's two-run double in the top of the frame gave the Yanks two insurance runs that were the final scoring in a tidy 4–1 win.
Game 2
Five Yankee errors helped key the Royals series-tying win. Lefty Paul Splittorff was solid with innings of work in relief of Brooklyn native Dennis Leonard, while Yankee reliever Dick Tidrow was ineffective and permitted three more Kansas City runs to score in the eighth after relieving starter Ed Figueroa with one out in the sixth. The series, now tied at one, moved to New York and newly remodelled Yankee Stadium for the remaining three games.
Game 3
The first Yankee post-season home game since 1964 started ominously for the Bombers, as the Royals tagged righty Dock Ellis for three runs in the first. He settled down immediately after though and went eight solid innings, aided by several double plays and two base runners caught stealing. The Yankees narrowed the margin to one in the fourth on a Chris Chambliss two-run homer off Andy Hassler and then tacked on three more in the sixth, as Kansas City manager Whitey Herzog carted in four relievers in that inning alone. Sparky Lyle got the save by pitching a scoreless ninth inning, as the Bronx Bombers took a two games to one lead.
Game 4
Hoping to wrap up the series in four games, Yankee manager Billy Martin brought back Catfish Hunter on three days' rest while the Royals did the same, bringing back Larry Gura. Neither fared well, as Gura gave up six hits and two runs in two innings, while Hunter lasted three and surrendered five runs on five hits. Though the Yankees' bullpen was able to hold Kansas City to only two runs over six innings, winning pitcher Doug Bird only gave up one in , while lefty Steve Mingori pitched and allowed only one tally, picking up the save. The Yankee offense was highlighted by Graig Nettles' two homers and three RBI. The series was then knotted at two, with a deciding Game 5 to be played the next night.
Game 5
The deciding game was a fitting ending to a thrilling series, as both teams fought tooth and nail to bring home the AL flag. It culminated in a moment of sheer, unbridled joy for the winners and stunned disbelief for the losers. The Yankees started Ed Figueroa on three days rest, as the Royals did likewise, starting Dennis Leonard. The Royals jumped out on top in the first, as Brett doubled and scored on John Mayberry's two-run homer. The Yankees quickly countered in their half, with Mickey Rivers tripling and scoring on Roy White's infield single. White went to third after Thurman Munson singled. Herzog removed Leonard and brought in Game 2 winner Paul Splittorff, who limited the damage by allowing only Chambliss' sacrifice fly. The Royals countered with one in the second, but the Yanks jumped ahead in the third, as they tacked on two; one on a Munson single and the other on a Chambliss' ground out. The Yanks added on in the sixth, scoring twice; once on a Munson single and a second time on a Brett throwing error. Figueroa held that lead going into the eighth. After Al Cowens led off with a single, Billy Martin brought in lefty Grant Jackson. He allowed a single to pinch hitter Jim Wohlford. Brett then stunned the sell-out crowd of 56,821 by planting Jackson's second pitch just over the short right-field wall, tying the game at six. All this was a prelude to the bottom of the ninth inning, when, at 11:43 pm, Chris Chambliss turned on Kansas City reliever Mark Littell's first pitch and sent it over the right center field wall. Thousands of fans vaulted over the dugouts and walls and celebrated the Yankees' first pennant in 12 years. Chambliss reached second, then dodged hordes of spectators in trying to reach third. He then proceeded to make a beeline towards the safety of the clubhouse, as the area around home plate and much of the field was covered with celebrating fans. Some time later, Chambliss was escorted back out onto the field to touch home, but the plate had been stolen. He touched the area where the plate had been. He was later informed by the umpires that given the circumstances of the situation, they would have counted the run regardless.
Composite box
1976 ALCS (3–2): New York Yankees over Kansas City Royals
Aftermath
Chambliss was later cornered in the Yankee locker room by Graig Nettles, who asked him if he had touched home. Chambliss responded that he had not, because there were too many people in the way. Nettles then told him that home plate umpire Art Frantz was waiting for him out on the field for him to touch home so that the home run could be ruled official. Chambliss was then escorted out to the field and touched the area where home had been.
Kansas City manager Whitey Herzog did not attempt to contest the home run, although major league rules state that a player must touch all the bases on any hit or when running the bases. In this case, the mayhem on the field made that task impossible, and the magnitude of the game was such that Herzog would have never tried to have it restarted or protested it due to a technicality. As mentioned above, the umpires had already decided that his home run counted.
As a result, MLB amended rule 4.09 calling it "The Chris Chambliss Rule"
The exception states: Rule 4.09(b) Comment: An exception will be if fans rush onto the field and physically prevent the runner from touching home plate or the batter from touching first base. In such cases, the umpires shall award the runner the base because of the obstruction by the fans. This had the effect of codifying the decision the umpires made in Game 5.
Brett's home run was the first of nine that he hit in ALCS competition. Six of those came against the Yankees: one in 1976, three in 1978, and two in 1980. His other three ALCS home runs, which came in the 1985 ALCS, were all against one pitcher, Doyle Alexander of the Blue Jays. Alexander was a Yankee in 1976. He warmed up in the bullpen during Game 5, and started the first game of the World Series for them against the Cincinnati Reds.
The series also contained some interesting side stories. Kansas City pitcher Larry Gura publicly criticized Yankee manager Billy Martin prior to the series, saying that Martin treated him shabbily in the short time Martin was his manager in New York. Gura was on the Yankees' roster from spring training till the time he was traded to Kansas City on May 16. He did not appear in any games for the Yankees in that time. Martin responded by saying that if he had him there with the Yankees at that moment, he'd get rid of him again. George Brett also had harsh words for Martin, as he claimed that Martin had lied to his brother, pitcher Ken Brett, when Ken spent the first two months of 1976 with the Yanks. George's brother appeared in two games for the Yankees over two months, and was then traded to the Chicago White Sox.
This was the first of three consecutive ALCS between the two teams. They also went head to head in 1977 and 1978, with the Yankees coming out on top again. The Royals, however, exacted a big measure of revenge when they met again in the 1980 ALCS and swept the Bombers in three straight.
References
Further reading
Catfish: My Life in Baseball. Mcgraw-Hill by Jim "Catfish" Hunter, Armen Keteyian(April 1, 1988)
50 Greatest Yankee Games, Fifty Greatest Yankee Games. John Wiley & Sons Inc by Cecilia Tan (04/01/2005)
Dog Days : The New York Yankees' Fall from Grace and Return to Glory, 1964–1976. iUniverse, Incorporated – Paperback October 2000 by Philip Bashe.
Yankees Century : 100 Years of New York Yankees Baseball. Houghton Mifflin 09/01/02 by Richard A. Johnson and Glenn Stout
External links
1976 ALCS at Baseball-Reference
American League Championship Series
American League Championship Series
New York Yankees postseason
Kansas City Royals postseason
American League Championship Series
20th century in Kansas City, Missouri
American League Championship Series
American League Championship Series
1970s in the Bronx
Yankee Stadium (1923) |
4021097 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20universities%20and%20colleges%20in%20Ethiopia | List of universities and colleges in Ethiopia | This is a list of universities and colleges in Ethiopia. It includes both public and private institutions.
References
Universities
Ethiopia
Ethiopia |
4021099 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County%20Route%20579%20%28New%20Jersey%29 | County Route 579 (New Jersey) | County Route 579 (CR 579) is a county highway in the U.S. state of New Jersey. The highway extends from John Fitch Parkway (Route 29) in Trenton to Route 173 in Greenwich Township.
Route description
CR 579 begins at an intersection with Route 29 in Trenton, Mercer County, heading north on two-lane undivided Sullivan Way. The road crosses under the Delaware and Raritan Canal and an abandoned railroad, making a turn to the northwest. The route passes between the Trenton Country Club to the southwest and the Trenton Psychiatric Hospital to the northeast as it enters Ewing Township. CR 579 enters and crosses CR 643, heading into wooded areas as it passes the Katzenbach School for the Deaf. The route passes under a railroad line that is part of CSX's Trenton Subdivision and SEPTA's West Trenton Line near the West Trenton station that serves as the terminus of the SEPTA line, at which point it becomes Grand Avenue and passes through the residential community of West Trenton. CR 579 crosses CR 634, becoming Bear Tavern Road, and turns northwest as it passes near Trenton-Mercer Airport, intersecting CR 600. The route interchanges with Interstate 295 (I-295) and heads into wooded residential areas, intersecting CR 647 before joining CR 637 on Jacobs Creek Road. Here, the road enters forested areas and crosses the Jacobs Creek into Hopewell Township, heading north. CR 579 splits from CR 637 and continues northwest onto Bear Tavern Road, crossing the Jacobs Creek again and turning north into a mix of fields, woods, and homes. The route crosses CR 546 and continues through farmland and woodland with a few residences. The route becomes Harbourton-Rocktown Road and comes to a junction with CR 623 before passing through more forested areas and coming to the CR 518 intersection.
A short distance later, CR 579 continues into West Amwell Township in Hunterdon County, continuing through more rural areas of farms, woods, and homes before intersecting Route 31. The two routes run concurrent to the northwest on the border between West Amwell Township to the west and East Amwell Township to the east, becoming a three-lane road with a center left-turn lane that crosses entirely into East Amwell Township before resuming along the border of East and West Amwell Townships. The road becomes a divided highway and crosses entirely into East Amwell Township again before it comes to an interchange with US 202, where Route 31 heads north along US 202. CR 579 becomes two-lane undivided Linvale-Harbourton Road and heads into the residential community of Ringoes in East Amwell Township, forming a brief concurrency with Route 179. The route splits from Route 179 at the CR 602 intersection and heads north on John Ringo Road, passing homes and fields before crossing under the Black River and Western Railroad. The road heads into agricultural areas and intersects CR 604, at which point CR 579 becomes Ringoes-Croton Road and forms the border between East Amwell Township to the west and Raritan Township to the east before running between Delaware Township to the west and Raritan Township to the east. The road turns more to the northwest as it passes a mix of woods and residential subdivisions, coming to an intersection with CR 523. CR 579 turns southwest for a brief concurrency with CR 523 before winding northwest again along Ringoes-Croton Road. The road passes a mix of farms, woods, and residential neighborhoods before running north into agricultural areas.
The route crosses Route 12 and continues through rural areas of farms, woods, and homes, entering Franklin Township. Here, the road runs through open farmland and comes to the CR 616 intersection, where CR 579 turns northwest into the residential community of Quakertown. The road passes more rural residences and farms before turning north at the CR 615 junction and intersecting CR 513 in the community of Pittstown. CR 579 has a brief concurrency with CR 513, forming the border between Alexandria Township to the west and Franklin Township to the east. CR 579 splits from CR 513 by heading northwest onto Pittstown-Bloomsbury Road. The road continues along the border between Alexandria Township to the southwest and Union Township to the northeast through farmland, woodland, and some housing areas, reaching an intersection with CR 625. The road enters more forested surroundings with some homes prior to the CR 614 intersection. A short distance past CR 614, the route becomes the border between Alexandria Township to the southwest and Bethlehem Township to the northeast, passing some farms and development before heading into forested areas of Musconetcong Mountain. The road winds across the mountain and fully enters Bethlehem Township. Upon passing over Norfolk Southern's Lehigh Line, CR 579 continues into Bloomsbury and becomes Church Street. In Bloomsbury, the road passes through residential areas and crosses Norfolk Southern's Central Running Track line at-grade. After crossing the Musconetcong River into Greenwich Township, Warren County, CR 579 immediately reaches its northern terminus at Route 173.
Major intersections
See also
References
External links
County Route 579
Photos of County Route 579
579
579
579
579 |
4021104 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bank%20War | Bank War | The Bank War was a political struggle that developed over the issue of rechartering the Second Bank of the United States (B.U.S.) during the presidency of Andrew Jackson (1829–1837). The affair resulted in the shutdown of the Bank and its replacement by state banks.
The Second Bank of the United States was established as a private organization with a 20-year charter, having the exclusive right to conduct banking on a national scale. The goal behind the B.U.S. was to stabilize the American economy by establishing a uniform currency and strengthening the federal government. Supporters of the Bank regarded it as a stabilizing force in the economy due to its ability to smooth out variations in prices and trade, extend credit, supply the nation with a sound and uniform currency, provide fiscal services for the treasury department, facilitate long-distance trade, and prevent inflation by regulating the lending practices of state banks. Jacksonian Democrats cited instances of corruption and alleged that the B.U.S. favored merchants and speculators at the expense of farmers and artisans, appropriated public money for risky private investments and interference in politics, and conferred economic privileges on a small group of stockholders and financial elites, thereby violating the principle of equal opportunity. Some found the Bank's public–private organization to be unconstitutional, and argued that the institution's charter violated state sovereignty. To them, the Bank symbolized corruption while threatening liberty.
In early 1832, the president of the B.U.S., Nicholas Biddle, in alliance with the National Republicans under Senators Henry Clay (Kentucky) and Daniel Webster (Massachusetts), submitted an application for a renewal of the Bank's twenty-year charter four years before the charter was set to expire, intending to pressure Jackson into making a decision prior to the 1832 presidential election, in which Jackson would face Clay. When Congress voted to reauthorize the Bank, Jackson vetoed the bill. His veto message was a polemical declaration of the social philosophy of the Jacksonian movement that pitted "the planters, the farmers, the mechanic and the laborer" against the "monied interest", benefiting the wealthy at the expense of the common people. The B.U.S. became the central issue that divided the Jacksonians from the National Republicans. Although the Bank provided significant financial assistance to Clay and pro-B.U.S. newspaper editors, Jackson secured an overwhelming election victory.
Fearing economic reprisals from Biddle, Jackson swiftly removed the Bank's federal deposits. In 1833, he arranged to distribute the funds to dozens of state banks. The new Whig Party emerged in opposition to his perceived abuse of executive power, officially censuring Jackson in the Senate. In an effort to promote sympathy for the institution's survival, Biddle retaliated by contracting Bank credit, inducing a mild financial downturn. A reaction set in throughout America’s financial and business centers against Biddle's maneuvers, compelling the Bank to reverse its tight money policies, but its chances of being rechartered were all but finished. The economy did well during Jackson's time as president, but his economic policies, including his war against the Bank, are sometimes blamed for contributing to the Panic of 1837.
Resurrection of a national banking system
The First Bank of the United States was established at the direction of Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton in 1791. Hamilton supported the foundation of a national bank because he believed that it would increase the authority and influence of the federal government, effectively manage trade and commerce, strengthen the national defense, and pay the debt. It was subject to attacks from agrarians and constructionists led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. They believed that it was unconstitutional because the Constitution did not expressly allow for it, would infringe on the rights of the states, and would benefit a small group while delivering no advantage to the many, especially farmers. Hamilton's view won out and the Bank was created. More states and localities began to charter their own banks. State banks printed their own notes which were sometimes used out-of-state, and this encouraged other states to establish banks in order to compete. The bank, as established, acted as a source of credit for the US government, and as the only chartered interstate bank, but lacked the powers of a modern central bank: It did not set monetary policy, regulate private banks, hold their excess reserves, or act as a lender of last resort, and could issue only money backed by its capitalization and not fiat money.
President Madison and Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin supported recharter of the First Bank in 1811. They cited "expediency" and "necessity," not principle. Opponents of the Bank defeated recharter by a single vote in both the House and Senate in 1811. State banks opposed recharter of the national bank because when state bank notes were deposited with the First Bank of the United States, the Bank would present these notes to state banks and demand gold in exchange, which limited the state banks' ability to issue notes and maintain adequate reserves of specie, or hard money. At that time, bank notes could be exchanged for a fixed value of gold or silver.
The arguments in favor of reviving a national system of finance, as well as internal improvements and protective tariffs, were prompted by national security concerns during the War of 1812. The chaos of the war had, according to some, "demonstrated the absolute necessity of a national banking system". The push for the creation of a new national bank occurred during the post-war period of American history known as the Era of Good Feelings. There was a strong movement to increase the power of the federal government. Some people blamed a weak central government for America's poor performance during much of the War of 1812. Humiliated by its opposition to the war, the Federalist Party, founded by Hamilton, collapsed. Nearly all politicians joined the Republican Party, founded by Jefferson. It was hoped that the disappearance of the Federalist Party would mark the end of party politics. But even in the new single party system, ideological and sectional differences began to flare up once again over several issues, one of them being the campaign to recharter the Bank.
In 1815, Secretary of State James Monroe told President Madison that a national bank "would attach the commercial part of the community in a much greater degree to the Government [and] interest them in its operations…This is the great desideratum [essential objective] of our system." Support for this "national system of money and finance" grew with the post-war economy and land boom, uniting the interests of eastern financiers with southern and western Republican nationalists. The roots for the resurrection of the Bank of the United States lay fundamentally in the transformation of America from a simple agrarian economy to one that was becoming interdependent with finance and industry. Vast western lands were opening for white settlement, accompanied by rapid development, enhanced by steam power and financial credit. Economic planning at the federal level was deemed necessary by Republican nationalists to promote expansion and encourage private enterprise. At the same time, they tried to "republicanize Hamiltonian bank policy." John C. Calhoun, a representative from South Carolina and strong nationalist, boasted that the nationalists had the support of the yeomanry, who would now "share in the capital of the Bank".
Despite opposition from Old Republicans led by John Randolph of Roanoke, who saw the revival of a national bank as purely Hamiltonian and a threat to state sovereignty, but with strong support from nationalists such as Calhoun and Henry Clay, the recharter bill for the Second Bank of the United States was passed by Congress. The charter was signed into law by Madison on April 10, 1816. The Second Bank of the United States was given considerable powers and privileges under its charter. Its headquarters was established in Philadelphia, but it could create branches anywhere. It enjoyed the exclusive right to conduct banking on a national basis. It transferred Treasury funds without charge. The federal government purchased a fifth of the Bank's stock, appointed a fifth of its directors, and deposited its funds in the Bank. B.U.S. notes were receivable for federal bonds.
"Jackson and Reform": Implications for the B.U.S.
Panic of 1819
The rise of Jacksonian democracy was achieved through harnessing the widespread social resentments and political unrest persisting since the Panic of 1819 and the Missouri Crisis of 1820. The Panic was caused by the rapid resurgence of the European economy after the Napoleonic Wars, where improved agriculture caused the prices of American goods to drop, and a scarcity of specie due to unrest in the Spanish American colonies. The situation was exacerbated by the B.U.S. under Bank President William Jones through fraud and the rapid emission of paper money. He eventually began to call in loans, but nonetheless was removed by the Bank's directors. Langdon Cheves, who replaced Jones as president, worsened the situation by reducing the Bank's liabilities by more than half, lessening the value of Bank notes, and more than tripling the Bank's specie held in reserve. As a result, the prices of American goods abroad collapsed. This led to the failure of state banks and the collapse of businesses, turning what could have been a brief recession into a prolonged depression. Financial writer William Gouge wrote that "the Bank was saved and the people were ruined".
After the Panic of 1819, popular anger was directed towards the nation's banks, particularly the B.U.S. Many people demanded more limited Jeffersonian government, especially after revelations of fraud within the Bank and its attempts to influence elections. Andrew Jackson, previously a major general in the United States Army and former territorial governor of Florida, sympathized with these concerns, privately blaming the Bank for causing the Panic by contracting credit. In a series of memorandums, he attacked the federal government for widespread abuses and corruption. These included theft, fraud, and bribery, and they occurred regularly at branches of the National Bank. In Mississippi, the Bank did not open branches outside of the city of Natchez, making small farmers in rural areas unable to make use of its capital. Members of the planter class and other economic elites who were well-connected often had an easier time getting loans. According to historian Edward E. Baptist, "A state bank could be an ATM machine for those connected to its directors."
One such example was in Kentucky, where in 1817 the state legislature chartered forty banks, with notes redeemable to the Bank of Kentucky. Inflation soon rose and the Kentucky Bank became in debt to the National Bank. Several states, including Kentucky, fed up with debt owed to the Bank and widespread corruption, laid taxes on the National Bank in order to force it out of existence. In McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the Supreme Court ruled that the Bank was both constitutional and that, as an agent of the federal government, it could not be taxed.
In 1819, Monroe appointed Nicholas Biddle of Philadelphia as Government Director of the Bank. In 1823, he was unanimously elected its president. According to early Jackson biographer James Parton, Biddle "was a man of the pen—quick, graceful, fluent, honorable, generous, but not practically able; not a man for a stormy sea and a lee shore". Biddle believed that the Bank had the right to operate independently from Congress and the Executive, writing that "no officer of the Government, from the President downwards, has the least right, the least authority" to meddle "in the concerns of the Bank".
Rise of Jackson
The end of the War of 1812 was accompanied by an increase in white male suffrage. Most states abolished their property ownership requirements for voting, meaning that nearly all white male adults in the United States were eligible to vote. Jackson, as a war hero, was popular with the masses. With their support, he ran for president in 1824. The election turned into a five-way contest between Jackson, Calhoun, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford, and Clay. All were members of the Republican Party, which was still the only political party in the country. Calhoun eventually dropped out to run for vice president, lowering the number of candidates to four. Jackson won decisive pluralities in both the Electoral College and the popular vote. He did not win an electoral majority, which meant that the election was decided in the House of Representatives, which would choose among the top three vote-getters in the Electoral College. Clay finished fourth. However, he was also Speaker of the House, and he maneuvered the election in favor of Adams, who in turn made Clay Secretary of State, an office that in the past had served as a stepping stone to the presidency. Jackson was enraged by this so-called "corrupt bargain" to subvert the will of the people. As president, Adams pursued an unpopular course by attempting to strengthen the powers of the federal government by undertaking large infrastructure projects and other ventures which were alleged to infringe on state sovereignty and go beyond the proper role of the central government. Division during his administration led to the end of the single party era. Supporters of Adams began calling themselves National Republicans. Supporters of Jackson became known as Jacksonians and, eventually, Democrats.
In 1828, Jackson ran again. Most Old Republicans had supported Crawford in 1824. Alarmed by the centralization in the Adams administration, most of them flocked to Jackson. The transition was made relatively easy by the fact that Jackson's own principles of government, including commitment to reducing the debt and returning power to the states, were largely in line with their own. Jackson ran under the banner of "Jackson and Reform", promising a return to Jeffersonian principles of limited government and an end to the centralizing policies of Adams. The Democrats launched a spirited and sophisticated campaign. They characterized Adams as a purveyor of corruption and fraudulent republicanism, and a menace to American democracy. At the heart of the campaign was the conviction that Andrew Jackson had been denied the presidency in 1824 only through a "corrupt bargain"; a Jackson victory promised to rectify this betrayal of the popular will.
Although slavery was not a major issue in Jackson's rise to the presidency, it did sometimes factor into opposition to the Second Bank, specifically among those in the South who were suspicious of how augmented federal power at the expense of the states might affect the legality of slavery. Democrat Nathaniel Macon remarked, "If Congress can make banks, roads and canals under the Constitution, they can free any slave in the United States." In 1820, John Tyler of Virginia wrote that "if Congress can incorporate a bank, it might emancipate a slave".
Jackson was both the champion and beneficiary of the revival of the Jeffersonian North–South alliance. The Jacksonian movement reasserted the Old Republican precepts of limited government, strict construction, and state sovereignty. Federal institutions that conferred privileges producing "artificial inequality" would be eliminated through a return to strict constructionism. The "planter of the South and the plain Republican of the North" would provide the support, with the aid of universal white male suffrage. In the end, Jackson won the election decisively, taking 56 percent of the popular vote and 68 percent of the electoral vote.
The Jacksonian coalition had to contend with a fundamental incompatibility between its hard money and paper money factions, for which reason Jackson’s associates never offered a platform on banking and finance reform, because to do so "might upset Jackson's delicately balanced coalition". Jackson and other advocates of hard money believed that paper money was part of "a corrupting and demoralizing system that made the rich richer, and the poor poorer". Gold and silver was the only way of having a "fair and stable" currency. The aversion to paper money went back before the American Revolution. Inflation caused during the Revolutionary War by printing enormous amounts of paper money added to the distrust, and opposition to it was a major reason for Hamilton's difficulties in securing the charter of the First Bank of the United States. Supporters of soft money tended to want easy credit. Aspiring entrepreneurs, a number of them on the cotton frontier in the American southwest, resented the Bank not because it printed paper money, but because it did not print more and loan it to them. Banks have to lend more money than they take in. When banks lend money, new money is actually created, which is called "credit". This money has to be paper; otherwise, a bank can only lend as much as it takes in and hence new currency cannot be created out of nothing. Paper money was therefore necessary to grow the economy. Banks making too many loans would print an excess of paper money and deflate the currency. This would lead to lenders demanding that the banks take back their devalued paper in exchange for specie, as well as debtors trying to pay off loans with the same deflated currency, seriously disrupting the economy.
Because of the failure to emphasize the distinction between hard money and paper money, as well as the Bank's popularity, the Second Bank of the United States was not a major issue in the 1828 elections. In fact, Biddle voted for Jackson in the election. Jackson himself, though naturally averse to the Bank, had recommended the establishment of a branch in Pensacola. He also signed a certificate with recommendations for president and cashier of the branch in Nashville. The Bank had largely recovered in the public eye since the Panic of 1819 and had grown to be accepted as a fact of life. Its role in managing the nation's fiscal affairs was central. The Bank printed much of the nation's paper money, which made it a target for supporters of hard money, while also restricting the activities of smaller banks, which created some resentment from those who wanted easy credit. As of 1830, the Bank had $50 million in specie in reserve, approximately half the value of its paper currency. It tried to ensure steady growth by forcing state-chartered banks to keep specie reserves. This meant that smaller banks lent less money, but that their notes were more reliable. Jackson would not publicly air his grievances with the B.U.S. until December 1829.
Prelude to war
Initial attitudes
When Jackson entered the White House in March 1829, dismantling the Bank was not part of his reform agenda. Although the President harbored an antipathy toward all banks, several members of his initial cabinet advised a cautious approach when it came to the B.U.S. Throughout 1829, Jackson and his close advisor, William Berkeley Lewis, maintained cordial relations with B.U.S. administrators, including Biddle, and Jackson continued to do business with the B.U.S. branch bank in Nashville.
The Second Bank's reputation in the public eye partially recovered throughout the 1820s as Biddle managed the Bank prudently during a period of economic expansion. Some of the animosity left over from the Panic of 1819 had diminished, though pockets of anti-B.U.S. sentiment persisted in some western and rural locales. According to historian Bray Hammond, "Jacksonians had to recognize that the Bank's standing in public esteem was high."
Unfortunately for Biddle, there were rumors that the Bank had interfered politically in the election of 1828 by supporting Adams. B.U.S. branch offices in Louisville, Lexington, Portsmouth, Boston, and New Orleans, according to anti-Bank Jacksonians, had loaned more readily to customers who favored Adams, appointed a disproportionate share of Adams men to the Bank's board of directors, and contributed Bank funds directly to the Adams campaign. Some of these allegations were unproven and even denied by individuals who were loyal to the President, but Jackson continued to receive news of the Bank's political meddling throughout his first term. To defuse a potentially explosive political conflict, some Jacksonians encouraged Biddle to select candidates from both parties to serve as B.U.S. officers, but Biddle insisted that only one's qualifications for the job and knowledge in the affairs of business, rather than partisan considerations, should determine hiring practices. In January 1829, John McLean wrote to Biddle urging him to avoid the appearance of political bias in light of allegations of the Bank interfering on behalf of Adams in Kentucky. Biddle responded that the "great hazard of any system of equal division of parties at a board is that it almost inevitably forces upon you incompetent or inferior persons in order to adjust the numerical balance of directors".
By October 1829, some of Jackson’s closest associates, especially Secretary of State Martin Van Buren, were developing plans for a substitute national bank. These plans may have reflected a desire to transfer financial resources from Philadelphia to New York and other places. Biddle carefully explored his options for persuading Jackson to support recharter. He approached Lewis in November 1829 with a proposal to pay down the national debt. Jackson welcomed the offer and personally promised Biddle he would recommend the plan to Congress in his upcoming annual address, but emphasized that he had doubts as to the Bank's constitutionality. This left open the possibility that he could stymie the renewal of the Bank's charter should he win a second term.
Annual address to Congress, December 1829
In his annual address to Congress on December 8, 1829, Jackson praised Biddle's debt retirement plan, but advised Congress to take early action on determining the Bank's constitutionality and added that the institution had "failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency". He went on to argue that if such an institution was truly necessary for the United States, its charter should be revised to avoid constitutional objections. Jackson suggested making it a part of the Treasury Department.
Many historians agree that the claim regarding the Bank’s currency was factually untrue. According to historian Robert V. Remini, the Bank exercised "full control of credit and currency facilities of the nation and adding to their strength and soundness". The Bank's currency circulated in all or nearly all parts of the country. Jackson's statements against the Bank were politically potent in that they served to "discharge the aggressions of citizens who felt injured by economic privilege, whether derived from banks or not". Jackson’s criticisms were shared by "anti-bank, hard money agrarians" as well as eastern financial interests, especially in New York City, who resented the national bank's restrictions on easy credit. They claimed that by lending money in large amounts to wealthy well-connected speculators, it restricted the possibility for an economic boom that would benefit all classes of citizens. After Jackson made these remarks, the Bank's stock dropped due to the sudden uncertainty over the fate of the institution.
A few weeks after Jackson's address, Biddle began a multi-year, interregional public relations campaign designed to secure a new Bank charter. He helped finance and distribute thousands of copies of pro-B.U.S. articles, essays, pamphlets, philosophical treatises, stockholders' reports, congressional committee reports, and petitions. One of the first orders of business was to work with pro-B.U.S. Jacksonians and National Republicans in Congress to rebut Jackson's claims about the Bank's currency. A March 1830 report authored by Senator Samuel Smith of Maryland served this purpose. This was followed in April by a similar report written by Representative George McDuffie of South Carolina. Smith's report stated that the B.U.S. provided "a currency as safe as silver; more convenient, and more valuable than silver, which... is eagerly sought in exchange for silver". This echoed the arguments of Calhoun during the charter debates in 1816. After the release of these reports, Biddle went to the Bank's board to ask for permission to use some of the Bank's funds for printing and dissemination. The board, which was composed of Biddle and like-minded colleagues, agreed. Another result of the reports was that the Bank's stock rose following the drop that it experienced from Jackson's remarks.
In spite of Jackson's address, no clear policy towards the Bank emerged from the White House. Jackson’s cabinet members were opposed to an overt attack on the Bank. The Treasury Department maintained normal working relations with Biddle, whom Jackson reappointed as a government director of the Bank. Lewis and other administration insiders continued to have encouraging exchanges with Biddle, but in private correspondence with close associates, Jackson repeatedly referred to the institution as being "a hydra of corruption" and "dangerous to our liberties". Developments in 1830 and 1831 temporarily diverted anti-B.U.S. Jacksonians from pursuing their attack on the B.U.S. Two of the most prominent examples were the Nullification Crisis and the Peggy Eaton Affair. These struggles led to Vice President Calhoun's estrangement from Jackson and eventual resignation, the replacement of all of the original cabinet members but one, as well as the development of an unofficial group of advisors separate from the official cabinet that Jackson's opponents began to call his "Kitchen Cabinet". Jackson's Kitchen Cabinet, led by the Fourth Auditor of the Treasury Amos Kendall and Francis P. Blair, editor of the Washington Globe, the state-sponsored propaganda organ for the Jacksonian movement, helped craft policy, and proved to be more anti-Bank than the official cabinet.
Annual address to Congress, December 1830
In his second annual address to Congress on December 7, 1830, the president again publicly stated his constitutional objections to the Bank's existence. He called for a substitute national bank that would be wholly public with no private stockholders. It would not engage in lending or land purchasing, retaining only its role in processing customs duties for the Treasury Department. The address signaled to pro-B.U.S. forces that they would have to step up their campaign efforts.
On February 2, 1831, while National Republicans were formulating a recharter strategy, Jacksonian Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri launched an attack against the legitimacy of the Bank on the floor of the Senate, demanding an open debate on the recharter issue. He denounced the Bank as a "moneyed tribunal" and argued for "a hard money policy against a paper money policy". After the speech was over, National Republican Senator Daniel Webster of Massachusetts called for a vote to end discussions on the Bank. It succeeded by a vote of 23 to 20, closer than he would have liked. According to Benton, the vote tally was "enough to excite uneasiness but not enough to pass the resolution". The Globe, which was vigorously anti-B.U.S., published Benton's speech, earning Jackson's praise. Shortly after, the Globe announced that the President intended to stand for reelection.
Recharter
Post-Eaton cabinet and compromise efforts
After replacing most of his original cabinet members, Jackson included two Bank-friendly executives in his new official cabinet: Secretary of State Edward Livingston of Louisiana and Secretary of the Treasury Louis McLane of Delaware.
McLane, a confidant of Biddle, impressed Jackson as a forthright and principled moderate on Bank policy. Jackson called their disagreements an "honest difference of opinion" and appreciated McLane's "frankness". The Treasury Secretary's goal was to ensure that the B.U.S. survived Jackson’s presidency, even in a diminished condition. He secretly worked with Biddle to create a reform package. The product presented to Jackson included provisions through which the federal government would reduce operations and fulfill one of Jackson's goals of paying down the national debt by March 1833. The debt added up to approximately $24 million, and McLane estimated that it could be paid off by applying $8 million through the sale of government stock in the Bank plus an additional $16 million in anticipated revenue. The liquidation of government stock would necessitate substantial changes to the Bank's charter, which Jackson supported. After the liquidation of the debt, future revenues could be applied to funding the military. Another part of McLane's reform package involved selling government lands and distributing the funds to states, a measure consistent with Jackson's overall belief in reducing the operations of the central government. With this accomplished, the administration would permit re-authorization of the national bank in 1836. In return, McLane asked that Jackson not mention the Bank in his annual address to Congress. Jackson enthusiastically accepted McLane's proposal, and McLane personally told Biddle about his success. Biddle stated that he would have preferred that Jackson, rather than remaining silent on the question of recharter, would have made a public statement declaring that recharter was a matter for Congress to decide. Nonetheless, he agreed to the overall plan.
These reforms required a rapprochement between Jackson and Biddle on the matter of recharter, with McLane and Livingston acting as liaisons. The President insisted that no bill arise in Congress for recharter in the lead up to his reelection campaign in 1832, a request to which Biddle assented. Jackson viewed the issue as a political liability—recharter would easily pass both Houses with simple majorities—and as such, would confront him with the dilemma of approving or disapproving the legislation ahead of his reelection. A delay would obviate these risks. Jackson remained unconvinced of the Bank's constitutionality.
Annual address to Congress, December 1831
Jackson acceded to McLane's pleas for the upcoming annual address to Congress in December, assuming that any efforts to recharter the Bank would not begin until after the election. McLane would then present his proposals for reform and delay of recharter at the annual Treasury Secretary's report to Congress shortly thereafter.
Despite McLane's attempts to procure a modified Bank charter, Attorney General Roger B. Taney, the only member of Jackson's cabinet at the time who was vehemently anti-B.U.S., predicted that ultimately Jackson would never relinquish his desire to destroy the central bank. Indeed, he was convinced that Jackson had never intended to spare the Bank in the first place. Jackson, without consulting McLane, subsequently edited the language in the final draft after considering Taney’s objections. In his December 6 address, Jackson was non-confrontational, but due to Taney's influence, his message was less definitive in its support for recharter than Biddle would have liked, amounting to merely a reprieve on the Bank’s fate. The following day, McLane delivered his report to Congress. The report praised the Bank’s performance, including its regulation of state banks, and explicitly called for a post-1832 rechartering of a reconfigured government bank.
The enemies of the Bank were shocked and outraged by both speeches. The Jacksonian press, disappointed by the president’s subdued and conciliatory tone towards the Bank, launched fresh and provocative assaults on the institution. McLane’s speech, despite its call for radical modifications and delay in recharter, was widely condemned by Jacksonians. They described it as "Hamiltonian" in character, accused it of introducing "radical modifications" to existing Treasury policy and attacked it as an assault on democratic principles. For example, Representative Churchill C. Cambreleng wrote, "The Treasury report is as bad as it can possibly be—a new version of Alexander Hamilton's reports on a National Bank and manufacturers, and totally unsuited to this age of democracy and reform." Secretary of the Senate Walter Lowrie described it as "too ultra federal". The Globe refrained from openly attacking Secretary McLane, but in lieu of this, reprinted hostile essays from anti-Bank periodicals. After this, McLane secretly tried to have Blair removed from his position as editor of the Globe. Jackson found out about this after Blair offered to resign. He assured Blair that he had no intention of replacing him. Troubled by accusations that he had switched sides, Jackson said, "I had no temporizing policy in me." Although he did not fire McLane, he kept him at a greater distance. Taney's influence meanwhile continued to grow, and he became the only member of the President's official cabinet to be admitted to the inner circle of advisors in the Kitchen Cabinet.
National Republican Party offensive
National Republicans continued to organize in favor of recharter. Within days of Jackson's address, party members gathered at a convention on December 16, 1831, and nominated Senator Clay for president. Their campaign strategy was to defeat Jackson in 1832 on the Bank re-authorization issue. To that end, Clay helped introduce recharter bills in both the House and Senate.
Clay and Massachusetts Senator Daniel Webster warned Americans that if Jackson won reelection, he would abolish the Bank. They felt secure that the B.U.S. was sufficiently popular among voters that any attack on it by the President would be viewed as an abuse of executive power. The National Republican leadership aligned themselves with the Bank not so much because they were champions of the institution, but more so because it offered what appeared to be the perfect issue on which to defeat Jackson.
Administration figures, among them McLane, were wary of issuing ultimatums that would provoke anti-B.U.S. Jacksonians. Biddle no longer believed that Jackson would compromise on the Bank question, but some of his correspondents who were in contact with the administration, including McDuffie, convinced the Bank president that Jackson would not veto a recharter bill. McLane and Lewis, however, told Biddle that the chances of recharter would be greater if he waited until after the election of 1832. "If you apply now," McLane wrote Biddle, "you assuredly will fail,—if you wait, you will as certainly succeed." Most historians have argued that Biddle reluctantly supported recharter in early 1832 due to political pressure from Clay and Webster, though the Bank president was also considering other factors. Thomas Cadwalader, a fellow B.U.S. director and close confidant of Biddle, recommended recharter after counting votes in Congress in December 1831. In addition, Biddle had to consider the wishes of the Bank's major stockholders, who wanted to avoid the uncertainty of waging a recharter fight closer to the expiration of the charter. Indeed, Jackson had predicted in his first annual message of 1829 that the Bank's stockholders would submit an early application to Congress.
On January 6, 1832, bills for Bank recharter were introduced in both houses of Congress. In the House of Representatives, McDuffie, as Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, guided the bill to the floor. Fellow Jacksonian George M. Dallas introduced the bill into the Senate. Clay and Webster secretly intended to provoke a veto, which they hoped would damage Jackson and lead to his defeat. They did however assure Biddle that Jackson would not veto the bill so close to the 1832 election. The proposals included some limited reforms by placing restrictions on the Bank's powers to own real estate and create new branches, give Congress the ability to prevent the Bank from issuing small notes, and allow the president to appoint one director to each branch of the Bank.
Jacksonian counter-offensive
The alliance between Biddle and Clay triggered a counter-offensive by anti-B.U.S. forces in Congress and the executive branch. Jackson assembled an array of talented and capable men as allies. Most notably, these were Thomas Hart Benton in the Senate and future president James K. Polk, member of the House of Representatives from Tennessee, as well as Blair, Treasury Auditor Kendall, and Attorney General Roger Taney in his cabinets. On February 23, 1832, Jacksonian Representative Augustin Smith Clayton of Georgia introduced a resolution to investigate allegations that the Bank had violated its charter. The intent was to put pro-Bank forces on the defensive. These delaying tactics could not be blocked indefinitely since any attempt to obstruct the inquiry would raise suspicions among the public. Many legislators benefited from the largesse supplied by Bank administrators. The plan was approved, and a bipartisan committee was sent to Philadelphia to look into the matters. Clayton's committee report, once released, helped rally the anti-Bank coalition.
The months of delay in reaching a vote on the recharter measure served ultimately to clarify and intensify the issue for the American people. Jackson’s supporters benefited in sustaining these attacks on the Bank even as Benton and Polk warned Jackson that the struggle was "a losing fight" and that the recharter bill would certainly pass. Biddle, working through an intermediary, Charles Jared Ingersoll, continued to lobby Jackson to support recharter. On February 28, Cambreleng expressed hope that if the recharter bill passed, the President would "send it back to us with his veto—an enduring moment of his fame". The following day, Livingston predicted that if Congress passed a bill that Jackson found acceptable, the President would "sign it without hesitation". In the words of historian Bray Hammond, "This was a very large 'if,' and the secretary came to realize it." Jackson decided that he had to destroy the Bank and veto the recharter bill. Many moderate Democrats, including McLane, were appalled by the perceived arrogance of the pro-Bank forces in pushing through early recharter and supported his decision. Indeed, Livingston was alone in the cabinet, for only he opposed a veto, and Jackson ignored him. Taney's influence grew immensely during this period, and Cambreleng told Van Buren that he was "the only efficient man of sound principles" in Jackson's official cabinet.
Biddle traveled to Washington, D.C. to personally conduct the final push for recharter. For the past six months he had worked in concert with B.U.S. branch managers to elicit signatures from citizens for pro-B.U.S. petitions that would be aired in Congress. Congressmen were encouraged to write pro-Bank articles, which Biddle printed and distributed nationally. Francis Blair at the Globe reported these efforts by the B.U.S. president in the legislative process as evidence of the Bank’s corrupting influence on free government. After months of debate and strife, pro-B.U.S. National Republicans in Congress finally prevailed, winning reauthorization of the Bank's charter in the Senate on June 11 by a vote of 28 to 20. The House was dominated by Democrats, who held a 141–72 majority, but it voted in favor of the recharter bill on July 3 by a tally of 107 to 85. Many Northern Democrats joined the anti-Jacksonians in supporting recharter.
The final bill sent to Jackson's desk contained modifications of the Bank's original charter that were intended to assuage many of the President's objections. The Bank would have a new fifteen-year charter; would report to the Treasury Department the names of all of the Bank's foreign stockholders, including the amount of shares they owned; would face stiff penalties if it held onto property for longer than five years, and would not issue notes in denominations of less than twenty dollars. Jacksonians argued that the Bank often cheated small farmers by redeeming paper with discounted specie, meaning that a certain amount was deducted. They alleged that this was unfair to farmers and allowed creditors to profit without creating tangible wealth, while a creditor would argue that he was performing a service and was entitled to profit from it. Biddle joined most observers in predicting that Jackson would veto the bill. Not long after, Jackson became ill. Van Buren arrived in Washington on July 4, and went to see Jackson, who said to him, "The Bank, Mr. Van Buren, is trying to kill me, but I shall kill it."
Veto
Contrary to the assurances Livingston had been rendering Biddle, Jackson determined to veto the recharter bill. The veto message was crafted primarily by members of the Kitchen Cabinet, specifically Taney, Kendall, and Jackson's nephew and aide Andrew Jackson Donelson. McLane denied that he had any part in it. Jackson officially vetoed the legislation on July 10, 1832, delivering a carefully crafted message to Congress and the American people. One of the most "popular and effective documents in American political history", Jackson outlined a major readjustment to the relative powers of the government branches.
The executive branch, Jackson averred, when acting in the interests of the American people, was not bound to defer to the decisions of the Supreme Court, nor to comply with legislation passed by Congress. He believed that the Bank was unconstitutional and that the Supreme Court, which had declared it constitutional, did not have the power to do so without the "acquiescence of the people and the states". Further, while previous presidents had used their veto power, they had only done so when objecting to the constitutionality of bills. By vetoing the recharter bill and basing most of his reasoning on the grounds that he was acting in the best interests of the American people, Jackson greatly expanded the power and influence of the president. He characterized the B.U.S. as merely an agent of the executive branch, acting through the Department of the Treasury. As such, declared Jackson, Congress was obligated to consult the chief executive before initiating legislation affecting the Bank. Jackson had claimed, in essence, legislative power as president. Jackson gave no credit to the Bank for stabilizing the country's finances and provided no concrete proposals for a single alternate institution that would regulate currency and prevent over-speculation—the primary purposes of the B.U.S. The practical implications of the veto were enormous. By expanding the veto, Jackson claimed for the president the right to participate in the legislative process. In the future, Congress would have to consider the president's wishes when deciding on a bill.
The veto message was "a brilliant political manifesto" that called for the end of monied power in the financial sector and a leveling of opportunity under the protection of the executive branch. Jackson perfected his anti-Bank themes. He stated that one fifth of the Bank's stockholders were foreign and that, because states were only allowed to tax stock owned by their own citizens, foreign citizens could more easily accumulate it. He pitted the idealized "plain republican" and the "real people"—virtuous, industrious and free—against a powerful financial institution—the "monster" Bank, whose wealth was purportedly derived from privileges bestowed by corrupt political and business elites. Jackson's message distinguished between "equality of talents, of education, or of wealth", which could never be achieved, from "artificial distinctions", which he claimed the Bank promoted. Jackson cast himself in populist terms as a defender of original rights, writing:
To those who believed that power and wealth should be linked, the message was unsettling. Daniel Webster charged Jackson with promoting class warfare. Webster was at around this time annually pocketing a small salary for his "services" in defending the Bank, although it was not uncommon at the time for legislators to accept monetary payment from corporations in exchange for promoting their interests.
In presenting his economic vision, Jackson was compelled to obscure the fundamental incompatibility of the hard-money and easy credit wings of his party. On one side were Old Republican idealists who took a principled stand against all paper credit in favor of metallic money. Jackson's message criticized the Bank as a violation of states' rights, stating that the federal government's "true strength consists in leaving individuals and States as much as possible to themselves." Yet the bulk of Jackson’s supporters came from easy lending regions that welcomed banks and finance, as long as local control prevailed. By diverting both groups in a campaign against the central bank in Philadelphia, Jackson cloaked his own hard-money predilections, which, if adopted, would be as fatal to the inflation favoring Jacksonians as the B.U.S. was purported to be.
Despite some misleading or intentionally vague statements on Jackson's part in his attacks against the Bank, some of his criticisms are considered justifiable by certain historians. It enjoyed enormous political and financial power, and there were no practical limits on what Biddle could do. It used loans and "retainer's fees", such as with Webster, to influence congressmen. It assisted certain candidates for offices over others. It also regularly violated its own charter. Senator George Poindexter of Mississippi received a $10,000 loan from the Bank after supporting recharter. Several months later, he received an additional loan of $8,000 despite the fact that the original loan had not been paid. This process violated the Bank's charter.
Too late, Clay "realized the impasse into which he had maneuvered himself, and made every effort to override the veto". In a speech to the Senate, Webster rebuked Jackson for maintaining that the president could declare a law unconstitutional that had passed Congress and been approved by the Supreme Court. Immediately after Webster spoke, Clay arose and strongly criticized Jackson for his unprecedented expansion, or "perversion", of the veto power. The veto was intended to be used in extreme circumstances, he argued, which was why previous presidents had used it rarely if at all. Jackson, however, routinely used the veto to allow the executive branch to interfere in the legislative process, an idea Clay thought "hardly reconcilable with the genius of representative government". Benton replied by criticizing the Bank for being corrupt and actively working to influence the 1832 election. Clay responded by sarcastically alluding to a brawl that had taken place between Thomas Benton and his brother Jesse against Andrew Jackson in 1813. Benton called the statement an "atrocious calumny". Clay demanded that he retract his statements. Benton refused and instead repeated them. A shouting match ensued in which it appeared the two men might come to blows. Order was eventually restored and both men apologized to the Senate, although not to each other, for their behaviors. The pro-Bank interests failed to muster a supermajority—achieving only a simple majority of 22–19 in the Senate—and on July 13, 1832, the veto was sustained.
The election of 1832
Jackson's veto immediately made the Bank the main issue of the 1832 election. With four months remaining until the November general election, both parties launched massive political offensives with the Bank at the center of the fight.
Jacksonians framed the issue as a choice between Jackson and "the People" versus Biddle and "the Aristocracy", while muting their criticisms of banking and credit in general. "Hickory Clubs" organized mass rallies, while the pro-Jackson press "virtually wrapped the country in anti-Bank propaganda". This, despite the fact that two-thirds of the major newspapers supported Bank recharter.
The National Republican press countered by characterizing the veto message as despotic and Jackson as a tyrant. Presidential hopeful Henry Clay vowed "to veto Jackson" at the polls. Overall, the pro-Bank analysis tended to soberly enumerate Jackson's failures, lacking the vigor of the Democratic Party press. Biddle mounted an expensive drive to influence the election, providing Jackson with copious evidence to characterize Biddle as an enemy of republican government and American liberty through meddling in politics. Some of Biddle's aides brought this to his attention, but he chose not to take their advice. He also had tens of thousands of Jackson's veto messages circulated throughout the country, believing that those who read it would concur in his assessment that it was in essence "a manifesto of anarchy" addressed directly to a "mob". "The campaign is over, and I think we have won the victory", Clay said privately on July 21.
Jackson's campaign benefited from superior organization skills. The first ever Democratic Party convention took place in May 1832. It did not officially nominate Jackson for president, but, as Jackson wished, nominated Martin Van Buren for vice president. Jackson's supporters hosted parades and barbecues, and erected hickory poles as a tribute to Jackson, whose nickname was Old Hickory. Jackson typically chose not to attend these events, in keeping with the tradition that candidates not actively campaign for office. Nevertheless, he often found himself swarmed by enthusiastic mobs. The National Republicans, meanwhile, developed popular political cartoons, some of the first to be employed in the nation. One such cartoon was entitled "King Andrew the First". It depicted Jackson in full regal dress, featuring a scepter, ermine robe, and crown. In his left hand he holds a document labelled "Veto" while standing on a tattered copy of the Constitution. Clay was also damaged by the candidacy of William Wirt of the Anti-Masonic Party, which took National Republican votes away in crucial states, mostly in the northeast. In the end, Jackson won a major victory with 54.6% of the popular vote, and 219 of the 286 electoral votes. In Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi, Jackson won with absolutely no opposition. He also won the states of New Hampshire and Maine, fracturing the traditional Federalist/National Republican dominance in New England. The House also stood solidly for Jackson. The 1832 elections provided it with 140 pro-Jackson members compared to 100 anti-Jacksons.
Jackson's dismantling of the B.U.S.
Renewal of war and 1832 address to Congress
Jackson regarded his victory as a popular mandate to eliminate the B.U.S. before its 20-year term ended in 1836. During the final phase of the 1832 election campaign, Kendall and Blair had convinced Jackson that the transfer of the federal deposits—20% of the Bank's capital—into private banks friendly to the administration would be prudent. Their rationale was that Biddle had used the Bank's resources to support Jackson's political opponents in the 1824 and 1828 elections, and additionally, that Biddle might induce a financial crisis in retaliation for Jackson's veto and reelection. The President declared the Bank "Scotched, not dead".
In his December 1832 State of the Union Address, Jackson aired his doubts to Congress whether the B.U.S. was a safe depository for "the people's money" and called for an investigation. In response, the Democratic-controlled House conducted an inquiry, submitting a divided committee report (4–3) that declared the deposits perfectly safe. The committee's minority faction, under Jacksonian James K. Polk, issued a scathing dissent, but the House approved the majority findings in March 1833, 109–46. Jackson, incensed at this "cool" dismissal, decided to proceed as advised by his Kitchen Cabinet to remove the B.U.S. funds by executive action alone. The administration was temporarily distracted by the Nullification Crisis, which reached its peak intensity from the fall of 1832 through the winter of 1833. With the crisis over, Jackson could turn his attention back to the Bank.
Search for a Treasury secretary
Kendall and Taney began to seek cooperative state banks which would receive the government deposits. That year, Kendall went on a "summer tour" in which he found seven institutions friendly to the administration in which it could place government funds. The list grew to 22 by the end of the year. Meanwhile, Jackson sought to prepare his official cabinet for the coming removal of the Bank's deposits. Vice President Martin Van Buren tacitly approved the maneuver, but declined to publicly identify himself with the operation, for fear of compromising his anticipated presidential run in 1836. Treasury Secretary McLane balked at the removal, saying that tampering with the funds would cause "an economic catastrophe", and reminded Jackson that Congress had declared the deposits secure. Jackson subsequently shifted both pro-Bank cabinet members to other posts: McLane to the Department of State, and Livingston to Europe, as U.S. Minister to France. The President replaced McLane with William J. Duane, a reliable opponent of the Bank from Pennsylvania. Duane was a distinguished lawyer from Philadelphia whose father, also William Duane, had edited the Philadelphia Aurora, a prominent Jeffersonian newspaper. Duane's appointment, aside from continuing the war against the Second Bank, was intended to be a sign of the continuity between Jeffersonian ideals and Jacksonian democracy. "He's a chip of the old block, sir", Jackson said of the younger Duane. McLane met Duane in December 1832 and urged him to accept appointment as Treasury Secretary. He sent a letter of acceptance to Jackson on January 13, 1833, and was sworn in on June 1.
By the time Duane was appointed, Jackson and his Kitchen Cabinet were well-advanced in their plan to remove the deposits. Despite their agreement on the Bank issue, Jackson did not seriously consider appointing Taney to the position. He and McLane had disagreed strongly on the issue, and his appointment would have been interpreted as an insult to McLane, who "vigorously opposed" the idea of Taney being appointed as his replacement.
Under the Bank charter terms of 1816, the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury was empowered, with Congress, to make all decisions regarding the federal deposits. On his first day at his post, Secretary Duane was informed by Kendall, who was in name his subordinate in the Treasury Department, that Duane would be expected to defer to the President on the matter of the deposits. Duane demurred, and when Jackson personally intervened to explain his political mandate to ensure the Bank’s demise, his Treasury Secretary informed him that Congress should be consulted to determine the Bank's fate. Van Buren had cautiously supported McLane's proposal to delay the matter until January 1, 1834. Jackson declined. To Van Buren, he wrote, "Therefore to prolong the deposits until after the meeting of Congress would be to do the very act [the B.U.S.] wishes, that is, to have it in its power to distress the community, destroy the state Banks, and if possible to corrupt congress and obtain two thirds, to recharter the Bank." Van Buren capitulated.
Jackson's position ignited protest not only from Duane but also McLane and Secretary of War Lewis Cass. After weeks of clashing with Duane over these prerogatives, Jackson decided that the time had come to remove the deposits. On September 18, Lewis asked Jackson what he would do in the event that Congress passed a joint resolution to restore the deposits, Jackson replied, "Why, I would veto it." Lewis then asked what he would do if Congress overrode his veto. "Under such circumstances," he said, standing up, "then, sir, I would resign the presidency and return to the Hermitage." The following day, Jackson sent a messenger to learn whether Duane had come to a decision. Duane asked to have until the 21st, but Jackson, wishing to act immediately, sent Andrew Donelson to tell him that this was not good enough, and that he would announce his intention to summarily remove the deposits the next day in Blair's Globe, with or without Duane's consent. Sure enough, the following day, a notice appeared in the Globe stating that the deposits would be removed starting on or before October 1. Secretary Duane had promised to resign if he and Jackson could not come to an agreement. When questioned by Jackson about this earlier promise, he said, "I indescreetly said so, sir; but I am now compelled to take this course." Under attack from the Globe, Duane was dismissed by Jackson days later, on September 22, 1833. Two days later, McLane and Cass, feeling Jackson had ignored their advice, met with the President and suggested that they resign. They eventually agreed to stay on the condition that they would attend to their own departments and not say anything publicly which would bolster the Bank's standing.
Attorney General Taney was immediately made Secretary of the Treasury in order to authorize the transfers, and he designated Kendall as special agent in charge of removal. With the help of Navy Secretary Levi Woodbury, they drafted an order dated September 25 declaring an official switch from national to deposit banking. Beginning on October 1, all future funds would be placed in selected state banks, and the government would draw on its remaining funds in the B.U.S. to cover operating expenses until those funds were exhausted. In case the B.U.S. retaliated, the administration decided to secretly equip a number of the state banks with transfer warrants, allowing money to be moved to them from the B.U.S. These were to be used only to counteract any hostile behavior from the B.U.S.
Removal of the deposits and panic of 1833–34
Taney, in his capacity as an interim treasury secretary, initiated the removal of the Bank's public deposits, spread out over four quarterly installments. Most of the state banks that were selected to receive the federal funds had political and financial connections with prominent members of the Jacksonian Party. Opponents referred to these banks derisively as "pet banks" since many of them financed pet projects conceived by members of the Jackson administration. Taney attempted to move tactfully in the process of carrying out the removals so as not to provoke retaliation by the B.U.S. or eviscerate the central bank's regulatory influence too suddenly. He presented five state-charted "pet" banks with drafts endorsed by the U.S. Treasury totaling $2.3 million. If Biddle presented any of the state banks with notes and demanded specie as payment, the banks could present him with the drafts to remove the deposits from the Bank and protect their liquidity. However, one of the banks drew prematurely on B.U.S. reserves for speculative ventures. At least two of the deposit banks, according to a Senate report released in July 1834, were caught up in a scandal involving Democratic Party newspaper editors, private conveyance firms, and elite officers in the Post Office Department. Jackson predicted that within a matter of weeks, his policy would make "Mr. Biddle and his Bank as quiet and harmless as a lamb".
Biddle urged the Senate to pass joint resolutions for the restoration of the deposits. He planned to use "external pressure" to compel the House to adopt the resolutions. Clay demurred. Historian Ralph C.H. Catterall writes, "Just as in 1832 Biddle cared 'nothing for the campaign,' so in 1833 Henry Clay cared little or nothing for the bank." Webster and John C. Calhoun, who was now a senator, broke away from Clay. Webster drafted a plan to charter the Bank for 12 years, which received support from Biddle, but Calhoun wanted a 6 year charter, and the men could not come to an agreement.
In the end, Biddle responded to the deposit removal controversy in ways that were both precautionary and vindictive. On October 7, 1833, Biddle held a meeting with the Bank's board members in Philadelphia. There, he announced that the Bank would raise interest rates in the coming months in order to stockpile the Bank's monetary reserves. In addition, Biddle reduced discounts, called in loans, and demanded that state banks honor the liabilities they owed to the B.U.S. At least partially, this was a reasonable response to several factors that threatened the Bank's resources and continued profitability. Jackson's veto and the decreasing likelihood of obtaining a new federal charter meant that the Bank would soon have to wind up its affairs. Then there was the removal of the public deposits, congressional testimony indicating that the Jacksonians had attempted to sabotage the Bank's public image and solvency by manufacturing bank runs at branch offices in Kentucky, the responsibility of maintaining a uniform currency, the administration's goal of retiring the public debt in a short period, bad harvests, and expectations that the Bank would continue to lend to commercial houses and return dividends to stockholders. "This worthy President thinks that because he has scalped Indians and imprisoned Judges, he is to have his way with the Bank. He is mistaken", Biddle declared.
Yet there was also a more punitive motivation behind Biddle's policies. He deliberately instigated a financial crisis to increase the chances of Congress and the President coming together in order to compromise on a new Bank charter, believing that this would convince the public of the Bank's necessity. In a letter to William Appleton on January 27, 1834, Biddle wrote:
At first, Biddle's strategy was successful. As credit tightened across the country, businesses closed and men were thrown out of work. Business leaders began to think that deflation was the inevitable consequence of removing the deposits, and so they flooded Congress with petitions in favor of recharter. By December, one of the President's advisors, James Alexander Hamilton, remarked that business in New York was "really in very great distress, nay even to the point of General Bankruptcy ". Calhoun denounced the removal of funds as an unconstitutional expansion of executive power. He accused Jackson of ignorance on financial matters.
Jackson, however, believed that large majorities of American voters were behind him. They would force Congress to side with him in the event that pro-Bank congressmen attempted to impeach him for removing the deposits. Jackson, like Congress, received petitions begging him to do something to relieve the financial strain. He responded by referring them to Biddle. When a New York delegation visited him to complain about problems being faced by the state's merchants, Jackson responded saying:
Go to Nicholas Biddle. We have no money here, gentlemen. Biddle has all the money. He has millions of specie in his vaults, at this moment, lying idle, and yet you come to me to save you from breaking. I tell you, gentlemen, it's all politics.
The men took Jackson's advice and went to see Biddle, whom they discovered was "out of town". Biddle rejected the idea that the Bank should be "cajoled from its duty by any small driveling about relief to the country." Not long after, it was announced in the Globe that Jackson would receive no more delegations to converse with him about money. Some members of the Democratic Party questioned the wisdom and legality of Jackson's move to terminate the Bank through executive means before its 1836 expiration. But Jackson's strategy eventually paid off as public opinion turned against the Bank.
Origins of the Whig Party and censure of President Jackson
By the spring of 1834, Jackson's political opponents—a loosely-knit coalition of National Republicans, anti-Masons, evangelical reformers, states' rights nullifiers, and some pro-B.U.S. Jacksonians—gathered in Rochester, New York to form a new political party. They called themselves Whigs after the British party of the same name. Just as British Whigs opposed the monarchy, American Whigs decried what they saw as executive tyranny from the president. Philip Hone, a New York merchant, may have been the first to apply the term in reference to anti-Jacksonians, and it became more popular after Clay used it in a Senate speech on April 14. "By way of metempsychosis," Blair jeered, "ancient Tories now call themselves Whigs." Jackson and Secretary Taney both exhorted Congress to uphold the removals, pointing to Biddle's deliberate contraction of credit as evidence that the central bank was unfit to store the nation's public deposits.
The response of the Whig-controlled Senate was to try to express disapproval of Jackson by censuring him. Henry Clay, spearheading the attack, described Jackson as a "backwoods Caesar" and his administration a "military dictatorship". Jackson retaliated by calling Clay as "reckless and as full of fury as a drunken man in a brothel". On March 28, Jackson was officially censured for violating the U.S. Constitution by a vote of 26–20. The reasons given were both the removal of the deposits and the dismissal of Duane. The opposing parties accused one another of lacking credentials to represent the people. Jacksonian Democrats pointed to the fact that Senators were beholden to the state legislatures that selected them; the Whigs pointing out that the chief executive had been chosen by electors, and not by popular vote.
The House of Representatives, controlled by Jacksonian Democrats, took a different course of action. On April 4, it passed resolutions in favor of the removal of the public deposits. Led by Ways and Means Committee chairman James K. Polk, the House declared that the Bank "ought not to be rechartered" and that the deposits "ought not to be restored". It voted to continue allowing the deposit banks to serve as fiscal agents and to investigate whether the Bank had deliberately instigated the panic. Jackson called the passage of these resolutions a "glorious triumph", for it had essentially sealed the Bank's destruction.
When House committee members, as dictated by Congress, arrived in Philadelphia to investigate the Bank, they were treated by the Bank's directors as distinguished guests. The directors soon stated, in writing, that the members must state in writing their purpose for examining the Bank's books before any would be turned over to them. If a violation of charter was alleged, the specific allegation must be stated. The committee members refused, and no books were shown to them. Next, they asked for specific books, but were told that it might take up to 10 months for these to be procured. Finally, they succeeded in getting subpoenas issued for specific books. The directors replied that they could not produce these books because they were not in the Bank's possession. Having failed in their attempt to investigate, the committee members returned to Washington.
In Biddle's view, Jackson had violated the Bank's charter by removing the public deposits, meaning that the institution effectively ceased functioning as a central bank tasked with upholding the public interest and regulating the national economy. Thenceforth, Biddle would only consider the interests of the Bank's private stockholders when he crafted policy. When the committee members reported their findings to the House, they recommended that Biddle and his fellow directors be arrested for "contempt" of Congress, although nothing came of the effort. Nevertheless, this episode caused an even greater decline in public opinion regarding the Bank, with many believing that Biddle had deliberately evaded a congressional mandate.
The Democrats did suffer some setbacks. Polk ran for Speaker of the House to replace Andrew Stevenson, who was nominated to be minister to Great Britain. After southerners discovered his connection to Van Buren, he was defeated by fellow Tennessean John Bell, a Democrat-turned-Whig who opposed Jackson's removal policy. The Whigs, meanwhile, began to point out that several of Jackson's cabinet appointees, despite having acted in their positions for many months, had yet to be formally nominated and confirmed by the Senate. For the Whigs, this was blatantly unconstitutional. The unconfirmed cabinet members, appointed during a congressional recess, consisted of McLane for Secretary of State, Benjamin F. Butler for Attorney General, and Taney for Secretary of the Treasury. McLane and Butler would likely receive confirmation easily, but Taney would definitely be rejected by a hostile Senate. Jackson had to submit all three nominations at once, and so he delayed submitting them until the last week of the Senate session on June 23. As expected, McLane and Butler were confirmed. Taney was rejected by a vote of 28–18. He resigned immediately. To replace Taney, Jackson nominated Woodbury, who, despite the fact that he also supported removal, was confirmed unanimously on June 29. Meanwhile, Biddle wrote to Webster successfully urging the Senate not to support Stevenson as minister.
The Bank's final years
Demise of the Bank of the United States
The economy improved significantly in 1834. Biddle received heavy criticism for his contraction policies, including by some of his supporters, and was compelled to relax his curtailments. The Bank's Board of Directors voted unanimously in July to end all curtailments. The Coinage Act of 1834 passed Congress on June 28, 1834. It had considerable bipartisan support, including from Calhoun and Webster. The purpose of the act was to eliminate the devaluation of gold in order for gold coins to keep pace with market value and not be driven out of circulation. The first Coinage Act was passed in 1792 and established a 15 to 1 ratio for gold to silver coins. Commercial rates tended towards about 15.5-1. Consequentially a $10 gold eagle was really worth $10.66 and 2/3. It was undervalued and thus rarely circulated. The act raised the ratio to 16 to 1. Jackson felt that, with the Bank prostrate, he could safely bring gold back. It was not as successful as Jackson hoped. However, it did have a positive effect on the economy, as did good harvests in Europe. The result was that the recession that began with Biddle's contraction was brought to a close. For his part, Jackson expressed his willingness to recharter the Bank or establish a new one, but first insisted that his "experiment" in deposit banking be allowed a fair trial.
Censure was the "last hurrah" of the Pro-Bank defenders and soon a reaction set in. Business leaders in American financial centers became convinced that Biddle's war on Jackson was more destructive than Jackson's war on the Bank. All recharter efforts were now abandoned as a lost cause. The national economy following the withdrawal of the remaining funds from the Bank was booming and the federal government through duty revenues and sale of public lands was able to pay all bills. On January 1, 1835, Jackson paid off the entire national debt, the only time in U.S. history that has been accomplished. The objective had been reached in part through Jackson's reforms aimed at eliminating the misuse of funds, and through the veto of legislation he deemed extravagant. In December 1835, Polk defeated Bell and was elected Speaker of the House.
On January 30, 1835, what is believed to be the first attempt to kill a sitting President of the United States occurred just outside the United States Capitol. When Jackson was leaving through the East Portico after the funeral of South Carolina Representative Warren R. Davis, Richard Lawrence, an unemployed house painter from England, tried to shoot Jackson with two pistols, both of which misfired. Jackson attacked Lawrence with his cane, and Lawrence was restrained and disarmed. Lawrence offered a variety of explanations for the shooting. He blamed Jackson for the loss of his job. He claimed that with the President dead, "money would be more plenty", (a reference to Jackson's struggle with the Bank) and that he "could not rise until the President fell". Finally, Lawrence told his interrogators that he was a deposed English king—specifically, Richard III, dead since 1485—and that Jackson was his clerk. He was deemed insane and was institutionalized. Jackson initially suspected that a number of his political enemies might have orchestrated the attempt on his life. His suspicions were never proven.
In January 1837, Benton introduced a resolution to expunge Jackson's censure from the Senate record. It began nearly 13 consecutive hours of debate. Finally, a vote was taken, and it was decided 25–19 to expunge the censure. Thereafter, the Secretary of the Senate retrieved the original manuscript journal of the Senate and opened it to March 28, 1834, the day that the censure was applied. He drew black lines through the text recording the censure and beside it wrote: "Expunged by order of the Senate, this 16th day of January, 1837". Jackson proceeded to host a large dinner for the "expungers". Jackson left office on March 4 of that year and was replaced by Van Buren. Including when taking into account the recession engineered by Biddle, the economy expanded at an unprecedented rate of 6.6% per year from 1830 to 1837.
In February 1836, the Bank became a private corporation under Pennsylvania commonwealth law. This took place just weeks before the expiration of the Bank's charter. Biddle had orchestrated the maneuver in a desperate effort to keep the institution alive rather than allowing it to dissolve. This managed to keep the Philadelphia branch operating at a price of nearly $6 million. In trying to keep the Bank alive, Biddle borrowed large sums of money from Europe and attempted to make money off the cotton market. Cotton prices eventually collapsed because of the depression (see below), making this business unprofitable. In 1839, Biddle submitted his resignation as Director of the B.U.S. He was subsequently sued for nearly $25 million and acquitted on charges of criminal conspiracy, but remained heavily involved in lawsuits until the end of his life. The Bank suspended payment in 1839. After an investigation exposed massive fraud in its operations, the Bank officially shut its doors on April 4, 1841.
Speculative boom and Panic of 1837
Jackson's destruction of the B.U.S. is believed by some to have helped set in motion a series of events that would eventually culminate in a major financial crisis known as the Panic of 1837. The origins of this crisis can be traced to the formation of an economic bubble in the mid-1830s that grew out of fiscal and monetary policies passed during Jackson's second term, combined with developments in international trade that concentrated large quantities of gold and silver in the United States. Among these policies and developments were the passage of the Coinage Act of 1834, actions pursued by Mexican President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, and a financial partnership between Biddle and Baring Brothers, a major British merchant banking house. British investment in the stocks and bonds that capitalized American transportation companies, municipal governments, and state governments added to this phenomenon.
Woodbury ensured that banks' specie ratios remained consistent with those of the early 1830s. However, since lending was tied directly to the amount of gold and silver that banks stored in their vaults, the influx of precious metals into the United States encouraged American banks to print more paper money. The money supply and number of bank notes in circulation increased significantly in these years. State-chartered financial institutions, unshackled from the regulatory oversight previously provided by the B.U.S., started engaging in riskier lending practices that fueled a rapid economic expansion in land sales, internal improvement projects, cotton cultivation, and slavery. The federal government earned an average of about $2 million each year from land sales in the 1820s. This number increased to about $5 million in 1834, $15 million in 1835, and $25 million in 1836. In 1836, President Jackson signed the Deposit and Distribution Act, which transferred funds from the Treasury Department’s budget surplus into various deposit banks located in the interior of the country. The treasury secretary could no longer regulate lending requirements in the deposit banks as a result of this legislation. Soon afterward, Jackson signed the Specie Circular, an executive order mandating that sales of public lands in parcels over 320 acres be paid for only in gold and silver coin. Both of these measures diverted precious metals from the Atlantic Coast to western regions, leaving the nation’s financial centers vulnerable to external shocks.
Another major problem was that bountiful crop harvests in cotton from the United States, Egypt, and India created a supply glut. The resulting drop in the price of cotton precipitated much of the damage of the financial panic. This is because cotton receipts not only gave value to many American credit instruments, but they were inextricably linked to the bubble then forming in the American Southwest (then centered in Louisiana and Mississippi). Southern planters bought large amounts of public land and produced more cotton to try to pay off their debts. The price of cotton steadily declined during Jackson's second term. In late 1836, the Bank of England began denying credit to American cotton producers. The Bank's directors raised interest rates from three to five percent and restricted some of the open trade practices that they had previously granted to American import merchants. The directors had grown alarmed that their specie reserves had dwindled to four million pounds, which they blamed on the purchase of American securities and poor harvests that forced England to import much of its food (if food imports created a trade deficit, this could lead to specie exports). Within months, cotton prices entered a full free-fall.
In March 1837, Hermann, Briggs & Company, a major cotton commission house in New Orleans, declared bankruptcy, prompting the New York bill brokerage company, J.L. & S. Joseph & Company, to do the same. In May, New York banks suspended specie payments, meaning that they refused to redeem credit instruments in specie at full face value. Over the next several years, domestic trade slumped, the price of banking, railroad, and insurance company stocks declined, and unemployment rose. 194 of the 729 banks with charters closed their doors. Thousands of people in manufacturing districts lost their jobs as credit dried up. Farmers and planters suffered from price deflation and debt-default spirals. By the summer of 1842, eight states and the Florida territory had defaulted on their debts, which outraged international investors.
Whigs and Democrats blamed each other for the crisis. The Whigs attacked Jackson's specie circular and demanded recharter of the Bank. Democrats defended the circular and blamed the panic on greedy speculators. Jackson insisted that the circular was necessary because allowing land to be purchased with paper would only fuel speculator greed more, thereby worsening the crisis. The circular, he claimed, was necessary to prevent excessive speculation.
Legacy
The Bank War far from settled the status of banking in the United States. Van Buren's solution to the Panic of 1837 was to create an Independent Treasury, where public funds would be managed by government officials without assistance from banks. A coalition of Whigs and conservative Democrats refused to pass the bill. It was not until 1840 that the Independent Treasury system was finally approved. When Whig candidate William Henry Harrison was elected in 1840, the Whigs, who also held a majority in Congress, repealed the Independent Treasury, intending to charter a new national bank. However, Harrison died after only a month in office, and his successor, John Tyler, vetoed two bills to reestablish the Bank. The nation returned to deposit banking. The Independent Treasury was recreated under the Polk presidency in 1846. The United States would not have another central banking system again until the Federal Reserve was established in 1913.
The Bank War has proven to be a controversial subject in the scholarly community long after it took place. Quite a few historians over the years have proven to be either extremely celebratory or extremely critical of Jackson's war on the Bank. However, many agree that some sort of compromise to recharter the Bank with reforms to restrict its influence would have been ideal.
1930s Jackson biographer Marquis James commemorates Jackson's war against the Bank as the triumph of ordinary men against greedy and corrupt businessmen. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., who wrote The Age of Jackson (1945), adopts a similar theme, celebrating Jacksonian democracy and representing it as the triumph of Eastern workers. Schlesinger portrays Jackson's economic program as a progressive precursor to the New Deal under Franklin D. Roosevelt. Robert V. Remini believes that the Bank had "too much power, which it was obviously using in politics. It had too much money which it was using to corrupt individuals. And so Jackson felt he had to get rid of it. It is a pity because we do need a national bank, but it requires control." He refutes the idea that the collapse of the Bank was responsible for the Panic of 1837, which he describes as "a world-wide economic collapse", but concedes that it "may have exacerbated" the crisis.
Richard Hofstadter accepts that the Bank had too much power to interfere in politics but excoriates Jackson for making war on it. "By destroying Biddle's Bank Jackson had taken away the only effective restraint on the wildcatters... he had strangled a potential threat to democratic government, but at an unnecessarily high cost. He had caused Biddle to create one depression and the pet banks to aggravate a second, and he had left the nation committed to a currency and credit system even more inadequate than the one he had inherited." Hofstadter criticizes Schlesinger's contention that Jackson's program was a forerunner to the New Deal, arguing that the two were distinct because Jackson wanted less government involvement in finance and infrastructure, while Roosevelt wanted more. Hammond, in his Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War, renews the criticism of Schlesinger. He praises the Bank and Biddle's conduct, claiming that Jackson's war on it created a periodic of economic instability that would not be remedied until the creation of the Federal Reserve in 1913. Historian Jon Meacham, in his 2008 biography of Jackson, concludes that the destruction of the Bank went against the country's interests.
Daniel Walker Howe criticizes Jackson's hard money policies and claims that his war on the Bank "brought little if any benefit" to the common men who made up the majority of his supporters. In the end, he believes, the government was deprived of the stabilizing influence of a national bank and instead ended up with inflationary paper currency. "It was America's failure that the future of the national bank could have been resolved through compromise and a larger measure of government supervision", Howe writes. "Jackson and Biddle were both too headstrong for the country's good. The great Bank War turned out to be a conflict both sides lost."
References
Bibliography
Further reading
Carpenter, Daniel, and Benjamin Schneer. "Party formation through petitions: The Whigs and the Bank War of 1832–1834." Studies in American Political Development 29.2 (2015): 213–234.
1830s in the United States
History of banking in the United States |
4021105 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prise%202 | Prise 2 | Prise 2 (French: "Take 2") is a Canadian French language specialty channel owned by Groupe TVA, a division of Quebecor Media.
Prise 2 broadcasts television series and films, primarily from Quebec and the United States, from the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s.
History
In October 2005, TVA Group was granted approval by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) to launch a television channel called Nostalgie, described as "a national, French-language Category 2 specialty programming undertaking devoted to television and movie classics."
The channel was launched on February 9, 2006 as Prise 2.
On August 27, 2012, Groupe TVA launched Prise 2 HD, a HD feed simulcasting the standard definition feed. It is currently available on Vidéotron, Bell Satellite TV and Bell Fibe TV.
Programming
References
External links
Digital cable television networks in Canada
French-language television networks in Canada
Television channels and stations established in 2006
2006 establishments in Quebec |
4021111 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KEII | KEII | KEII is a commercial radio station in Blackfoot, Idaho, broadcasting to the Idaho Falls-Pocatello, Idaho area on 690 AM; it airs a variety hits format branded as Cannonball 101.
KEII is a division of Riverbend Communications LLC., which is owned by Frank L. VanderSloot.
History
KTII was first licensed, as KBLI, in 1951, to the Blackfoot Broadcasting Company, with 250 watts on 1490 kHz. In 1957 the station moved to 690 kHz, and in 1991 the call letters were changed to KECN.
Expanded Band assignment
On March 17, 1997, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) announced that eighty-eight stations had been given permission to move to newly available "Expanded Band" transmitting frequencies, ranging from 1610 to 1700 kHz, with KECN authorized to move from 690 to 1620 kHz. The expanded band station was assigned the call letters KBLI on November 10, 1997.
The FCC's initial policy was that both the original station and its expanded band counterpart could operate simultaneously for up to five years, after which owners would have to turn in one of the two licenses, depending on whether they preferred the new assignment or elected to remain on the original frequency, although this deadline was extended multiple times. It was ultimately decided to remain on the original frequency, and the license for KBLI on 1620 kHz was cancelled on February 7, 2006.
Later history
The call letters of the original station on 690 kHz were changed to KZNR in 2001, and KSLJ in 2004. Following the deletion of the expanded band operation on 1620 kHz in 2006, the KBLI call sign was returned to 690 kHz. On October 21, 2014, the call letters became KEII.
On September 10, 2018 KEII and simulcaster KEIR 1260 Idaho Falls (under new KNBL calls) changed their format from religious to variety hits, branded as "Cannonball 101".
References
External links
FCC History Cards for KEII (covering 1950-1980 as KBLI)
EII
Radio stations established in 1951
1951 establishments in Idaho
Adult hits radio stations in the United States |
4021116 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abbey%20of%20St.%20Gabriel | Abbey of St. Gabriel | St. Gabriel's Abbey, is a Benedictine monastery in Styria. The nunnery was founded in 1889 in Prague and was raised to the rank of an abbey in 1893. St. Gabriel's was the first women's community to join the Beuronese Congregation within the Benedictine Confederation. After World War I, the predominantly German-speaking community relocated to the castle at Bertholdstein in Styria.
In 1942, the nunnery was commandeered by the National Socialists; the nuns were expelled and could not return until 1946. In October 2007 the Sisters joined the Federation of Sisters of St. Lioba and moved to in St. Johann near Herberstein (municipality of Feistritztal, Styria), in November 2008.
The main source of income of the community is from making vestments and church embroidery and taking care of guests.
Benedictine monasteries in Austria
Monasteries in Styria
Benedictine nunneries in Austria
1889 establishments in Austria-Hungary
Establishments in the Duchy of Styria |
4021117 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CBOE%20S%26P%20500%20BuyWrite%20Index | CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index | The CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index (ticker symbol BXM) is a benchmark index designed to show the hypothetical performance of a portfolio that engages in a buy-write strategy using S&P 500 index call options.
Description
The term buy-write is used because the investor buys stocks and writes call options against the stock position. The writing of the call option provides extra income for an investor who is willing to forego some upside potential.
The BXM Index is designed to show the hypothetical performance of a strategy in which an investor buys a portfolio of the S&P 500 stocks, and also sells (or writes) covered call options on the S&P 500 Index.
History
Investors have used exchange-listed options to engage in buy-write strategies since the 1970s, but prior to 2002 there was no major benchmark for buy-write strategies. To develop the CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index (ticker BXM), the Chicago Board Options Exchange commissioned Professor Robert Whaley of Vanderbilt University. In April 2002, the index was announced with the publication of Whaley's "Return and Risk of CBOE Buy-Write Monthly Index" in Journal of Derivatives (Winter 2002).
Investors have used covered call strategies for more than three decades. As noted in a magazine article “Buy Writing Makes Comeback as Way to Hedge Risk.” Pensions & Investments, (May 16, 2005), two developments have enhanced the interest in covered call strategies in recent years: (1) in 2002 the Chicago Board Options Exchange introduced the first major benchmark index for covered call strategies, the CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index (ticker BXM), and (2) in 2004 the Ibbotson Associates consulting firm published a case study on buy-write strategies. In 2006 Callan Associates published A Review of the CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index.
The BXM Index won the Most Innovative Benchmark Index award at the 2004 Super Bowl of Indexing Conference.
Many active strategies employing volatility patterns as signals for more than 16 years have provided a systematic approach that employs behavioral investment theories based on "herding investor biases" and other psychological biases inherent in active trading strategies have been created since the discovery of the groundbreaking study was published initially in November 2005 by Lehman Brothers and subsequently validated, publicised and formed the foundation and innovation that ultimately resulted in the development an entirely new method of active investing and ultimately led to the creation of an entirely new actively-managed investment category offering investors an innovative, consistently profitable field with superior return-to-risk field in asset management attracting more than $50 billion invested in funds and ETFs as of 2016."
More than forty new buy-write investment products have been introduced since mid-2004 (see examples below).
See also
CBOE S&P 500 PutWrite Index
Chicago Board Options Exchange
References
Blake, R. "Investors Are Dusting Off an Old Strategy, Options Overlay; When It Works, It Offers Both Yield Enhancement and Risk Management." Institutional Investor, (Sept. 2002), pp. 173 – 174.
Callan Associates. A Review of the CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index (BXM). (October 2006).
Crawford, Gregory. “Buy Writing Makes Comeback as Way to Hedge Risk.” Pensions & Investments, (May 16, 2005).
Demby, E. R. “Maintaining Speed -- In a Sideways or Falling Market, Writing Covered Call Options Is One Way To Give Your Clients Some Traction.” Bloomberg Wealth Manager, (February 2005).
Feldman, Barry and Dhuv Roy. "Passive Options-Based Investment Strategies: The Case of the CBOE S&P 500 BuyWrite Index." The Journal of Investing, (Summer 2005).
Ferry, John. "An Array of Options - A Buy-write Strategy Can Add Some Octane to Portfolios When the Markets Lack Direction." Worth Magazine, (April 2005), pp. 102 – 104.
Hadi, Mohammed. "Buy-Write Strategy Could Help in Sideways Market." Wall Street Journal. (April 29, 2006) pg. B5.
Hill, Joanne, Venkatesh Balasubramanian, Krag (Buzz) Gregory, and Ingrid Tierens. "Finding Alpha via Covered Index Writing." Financial Analysts Journal. (Sept.-Oct. 2006). pp. 29–46.
Keenan, C. “Mass Appeal It's Still a Niche Market, But More Assets Are Flowing Into Mutual Funds That Use Hedge Fund Techniques.” Institutional Investor, ( July 2004).
Moran, Matthew. “Risk-adjusted Performance for Derivatives-based Indexes – Tools to Help Stabilize Returns.” The Journal of Indexes. (Fourth Quarter, 2002) pp. 34 – 40.
Renicker, Ryan, Devapriya Mallick. "Enhanced Call Overwriting." Lehman Brothers Equity Derivatives Strategy. (Nov 17, 2005).
Roeder, David. "New Funds Try Options to Boost Stock Income." Chicago Sun-Times, (October 10, 2004).
Schneeweis, Thomas, and Richard Spurgin. "The Benefits of Index Option-Based Strategies for Institutional Portfolios" The Journal of Alternative Investments, (Spring 2001), pp. 44 – 52.
Smith, Steven. "Covered Calls Move Closer to the Masses" TheStreet.com (April 2003)
Smith, Steven. “Options on Covered Calls.” RealMoney, (Dec. 20, 2006).
Tan, Kopin, "Yield Boost -- Firms Market Covered-call Writing to Up Returns." Barron's, (Oct. 25, 2004).
Tergesen, Anne. "Taking Cover with Covered Calls." Business Week, (May 21, 2001), pp. 132.
Wasik, J. “Used Wisely, Options Can Help Dodge Stock Losses.” Bloomberg News, (May 15, 2005).
Whaley, Robert. "Risk and Return of the CBOE BuyWrite Monthly Index" The Journal of Derivatives, (Winter 2002), pp. 35 – 42.
Woolley, S. “Squeeze Your Portfolio Harder,” BusinessWeek, (December 27, 2004).
External links
Yahoo! Covered Calls
Covered Calls Worksheet
American stock market indices
S&P Global
Options (finance) |
4021123 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White%20Coffee%20Pot | White Coffee Pot | White Coffee Pot Family Inns was a privately held Baltimore, Maryland, restaurant chain and coffeeshop that first did business in 1932. During the 1960s and 1970s, they opened a chain of fast-food restaurants White Coffee Pot, Jr. Major competitors included national chains Gino's (which sold Kentucky Fried Chicken), Denny's and Friendly's.
The last White Coffee Pot restaurant closed in Brooklyn Park, Maryland, in 1993. The company shared ownership with the Horn and Horn Smorgasbord Cafeteria chain, and some locations became Cactus Willie's all-you-can-eat restaurants.
See also
Little Tavern, another Baltimore-based restaurant
List of chicken restaurants
References
External links
Ghosts of Baltimore website
Defunct restaurants in Maryland
Defunct restaurant chains in the United States
Poultry restaurants
1932 establishments in Maryland
1993 disestablishments in Maryland
Restaurants in Baltimore
Restaurants established in 1932 |
4021127 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin%20population%20statistics | Berlin population statistics | Berlin is the most populous city in the European Union, as calculated by city-proper population (not metropolitan area).
Demographics
Population by borough
Historical development of Berlin's population
The spike in population in 1920 is a result of the Greater Berlin Act.
Population by nationality
On 31 December 2010 the largest groups by foreign nationality were citizens from Turkey (104,556), Poland (40,988), Serbia (19,230), Italy (15,842), Russia (15,332), United States (12,733), France (13,262), Vietnam (13,199), Croatia (10,104), Bosnia and Herzegovina (10,198), UK (10,191), Greece (9,301), Austria (9,246), Ukraine (8,324), Lebanon (7,078), Spain (7,670), Bulgaria (9,988), the People's Republic of China (5,632), Thailand (5,037). There is also a large Arabic community, mostly from Lebanon, Palestine and Iraq. Additionally, Berlin has one of the largest Vietnamese communities outside Vietnam, with about 83,000 people of Vietnamese origin.
See also
Demographics of Berlin
Demographics of Cologne
Demographics of Hamburg
Demographics of Munich
References
External links
Berlin State Statistical Office
Berlin State Statistical Office (old homepage)
Schwenk, Herbert, Berliner Stadtentwicklung von A bis Z: Kleines Handbuch zum Werden und Wachsen der deutschen Hauptstadt, 2nd edition. Berlin: Luisenstädtischer Bildungsverein, 1998.
Geography of Berlin
History of Berlin
Demographics of Germany
Demographics by city |
4021137 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lee%20Kyung-soo | Lee Kyung-soo | Lee Kyung-soo (이경수; born October 28, 1973) is a former South Korean football defender, who predominantly played in the South Korean K-League.
Club career
Lee's foray as a professional footballer began with the Suwon Samsung Bluewings as a draftee, and he spent two seasons with the club without ever featuring in the K-League before departing for single season spells with Ulsan Hyundai Horang-i and Cheonan Ilhwa Chunma. A two-year stint at Jeonbuk Hyundai Motors followed. Despite spending six years at K-League clubs, Lee had still to establish himself as a first team regular, accumulating a mere 24 games in the K-League, with a few matches in Cup competitions.
Lee then dropped out of the K-League ranks to spend the 2002 season with amateur side Seoul City FC before returning to the K-League with Daegu FC for their inaugural season in the K-League. He finally was able to consider himself as a regular starter in Daegu's side for the 2003 season, playing 22 matches in the K-League. However, the following season he fell out of favour and saw much less match play. By this time Chinese Super League side Sichuan Guancheng was showing interest in Lee's services, and he subsequently signed with the club for the 2004 season. He spent only a single season in China before returning to South Korea for a final season in the K-League with Daejeon Citizen.
Management career
After retiring as a player at the conclusion of the 2005 K-League season, Lee took up a coaching position with FC MB. MB means initial of Hong Myung-bo's given name.
International career
Lee was a member of the South Korea under-20 football team. He was also a squad member of the South Korea under-23 football team (which participated at the 1996 Olympics), even though at the time of the 1996 Olympics, he was still at Soongsil University. It was only after the Olympics that he began his professional career in the K-League.
External links
1973 births
Living people
Association football defenders
South Korean footballers
South Korean expatriate footballers
Suwon Samsung Bluewings players
Ulsan Hyundai FC players
Seongnam FC players
Jeonbuk Hyundai Motors FC players
Daegu FC players
Daejeon Hana Citizen FC players
K League 1 players
Expatriate footballers in China
Footballers at the 1996 Summer Olympics
Olympic footballers of South Korea
South Korean expatriate sportspeople in China |
4021140 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caf%C3%A9%20Flesh | Café Flesh | Café Flesh is a 1982 post-apocalyptic cult pornographic science fiction film designed and directed by Stephen Sayadian (under the pseudonym "Rinse Dream") and co-written by Sayadian and Jerry Stahl (credited as "Herbert W. Day"). Music was composed and produced by noted music producer Mitchell Froom (and later appeared in his album, Key of Cool).
Two sequels, Café Flesh 2 and Café Flesh 3, were released in 1997 and 2003, without the participation of the original creators. The sequels were written and directed by Antonio Passolini and did not have the same degree of popularity and cult appeal as the first film.
Plot
In the aftermath of nuclear apocalypse, 99% of the survivors are sex Negatives – they become violently ill if they attempt to have sex. The minority sex Positives are forced to engage in carnal theater for the entertainment of the Negatives at Café Flesh. Everyone is excited about the arrival at the club of the famous Positive Johnny Rico, and one Negative woman is beginning to question her negativeness as she and her boyfriend grow more distant from each other.
History
By the early 1970s, the pornographic film industry had gained popularity, through the success of films such as Behind the Green Door and Deep Throat. During this period, there were many attempts to create artistic pornography, including The Devil in Miss Jones. There were also non-pornographic films with hardcore sex, such as I Am Curious (Yellow) and In the Realm of the Senses. By the early 1980s, home video technology shifted the porn industry, and pornography theaters were becoming less successful.
In 1982, Café Flesh, which mixed sex, satire, and avant-garde theater, was released. The film was created and co-written by Stephen Sayadian, under the name "Rinse Dream", and journalist Jerry Stahl, under the name "Herbert W. Day". Sayadin and Stahl made the film in two separate parts, using the non-pornographic elements of the film to attract financiers.
Two actors involved in this film went on to notable work in mainstream productions. Lead actress Michelle Bauer, using the name Pia Snow in this film, became a prolific B-movie actress. Richard Belzer, a noted comedian at the time who later became known for his roles in Homicide: Life on the Street and Law & Order: Special Victims Unit, appears as an audience member, but does not appear in any of the sexual scenes.
Criticism
Scholar Bradford K. Mudge has said of Café Flesh, that it, "Like all great satire...stands in parodic opposition to the very generic forms out of which it evolved. Its brilliance results from a bifurcated vision: it dramatizes at once the death of pornography and its disturbing resurrection as culture itself. In so doing, the film marks a juncture—historically arbitrary to be sure—when 'pornography' is finally capable of critical self-reflection, capable of seeing its own 'imagination' as distinct from but integral to both its aesthetic predecessors and its larger cultural environment."
Awards
Café Flesh won the 1984 AVN Award for Best Art Direction - Film and has been inducted into the XRCO Hall of Fame. Café Flesh 2 won the 1998 XRCO Award for Best Video and the 1999 AVN Award for Best Video Feature and Best Special Effects.
References
External links
Review of the film
"Cafe Flesh" by Molly Case, SexyFandom, November 12, 2004
1980s pornographic films
1980s science fiction films
1982 films
English-language films
Films about nuclear war and weapons
Films set in the future
American post-apocalyptic films
American satirical films
Films with screenplays by Jerry Stahl
AVN Award winners |
4021143 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount%20Meru%20%28Buddhism%29 | Mount Meru (Buddhism) | Mount Meru (also Sumeru (Sanskrit) or Sineru (Pāli) or Kangrinboqe) is the name of the central world-mountain in Buddhist cosmology. Etymologically, the proper name of the mountain is Meru (Pāli Meru), to which is added the approbatory prefix su-, resulting in the meaning "excellent Meru" or "wonderful Meru".
The concept of Sumeru is closely related to the central Mount Meru of Hindu cosmology, but it differs from the Hindu concept in several particulars.
Characteristics
According to Vasubandhu's (philosophical writings), Sumeru is 80,000 yojanas tall. The exact measure of one yojana is uncertain, but some accounts put it at about 24,000 feet, or approximately 4-1/2 miles, but other accounts put it at about 7-9 miles. It also descends beneath the surface of the surrounding waters to a depth of 80,000 yojanas, being founded upon the basal layer of Earth. Sumeru is often used as a simile for both size and stability in Buddhist texts.
Sumeru is said to be shaped like an hourglass, with a top and base of 80,000 yojanas square, but narrowing in the middle (i.e., at a height of 40,000 yojanas) to 20,000 yojanas square.
Sumeru is the polar center of a mandala-like complex of seas and mountains. The square base of Sumeru is surrounded by a square moat-like ocean, which is in turn surrounded by a ring (or rather square) wall of mountains, which is in turn surrounded by a sea, each diminishing in width and height from the one closer to Sumeru. There are seven seas and seven surrounding mountain-walls, until one comes to the vast outer sea which forms most of the surface of the world, in which the known continents are merely small islands. The known world, which is on the continent of Jambudvipa, is directly south of Sumeru.
The dimensions stated in the are shown in the table below:
The 80,000 yojana square top of Sumeru constitutes the "heaven" (devaloka), which is the highest plane in direct physical contact with the earth. The next 40,000 yojanas below this heaven consist of sheer precipice, narrowing in like an inverted mountain until it is 20,000 yojanas square at a heigh of 40,000 yojanas above the sea.
From this point Sumeru expands again, going down in four terraced ledges, each broader than the one above. The first terrace constitutes the "heaven" of the Four Great Kings and is divided into four parts, facing north, south, east and west. Each section is governed by one of the Four Great Kings, who faces outward toward the quarter of the world that he supervises.
40,000 yojanas is also the height at which the Sun and Moon circle Sumeru in a clockwise direction. This rotation explains the alteration of day and night; when the Sun is north of Sumeru, the shadow of the mountain is cast over the continent of Jambudvīpa, and it is night there; at the same time it is noon in the opposing northern continent of Uttarakuru, dawn in the eastern continent of Pūrvavideha, and dusk in the western continent of Aparagodānīya. Half a day later, when the Sun has moved to the south, it is noon in Jambudvīpa, dusk in Pūrvavideha, dawn in Aparagodānīya, and midnight in Uttarakuru.
The next three terraces down the slopes of Sumeru are each longer and broader by a factor of two. They contain the followers of the Four Great Kings, namely nāgas, , gandharvas, and .
The names and dimensions of the terraces on the lower slopes of Sumeru are given below:
Below Sumeru, in the seas around it, is the abode of the Asuras who are at war with the gods.
Abandonment
Certain traditional Buddhist ideas about the world are incompatible with modern science and have been abandoned by numerous modern Buddhists. One of the most well known of these ideas is Mount Meru. According to Donald S. Lopez Jr., "the human realm that Buddhist texts describe is a flat earth, or perhaps more accurately a flat ocean, its waters contained by a ring of iron mountains. In that ocean is a great central mountain, surrounded in the four cardinal directions by island continents."
As Lopez notes, as early as the 18th century, Buddhist scholars like Tominaga Nakamoto (1715–1746) began to question this classical Buddhist cosmography, holding that they were adopted by the Buddha from Indian theories, but that they were incidental and thus not at the heart of Buddha's teaching. While some traditional Buddhists did defend the traditional cosmology, others like Shimaji Mokurai (1838–1911) argued that it was not foundational to Buddhism and was merely an element of Indian mythology. Others like Kimura Taiken (1881–1930), went further and argued that this traditional cosmography was not part of original Buddhism.
The issue of Mount Meru was also discussed by modern Buddhist intellectuals like Gendün Chöphel and the 14th Dalai Lama. According to Chöphel, the Meru cosmology is a provisional teaching taught in accord with the ideas of ancient India, but not appropriate for the modern era. Similarly, the 14th Dalai Lama writes that "my own view is that Buddhism must abandon many aspects of the Abhidharma cosmology". The Dalai Lama sees the falsehood of this traditional cosmology as not affecting the core of Buddhism (the teaching of the four noble truths and liberation) since it is "secondary to the account of the nature and origins of sentient beings".
See also
Semeru — a mountain in Indonesia, named after Sumeru
Mandala (Southeast Asian history)
References
Sources
Lopez Jr., Donald S. (2009). Buddhism and Science: A Guide for the Perplexed. University of Chicago Press.
External links
Painting of Sumeru found in Buddhist cave sanctuary in Xinjiang
Mount Meru According to the Abhidharmakośa (Huntington Archive) Stūpa as Mount Meru (ibid.)
Buddhist cosmology
Locations in Buddhist mythology
Mount Meru (mythology)
Locations in Chinese mythology |
4021144 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Xethanol | Xethanol | Xethanol was one of the smaller producers of corn ethanol in the United States, and one of the few publicly traded companies developing technology for producing cellulose ethanol. Ethanol fuel will have increased production from a current level of about per year (19 Gl/a, almost exclusively from corn) to over annually (76 Gl/a, mainly from cellulosic materials). Potentially of ethanol could be produced annually in a sustainable manner from domestic biomass resources. To achieve these goals some believe it will be necessary to develop and commercialize technology for the production of ethanol from cellulose and hemicellulose. Xethanol says it plans to increase production and profitability with new technology it has under development.
Xylose Technologies, Inc. (XTI), a subsidiary of Xethanol, is conducting collaborative research through a Cooperative Research and Development Agreement (CRADA) with the USDA Forest Service, Forest Products Laboratory (FPL) located on the campus of the University of Wisconsin–Madison. The work focuses on genetically engineering proprietary yeast strains for the efficient production of xylitol from xylose. Xylose, an abundant five carbon sugar found predominantly in hemicellulose of angiosperms, can be converted to xylitol through biochemical or chemical reduction. The USDA and other university research labs have hundreds of such CRADAs with many companies exploring the technology.
History
Xethanol was formed as a Delaware corporation in 2000 through a reverse merger with Zen Pottery Equipment. It is based in New York City and has operated two production facilities in Iowa since 2003. It began with the acquisition of Permeate Refining, Inc., and in 2004, Xethanol purchased a second plant which operates as Xethanol Biofuels, LLC. In early 2005 it acquired Superior Separation Technologies, Inc. from UTEK Corporation. It has announced plans to build new ethanol plants in Florida, Georgia and South Carolina through a newly formed subsidiary known as CoastalXethanol LLC.
In August 2006, investors and scientists following Xethanol's progress were disturbed by a series of accusations brought against Xethanol on a website called ShareSleuth.com. Follow-up articles appearing in theStreet.com reiterated the story and claimed that it was difficult for reporters and stock analysts to get information from Xethanol officials. A Soleil Securities alternative energy analyst cut Xethanol's rating to "Sell-target $1.53" from "Hold-target $10" after he became disillusioned by the response from Xethanol. The analyst had been trying to obtain information from Xethanol for institutions interested in investing.
The ShareSleuth article revealed that people connected with the Xethanol's secondary stock offering had been sanctioned by the SEC and that the resume of Xethanol's chief executive officer, Christopher D'Arnaud Taylor had been inflated. In response, D'Arnaud Taylor, as well as several of his associates who dominated the company's board of directors, resigned or took less prominent roles. The ShareSleuth article pointed out that one of the company's smaller facilities was shuttered and rusting. The company noted that it had not been operational when they purchased it, and that it was intended for use in pilot development operations. However, there was no explanation why company officials suggested in interviews that the facility was in use, and later that "it is being renovated as we speak."
This rapid increase in Xethanol's stock price could be attributed largely to President Bush's 2006 State of the Union Address on January 31 in which he announced that the administration was undertaking a major new effort to develop technology for the production of "cellulosic ethanol" from agricultural materials such as switchgrass. This speech was followed the next day by an announcement from the Department of Energy that it would be funding 40% of the capital costs of two large (700 ton per day) cellulosic ethanol demonstration plants.
Even though there are about five companies currently working on production of ethanol from cellulose, Xethanol was virtually the only company public at the time. Within days, its stock price shot up to $6 per share. Even though much of the population had never heard of switch grass, the idea of a renewable source of energy sparked their interest. Xethanol's small capitalization combined with a public anxious about rising petroleum costs and global warming drove Xethanol's run-up in price. The decrease in share price—along with falling share prices of other companies associated with ethanol production—followed as investors began to realize the technological differences between making ethanol from corn starch or sugar cane and making it from cellulose. In a Securities and Exchange Commission filing in September 2006, Xethanol acknowledged that it was not as close to the breakthrough technology as previously represented. The value of the technologies it had purchased were written down as an accounting measure, and Xethanol also warned that it did not have the financing to complete its previously announced plans.
Renaming and bankruptcy
On August 28, 2008, Xethanol relaunched itself as Global Energy Holdings Group, Inc., with the intention to diversify away from ethanol to other alternative fuels including woody biomass, orange peels, and methane from landfills.
By September, 2009, Global Energy Holdings had filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy.
See also
Biofuel
Ethanol
References
Alcohol fuel producers |
4021147 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North%20Branch%20Correctional%20Institution | North Branch Correctional Institution | North Branch Correctional Institution (NBCI) is a high-tech, maximum security prison or "hyper-max prison" operated by the Maryland Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services in Cresaptown, unincorporated Allegany County, Maryland, near Cumberland.
Background
NBCI initially opened in January 2003 as an extension of the earlier adjacent Western Correctional Institution, with full independent operation beginning in the summer 2008 with the completion of housing unit construction. Final construction costs amounted to more than $175 million. In 2011, operating costs totaled $50,613,215 for 1,471 inmates, equating to approximately $34,407 per inmate per year. With 555 employees as of 2011, NBCI is the eighth-largest employer in Allegany County.
Security and safety
Since the closure of the Maryland House of Correction in Jessup, Maryland in 2007 NBCI has housed the most serious offenders within the state of Maryland, including death row inmates (before the death penalty sentences were commuted to LWOP following Maryland's abolition of the death penalty). At the time of its construction, the NBCI was one of the most technologically advanced prisons in the world, and was the first of its kind in the United States.
The prison was constructed using an "inverted fortress" style of building placement, with a master control tower sitting in the middle of a complex that is ringed with housing units and support structures. The control tower is designed for maximum oversight with minimal staffing, requiring only two officers to maintain the entire security system. It has an unobstructed view of the entire grounds, as well as a complete surveillance of every area accessed by inmates. Additionally, the tower has control over all security doors, cameras, and even the flow of water into individual cells. Instead of one large cell block, the prison features separate housing blocks all zoned and protected so the movement of inmates is eased, reducing the risk of riots and violence.
Four units of 256 cells house the inmate population. Each cell is just over 60 square feet and is constructed of cast concrete that prevents seams in construction in which to hide contraband. Cell door windows are made of ballistic-resistant glass to allow easier observation and enhance officer safety. The cell's furnishings are relatively minimal. The beds are bolted directly into the concrete and the bolts are rounded down so the inmates cannot remove them to use the beds to ram the doors. The toilets and sinks are brushed stainless steel instead of porcelain to avoid porcelain shards being broken off and being made into weapons. The piping behind the fixtures is also reinforced so if an inmate were to remove the fixture, they cannot escape, and even if they could successfully tunnel through they would end up in the plumbing box which has a similar cell door. The cell doors are by far the most evolved feature of the prison as opposed to the classic cell bar doors. The doors feature micro-perforations to allow corrections officers to speak with inmates and vice versa. The cell doors also have small slots that can be opened to provide meals to inmates perceived to be too dangerous to be let out to the dining area; and to handcuff the inmates before exiting providing corrections officers maximum control over inmate movement. The door frames are filled with concrete to prevent tampering. The walls of the cells are coated with a high grade epoxy paint resistant to scratching, chipping, and even acid. The perimeter consists of fifteen miles of inwardly curved razor wire and motion sensors, as well as regular patrols and fence inspections. Trained dogs are used to find illicit materials, including cell phones.
Notable incidents
In March 2008, several inmates were injured in what was deemed excessive use of force at the NBCI. These inmates had allegedly been assaulted by North Branch staff shortly after transfer to the facility from nearby Roxbury Correctional Institution after being uncooperative and violent towards RCI officers. This incident led to six NBCI officers being fired and assault charges being filed.
Several homicides have occurred since operations began. On February 10, 2013, an inmate was found dead in his cell in what was described as an apparent homicide. An inmate's death in January at a Baltimore hospital was ruled a homicide. The inmate had been assaulted by another inmate at NBCI the previous November. An inmate was found dead in his cell on September 27, 2012, after an apparent strangulation. This led to the indictment of his cellmate on murder charges in January 2013. On December 8, 2011, an inmate was found unresponsive in his cell. His death was ruled a homicide by strangulation.
On Monday May 8, 2013, an inmate stabbed a correctional officer several times in the head, neck and upper torso at around 8:40am. Officials with the Maryland Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services said the officer, who is in his 30s and a four-year DPSCS veteran, was taken by ambulance to Western Maryland Regional Medical Center with non-life threatening injuries.
Notable inmates
Current
Anthony Grandison – drug dealer and murderer – formerly on death row.
Vernon Lee Evans – contract killer convicted of murdering two witnesses in 1983 – formerly on death row.
Jarrod Warren Ramos - perpetrator of the 2018 Capital Gazette shooting.
Adnan Masud Syed – convicted of the January 1999 murder of Hae Min Lee.
Eulalio Tordil – Homeland Security officer who killed three people and wounded three others in a 24-hour span in 2016.
Alexander Wayne Watson – serial killer convicted of four murders between 1986 and 1994.
In popular culture
NBCI has been featured on the television programs MegaStructures, Big, Bigger, Biggest, and Lockdown.
References
External links
North Branch Correctional Institution
Budget 2003 details on NBCI
Government buildings completed in 2003
Buildings and structures in Allegany County, Maryland
Capital punishment in Maryland
Prisons in Maryland
2003 establishments in Maryland |
4021156 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baby%20It%27s%20You | Baby It's You | "Baby It's You" is a song written by Burt Bacharach (music), Luther Dixon (credited as Barney Williams), and Mack David (lyrics). It was recorded by the Shirelles and the Beatles, and was a hit for both. The highest-charting version of "Baby It's You" was by the band Smith, who took the song to number five on the US charts in 1969.
The Shirelles' original version
The song was produced by Luther Dixon. When released as a single in 1961, it became a Top 10 smash on the Pop and R&B Charts, reached number three on the R&B chart and peaked at number eight on Billboard's Hot 100 chart. It later appeared on the album Baby It's You, named to capitalize upon the success of the single. The vocal arrangements on this version proved influential in subsequent versions, including that by the Beatles. One notable feature of the song is its minor-to-major key chord changes on the verses.
The Beatles' version
British rock band the Beatles performed "Baby It's You" as part of their stage act from 1961 until 1963, and recorded it on February 11, 1963 for their first album, Please Please Me, along with "Boys", another song by the Shirelles. American label Vee-Jay Records included it on Introducing... The Beatles and Songs, Pictures and Stories of the Fabulous Beatles. Capitol included it on The Early Beatles. The Beatles' version differs to the Shirelles' by repeating the second verse instead of the first.
A live version was released on Live at the BBC in 1994. On this version, Lennon does not repeat part of the second verse after the solo (as he did on the studio version), but repeats part of the first verse, which is the way the Shirelles sang the song. The song was issued as a CD single and a vinyl single in 1995 in both the UK and the US, the Beatles' first in nearly a decade. Both versions have four tracks, making it an EP instead of a regular issue single. The three additional tracks, while from BBC recordings, did not appear on Live at the BBC. Tracks 2 and 4 were later included on On Air – Live at the BBC Volume 2, but this recording of track 3 remains unique to this release. The single reached number seven in the UK and number 67 on the Billboard Hot 100.
1995 release track listing
"Baby It's You" (Bacharach/David/Williams) – 2:45
"I'll Follow the Sun" (Lennon–McCartney) – 1:51
"Devil in Her Heart" (Drapkin) – 2:23
"Boys" (Dixon/Farrell) – 2:29
Music video
A live music video was released in 1994 to promote the single. It consisted of a combination of the Beatles dancing and still photographs, and was later included on a DVD or Blu-ray that comes with the 2015 release 1+.
Personnel
John Lennon – vocals, rhythm guitar
Paul McCartney – bass, backing vocals
George Harrison – lead guitar, backing vocals
Ringo Starr – drums
George Martin – celesta
Norman Smith – engineer
Charts
Smith version
Smith's version appeared on their debut album, A Group Called Smith. The single was released on Dunhill Records (4206) in 1969. It was their first and most successful release. This version alters the traditional vocal arrangement as performed by the Shirelles and the Beatles in favor of a more belted, soulful vocal. The single hit number five on the Billboard Hot 100. The Smith version was used in Quentin Tarantino's Death Proof.
References
1961 songs
Songs with lyrics by Mack David
Songs with music by Burt Bacharach
The Shirelles songs
The Beatles songs
1961 singles
1969 singles
1995 singles
Oricon International Singles Chart number-one singles
Song recordings produced by George Martin
Scepter Records singles
Apple Records singles
Songs written by Luther Dixon |
4021159 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List%20of%20awards%20and%20nominations%20received%20by%20Selena | List of awards and nominations received by Selena | Selena was an American Tejano pop singer. She has been called the "Queen of Tejano music" by many media outlets including Entertainment Weekly, Billboard magazine, Los Angeles Magazine and Vibe. The singer had released eleven albums, six with her band Selena y Los Dinos and five without them: Mis Primeras Grabaciones (1984), Alpha (1986), Muñequito de Trapo (1987), And the Winner Is... (1987), Preciosa (1988), Dulce Amor (1988), Selena (1989), Ven Conmigo (1990), Entre a Mi Mundo (1992), Selena Live! (1993), Amor Prohibido (1994) and Dreaming of You (1995). They have sold more than 60 million copies worldwide. Her 10 award-winning songs include "Como La Flor", "Amor Prohibido", "Bidi Bidi Bom Bom", "Techno Cumbia", "Si Una Vez", "Tú Sólo Tú", "I Could Fall in Love", "Dreaming of You", "Siempre Hace Frio" and "No Quiero Saber".
Selena was nominated for 86 awards, with 67 wins. She won 36 Tejano Music Awards, 14 Billboard Latin Music Awards, 10 Lo Nuestro Awards, five BMI Awards and one award from the American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers. In 1995, she was inducted into the Billboard Latin Music Hall of Fame. The Spirit of Hope Award was created in Selena's honor in 1996, and was awarded to Latin artists who participated in humanitarian and civic causes. By 1998, Selena and Proyecto Uno were the first artists to have won a Billboard Latin Music Award in two different genres.
Awards and nominations
ASCAP
The American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP) honors its top members in a series of annual awards shows in seven different music categories: pop, rhythm and soul, film and television, Latin, country, Christian and concert music. Selena received one award from one nomination.
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|rowspan="1"| 1995 || "I Could Fall in Love" || Among Most Performed Song ||
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Bandamax Music Awards
The Bandamax Music Awards are a 24-hour cable television music channel owned by Televisa under Televisa Networks. It is available in Mexico, United States, and Latin America. This channel focuses on Mexican and Southern US group music: Banda, Duranguense, Norteña, and Mariachi. Selena has received 1 nomination.
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| 2015 || Selena || The Most Influential Artist on Social Media||
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|}
BMI Music Awards
Broadcast Music, Inc. (BMI) annually hosts award shows that honor the songwriters, composers and music publishers of the year's most-performed songs in the BMI catalog. Selena received all five awards that she was nominated for.
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|rowspan="4"| 1995 || "Amor Prohibido" || BMI Pop Music Award ||
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| "Bidi Bidi Bom Bom" || Most Performed Song of the Year ||
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| "No Me Queda Mas" || Song of the Year ||
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| "Dreaming of You" || Singles With Over a Million Airplay Impressions ||
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| 1996 || "Si Una Vez" || Song of the Year ||
|}
Billboard Latin Music Awards
The Billboard Latin Music Awards is an annual awards show broadcast on the television network Telemundo, honoring Latin artists. Selena received 14 awards from 16 nominations, and 3 pending nominations.
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|rowspan="4"| 1994 || Selena || Hot Latin Tracks, Artist of the Year ||
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| Amor Prohibido || Regional Mexican Album of the Year, Female ||
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| "Amor Prohibido" || Regional Mexican Song of the Year ||
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| "No Me Queda Mas" || Music Video of the Year ||
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| 1995 || Selena || Spirit of Hope Award ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1996 || Selena || Hot Latin Tracks Artist of the Year ||
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| "Tú Sólo Tú" || Regional Mexican Hot Latin Track of The Year ||
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| "Tú Sólo Tú" || Regional Mexican Hot Latin Video of The Year ||
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| Dreaming of You || Pop Album of the Year, Female ||
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| 2001 || All My Hits — Todos Mis Exitos Vol. 2 || Latin Greatest-Hit Album of the Year ||
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| 2002 || Live! The Last Concert || Pop album of the year, Female ||
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|rowspan="2"| 2011 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Digital Download Artist of the Year ||
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|rowspan="2"| 2016 || Selena || Top Latin Albums Artist of the Year, Female ||
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| Selena || Latin Pop Albums Artist of the Year, Solo ||
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|rowspan="3"| 2017 || Selena || Top Latin Albums Artist of the Year, Female ||
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| Selena || Latin Pop Albums Artist of the Year, Solo ||
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| Lo Mejor de... Selena || Latin Pop Album of the Year ||
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Billboard Mexican Music Awards
The Billboard Mexican Music Awards are awarded annually by the Billboard magazine in the United States. Selena has received one nomination.
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| 2013 || Selena || Digital Download Artist of the Year ||
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Grammy Awards
The Grammy Awards are awarded annually by the National Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences of the United States. Selena received two awards from four nominations.
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|1994 || Selena Live! || rowspan="2"|Best Mexican/American Album ||
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|1995 || Amor Prohibido ||
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| 2021 || Selena || rowspan="2"|Lifetime Achievement Award ||
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Hollywood walk of fame
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|2017
|Selena
|Hollywood Walk of Fame
|
|}
Lo Nuestro Awards
The Lo Nuestro Awards is an awards show honoring the best of Latin music, presented by television network Univision. Selena received 10 awards from 12 nominations.
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| 1992 || Selena || Regional Mexican Female Artist ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1993 || Selena || Regional Mexican Female Artist ||
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|Entre a Mi Mundo || Regional Mexican Album of the Year ||
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| "Como La Flor" || Regional Mexican Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1994 || Selena || Regional Mexican Female Artist ||
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| Selena Live! || Regional Mexican Album of the Year ||
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| "No Debes Jugar" || Regional Mexican Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1995 || Selena || Female Pop Artist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Regional Mexican Female Artist ||
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| Amor Prohibido || Regional Mexican Album of the Year ||
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| "Amor Prohibido" || Regional Mexican Song of the Year ||
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| 1996 || Selena || Special Tribute Artist of the Year ||
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Tejano Music Awards
Nominated for 48, Selena won 36 Tejano Music Awards, which are awarded annually in San Antonio, Texas, honoring Tejano acts.
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| 1986 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1987 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Most Promising Band of the Year ||
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| Alpha || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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| "Dame Un Beso" || Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1988 || Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| "Terco Corazon" || Song of the Year ||
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| And the Winner Is ... || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1989 || Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Dulce Amor || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1990 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Selena || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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| "Amame, Quiéreme" || Vocal Duo of the Year ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1991 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Ven Conmigo || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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|rowspan="3"| 1992 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| "La Carcacha" || Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1993 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Entre a Mi Mundo || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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| "Como La Flor" || Single of the Year ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1994 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Selena Live! || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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| "No Debes Jugar" || Single of the Year ||
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|rowspan="5"| 1995 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Amor Prohibido || Album of the Year – Orchestra ||
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| "Amor Prohibido" || Single of the Year ||
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| "Bidi Bidi Bom Bom" || Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="6"| 1996 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| Selena y Los Dinos || Showband of the Year ||
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| Dreaming of You || Album of the Year – Overall ||
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| "Tú Sólo Tú" || Song of the Year ||
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| "I Could Fall in Love" || Tejano Crossover Song of the Year ||
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|rowspan="4"| 1997 || Selena || Female Vocalist of the Year ||
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| Selena || Female Entertainer of the Year ||
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| "Siempre Hace Frio" || Song of the Year ||
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| "No Quiero Saber" || Tejano Crossover Song of the Year ||
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| 2001 || Selena || Lifetime Achievement Award ||
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|rowspan="3"| 2010 || Selena || Best Female Vocalist of the 1980s ||
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| Selena || Best Female Vocalist of the 1990s ||
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| "Bidi Bidi Bom Bom" || Best 1990s Song ||
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|}
References
Selena
Awards |
4021161 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eibingen%20Abbey | Eibingen Abbey | Eibingen Abbey (, full name: Benedictine Abbey of St. Hildegard) is a community of Benedictine nuns in Eibingen near Rüdesheim in Hesse, Germany. Founded by Hildegard of Bingen in 1165, it was dissolved in 1804, but restored, with new buildings, in 1904. The nuns produce wine and crafts. They sing regular services, which have been at times recorded. The church is also used as a concert venue. The abbey is a Rhine Gorge World Heritage Site.
History
The original community was founded in 1165 by Hildegard of Bingen. This was the second community founded by her. It was disestablished in 1804. After the Reichsdeputationshauptschluss (German mediatization), the land once owned by the convent became part of the domains of the prince of Nassau-Weilburg who, in 1831, even bought both the monastery and its church.
The community was reestablished by Charles, 6th Prince of Löwenstein-Wertheim-Rosenberg in 1904 and resettled from St. Gabriel's Abbey in Prague. The nunnery belongs to the Beuronese Congregation within the Benedictine Confederation. A new building was erected in Neo-Romanesque style. In 1941, the nuns were expelled by the Nazis; they were not able to return until 1945. In 1988, the sisters founded Marienrode Priory at Hildesheim, which became independent of Eibingen in 1998.
The nuns work in the vineyard and in the craft workshops, besides undertaking the traditional duties of hospitality. A visitor watched the nuns using GPS systems, computers and modern kitchen tools. They can be heard (but not seen) singing their regular services. The nuns have recorded their Vespers. A first recording was made in 1973 and contained only two works by Hildegard of Bingen, a Kyrie and O virga ac diadema. A second recording appeared in 1979, to remember the 800th anniversary of Hildegard's death, including the same pieces and antiphones, a hymn, a responsory and parts of Ordo virtutum. In 1989, a third recording appeared, conducted by P. Johannes Berchmans Göschl, a scholar of Gregorian chant. A reviewer of Gramophone noted about a 1998 recording: "These nuns are living the same life as that of Hildegard's community, singing daily the same Benedictine Office, breathing the same air and trying to capture the spirit of their great twelfth-century predecessor."
Abbesses
Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179), first abbess and founder of the community
From 1603 the abbesses held the title of "Abbess of Rupertsberg and Eibingen".
Kunigunde Frey von Dehrn, abbess around 1600
Anna Lerch von Dirmstein, abbess until 1666
Kunigunde Schütz von Holtzhausen, abbess from 1666 to 1669
Scholastica von Manteuffel, abbess from 1670
Maria Antonetta Mühl zu Ulmen, abbess from 1711
Philippine zu Guttenberg, last abbess from 1790 to 1804.
Since the re-establishment of the community in 1904:
Regintrudis Sauter, abbess from 1908 to 1955
Fortunata Fischer, abbess from 1955 to 1978
Edeltraut Forster, abbess from 1978 to 1998
Gisela Happ, prioress-administrator from 1998 to 2000
Clementia Killewald, abbess from 2000 to 2016
Dorothea Flandera, abbess from 2016
Heritage
The abbey is a Rhine Gorge World Heritage Site. The church has been used for concerts of the Rheingau Musik Festival, such as a "BachTrompetenGala" with organist Edgar Krapp and a concert with the New York Polyphony in 2014. The sculptor Karlheinz Oswald made in 1998 a life-size bronze statue called Hildegard of Bingen, with one copy in the Bingen museum, another in the garden in front of the abbey church.
References
External links
Hildegardisvesper Vespers from Eibingen Abbey, YouTube, 20 September 2011
The Hildegard of Bingen Trail in Germany spiritualtravels.info
Sites › Rüdesheim › Abbey St. Hildegard landderhildegard.de
Eibingen, Germany: Benedictine Abbey of Eibingen (Saint Hildegard of Bingen) thecatholictravelguide.com
Gregor Kollmorgen: St. Hildegard Abbey newliturgicalmovement.org 11 November 2010
Monasteries in Hesse
1160s establishments in the Holy Roman Empire
1165 establishments in Europe
Religious organizations established in the 1160s
Christian monasteries established in the 12th century
Benedictine nunneries in Germany
World Heritage Sites in Germany
Buildings and structures in Rheingau-Taunus-Kreis
Hildegard of Bingen |
4021162 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KCVI | KCVI | KCVI (101.5 FM, "K-Bear 101") is a commercial radio station in Idaho Falls, Idaho, broadcasting to the East Idaho area. KCVI airs an active rock music format. The station is owned and operated by Riverbend Communications.
Current on-air staff
Viktor Wilt
Phyllis
Peaches
Howie Rock
Lou Brutus
Jade Davis
Former on-air staff
Piper Phynnie
Ian
Brad Royal
References
External links
KCVI official website
CVI
Active rock radio stations in the United States |
4021165 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vlora%20War | Vlora War | The Vlora War or the War of 1920 ( or Lufta e Njëzetës; ) was a series of battles between Italian forces garrisoned throughout the Vlorë region of Albania (an Italian protectorate) and Albanian nationalists, who were divided into small groups of fighters. The war lasted three months until an armistice; it had great impact in the struggle of Albania for the safeguard of its territories while Albanian borders and future were discussed in the Paris Peace Conference. The Vlora War is seen as a turning point in the establishment of Albanian independence.
Background
Before entering the First World War as an ally of Triple Entente the Kingdom of Italy had signed the secret Treaty of London: Italy promised to declare war against Germany and Austria-Hungary within a month in exchange of some territorial gains at the end of the war. The promised territories of Albania to Italy were treated in Articles 6 and 7 of the treaty:
Article 6
Italy shall receive full sovereignty over Valona, the island of Saseno and surrounding territory....
Article 7
Having obtained the Trentino and Istria by Article 4, Dalmatia and the Adriatic islands by Article 5, and also the gulf of Valona, Italy undertakes, in the event a small, autonomous, and neutralized state being formed in Albania Italy not to oppose the possible desire of France, Great Britain, and Russia to repartition the northern and the southern districts of Albania between Montenegro, Serbia, and Greece. The southern coast of Albania, from the frontier of the Italian territory of Valona to Cape Stilos, is to be neutralized. The Italy will be conceded the right of concluding the foreign relations of Albania; in any case, Italy will be bound to secure for Albania a territory sufficiently extensive to enable its frontiers to join those of Greece and Serbia to the west of Lake Ochrida ..
In 1920 in allies in the Paris Peace Conference had still reached no decision on Albania's future, but Italy's claims to sovereignty over Vlorë had never been seriously challenged. Italian Prime Minister Francesco Saverio Nitti had also hoped to obtain a mandate over the rest of the country according to the secret Treaty of London.
Orders of battle
Albanian order of battle
Italian order of battle
Course of war
The war started on June 4, after Italian General Settimo Piacentini refused to hand over the Vlora district to the Albanian government. Albania had previously forced much of the Italian occupation to leave the country, but after demands by Ahmet Zogu, the then interior-minister of Albania, to continue the evacuation were rejected by Italy, the Albanians announced the establishment of the National Defense Committee under the leadership of Qazim Koculi and began to gather volunteers. Ahmet Lepenica became the commander in chief of the detachment consisting of around 4000 men. The Albanian insurgents were poorly armed and not everyone even carried a gun; some were armed with nothing but sticks and stones. In and around Vlora were around 25,000 Italian soldiers who were stationed in the area with artillery.
The Albanians engaged in fighting in the Vlora region and soon the rebels were bolstered by volunteers in the region. This increased the size of the force to upwards of 10,000 irregulars, which also included the Banda e Vatrës, an Albanian military band that was formed in the United States that travelled 23 days by boat from the US to Durrës. However during the course of warfare not more than 4,000 Albanians engaged. The advance of the Albanian troops as well as communist revolutionary movements and riots within the army in Italy made reinforcements to the Italian soldiers in Vlora impossible. Morale crumbled among the Italian soldiers barricaded inside Vlora, without orders and with malaria and communist agitation spreading among the ranks.
On August 2, 1920, the Albanian-Italian protocol was signed under which Italy would retreat from Albania. That ended Italian claims for Vlora and a mandate over Albania, rescuing the territory of the Albanian state from further partition. A ceasefire was announced on August 5, ending all Italo-Albanian hostilities.
Armistice
After three months of warfare, an armistice agreement was signed between the Italian and the Albanian governments. It had these main points:
The Italian Government completely acknowledged the independence, territorial integrity, and sovereignty of Albania, within the frontiers defined in 1913 by the Conference of Ambassadors in London.
The Italian government relinquished its protectorate proclaimed in 1917 and the occupation and administration of Vlorë and its hinterland, and renounced all claims against Albania and all interference in Albanian political affairs, and abandoned the idea of a mandate over the country.
The Italian government agreed to withdraw its war materials from Vlorë and its hinterland, to evacuate all its holdings on the Albanian mainland, and to repatriate at an early date the Italian troops actually stationed in Vlorë and on the littoral, and all its forces still remaining in other parts of Albanian territory with the exception of the garrison on the island of Sazan at the entrance of the Vlorë bay; Italy retained the permanent possession only of the island of Sazan, but remained in temporary occupation of Cape Linguetta and cape Treporti, both dominating Vlorë bay, with the right to fortify them; the detachment of troops at Shkodër was also to remain in that town.
There would take place an exchange of prisoners, the liberation of arrested persons under a general mutual amnesty, and the settlement of outstanding questions concerning the private interests of Albanian and Italian subjects.
It was the first diplomatic pact between Albania and a foreign power. Albania had used all its influence to obtain full and unreserved recognition by the Western powers of the independence of Albania within 1913 borders. Benito Mussolini described Italian failure at Vlora as "Albanian Caporetto".
References
Further reading
Akademia e Shkencave e RPSSH "Fjalori Enciklopedik Shqiptar", Tirana, 1985.
Pearson, Owen. Albania in the Twentieth Century: A History. Volume One. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2006 ().
Sette, Alessandro. From Paris to Vlorë. Italy and the Settlement of the Albanian Question (1919-1920), in The Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920) and Its Aftermath: Settlements, Problems and Perceptions, eds. S. Arhire, T. Rosu, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne, 2020.
Military history of Italy
Military history of Albania
Conflicts in 1920
1920 in Albania
Wars involving Albania
Wars involving Italy
Battle Of
Vlora
1920 in Italy |
4021168 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biotren | Biotren | The Biotren () is an at-grade urban commuter rail system that serves a large part of the city of Concepción, Chile, capital of the region of Bío-Bío, also known as Greater Concepción or Concepción Metropolitan Area, both synonyms of "city" according to the urbanistic standards and laws of Chile, of which this city is the second biggest, most populous and important of the country. Biotren connects the boroughs or comunas of Concepción Centro (downtown borough), Talcahuano, Hualpén, San Pedro de la Paz, Chiguayante and Hualqui. The system is managed by Ferrocarriles Suburbanos de Concepción S.A. (Fesub), which name comes from the former metrorail system of the city and is a subsidiary of Empresa de los Ferrocarriles del Estado (EFE), Chilean State Railways. Biotren is part of the Plan and Authority of Integrated Transit of Concepción, Biovías.
The system was partially inaugurated on 24 November 2005 in a ceremony that counted with the presence of the then President of Chile, Ricardo Lagos.
History
It began to fully operate in 2006 because during the year 2005 the railroad lines were being upgraded for the new system. The AEL and AES trains that the former system used were replaced by UT-440 MC(Modelo Concepcion) units that were specially upgraded for the city of Valencia, Spain by Renfe.
Architecture
Biotren stations or Bio Stations have a totally renewed architecture compared to the former system. The platforms have roofs and access for the handicapped. The fare is paid at the entrance and exit of the stations using a prepayment card called Biovías, with a deferred payment system according to the distance travelled. The card's recharge can be made in any station.
Rolling stock
The Empresa de Los Ferrocarriles del Estado (EFE) invested a total of US $16.800.000 for the trains used in the system.
The current fleet is composed of eight trains UT-440 Modelo Concepción of three wagons each, bought from the Red Nacional de Ferrocarriles Españoles (Spain State Railways, RENFE). The trains are painted orange and have 321 seats (20 folding seats) and a capacity of 590 passengers.
Lines
Line 1
Line 1: It crosses all Concepción from North to South, from "Mercado" Terminus Station (Port of Talcahuano) to "Hualqui" Terminus Station (Hualqui).
Bio Stations:
Mercado
El Arenal
Hospital Higueras
Los Cóndores
Universidad Técnica Federico Santa María
Lorenzo Arenas
Concepción
Chiguayante
Pedro Medina
Manquimávida
Leonera
Hualqui
Line 2
Line 2: It crosses the Bío-Bío river on the upgraded Puente Ferroviario (Railroad Bridge) Bío-Bío, the longest of its kind in Chile. The line starts, from downtown to west side, in the "Concepción" Exchange (or Intermodal) Station (Civic District, Concepción Centro) and ends in the "intermodal coronel" Terminus Station (comuna de coronel).
Bio Stations:
Concepción
Juan Pablo II
Diagonal Bío-Bío
Alborada
Costa Mar
El Parque
Lomas Coloradas
Cardenal Raúl Silva Henríquez
Hito Galvarino
Los Canelos
Huinca
Cristo Redentor
Laguna Quiñenco
Coronel
Exchange System
The Exchange or Intermodal Bio Stations have personal bicycle parking lockers for those who arrive by cycle paths (except for El Arenal) to take the Biotren and synchronization with combination buses called Biobuses.
See also
List of suburban and commuter rail systems
Metrotrén
References
External links
Plan and Authority of Integrated Transit of Concepción, Biovías.
Subsidiaries of EFE General information about Ferrocarriles Suburbanos de Concepción S.A.
Concepción, Chile
Rapid transit in Chile
Transport in Biobío Region
2005 establishments in Chile |
4021175 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winter%20Star%20Party | Winter Star Party | The Winter Star Party, aka WSP, is an annual convention of amateur astronomers where the primary activity is nighttime astronomical observation. This February event is run at Camp Wesumkee located on Scout Key in the Lower Florida Keys. It is hosted by the Southern Cross Astronomical Society of Miami, Florida.
Most attendees camp on site. BBC Sky at Night magazine rated WSP as one of the top 10 star parties in the world. WSP was first established in 1984 by Tippy D'Auria.
See also
List of astronomical societies
References
External links
Official Website: https://www.scas.org/winter-star-party/
Amateur astronomy organizations
Star parties
Florida culture
Science events in the United States
Annual events in Florida
1984 establishments in Florida |
4021176 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sudden%20Death%20%281995%20film%29 | Sudden Death (1995 film) | Sudden Death is a 1995 American sports action-thriller film directed by Peter Hyams and starring Jean-Claude Van Damme, Powers Boothe, and Dorian Harewood. The film was released in the United States on December 22, 1995. Set at the Pittsburgh Civic Arena, the film was written by Gene Quintano, based on a story by Karen Elise Baldwin, the wife of then-Pittsburgh Penguins owner Howard Baldwin, who was a co-producer. It was the second collaboration between Van Damme and Hyams, after Timecop (1994).
The film grossed $64 million at the box office on a $35 million budget and received mixed reviews at the time of its release, although retrospective reviews have been more positive and it is seen by many as one of Van Damme's best.
Plot
Darren McCord is a French Canadian-born firefighter for the Pittsburgh Bureau of Fire now serving as the fire marshal for the Pittsburgh Civic Arena, after being unable to save a young girl from a house fire two years prior. During the 1995 Stanley Cup Finals between the Pittsburgh Penguins and the Chicago Blackhawks (a fictional rematch of the 1992 Stanley Cup Finals), a group of terrorists take the Vice President of the United States and several other VIPs hostage in a luxury suite. Former CIA operative Joshua Foss has the arena wired with explosives, and plans to blow it up at the end of the game, while having hundreds of millions of dollars wired into several off shore accounts.
Darren takes his son Tyler and daughter Emily to Game 7 of the Stanley Cup Finals as a birthday gift for Tyler. A spat between brother and sister causes Emily to run off before getting kidnapped by Carla, the sole female member of the terrorists (who is disguised as the local mascot Iceburgh after killing the original performer). Carla places Emily in the suite with the other hostages about to be executed. Not wanting his son to go missing, Darren orders Tyler to stay in his seat while he goes searching for Emily. Carla is about to kill Darren, but he evades her attacks in a fight and kills her. Afterward, Darren asks for a security guard's help, but the guard is another terrorist in disguise and reveals their criminal operation before being killed by Darren. Now aware of the situation, Darren finds a mobile phone in the executive offices and uses it to contact Secret Service Agent Matthew Hallmark; Hallmark advises Darren to stand by while the agents take charge. He angrily refuses, saying that he will handle this himself.
The Secret Service and the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police team up to surround the arena and a standoff ensues. Meanwhile, Darren manages to find and disarm a few of the bombs (as well as killing and evading a few of Foss' men), whilst Foss himself kills several hostages after the end of the first and second periods. Hallmark finally makes his way inside and meets Darren, who explains where the rest of the bombs are most likely located. Hallmark is revealed to be in league with Foss, and tries to kidnap Tyler, but fails. Hallmark then reveals his true self to Darren, who sets him on fire and ultimately kills him. Darren then uses Hallmark's phone to contact Foss, who taunts that he is holding his daughter captive.
As time ticks down, Darren disables more bombs, but is severely slowed by confrontations with Foss' men. At one point, Darren, dressed as the Pittsburgh goalie to escape the thugs, enters the game and successfully defends a shot on goal. As the third period runs down, Luc Robitaille scores the game-tying goal for Pittsburgh in the last second, prompting sudden death overtime and prolonging the game. Deciding that there's no time left to find the remaining bombs, Darren climbs to the roof of the arena. He fights off two of Foss' henchmen; one of them falls onto the score display, blowing it up. As the arena erupts into chaos, Darren advances upon the owner's box from above and forces his way in, rescuing Emily, the Vice President and the remaining hostages. Darren and Emily reunite with Tyler and set out to leave the arena.
Foss manages to escape and blend in with the panicking crowd. He sets off one of the bombs, flooding part of the arena, and recaptures Emily when she recognizes him. They head towards the top of the arena, where a helicopter is waiting to lift Foss away. Darren intervenes and saves his daughter before Foss could shoot her. As Foss attempts to flee, Darren shoots the pilot, causing the chopper to stall and fall into the arena, sending a screaming Foss to his death as the chopper explodes on impact with the ice.
Darren is led to an awaiting Pittsburgh Bureau of EMS medic unit while his children tell the paramedics of his heroism. As a contented Darren is loaded into the ambulance, it is presumed that he was restored back to his position.
Cast
Jean-Claude Van Damme as Darren Francis Thomas McCord, a former Pittsburgh firefighter who now works as a fire marshal at the Pittsburgh Civic Arena
Powers Boothe as Joshua Foss, a Secret Service agent and mastermind of the terrorists
Raymond J. Barry as U.S. Vice President Daniel Binder
Whittni Wright as Emily McCord, Darren's daughter
Ross Malinger as Tyler McCord, Darren's son
Dorian Harewood as Matthew Hallmark, a Secret Service agent in charge of the vice-president's protection detail; later revealed to be Foss's second-in-command
Kate McNeil as Kathi McCord, Darren's ex-wife
Jennifer D. Bowser as Joan Cometti, the woman who normally plays Iceburgh
Michael Gaston as Hickey, Foss's computer hacker
Paul Mochnick as Andrew Ferrara, chef for the Pittsburgh Civic Arena
Audra Lindley as Angeline Ferrara, Andrew's wife
Brian Delate as Thomas Blair, Secret Service agent taken hostage
Faith Minton as Carla, Foss's only henchwoman disguised as the Pittsburgh Penguins mascot
Jack Erdie as Scratch, one of Foss' henchmen
Bernard Canepari as Jefferson, the Penguins' equipment manager
Jophery Brown as Wootton, one of Foss' henchmen
Manny Perry as Brody, one of Foss' henchmen
Steve Aranson as Dooley, in charge of the arena's big board
Michael R. Aubele as Ace
Bill Dalzell as George Spota, head of security for the Pittsburgh Civic Arena
Ed Evanko as Baldwin, one of the team owners taken hostage by the villains
Jeff Habberstad as Lewis, one of Foss' henchmen
John Hateley as Briggs, one of Foss' henchmen
Kane Hodder as Murphy
Jeff Howell as Usborn
Fred Mancuso as Billy Pratt, Foss's henchmen
Brad Moniz as Toowey, one of Foss's henchmen
Brian Smrz as Demsky
Milton E. Thompson as Sergeant Kurtz, a Chicago PD dispatch officer
Fred Waugh as Bluto, one of Foss's henchmen
Dean E. Wells as Kloner, one of Foss' henchmen
Raymond Laine as Mullard
Thomas Saccio as Foss's Helicopter Pilot
Brian Hutchison as Young Secret Service Agent
Hockey figures
Jay Caufield as Brad Tolliver
Bill Clement as Pre-game announcer
Cleveland Lumberjacks players as Chicago Blackhawks players
Ian Moran as Chris Chelios
Jeff Jimerson as Himself (credited "Anthem Singer")
Mike Lange as Himself (credited "Play-by-Play Announcer")
Luc Robitaille as Himself
Paul Steigerwald as Himself (credited "Color Commentator")
Markus Näslund as Himself (uncredited)
Bernie Nicholls as Himself (uncredited)
Ken Wregget as Himself (uncredited)
John Barbero as PA Announcer (uncredited)
Mark Kachowski as Himself
Production
Development and writing
Sudden Death was based on a spec script by Gene Quintano called Arena.
Howard Baldwin, chairman of the Pittsburgh Penguins, was one of the film's backers. He had a two-year deal with Universal. Baldwin wanted to use footage from the October 1 game opener between Pittsburgh and Chicago, but the game was delayed due to a lockout. He arranged an exhibition game, but the players from Pittsburgh and Chicago apparently did not display the correct intensity. So they arranged another game involving players from the Johnstown Chiefs and Wheeling Thunderbirds of the East Coast Hockey League (now ECHL). Crowd shots were done over one night using between 2,000 and 3,000 extras, plus cardboard cut outs to make the stadium seem like 17,000.
Filming
Sudden Death was filmed in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, where it is set, and Middletown, New York, in 98 days between August 29 and December 7, 1994. Parts were filmed at the then-unopened and now closed Veterans Hospital in Aspinwall, Pennsylvania.
The final helicopter crash was filmed with a 400 ft crane that could pick up and lower the helicopter into the arena. Nine cameras recorded the event, which was filmed several times, and hundreds of emergency vehicles were on standby in case of an accident.
Reception
Box office
Sudden Death opened in the United States on the weekend of December 22, 1995, in eighth place, making $4,782,445 at 1681 theaters, with a poor $2,845 per screen average, and a $20,350,171 final tally. Internationally it fared better, with a worldwide gross of nearly $64 million. In other countries, it made close to 50 million in profit with video sales.
Critical response
On Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 50% based on 36 reviews, with an average rating of 5.11/10. The website's consensus states "Sudden Death may not be a classic, but exciting set pieces and strong work from Jean-Claude Van Damme help this action thriller pay off part of its Die Hard debt." Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "B+" on an A+ to F scale.
Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave the film two and half stars out of four and stated that, "Sudden Death isn't about common sense. It's about the manipulation of action and special-effects sequences to create a thriller effect, and at that it's pretty good."
Kevin Thomas of the Los Angeles Times called it "A treat for Jean-Claude Van Damme fans, a superior action thriller loaded with jaw-dropping stunts and special effects, and strong in production values."
XTV Guide gave it 2 out of 4 calling it "Good clean fun, with just the right ratio of explosions to dialogue."
Bruce Fretts of Entertainment Weekly said the film wants to be a "comical Die Hard knockoff" but criticizes the director for the "inept editing and a plodding pace". He gave it a D− grade.
In 2013 Den of Geek included it at 5 in a list of the Top 10 Van Damme movies.
In 2022, Lloyd Farley from Collider included Sudden Death in a list of the best movies of Van Damme.
Novelization
The novelization of the film was written by American writer Stephen Mertz. The audio book is read by Powers Boothe.
Remake
On August 20, 2019, it was reported that a remake titled Welcome to Sudden Death was in production from both Universal 1440 and Netflix, originally set for a June 2020 release date. The film stars Michael Jai White and Gary Owen in a more comedic take on the material. It was released on September 29, 2020, to mostly negative reviews.
References
External links
Pittsburgh Hockey.net Sudden Death (1995)
1995 films
1995 action thriller films
American action thriller films
American films
1990s English-language films
Fictional portrayals of the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police
Films about terrorism in the United States
Films directed by Peter Hyams
Films set in 1995
Films set in Pittsburgh
Films shot in New York (state)
Films shot in Pittsburgh
Films about firefighting
American ice hockey films
Pittsburgh Penguins
Sports in Pittsburgh
Universal Pictures films
Films scored by John Debney
Films with screenplays by Gene Quintano |
4021180 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KFTZ | KFTZ | KFTZ (103.3 MHz, "Z103") is a Top-40 (CHR) radio station located in Idaho Falls, Idaho. It is licensed, owned and operated by Riverbend Communications.
References
External links
FTZ
Contemporary hit radio stations in the United States |
4021184 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vitality | Vitality | Vitality (, , ) is the capacity to live, grow, or develop. More simply it is the property of having life. The perception of vitality is regarded as a basic psychological drive and, in philosophy, a component to the will to live. As such, people seek to maximize their vitality or their experience of vitality—that which corresponds to an enhanced physiological capacity and mental state.
Overview
The pursuit and maintenance of health and vitality have been at the forefront of medicine and natural philosophy throughout history. Life depends upon various biological processes known as vital processes. As such, vitality is also the characteristic distinction of living from non-living things.
Historically, these vital processes have been viewed as having either mechanistic or non-mechanistic causes. The latter of which is characteristic of vitalism, the doctrine that the phenomena of life cannot be explained by purely chemical and physical mechanisms.
Prior to the 19th century, theoreticians often held that human lifespan had been less limited in the past, and that aging was due to a loss of, and failure to maintain, vitality.
A commonly held view was that people are born with finite vitality, which diminishes over time until illness and debility set in, and finally death.
Religion
In traditional cultures, the capacity for life is often directly equated with the or . This can be found in the Hindu concept , where vitality in the body derives from a subtle principle in the air and in food, as well as in Hebrew and ancient Greek texts.
Jainism
See also
Jīvitindriya
Urban vitality
Vitalism
References
Jain philosophical concepts
Natural philosophy
Philosophy of life
Quality of life |
4021186 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marienrode%20Priory | Marienrode Priory | Marienrode Priory is a Benedictine nunnery in Marienrode, a district of Hildesheim in Germany.
An Augustinian monastery was founded here in 1125 by the Bishop of Hildesheim, Berthold I von Alvensleben, in a place then known as Baccenrode. It lasted until 1259. The site was re-settled later, at first by Augustinians and afterwards as a Cistercian monastery. The Cistercians gave the community its current name of Marienrode which has officially been used since 1439. The foundation stone of the present church was laid in 1412. The church was built in gothic style with three naves and completed in 1462. The Baroque ridge turret was added in the 18th century. In the church, there are two noteworthy baroque altars dating from 1750 approximately and a gothic sandstone sculpture of Saint Mary which was made in 1460. The organ dates from the middle of the 18th century. Most of the present buildings of the monastery consisting of sandstone were built in the 18th century. In the inner court there is a noteworthy pigeon tower. After the secularization of 1806, the monastery was used as a farm until 1987.
A small chapel of the priory, Saint Cosmas and Damian, which was built in 1792 was converted into a small Protestant church in 1830. It is not only used by the Protestants living in Marienrode, but also by those from Neuhof and Hildesheimer Wald, two districts of Hildesheim which do not have churches. The altar dates from 1835 and the organ from the end of the 18th century. According to Cistercian tradition, the chapel has a ridge turret instead of a tower.
From 1983, the new Bishop of Hildesheim, Josef Homeyer, was active in the re-establishment of monastic houses. As a result, Marienrode Priory was re-settled by ten Benedictine nuns from Eibingen Abbey on 5 May 1988. Since 1998, Marienrode has been an independent priory within the Beuronese Congregation.
Around the priory, a small village (Marienrode) developed which was incorporated into Hildesheim in 1974. The former village school which was operated by the priory was built in 1716. The windmill of Marienrode was built in 1839 and used as such until 1939. From the village it can be reached through a tree-lined avenue consisting of 200-year-old lindens, with a historic pavement. The large fishpond in the South of the village was laid out by the Cistercians in the Middle Ages.
Sources
Segers-Glocke, Christiane: Baudenkmale in Niedersachsen, Band 1.4 - Hildesheim, p. 260-269. Hameln 2007.
External links
Marienrode Priory Website
Website of St. Hildegard's Abbey
1120s establishments in the Holy Roman Empire
1125 establishments in Europe
Religious organizations established in the 1120s
Christian organizations established in 1988
Buildings and structures in Hildesheim
Monasteries in Lower Saxony
Christian monasteries established in the 12th century
Benedictine nunneries in Germany
Buildings and structures in Hildesheim (district) |
4021188 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chromosome%20microdissection | Chromosome microdissection | Chromosome microdissection is a technique that physically removes a large section of DNA from a complete chromosome. The smallest portion of DNA that can be isolated using this method comprises 10 million base pairs - hundreds or thousands of individual genes.
Scientists who study chromosomes are known as cytogeneticists. They are able to identify each chromosome based on its unique pattern of dark and light bands. Certain abnormalities, however, cause chromosomes to have unusual banding patterns. For example, one chromosome may have a piece of another chromosome inserted within it, creating extra bands. Or, a portion of a chromosome may be repeated over and over again, resulting in an unusually wide, dark band (known as a homogeneously staining region). Some chromosomal aberrations have been linked to cancer and inherited genetic disorders, and the chromosomes of many tumor cells exhibit irregular bands. To understand more about what causes these conditions, scientists hope to determine which genes and DNA sequences are located near these unusual bands. Chromosome microdissection is a specialized way of isolating these regions by removing the DNA from the band and making that DNA available for further study.
To prepare cells for chromosome microdissection, a scientist first treats them with a chemical that forces them into metaphase: a phase of the cell's life-cycle where the chromosomes are tightly coiled and highly visible. Next, the cells are dropped onto a microscope slide so that the nucleus, which holds all of the genetic material together, breaks apart and releases the chromosomes onto the slide. Then, under a microscope, the scientist locates the specific band of interest, and, using a very fine needle, tears that band away from the rest of the chromosome. The researcher next produces multiple copies of the isolated DNA using a procedure called PCR (polymerase chain reaction). The scientist uses these copies to study the DNA from the unusual region of the chromosome in question.
References
Scalenghe F, Turco E, Edstrom JE, Pirrotta V, Melli M.: Microdissection and cloning of DNA from a specific region of Drosophila melanogaster polytene chromosomes. Chromosoma. 1981;82(2):205-16.
External links
National Institutes of Health
National Institutes of Health Laser Microdissection Core Facility
Applied genetics |
4021193 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NBCI | NBCI | NBCI may refer to:
National Bureau of Criminal Investigation, the detective branch of the Irish Garda (police)
North Branch Correctional Institution, a prison in Maryland, USA
NBC Interactive, a one-time web portal (nbci.com) operated by American television network NBC - Part of it was Xoom.com |
4021194 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saracinesca | Saracinesca | Saracinesca is a novel by F. Marion Crawford, first published as a serial in Blackwood's Magazine and then as a book in New York (Macmillan) and Edinburgh (Blackwood) in 1887. Set chiefly in Rome of twenty years earlier, the novel paints a rich picture of the period, detailing the spiritual and economic problems of the aristocracy at a time when its influence and status were under attack from the emerging forces of modernity. This romance tells the tale of Giovanni Saracinesca and his courting of Corona d'Astradente, complete with intrigue and sword fights (Crawford was an expert fencer). It can be categorized as a work of historical fiction in that it relates a time when the author was only a child, and also in the sense that the particulars of that time and place are carefully delineated. In a sense, Crawford had been researching for this book all his life: his parents had witnessed the brief 1848 revolution, and his cousin, in her memoirs of Crawford, insisted that "[t]here is little doubt that Crawford as a boy had heard first-hand descriptions of [the] exciting events" of the 1860s.
Saracinesca proved to be both an immediate hit and Crawford's greatest critical success. It was also a commercial triumph: he negotiated separate contracts for the serial printing and the simultaneous American and British publication, as well as future royalties. He followed it with two brilliant sequels, Sant' Ilario and Don Orsino, the three of which are usually considered a trilogy. Subsequent sequels, such as Corleone, continue the saga of Saracinesca family, but with a diversion from the previous focus on the drama and status of family members into heavily plotted, incident-heavy melodrama. Characters from Saracinesca and its sequels also appear in A Lady of Rome (1906) and The White Sister (1909).
Crawford, though an American by parentage and citizenship, was born in the Italian resort of Bagni de Lucca, spent most of his life abroad, and wrote Saracinesca while living in Sant' Agnello di Sorrento, Italy.
References
John Pilkington, Jr. (1964): Francis Marion Crawford, Twayne Publishers Inc. (Library of Congress Catalog Number: 64-20717)
Maud Howe Elliott (1934): My Cousin, F. Marion Crawford, The Macmillan Company
John Charles Moran (1981) : An F. Marion Crawford Companion, Greenwood Press
External links
1887 American novels
Works originally published in Blackwood's Magazine
Novels first published in serial form
Novels set in Rome
Fiction set in the 1860s
Novels by Francis Marion Crawford |
4021197 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/County%20Route%20577%20%28New%20Jersey%29 | County Route 577 (New Jersey) | County Route 577 (CR 577) is a county highway in the U.S. state of New Jersey. The highway extends from CR 509 in Westfield to Route 23 and Bloomfield Avenue (CR 506) in Verona.
Route description
CR 577 begins at the intersection of Springfield Avenue and East Broad Street (both part of CR 509) in the northern reaches of Westfield. The county road first heads northwest on Springfield Avenue but then curves to the north-northeast. After passing mostly residential neighborhoods, it passes the entrance to the Echo Lake Country Club. The road crosses the Nomahegan Brook and crosses partially into Mountainside then fully into Springfield Township where it passes businesses and apartment complexes. After an interchange with U.S. Route 22 (US 22), CR 577 proceeds further into Springfield Township passing houses, schools, and small businesses. The road name changes to Meisel Avenue and then approaches a complex intersection with Route 82 (its western terminus) and Route 124, both of which carry Morris Avenue. CR 577 has a brief concurrency with Route 124 through the traffic circle-like intersection where Maple Avenue carries the nominal route northbound while Meisel Avenue carries the southbound traffic.
From this intersection, the route heads north as two-lane undivided Main Street. After crossing over Interstate 78 (I-78), the road enters Millburn, Essex County where the road becomes municipally maintained. The road runs through suburban residential developments. In Millburn, CR 577 reaches a junction with CR 527, at which point the route turns east onto a one-way pair that is county maintained. Northbound CR 577 follows three-lane Millburn Avenue and southbound CR 577 follows two-lane Essex Avenue on this pairing, which passes through the commercial downtown of Millburn. At the end of the one-way pair, the route becomes four-lane undivided Millburn Avenue and continues east through a mix of homes and businesses. At the Wyoming Avenue intersection, CR 577 turns northeast onto that road while CR 630 continues along Millburn Avenue.
Wyoming Avenue, which is a two-lane road, carries the route over New Jersey Transit’s Morristown Line and into wooded residential neighborhoods a short distance to the east of the South Mountain Reservation. The road continues through Maplewood before crossing into South Orange, where it reaches CR 510. At this point, CR 577 turns east to form a brief concurrency with CR 510, which is four-lane South Orange Avenue. Upon splitting from that route, CR 577 continues northeast on two-lane Wyoming Avenue. The road enters West Orange and becomes Gregory Avenue. Here, the route crosses CR 508 prior to reaching the CR 660 junction.
At CR 660, CR 577 turns north onto Mt. Pleasant Avenue and crosses First Watchung Mountain as the road makes a turn to the west. This road is four lanes at first, soon narrowing to two lanes. After crossing the mountain, the route intersects Prospect Avenue, which it turns north onto. At this intersection, Prospect Avenue heads south as CR 677 while Mt. Pleasant Avenue continues west as Route 10. Along Prospect Avenue, CR 577 is a two-lane undivided road that turns into a four-lane divided highway as it passes through commercial areas. The route comes to an interchange with I-280 and becomes a five-lane undivided road past that point, with three northbound lanes and two southbound lanes. At the CR 611 intersection, CR 577 becomes three lanes with two lanes southbound and one lane northbound The road runs between homes and the Montclair Golf Course to the west and the Eagle Rock Reservation to the east before becoming two lanes and crossing into Verona. In Verona, CR 577 passes residences before reaching its end at an intersection with CR 506. Past this intersection, the road continues north as Route 23.
History
A spur route, County Route 577 Spur, existed, which is now Essex County Route 677, however some newer signage along the road has brought back the CR 577 Spur designation.
The portion of CR 577 south of Route 124 was previously part of CR 509 Spur. Though the CR 509 Spur designation was officially designated on this section by the state until 2019, CR 577 signage appeared on this section of road prior to then.
Major intersections
See also
References
External links
577
577
577 |
4021200 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joe%20Sestak | Joe Sestak | Joseph Ambrose Sestak Jr. (born December 12, 1951) is an American politician and retired U.S. Navy officer. A member of the Democratic Party, he represented in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2007 to 2011 and was the Democratic nominee for the United States Senate in 2010. A three-star vice admiral, he was the highest-ranking military official ever elected to the United States Congress at the time of his election. He was a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in the 2020 election, launching his campaign on June 23, 2019 and ending it on December 1, 2019, subsequently endorsing Amy Klobuchar.
Graduating second in his class at the United States Naval Academy, Sestak served in the United States Navy for over 31 years and rose to the rank of three-star admiral. He served as the Director for Defense Policy on the National Security Council staff under President Bill Clinton and held a series of operational commands, including commanding the USS George Washington carrier strike group during combat operations in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean in 2002.
Sestak was elected to the House of Representatives in 2006 in a heavily Republican district, and reelected in 2008 by a 20% margin. He declined to run for reelection in 2010, instead running for the Senate. In the Democratic primary he defeated incumbent Senator Arlen Specter, in office since 1981, 54% to 46%, but lost the general election to Republican nominee Pat Toomey in a close race. Sestak sought a rematch with Toomey in the 2016 election, but lost the primary to Katie McGinty by just under ten points, in the closest and costliest Senate primary of the 2016 cycle, while facing opposition from prominent Democrats.
Sestak then became president of FIRST Global, a nonprofit with the objective of promoting STEM education that brought high-school age teams from 157 countries to Washington, D.C., for the inaugural robotics Olympics.
Early life, education and early career
Sestak was born in Secane, Pennsylvania, the son of Kathleen L. (Schlichte) and Joseph Ambrose Sestak His grandfather Martin Šesták came to America from the Slovak village of Dolné Lovčice in 1922, after World War I, while his father, Joseph Sr., was sent to join Martin in America in 1924. Sestak's father graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1942, and then fought in both the Atlantic and the Pacific during World War II, attaining the rank of captain. He continued his service after the war as an engineering officer at the Philadelphia Naval Shipyard.
Sestak attended Cardinal O'Hara High School in Springfield, Pennsylvania, where his mother worked as a math teacher. He was deeply inspired by his father and has recalled the time his father spent five hours fixing the family car in the freezing cold of a Philadelphia winter:
I remember going to the window and watching him. And the admiration that I had—just that strong determination of his. Never give in.
Following in his father's footsteps, Sestak was accepted into the U.S. Naval Academy immediately after graduating from high school, during the Vietnam War. In 1974 Sestak graduated second in his class of over 900 midshipmen, with a Bachelor of Science degree in American political systems. Between tours at sea he earned a Master of Public Administration and a Ph.D. in political economy and government from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in 1980 and 1984, respectively.
Naval career
As a surface warfare officer Sestak served division officer tours as damage control assistant, combat information center officer and weapons officer on the guided missile destroyer USS Richard E. Byrd, and later as weapons officer on the guided missile destroyer USS Hoel. He then served as aide and flag lieutenant to the admiral in charge of United States Navy surface forces in the Pacific.
In January 1986 Sestak became executive officer of the guided missile frigate USS Underwood and was instrumental in the Underwood's winning the coveted battle E and the Battenberg Cup (awarded to the best ship in the Atlantic fleet). He then served in the Politico-Military Assessment Division of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. On August 30, 1991, Sestak took command of the guided missile frigate USS Samuel B. Roberts, which was named the Atlantic Fleet's best surface combatant in the 1993 Battenberg Cup competition.
In July 1993 Sestak became the head of the Strategy and Concepts Branch in the office of the Chief of Naval Operations. From November 1994 to March 1997 he was the Director for Defense Policy on the National Security Council staff at the White House, where he was responsible for the Clinton Administration's national security strategy, policies, programs, inter-agency and congressional coordination and regional political-military advice. In May 1997 he became the commander of Destroyer Squadron 14.
Sestak then directed the CNO's Strategy and Policy Division (N51), and led the navy's efforts toward the 2000 Quadrennial Defense Review, for which he analyzed military strategic requirements and the economic value of U.S. defense spending. After the September 11 attacks he became the first director of the Navy Operations Group (Deep Blue), the navy's strategic anti-terrorism unit, which sought to redefine strategic, operational and budgetary policies in the Global War on Terrorism, reporting directly to the Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) Admiral Vern Clark. In 2002 Sestak assumed command of the George Washington Aircraft Carrier Battle Group of 10 U.S. ships and 10,000 sailors, SEALs, marines, and 100 aircraft. He integrated it with a coalition of 20 allied ships and 5,000 sailors. It conducted combat operations in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Sestak became the director of the CNO's Analysis Group, again reporting directly to CNO Clark as policy adviser and administrator, where he directed independent analysis on strategy, warfare requirements, and resources for the CNO outside of the normal bureaucratic process of the Navy staff. Under Clark, Sestak worked to rein in military spending by maximizing fleet efficiency. In 2004 he was appointed Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for Warfare Requirements and Programs (N6/N7), where he implemented his ideas and analyses in the Navy's $350 billion Five Year Defense Plan to transform the Navy from a less effective, expensive platform-centric force structure to a more effective capabilities-based force posture with cyber and sensors. It resulted in a shipbuilding plan that departed from the traditional goal for a 375-ship level to one as low as 260.
On September 11, 2001, Sestak was on duty at the Pentagon, leaving the building moments before it was attacked.
In 2005, Sestak pushed to add a second aircraft carrier in the Pacific to support allies, deter challenges from China, and be closer to potential hot spots such as the Koreas and the Taiwan Strait, saying, "if you don’t have the speed to get to the conflict when you really need to be there, you’re interesting, but irrelevant."
Controversy over reassignment
In the summer of 2005, after CNO Clark retired, Sestak was administratively removed from his position as Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for Warfare Requirements and Programs (N6/N7), a three-star position. His removal was one of the first changes made by Admiral Michael Mullen when he took over as the new Chief of Naval Operations in July 2005, according to Navy Times.
Sestak was reassigned as a Special Assistant to the Vice Chief of Naval Operations, and then opted to retire when his three-year-old daughter was diagnosed with malignant brain cancer. Controversy ensued over his departure: it was reported that he was pushed out because he "ruffled feathers" within the Bush Administration and came into conflict with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld over Sestak's advocacy for spending cuts; Sestak's plan to change the Navy's force structure goals from 375 to as low as 260 by commanding the new emerging capability of cyberspace was controversial.
100 senior and junior officers as well as enlisted personnel who served with Sestak later signed a letter supporting him as "a leader of the highest caliber, a man of tremendous character, and a military officer of uncommon compassion."
In an investigative report by The Philadelphia Inquirer, Chief of Naval Operations Vern Clark said of Sestak:
He did what I asked him to do; I wanted straight talk, and this put him in the cross-hairs. People are going to say what they want to say, but [Sestak] challenged people who did not want to be challenged. The guy is courageous, a patriot's patriot.
Clark told that Associated Press that Sestak "was an incredible officer, the best I've ever seen. Incredible moral courage, the courage to take the independent stand. When everybody else was saying, 'This is what we ought to do,' he would stand up and say, 'I don't see it that way.'" Of Sestak's reassignment by Mullen, Clark told The New York Times, "I put him in that environment where he was in a position to create enemies," adding, "I should have given him better top cover."
After Sestak retired from the United States Navy, his daughter made a full recovery from cancer. He retired as a two-star admiral, not having maintained the rank of three-star admiral long enough to retain it in retirement.
Military decorations
Sestak's decorations include the Defense Distinguished Service Medal, Defense Superior Service Medal, two Legion of Merit awards, two Meritorious Service Medals, Joint Service Commendation Medal, three Navy Commendation Medals and the Navy Achievement Medal.
U.S. House of Representatives
Elections
2006
In 2006, with his daughter's recovery going smoothly, Sestak was motivated to run for Congress by the benefits he received under the United States Military's TRICARE health care program, which gave his daughter the care she needed to treat her brain tumor. Sestak stated that, during his travels to find the best treatment for his daughter, he saw children who did not have the same quality of care, or could not afford the necessary care. Sestak made health-care reform a pillar of his campaign in hopes of giving everyone the same care his family had. He called his congressional service a continuation of his military service, "paying back" the country that took care of his daughter.
Sestak began laying the groundwork for a Congressional run in the 7th district, his home district in Pennsylvania, as a Democrat. He was then told he had to first receive the endorsement of the "DCCC". Sestak first thought this meant his hometown's Delaware County Community College, but he was eventually steered toward the correct DCCC, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, and informed its head, Rahm Emanuel, of his candidacy. Emanuel told Sestak he was not ready for to run in a district where registered Republicans outnumbered Democrats 2:1. Sestak decided to run anyway and turned to his brother, Richard, and sisters, Elizabeth and Margaret, who served as his campaign manager, top fundraiser and treasurer, respectively. Sestak challenged ten-term Republican incumbent Curt Weldon in the race, and proved a capable fundraiser. In the second quarter of 2006, he raised $704,000 to Weldon's $692,000; in the third, $1.14 million to $912,000. As of September 30, 2006, Sestak had $1.53 million cash on hand, while Weldon had $1.12 million in the bank after making a $500,000 TV ad buy that had not started as of the close of the third quarter. Sestak received campaign donations from people around the world, including performer Jimmy Buffett, John Grisham, Bill and Hillary Clinton, and many Naval officers.
A late September 2006 poll showed Sestak and Weldon locked in a statistical dead heat. Sestak led Weldon 44-43 among likely voters in a Franklin & Marshall College Keystone Poll released September 29. The poll also found that 49% of registered voters in the district felt it was time for change in the district and only 37% said Weldon deserved reelection. The numbers suggested Sestak had seriously eroded Weldon's previous lead; an April 2006 poll conducted by the pro-Democratic Party organization Democracy Corps had Weldon leading 51% to 41%. On October 6 the nonpartisan Cook Political Report moved the race from "Lean Republican" to "Toss Up". An October 8–10 survey by nonpartisan pollster Constituent Dynamics put Sestak ahead 51–44. On October 13 CQPolitics moved the race from "Leans Republican" to "No Clear Favorite". The race remained a dead heat until late October, when FBI special agents raided the homes of Weldon's daughter and a close friend in connection with a federal corruption probe (neither has ever been charged with a crime). Sestak won by 13 points.
Sestak became the second Democrat to represent the 7th since 1939, and the first since Bob Edgar gave up the seat after six terms to run for Senate. Weldon succeeded him and had held the seat since. The district had historically been a classic Rockefeller Republican area, but had become more competitive at the national level since the 1990s. It had gone Democratic in every presidential election since 1992, even as Weldon never faced a close contest before 2006.
The race was in the national spotlight, as it was profiled in Time magazine as the harbinger of the national political climate of the 2006 elections and the most-watched swing district in the country.
2008
In 2008, Sestak faced Republican nominee Wendell Craig Williams, a U.S. Marine and attorney. Sestak defeated him by a 20-point margin (59.6% to 40.4%), eight points more than his 2006 margin. He purchased no advertisements, and his largest expense was lawn signs.
Legislation and key votes
Sestak wrote various pieces of bipartisan legislation that successfully passed Congress. In 2008 the National Journal placed him "at the ideological center of the House". House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer named Sestak the most productive freshman member of Congress in 2007, with 19 pieces of legislation passing in the House during the 110th Congress, including the Elder Abuse Victims Act, the first bill on elder abuse to pass the House in 17 years. In the 111th United States Congress, Sestak's last term in office, Congress passed more bills written by Sestak than bills written by both of Pennsylvania's senators combined.
Most significantly, Sestak created the House Pediatric Cancer Caucus, which he co-chaired; extended benefits for those seeking work (COBRA) as a part of the JOBS bill; co-wrote the amendment to give small businesses tax credits, as a part of health care reform; and moved the first significant federal funds into autism care and research, nicknamed the "Sestak Amendment".
As Congress's senior veteran, Sestak was an original cosponsor of the repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell as well as the repeal of the Defense of Marriage Act. He also strongly advocated ending bailouts to banks in the Wall Street Reform Bill. Sestak voted for the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 but lamented that it did not provide enough accountability measures. He also voted for the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009, the American Clean Energy and Security Act, and the Affordable Health Care for America Act.
Some of his legislation that generated attention but eventually failed included researching potential adoption and expansion of thorium-based nuclear power, and the first legislation to restrict the effects of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission.
Social media
In 2007 Sestak's campaign was the first federal campaign to create a Facebook Fan Page. Sestak joined Twitter shortly before he was sworn in for his second term. His congressional account made him the first congressperson on Twitter to use it on an official basis. After he left office his social networks were merged with his personal accounts, which have been verified.
Sestak is said to have been a prime example of the Colbert Bump. After appearing on "The Colbert Report" in 2008, Sestak spoke of the positive impact of social media and viral video clips of the appearance. He appeared on the show even after Democratic leaders Rahm Emanuel and Nancy Pelosi instructed Democrats not to. After his first appearance, Sestak won his election in a landslide in a Republican majority district, and after appearing again in 2009 as a part of his announcement of his candidacy against incumbent Senator Arlen Specter in the 2010 Democratic primary, Sestak won by a surprising eight points. He did not appear on the show during the 2010 general election, which he narrowly lost. The day after the loss, host Stephen Colbert lamented the loss on air, calling Sestak a "friend".
Congressional staff
Sestak and his staff were recognized for their successful tenure and he was voted "The Most Productive Member of Congress".
Sestak focused heavily on the constituent services his office provided the people of his district as he entered Congress just as the Great Recession began, homes were being foreclosed, and health care and other services were being denied as people lost their jobs and missed payments. During his four years in Congress from 2007 to 2011, Sestak's office handled 18,000 cases, between three to four times the number of the average congressional office. "Every person who has worked for me has been tremendous," he said. Sestak hosted an average of 15 large summit gatherings in his district each year on key issues.
Some critics were quick to cite Sestak's handling of his Congressional staff as supporting "the perception that he is a taskmaster with a prickly streak." During his first term in office, Sestak employed 61 people as staff in his official congressional office, while comparable representatives employed a total of 28, 26, and 25 staff members, indicating that Sestak had a high turnover rate, although a number of them were interns or had been hired as temporary staff members. The Hill reported that several former staffers said that "aides are expected to work seven days a week, including holidays, often 14 hours each day, going for months without a day off. These are very long hours even by Capitol Hill standards". A former aide added that Sestak's staff turnover was not as much of a drawback as one might expect. "Other Members rely on their staff to keep themselves informed, but with him, it's top-down," the former aide said. "He knows what he wants to accomplish, so in a sense, he just needs people to dictate to." Sestak acknowledged that his aides spend long hours on duty and that the work is "pretty demanding". He added that the staff was becoming stabler over time, with the turnover rate normalizing by the end of his second term.
Contemporaneous staff accounts were published in the Delaware County Times, including Clarence Tong, a spokesman who had been with Sestak since the campaign, who said "They're getting off. The only person who does work Sunday is someone who travels with the congressman when he goes to different constituent meetings... I think the reality is, my boss doesn't deny he asks a lot of people who work for him ... I think he's someone who's very fair to work for"; Ashley Miller, a former aide, who said, "We were working long hours, there's no doubt about that, but it was absolutely what was needed to do it. None of us were happy leaving things half done at the end of the day"; Bryan Branton, Sestak's former chief of staff, who said, "Every freshman office has to work that much harder because you're starting an office from scratch. The people who have since left the campaign have done so because they had other things they were planning on doing"; and Ryan Rudominer, Sestak's communications director during the campaign, who said, "Just like it took hard work to defeat a 20-year incumbent ... it takes hard work to pass as much legislation as Joe has passed as a first-term congressman, to hold as many summits and town halls as Joe has held and to be as responsive to constituents as Joe is."
2008 presidential election
Sestak endorsed Hillary Clinton for president in the 2008 Democratic primaries and served as her campaign national security adviser, specializing in veterans. He told Stephen Colbert on The Colbert Report that he trusted her leadership after serving with her in the White House. In addition to being Clinton's foreign policy adviser, Sestak served as her superdelegate and was a surrogate throughout the primary, making appearances at several rallies and on television, including in an ad emphasizing Clinton's foreign policy strengths.
Sestak endorsed Barack Obama in the general election after Obama received the Democratic nomination.
Committee assignments
Committee on Armed Services
Subcommittee on Seapower and Expeditionary Forces
Subcommittee on Air and Land Forces
Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations
Committee on Education and Labor
Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Elementary and Secondary Education
Subcommittee on Health, Employment, Labor, and Pensions
Committee on Small Business (Vice Chairman)
Subcommittee on Finance and Tax
Subcommittee on Contracting and Technology
Subcommittee on Regulations, Healthcare and Trade
2010 U.S. Senate election
Primary election
Whispers of a possible U.S. Senate campaign appeared in 2008 after Sestak's landslide victory and $3 million campaign surplus after his reelection. Even before Arlen Specter's announcement to switch parties, draft efforts were organized. But after Specter switched from a Republican to a Democrat to ensure that (once Al Franken was seated) Democrats had a filibuster-proof 60-vote majority, Democrats, including President Obama and Governor Rendell, promised to support Specter in both the primary and the general election. Nationwide support mounted for Sestak's possible senatorial campaign, a primary challenge to Specter. Most prominent was a straw poll conducted by the Progressive Change Campaign Committee titled, "Should a Draft Sestak movement be created to take on Sen. Arlen Specter in the Pennsylvania Democratic primary?" Almost 8,000 votes were cast nationwide, with 86% responding yes, including 85% of Pennsylvanians.
Sestak faced significant opposition to his candidacy from President Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, the national Democratic Party and the state party, even though Sestak pointed out Specter's humiliation of Anita Hill during her testimony about her harassment by Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas and other votes of Specter's. Then-Pennsylvania Governor Ed Rendell said on national television, "Joe Sestak should not run for the Senate in the Democratic primary." Sestak responded, "there's no more kings, there's no more kingmakers in America," and proceeded to visit all 67 counties of Pennsylvania.
On May 27, 2009, Sestak indicated that he intended to challenge Specter in the 2010 Democratic primary (pending a final family decision because he had not "had the time to sit down with my eight-year-old daughter or my wife to make sure that we are all ready to get in"). In June he was overheard saying "[i]t would take an act of God for me to not get in now". In a Quinnipiac University Polling Institute poll conducted May 20–26, Specter led the Democratic primary with 50 percent, with Sestak at 21 percent and 27 percent undecided. Despite the gap, it was noted that Sestak did not have much statewide recognition at the time, as he represented only one of Pennsylvania's 19 congressional districts.
On August 4 Sestak officially announced his candidacy. His brother, Richard, was his campaign manager. In discussing Specter's switch from the Republican to the Democratic Party, Sestak has said that the switch was "100 percent" motivated by politics.
Democratic opposition
Throughout the primary election the Obama administration and the Democratic Party campaigned heavily against Sestak, as the President, Vice President, and numerous cabinet members and Senators hosted many fundraisers and events for Specter. On September 19, 2009, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid even shut down the entire United States Senate, as he, the President, and many Senators instead flew to Philadelphia to host a prominent fundraiser for Specter. The event drew controversy for closing federal business and because the money raised during the event would be given to Republicans and conservative PACs that asked for refunds of contributions given before Specter's party switch. Obama's presidential campaign, called "Organizing for America" during the off years, also led efforts against Sestak. Even the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) decided to spend the maximum "coordinated funds" for Specter, which differ from most party spending in that the committee can use the money to work with the candidate and supplement his or her ad buys.
Job offer to Sestak
In a February 2010 interview Sestak responded affirmatively when asked if the Obama administration had offered him a "federal job" if he would end his candidacy for the Senate. Sestak stated that he had quickly refused the offer. When asked to give the specifics of the offer on Midweek Politics with David Pakman, he refused. The White House initially "vociferously" denied that an offer had been made, and Sestak continued to offer no further details until the Obama administration released White House Counsel Robert F. Bauer's official report on the incident on May 28, clarifying that White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel enlisted former President Bill Clinton to approach Sestak about potential, uncompensated executive branch positions on senior advisory boards and stating Bauer's official opinion that nothing inappropriate, illegal or unethical had taken place. The official report also stated that Clinton had made the offer on behalf of the Obama administration. After the report's release, Sestak issued a statement essentially confirming it.
Republican Congressman Darrell Issa, the minority leader on the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, initially alleged that such an offer and Sestak's failure to report it could be felonies. Legal analysts disagreed, and Issa subsequently backtracked and dismissed the issue; his spokesperson said, "it was a mistake", and Issa said, "as we discovered, that it turns out that Republicans and previous administrations thought it was OK."
Primary result
Specter held a 20-point lead in polls as late as April 2010, and enjoyed support from the Democratic establishment, including Rendell and Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter, with the latter trying to mobilize voters in that city for Specter. A moderate Republican, Specter had switched parties after polls showed him likely being defeated by the more conservative Pat Toomey in the Republican primary, a rematch of the 2004 nomination contest where Specter narrowly defeated Toomey. Sestak attacked Specter's switch as "self-interested", and the move was disapproved of by a majority of registered Democrats in Pennsylvania, while a "fervent anti-incumbent mood" prevailed nationwide in the 2010 midterm elections. The Sestak campaign also ran an ad showing Specter with President George W. Bush, which seriously damaged Specter's standing. Sestak gained momentum in the last days of the primary contest as the turnout in Philadelphia for Specter failed to meet expectations.
At a little after 10 p.m. on May 18 the Associated Press called the primary for Sestak, 53% to 47%.
General election
Many cited the Pennsylvania Senate general election as the "marquee race of 2010", a bellwether of the national stage. After securing the Democratic Party's nomination, calling it "a win for the people, over the establishment, over the status quo, even over Washington, DC," Sestak enjoyed a slight lead in the polls against the Republican nominee, former Congressman and Club for Growth President Pat Toomey. But while Sestak tried to recoup his financial losses after a long primary, Toomey had not faced a competitive primary and aired TV ads much earlier than Sestak. Toomey's effective fundraising and advertising allowed him to rise in the polls, at one point gaining a double-digit lead, causing political pundits to move the race from "Toss Up" to "Lean Republican". Many stopped short of calling the race "Solid Republican" as Sestak had a reputation for campaigning until he "sees the whites of their eyes" and 11th-hour comebacks.
Sestak began airing ads in mid-fall and overcame his deficit in opinion polls, closing to within the margin of error. Toomey had been running unanswered ads depicting Sestak as a liberal for several months before the DSCC purchased airtime toward the end of the campaign. At the beginning of election night Sestak led in the exit polls by a wide margin, but as more votes were counted and central Pennsylvania's "red T" area began reporting, Toomey caught up. Counting continued until early morning, as the numbers were too close for a winner to be declared. As the percentages stabilized, it became clear Toomey was the winner. Sestak conceded the race to a ballroom full of his supporters at the Radnor Hotel. Toomey defeated Sestak, 51% to 49%, a margin of 80,229 votes out of almost four million cast, a margin large enough to avoid a recount. Percentage-wise, it was the smallest losing margin of any Pennsylvania Democratic candidate in 2010.
The total spent on the race was $20 million, the most of any federal election in 2010. After Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission was decided, conservative Political Action Committees and corporations broke the record for outside spending, airing ads on Toomey's behalf and causing Sestak to be outspent 3 to 1. Sestak received little help from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC), which had spent significantly to assist Specter in the primary. The gap between pro-Toomey and pro-Sestak ads was the largest of any Senate race in the nation. Sestak responded to this outside spending at Philadelphia Constitution Hall, arguing, "It is we, the people. Not we, the corporations, nor we, Wall Street." Despite the funding gap, Sestak outperformed Pennsylvania's Democratic gubernatorial nominee, who lost by 9%, as well as the four Democratic Representatives who lost reelection by broad margins (Patrick Murphy by 7%, Paul Kanjorski by 9%, Kathy Dahlkemper by 11%, and Chris Carney by 10%).
Sestak returned to each of Pennsylvania's 67 counties to thank his supporters, including numerous African American churches, synagogues, and mosques that had welcomed him.
2016 U.S. Senate election
After his defeat, Sestak served as a professor at Cheyney University, the oldest historically black university in America, and as a Distinguished Practice Professor at Carnegie Mellon University's Heinz College. In May 2013 he was named the 2013–14 recipient of the General Omar N. Bradley Chair in Strategic Leadership, a joint initiative among the United States Army War College, Dickinson College and the Pennsylvania State University – Dickinson School of Law. Previous recipients of the Bradley Chair include former Assistant Secretary of State Philip J. Crowley and retired Major General John D. Altenburg. Sestak taught courses on "Ethical Leadership" and "Restoring the American Dream".
Sestak remained active in public service through the Center for Refugee and Disaster Response at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health; the Ploughshares Fund working on nuclear disarmament; the Lenfest Foundation focused on education in Philadelphia, pre-K through early childhood, and those in danger of leaving or having left high school; co-chair with former Republican governor Mark Schweiker of the Pennsylvania State Advisory Committee of the U.S. Global Leadership Coalition, focused on U.S. diplomacy and development; and then-Secretary of State Clinton's Advisory Committee on U.S. educational programs.
Primary election
In 2013 Sestak announced he was considering a rematch with Toomey. In September 2014, as he campaigned with 2014 gubernatorial nominee Tom Wolf, he said he would make an official announcement soon. In November 2014 he sent out an email confirming that he would run, and in March 2015 he officially launched his campaign by walking 422 miles across Pennsylvania from the New Jersey to the Ohio borders, holding town hall meetings each day, saying throughout his campaign kickoff and the remainder of the election that "we are in a fight for the soul of America." Sestak simultaneously published his vision in a policy-based book, Walking in Your Shoes to Restore the American Dream, co-authored with Jake Sternberger.
If Sestak had been nominated to run against Toomey in 2016 it would have been the first rematch for a United States Senate seat in Pennsylvania history. But starting in early 2015 after he refused to hire a party-approved campaign manager and other designated staffers as well as Washington, D.C.-based political consultants and firms, Sestak faced considerable opposition from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) and EMILY's List. Many establishment Democrats also resented Sestak for defeating Arlen Specter in the 2010 primary. Sestak had led consistently in the polls, sometimes by as much as 17 points, though national Democrats including Obama encouraged six candidates to challenge Sestak in the primary, with Katie McGinty emerging as the establishment's preferred nominee. The DSCC provided over $1.5 million to McGinty's campaign, when no other non-incumbent Democrat in the nation received more than $14,000, with over $6 million being spent by pro-McGinty Super PACs on mailings, digital ads, and TV commercials. One of the commercials was an attack ad that the Washington Post assigned its highest rating of falsity and called "a sleazy way to win a campaign." Sestak's initial lead in polls dwindled and McGinty won the April 26 Democratic primary. The national Democrats' meddling in the primary was largely unpopular with their liberal base, as Sestak consistently polled higher than McGinty in a hypothetical matchup against Toomey. The Toomey campaign had also regarded Sestak as a stronger challenger since he was "a political outsider, well-attuned to the public's anti-establishment mood." In what was, at the time, the most expensive election for a U.S. Senate seat, Toomey narrowly defeated McGinty to win reelection.
2020 presidential campaign
On June 23, 2019, Sestak announced his candidacy for the Democratic nomination for president in the 2020 election in a video posted on his website. Sestak entered the race days before the first Democratic presidential debate was held, and did not participate in any debates held in subsequent months, failing to meet the minimum requirements for eligibility. He attracted very little media attention and never polled above 1%. On December 1, 2019, he ended his bid for the Democratic nomination. He endorsed Amy Klobuchar on February 7, 2020.
Political positions
Abortion
Sestak is pro-choice, holding a 100% rating from NARAL Pro-Choice America and a 0% rating from the National Right to Life Committee. NARAL endorsed Sestak over Specter in the 2010 Democratic primary because of Sestak's opposition to a ban on partial-birth abortion. In 2009 Sestak's invitation to speak to students at the Catholic Malvern Preparatory School was rescinded after parents and alumni objected. The cancellation was protested by many Malvern Seniors who staged a class walkout on the day of the scheduled talk.
Economy
Sestak supports requiring Congress to offset the cost of all new spending. He also supports expanding middle-class tax cuts and letting the Bush tax cuts expire. He voted for the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 and the Tax Extenders and Alternative Minimum Tax Relief Act of 2008.
Education
Sestak voted for the Improving Head Start Act and the College Cost Reduction and Access Act. He has a 100% lifetime rating from the National Education Association.
Environment
Sestak voted for the Waxman Markey American Clean Energy and Security Act (Cap and Trade) program. He has a 96% lifetime rating from the League of Conservation Voters and a 100% rating from PennEnvironment. Sestak was endorsed by the Sierra Club in his 2006 and 2008 Congressional election campaigns. He voted for the Renewable Energy and Energy Conservation Tax Act of 2007 and the New Direction for Energy Independence, National Security and Consumer Protection Act, and was an original cosponsor of the Climate Stewardship Act (H.R. 620) and the Safe Climate Act.
Gun rights
Sestak supports gun control. He has a 100% rating from the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence and an F rating from the National Rifle Association.
Sestak has called for reinstatement of the federal ban on assault weapons.
Healthcare
Sestak credits his support for health care reform as "payback" to the country that gave him and his family health care while he was in the Navy (the TRICARE program), especially for successfully treating his daughter's brain tumor. He supports state-provided preventive care and voted for the CHAMP Act. Sestak originally co-sponsored the Medicare Prescription Drug Price Negotiations Act, the Caroline Pryce Walker Conquer Childhood Cancer Act and co-sponsored H.R. 3800, which establishes a public-private Partnership for Health Care Improvement. He also announced the Pediatric Cancer Caucus, which he will co-chair. He is also a member of the Autism Caucus, Diabetes Caucus, 21st Century Health Care Caucus, Congressional Mental Health Caucus, Nursing Caucus, and Cystic Fibrosis Caucus.
Iran nuclear deal
Sestak cosigned, with 35 other retired admirals and generals, a letter endorsing the proposed 2015 Iran nuclear deal, and went on FOX News to defend the deal.
Unions
Sestak is an original cosponsor of the Employee Free Choice Act and supports the original version that includes card check. He created the Labor Advisory Committee to address the challenges facing working families in his district. Sestak holds a 97% lifetime rating from the AFL-CIO.
Medical marijuana
Sestak voted to allow states to regulate medical marijuana by voting for the Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act of 2008, which would have barred the Department of Justice from preventing the implementation of state laws regarding the distribution, possession, and cultivation of medical marijuana. The bill was defeated 165–262.
Military
As a candidate, Sestak campaigned to end the war in Iraq. Once in office, in 2007, he supported Congressional efforts to redeploy forces and submitted legislation for commencing the redeployment, allowing one year to safely withdraw the troops. He also voted for the war supplemental the House constructed after President Bush's veto, a bill many critics of the Bush administration called a "blank check" for the four month continuation of administration policies in the Middle East. In response, Sestak and other veterans argued that they should not punish soldiers for the President's actions, and supported the bill in order to give the armed forces adequate protection and equipment until withdrawn for the one year it would take to do it safely.
Sestak supported the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, which critics contended continued the Bush administration's policy of warrantless wiretapping and provided retroactive immunity to telecommunications companies who participated in the National Security Agency's "terrorist surveillance program".
Sestak supported the deployment of additional troops to Afghanistan in late 2009, and military actions such as drone strikes in northwest Pakistan. He supported a gradual draw-down of troops from Iraq.
Sestak was an opponent of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy that excluded LGBT people from serving openly in the United States military, stating that the policy means "[w]e're absolutely not adhering to the ideals of our nation". He was instrumental in bringing to light a two-year pattern of abuse, including anti-gay hazing, that took place in a Military Working Dog unit stationed in Bahrain, sparking an investigation that turned up nearly 100 instances of abuse.
Electoral history
Nonprofit work
In 2017, Sestak became the first president of FIRST Global, a nonprofit founded by Dean Kamen with the objective of promoting STEM education and careers in the developing world through Olympics-style robotics competitions.
In July 2017, the inaugural FIRST Global Challenge brought together high school student teams from 157 countries. Afghanistan's team made headlines when its visa requests were denied twice and it almost missed the competition, until President Donald Trump intervened to urge the State Department authorities to reconsider. The five girls were granted entry to the U.S. less than a week before the competition. Each country that applied to be in the competition, including those on the Trump Administration's travel ban list—from Iran to a Syrian Refugee team—obtained U.S. visas to attend the competition.
Women were responsible for leading, organizing, or funding 60% of all nations' teams. 84 of the teams had not had either STEM education or robotics. Sestak established "The Global STEM Corps" of approximately 800 U.S. and international college, high school, and other STEM volunteers to "adopt" a team for online assistance in the engineering and electronics "best assemblage" of their robot for the game competition.
Personal life
Sestak is married to the former Susan L. Clark, who works in international environmental issues from Kazakhstan to Mozambique; Russian relations, including the U.S. team searching for clues for Prisoners of War/Missing in Action within Soviet Union archives; and on suicide prevention for the Veterans Administration and Department of Defense. In childhood, their daughter Alexandra survived brain cancer twice, at four years old and again near adulthood, before dying of the disease in June 2020 at age 19.
References
External links
Joe Sestak for U.S. Senate official campaign website
Biography at the United States Navy
Campaign contributions at the Federal Election Commission (U.S. House)
Articles
"GOP's Financial Edge Shrinks" The Washington Post, August 20, 2006
"One on One with Congressman Joe Sestak" Pottstown Herald, September 9, 2009, 20-minute podcast
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1951 births
21st-century American politicians
American people of Slovak descent
Candidates in the 2010 United States elections
Candidates in the 2020 United States presidential election
Carnegie Mellon University faculty
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives
Harvard Kennedy School alumni
Living people
Members of the United States House of Representatives from Pennsylvania
Military personnel from Pennsylvania
People from Delaware County, Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania Democrats
Democratic Party members of the United States House of Representatives from Pennsylvania
Recipients of the Defense Distinguished Service Medal
Recipients of the Defense Superior Service Medal
Recipients of the Legion of Merit
Recipients of the Navy Distinguished Service Medal
United States National Security Council staffers
United States Naval Academy alumni
United States Navy vice admirals
Recipients of the Meritorious Service Medal (United States)
Candidates in the 2016 United States Senate elections |
4021217 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harris%20Faulkner | Harris Faulkner | Harris Kimberley Faulkner (born October 13, 1965) is an American newscaster and television host who joined Fox News Channel in 2005. She anchors The Faulkner Focus, a daily daytime show, and hosts Outnumbered. Additionally, she hosts her own primetime political franchise called Town Hall America with Harris Faulkner. She has received six Emmy Awards, including the 2005 awards for Best Newscaster and Best News Special.
Early life
Faulkner was born on October 13, 1965 at Fort McPherson in Atlanta, Georgia. Her father, retired Lieutenant Colonel Bob Harris, a United States Army officer and Army Aviator, was stationed at the base and had served three tours in Vietnam. Faulkner lived in different places as a child, including Stuttgart in West Germany.
Faulkner attended the University of California, Santa Barbara, and graduated with a B.A. in mass communications.
Career
Faulkner's start was with LA Weekly, where she contributed as a freelance business writer for $50 per article. Faulkner started her television career with an internship at KCOP-TV in Los Angeles, doing small tasks, then moved to Greenville, North Carolina, to work as a reporter and anchor at WNCT-TV.
From 1992 to 2000, Faulkner worked for Kansas City's WDAF-TV as an evening anchor. While in Kansas City, Faulkner was the victim of harassment and stalking by a former acquaintance who followed her from North Carolina.
Faulkner's next stop was at KSTP-TV in Minneapolis–Saint Paul, where she served as part of an evening anchor team. She left the station in July 2004.
Faulkner joined Fox News in 2005. She was a correspondent for the 2005 revival of A Current Affair until its cancellation in October 2005.
Faulkner anchored her first solo network newscast Fox Report Weekend from 2011-2017. In addition to Midterm Election coverage 2018, Faulkner has substitute-anchored for Shepard Smith Shepard Smith Reporting and for Martha MacCallum The Story. She also made frequent guest appearances on the night satire show Red Eye with Greg Gutfeld, prior to the departure of Gutfeld from that show.
In April 2014, Faulkner began working as one of the co-hosts on the daytime Fox News show Outnumbered. In 2017, she became the anchor of Outnumbered Overtime, which has more of a hard news format rather than a discussion format. In early 2021, she started her new show called The Faulkner Focus.
Honors and awards
While at ABC's Minneapolis affiliate KSTP, Faulkner received four regional Emmy Awards, including Best Anchor three years in a row (2002, 2003, and 2004) and for anchoring a news special, "Eyewitness to War". In 1998, she was awarded the Amelia Earhart Pioneering Lifetime Achievement Award for her humanitarian efforts. In 2021, she was honored by Varietys 2021 New York Women's Impact Report for her 2020 interview with then-president Donald Trump after the murder of George Floyd.
Personal life
Faulkner married former WCCO-TV reporter Tony Berlin in 2003; they have two daughters.
In September 2015, Faulkner sued Hasbro for $5 million, claiming a plastic hamster in its Littlest Pet Shop line was an unauthorized use of her name and likeness. Hasbro settled with Faulkner in October 2016, agreeing to cease production of the toy.
Published works
See also
Broadcast journalism
New Yorkers in journalism
Black conservatism in the United States
References
External links
Fox News biography
Fox News Insider biography
Premiere Speakers Bureau biography
1965 births
Emmy Award winners
African-American television personalities
Living people
University of California, Santa Barbara alumni
American television reporters and correspondents
People from Atlanta
People from Edgewater, New Jersey
Fox News people
Television anchors from Kansas City, Missouri
Television anchors from Minneapolis–Saint Paul, Minnesota
21st-century American journalists
21st-century African-American people
20th-century African-American people |
4021235 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kim%20Jae-shin | Kim Jae-shin | Kim Jae-shin (born August 30, 1973) is a former football player from South Korea.
He was a member of the South Korea national under-20 football team at the 1993 FIFA World Youth Championship and went on to play as a professional in the K League with the Suwon Samsung Bluewings.
Club career statistics
External links
1973 births
Living people
Association football defenders
South Korean footballers
Suwon Samsung Bluewings players
K League 1 players
South Korea under-20 international footballers
Konkuk University alumni |
4021238 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transcription%20factor%20II%20D | Transcription factor II D | Transcription factor II D (TFIID) is one of several general transcription factors that make up the RNA polymerase II preinitiation complex. RNA polymerase II holoenzyme is a form of eukaryotic RNA polymerase II that is recruited to the promoters of protein-coding genes in living cells. It consists of RNA polymerase II, a subset of general transcription factors, and regulatory proteins known as SRB proteins. Before the start of transcription, the transcription Factor II D (TFIID) complex binds to the core promoter DNA of the gene through specific recognition of promoter sequence motifs, including the TATA box, Initiator, Downstream Promoter, Motif Ten, or Downstream Regulatory elements.
Functions
Coordinates the activities of more than 70 polypeptides required for initiation of transcription by RNA polymerase II
Binds to the core promoter to position the polymerase properly
Serves as the scaffold for assembly of the remainder of the transcription complex
Acts as a channel for regulatory signals
Structure
TFIID is itself composed of TBP and several subunits called TATA-binding protein Associated Factors (TBP-associated factors, or TAFs). In a test tube, only TBP is necessary for transcription at promoters that contain a TATA box. TAFs, however, add promoter selectivity, especially if there is no TATA box sequence for TBP to bind to. TAFs are included in two distinct complexes, TFIID and B-TFIID. The TFIID complex is composed of TBP and more than eight TAFs. But, the majority of TBP is present in the B-TFIID complex, which is composed of TBP and TAFII170 (BTAF1) in a 1:1 ratio. TFIID and B-TFIID are not equivalent, since transcription reactions utilizing TFIID are responsive to gene specific transcription factors such as SP1, while reactions reconstituted with B-TFIID are not.
Subunits in the TFIID complex include:
TBP (TATA binding protein), or:
TBP-related factors in animals (TBPL1; TBPL2)
TAF1 (TAFII250)
TAF2 (CIF150)
TAF3 (TAFII140)
TAF4 (TAFII130/135)
TAF4B (TAFII105)
TAF5 (TAFII100)
TAF6 (TAFII70/80)
TAF7 (TAFII55)
TAF8 (TAFII43)
TAF9 (TAFII31/32)
TAF9B (TAFII31L)
TAF10 (TAFII30)
TAF11 (TAFII28)
TAF12 (TAFII20/15)
TAF13 (TAFII18)
TAF15 (TAFII68)
See also
Eukaryotic transcription
General transcription factor
Preinitiation complex
Regulation of gene expression
RNA polymerase II holoenzyme
TATA binding protein
Transcription (genetics)
References
External links
3D electron microscopy structures of TFIID from the EM Data Bank(EMDB)
Gene expression
Molecular genetics
Proteins
Transcription factors |
4021263 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cho%20Hyun | Cho Hyun | Cho Hyun is a football player from South Korea.
He was a member of the South Korea U-20 team in early 1990s and went on to play as a professional in the K-League.
Club career statistics
External links
1974 births
Living people
Association football midfielders
South Korean footballers
Suwon Samsung Bluewings players
Ulsan Hyundai FC players
K League 1 players
Dongguk University alumni |
4021273 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pre-Islamic%20Arabia | Pre-Islamic Arabia | Pre-Islamic Arabia () refers to the Arabian Peninsula prior to the emergence of Islam in 610 CE.
Some of the settled communities developed into distinctive civilizations. Information about these communities is limited and has been pieced together from archaeological evidence, accounts written outside of Arabia, and Arab oral traditions which were later recorded by Islamic historians. Among the most prominent civilizations were the Thamud civilization, which arose around 3000 BCE and lasted to around 300 CE, and the earliest Semitic civilization in the eastern part was Dilmun, which arose around the end of the fourth millennium and lasted to around 600 CE. Additionally, from the second half of the second millennium BCE, Southern Arabia was the home to a number of kingdoms such as the Sabaeans, Minaeans, and Eastern Arabia was inhabited by Semitic speakers who presumably migrated from the southwest, such as the so-called Samad population. From 106 CE to 630 CE northwestern Arabia was under the control of the Roman Empire, which renamed it Arabia Petraea. A few nodal points were controlled by Iranian Parthian and Sassanian empires.
Pre-Islamic religions in Arabia included Arabian indigenous polytheistic beliefs, ancient Semitic religions (religions predating the Abrahamic religions which themselves likewise originated among the ancient Semitic-speaking peoples), various forms of Christianity, Judaism, Manichaeism, and Zoroastrianism.
Studies
Scientific studies of Pre-Islamic Arabs starts with the Arabists of the early 19th century when they managed to decipher epigraphic Old South Arabian (10th century BCE), Ancient North Arabian (6th century BCE) and other writings of pre-Islamic Arabia. Thus, studies are no longer limited to the written traditions, which are not local due to the lack of surviving Arab historians' accounts of that era; the paucity of material is compensated for by written sources from other cultures (such as Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, etc.), so it was not known in great detail. From the 3rd century CE, Arabian history becomes more tangible with the rise of the Ḥimyarite, and with the appearance of the Qaḥṭānites in the Levant and the gradual assimilation of the Nabataeans by the Qaḥṭānites in the early centuries CE, a pattern of expansion exceeded in the Muslim conquests of the 7th century. Sources of history include archaeological evidence, foreign accounts and oral traditions later recorded by Islamic scholars—especially in the pre-Islamic poems—and the Ḥadīth, plus a number of ancient Arab documents that survived into medieval times when portions of them were cited or recorded. Archaeological exploration in the Arabian Peninsula has been sparse but fruitful; and many ancient sites have been identified by modern excavations. The most recent detailed study of pre-Islamic Arabia is Arabs and Empires Before Islam, published by Oxford University Press in 2015. This book collects a diverse range of ancient texts and inscriptions for the history especially of the northern region during this time period.
Prehistoric to Iron Age
Ubaid period (5300 BCE) – could have originated in Eastern Arabia.
Umm Al Nar culture (2600–2000 BCE)
Sabr culture (2000 BCE)
Wadi Suq Culture (1900–1300 BCE)
Lizq/Rumaylah = Early Iron Age (1300–300 BCE)
Samad Period Late Iron Age (c. 100 BCE–c.300 CE)
Recent Pre-Islamic Period (c. 150 BCE–c. 325 CE)
Magan, Midian, and ʿĀd
Magan is attested as the name of a trading partner of the Sumerians. It is often assumed to have been located in Oman.
The A'adids established themselves in South Arabia (modern-day Yemen), settling to the east of the Qahtan tribe. They established the Kingdom of ʿĀd around the 10th century BCE to the 3rd century CE.
The ʿĀd nation were known to the Greeks and Egyptians. Claudius Ptolemy's Geographos (2nd century CE) refers to the area as the "land of the Iobaritae" a region which legend later referred to as Ubar.
The origin of the Midianites has not been established. Because of the Mycenaean motifs on what is referred to as Midianite pottery, some scholars including George Mendenhall, Peter Parr, and Beno Rothenberg have suggested that the Midianites were originally Sea Peoples who migrated from the Aegean region and imposed themselves on a pre-existing Semitic stratum. The question of the origin of the Midianites still remains open.
Overview of major kingdoms
The history of Pre-Islamic Arabia before the rise of Islam in the 610s is not known in great detail. Archaeological exploration in the Arabian peninsula has been sparse; indigenous written sources are limited to the many inscriptions and coins from southern Arabia. Existing material consists primarily of written sources from other traditions (such as Egyptians, Greeks, Persians, Romans, etc.) and oral traditions later recorded by Islamic scholars. Many small kingdoms prospered from Red sea and Indian Ocean trade. Major kingdoms included the Sabaeans, Awsan, Himyar and the Nabateans
The first known inscriptions of the Kingdom of Hadhramaut are known from the 8th century BC. It was first referenced by an outside civilization in an Old Sabaic inscription of Karab'il Watar from the early 7th century BC, in which the King of Hadramaut, Yada`'il, is mentioned as being one of his allies.
Dilmun appears first in Sumerian cuneiform clay tablets dated to the end of 4th millennium BC, found in the temple of goddess Inanna, in the city of Uruk. The adjective Dilmun refers to a type of axe and one specific official; in addition, there are lists of rations of wool issued to people connected with Dilmun.
The Sabaeans were an ancient people speaking an Old South Arabian language who lived in what is today Yemen, in south west Arabian Peninsula; from 2000 BC to the 8th century BC. Some Sabaeans also lived in D'mt, located in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia, due to their hegemony over the Red Sea. They lasted from the early 2nd millennium to the 1st century BC. In the 1st century BC it was conquered by the Himyarites, but after the disintegration of the first Himyarite empire of the Kings of Saba' and dhu-Raydan the Middle Sabaean Kingdom reappeared in the early 2nd century. It was finally conquered by the Himyarites in the late 3rd century.
The ancient Kingdom of Awsan with a capital at Hagar Yahirr in the wadi Markha, to the south of the wadi Bayhan, is now marked by a tell or artificial mound, which is locally named Hagar Asfal. Once it was one of the most important small kingdoms of South Arabia. The city seems to have been destroyed in the 7th century BC by the king and mukarrib of Saba Karib'il Watar, according to a Sabaean text that reports the victory in terms that attest to its significance for the Sabaeans.
The Himyar was a state in ancient South Arabia dating from 110 BC. It conquered neighbouring Saba (Sheba) in c. 25 BC, Qataban in c. 200 AD and Hadramaut c. 300 AD. Its political fortunes relative to Saba changed frequently until it finally conquered the Sabaean Kingdom around 280 AD. It was the dominant state in Arabia until 525 AD. The economy was based on agriculture.
Foreign trade was based on the export of frankincense and myrrh. For many years it was also the major intermediary linking East Africa and the Mediterranean world. This trade largely consisted of exporting ivory from Africa to be sold in the Roman Empire. Ships from Himyar regularly traveled the East African coast, and the state also exerted a considerable amount of political control of the trading cities of East Africa.
The Nabataean origins remain obscure. On the similarity of sounds, Jerome suggested a connection with the tribe Nebaioth mentioned in Genesis, but modern historians are cautious about an early Nabatean history. The Babylonian captivity that began in 586 BC opened a power vacuum in Judah, and as Edomites moved into Judaean grazing lands, Nabataean inscriptions began to be left in Edomite territory (earlier than 312 BC, when they were attacked at Petra without success by Antigonus I). The first definite appearance was in 312 BC, when Hieronymus of Cardia, a Seleucid officer, mentioned the Nabateans in a battle report. In 50 BC, the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus cited Hieronymus in his report, and added the following: "Just as the Seleucids had tried to subdue them, so the Romans made several attempts to get their hands on that lucrative trade."
Petra or Sela was the ancient capital of Edom; the Nabataeans must have occupied the old Edomite country, and succeeded to its commerce, after the Edomites took advantage of the Babylonian captivity to press forward into southern Judaea. This migration, the date of which cannot be determined, also made them masters of the shores of the Gulf of Aqaba and the important harbor of Elath. Here, according to Agatharchides, they were for a time very troublesome, as wreckers and pirates, to the reopened commerce between Egypt and the East, until they were chastised by the Ptolemaic rulers of Alexandria.
The Lakhmid Kingdom was founded by the Lakhum tribe that immigrated out of Yemen in the 2nd century and ruled by the Banu Lakhm, hence the name given it. It was formed of a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah their capital in (266). The founder of the dynasty was 'Amr and the son Imru' al-Qais converted to Christianity. Gradually the whole city converted to that faith. Imru' al-Qais dreamt of a unified and independent Arab kingdom and, following that dream, he seized many cities in Arabia.
The Ghassanids were a group of South Arabian Christian tribes that emigrated in the early 3rd century from Yemen to the Hauran in southern Syria, Jordan and the Holy Land where they intermarried with Hellenized Roman settlers and Greek-speaking Early Christian communities. The Ghassanid emigration has been passed down in the rich oral tradition of southern Syria. It is said that the Ghassanids came from the city of Ma'rib in Yemen. There was a dam in this city, however one year there was so much rain that the dam was carried away by the ensuing flood. Thus the people there had to leave. The inhabitants emigrated seeking to live in less arid lands and became scattered far and wide. The proverb "They were scattered like the people of Saba" refers to that exodus in history. The emigrants were from the southern Arab tribe of Azd of the Kahlan branch of Qahtani tribes.
Eastern Arabia
The sedentary people of pre-Islamic Eastern Arabia were mainly Aramaic, Arabic and to some degree Persian speakers while Syriac functioned as a liturgical language. In pre-Islamic times, the population of Eastern Arabia consisted of Christianized Arabs (including Abd al-Qays), Aramean Christians, Persian-speaking Zoroastrians and Jewish agriculturalists. According to Robert Bertram Serjeant, the Baharna may be the Arabized "descendants of converts from the original population of Christians (Aramaeans), Jews and ancient Persians (Majus) inhabiting the island and cultivated coastal provinces of Eastern Arabia at the time of the Arab conquest". Other archaeological assemblages cannot be brought clearly into larger context, such as the Samad Late Iron Age.
Zoroastrianism was also present in Eastern Arabia. The Zoroastrians of Eastern Arabia were known as "Majoos" in pre-Islamic times. The sedentary dialects of Eastern Arabia, including Bahrani Arabic, were influenced by Akkadian, Aramaic and Syriac languages.
Dilmun
The Dilmun civilization was an important trading centre which at the height of its power controlled the Persian Gulf trading routes. The Sumerians regarded Dilmun as holy land. Dilmun is regarded as one of the oldest ancient civilizations in the Middle East. The Sumerians described Dilmun as a paradise garden in the Epic of Gilgamesh. The Sumerian tale of the garden paradise of Dilmun may have been an inspiration for the Garden of Eden story. Dilmun appears first in Sumerian cuneiform clay tablets dated to the end of fourth millennium BCE, found in the temple of goddess Inanna, in the city of Uruk. The adjective "Dilmun" is used to describe a type of axe and one specific official; in addition there are lists of rations of wool issued to people connected with Dilmun.
Dilmun was an important trading center from the late fourth millennium to 1800 BCE. Dilmun was very prosperous during the first 300 years of the second millennium. Dilmun's commercial power began to decline between 2000 BCE and 1800 BCE because piracy flourished in the Persian Gulf. In 600 BCE, the Babylonians and later the Persians added Dilmun to their empires.
The Dilmun civilization was the centre of commercial activities linking traditional agriculture of the land with maritime trade between diverse regions as the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia in the early period and China and the Mediterranean in the later period (from the 3rd to the 16th century CE).
Dilmun was mentioned in two letters dated to the reign of Burna-Buriash II (c. 1370 BCE) recovered from Nippur, during the Kassite dynasty of Babylon. These letters were from a provincial official, Ilī-ippašra, in Dilmun to his friend Enlil-kidinni in Mesopotamia. The names referred to are Akkadian. These letters and other documents, hint at an administrative relationship between Dilmun and Babylon at that time. Following the collapse of the Kassite dynasty, Mesopotamian documents make no mention of Dilmun with the exception of Assyrian inscriptions dated to 1250 BCE which proclaimed the Assyrian king to be king of Dilmun and Meluhha. Assyrian inscriptions recorded tribute from Dilmun. There are other Assyrian inscriptions during the first millennium BCE indicating Assyrian sovereignty over Dilmun. Dilmun was also later on controlled by the Kassite dynasty in Mesopotamia.
Dilmun, sometimes described as "the place where the sun rises" and "the Land of the Living", is the scene of some versions of the Sumerian creation myth, and the place where the deified Sumerian hero of the flood, Utnapishtim (Ziusudra), was taken by the gods to live forever. Thorkild Jacobsen's translation of the Eridu Genesis calls it "Mount Dilmun" which he locates as a "faraway, half-mythical place".
Dilmun is also described in the epic story of Enki and Ninhursag as the site at which the Creation occurred. The promise of Enki to Ninhursag, the Earth Mother:
For Dilmun, the land of my lady's heart, I will create long waterways, rivers and canals, whereby water will flow to quench the thirst of all beings and bring abundance to all that lives.
Ninlil, the Sumerian goddess of air and south wind had her home in Dilmun. It is also featured in the Epic of Gilgamesh.
However, in the early epic "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta", the main events, which center on Enmerkar's construction of the ziggurats in Uruk and Eridu, are described as taking place in a world "before Dilmun had yet been settled".
Gerrha
Gerrha (), was an ancient city of Eastern Arabia, on the west side of the Persian Gulf. More accurately, the ancient city of Gerrha has been determined to have existed near or under the present fort of Uqair. This fort is 50 miles northeast of al-Hasa in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. This site was first proposed by R. E. Cheesman in 1924.
Gerrha and Uqair are archaeological sites on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula. Prior to Gerrha, the area belonged to the Dilmun civilization, which was conquered by the Assyrian Empire in 709 BCE. Gerrha was the center of an Arab kingdom from approximately 650 BCE to circa 300 CE. The kingdom was attacked by Antiochus III the Great in 205-204 BCE, though it seems to have survived. It is currently unknown exactly when Gerrha fell, but the area was under Sassanid Persian control after 300 CE.
Gerrha was described by Strabo as inhabited by Chaldean exiles from Babylon, who built their houses of salt and repaired them by the application of salt water. Pliny the Elder (lust. Nat. vi. 32) says it was 5 miles in circumference with towers built of square blocks of salt.
Gerrha was destroyed by the Qarmatians in the end of the 9th century where all inhabitants were massacred (300,000). It was 2 miles from the Persian Gulf near current day Hofuf. The researcher Abdulkhaliq Al Janbi argued in his book that Gerrha was most likely the ancient city of Hajar, located in modern-day Al Ahsa, Saudi Arabia. Al Janbi's theory is the most widely accepted one by modern scholars, although there are some difficulties with this argument given that Al Ahsa is 60 km inland and thus less likely to be the starting point for a trader's route, making the location within the archipelago of islands comprising the modern Kingdom of Bahrain, particularly the main island of Bahrain itself, another possibility.
Various other identifications of the site have been attempted, Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d'Anville choosing Qatif, Carsten Niebuhr preferring Kuwait and C Forster suggesting the ruins at the head of the bay behind the islands of Bahrain.
Tylos
Bahrain was referred to by the Greeks as Tylos, the centre of pearl trading, when Nearchus came to discover it serving under Alexander the Great. From the 6th to 3rd century BCE Bahrain was included in Persian Empire by Achaemenians, an Iranian dynasty. The Greek admiral Nearchus is believed to have been the first of Alexander's commanders to visit this islands, and he found a verdant land that was part of a wide trading network; he recorded: "That in the island of Tylos, situated in the Persian Gulf, are large plantations of cotton tree, from which are manufactured clothes called sindones, a very different degrees of value, some being costly, others less expensive. The use of these is not confined to India, but extends to Arabia." The Greek historian, Theophrastus, states that much of the islands were covered in these cotton trees and that Tylos was famous for exporting walking canes engraved with emblems that were customarily carried in Babylon. Ares was also worshipped by the ancient Baharna and the Greek empires.
It is not known whether Bahrain was part of the Seleucid Empire, although the archaeological site at Qalat Al Bahrain has been proposed as a Seleucid base in the Persian Gulf. Alexander had planned to settle the eastern shores of the Persian Gulf with Greek empires, and although it is not clear that this happened on the scale he envisaged, Tylos was very much part of the Hellenised world: the language of the upper classes was Greek (although Aramaic was in everyday use), while Zeus was worshipped in the form of the Arabian sun-god Shams. Tylos even became the site of Greek athletic contests.
The name Tylos is thought to be a Hellenisation of the Semitic, Tilmun (from Dilmun). The term Tylos was commonly used for the islands until Ptolemy's Geographia when the inhabitants are referred to as 'Thilouanoi'. Some place names in Bahrain go back to the Tylos era, for instance, the residential suburb of Arad in Muharraq, is believed to originate from "Arados", the ancient Greek name for Muharraq island.
Herodotus's account (written c. 440 BCE) refers to the Io and Europa myths. (History, I:1).
Phoenicians Homeland
The Greek historian Strabo believed the Phoenicians originated from Eastern Arabia. Herodotus also believed that the homeland of the Phoenicians was Eastern Arabia. This theory was accepted by the 19th-century German classicist Arnold Heeren who said that: "In the Greek geographers, for instance, we read of two islands, named Tyrus or Tylos, and Arad, Bahrain, which boasted that they were the mother country of the Phoenicians, and exhibited relics of Phoenician temples." The people of Tyre in particular have long maintained Persian Gulf origins, and the similarity in the words "Tylos" and "Tyre" has been commented upon. However, there is little evidence of occupation at all in Bahrain during the time when such migration had supposedly taken place.
With the waning of Seleucid Greek power, Tylos was incorporated into Characene or Mesenian, the state founded in what today is Kuwait by Hyspaosines in 127 BCE. A building inscriptions found in Bahrain indicate that Hyspoasines occupied the islands, (and it also mention his wife, Thalassia).
Parthian and Sassanid
From the 3rd century BCE to arrival of Islam in the 7th century CE, Eastern Arabia was controlled by two other Iranian dynasties of the Parthians and Sassanids.
By about 250 BCE, the Seleucids lost their territories to Parthians, an Iranian tribe from Central Asia. The Parthian dynasty brought the Persian Gulf under their control and extended their influence as far as Oman. Because they needed to control the Persian Gulf trade route, the Parthians established garrisons in the southern coast of Persian Gulf.
In the 3rd century CE, the Sassanids succeeded the Parthians and held the area until the rise of Islam four centuries later. Ardashir, the first ruler of the Iranian Sassanians dynasty marched down the Persian Gulf to Oman and Bahrain and defeated Sanatruq (or Satiran), probably the Parthian governor of Eastern Arabia. He appointed his son Shapur I as governor of Eastern Arabia. Shapur constructed a new city there and named it Batan Ardashir after his father. At this time, Eastern Arabia incorporated the southern Sassanid province covering the Persian Gulf's southern shore plus the archipelago of Bahrain. The southern province of the Sassanids was subdivided into three districts of Haggar (Hofuf, Saudi Arabia), Batan Ardashir (al-Qatif province, Saudi Arabia), and Mishmahig (Muharraq, Bahrain; also referred to as Samahij) (In Middle-Persian/Pahlavi means "ewe-fish".) which included the Bahrain archipelago that was earlier called Aval. The name, meaning 'ewe-fish' would appear to suggest that the name /Tulos/ is related to Hebrew /ṭāleh/ 'lamb' (Strong's 2924).
Beth Qatraye
The Christian name used for the region encompassing north-eastern Arabia was Beth Qatraye, or "the Isles". The name translates to 'region of the Qataris' in Syriac. It included Bahrain, Tarout Island, Al-Khatt, Al-Hasa, and Qatar.
By the 5th century, Beth Qatraye was a major centre for Nestorian Christianity, which had come to dominate the southern shores of the Persian Gulf. As a sect, the Nestorians were often persecuted as heretics by the Byzantine Empire, but eastern Arabia was outside the Empire's control offering some safety. Several notable Nestorian writers originated from Beth Qatraye, including Isaac of Nineveh, Dadisho Qatraya, Gabriel of Qatar and Ahob of Qatar. Christianity's significance was diminished by the arrival of Islam in Eastern Arabia by 628. In 676, the bishops of Beth Qatraye stopped attending synods; although the practice of Christianity persisted in the region until the late 9th century.
The dioceses of Beth Qatraye did not form an ecclesiastical province, except for a short period during the mid-to-late seventh century. They were instead subject to the Metropolitan of Fars.
Beth Mazunaye
Oman and the United Arab Emirates comprised the ecclesiastical province known as Beth Mazunaye. The name was derived from 'Mazun', the Persian name for Oman and the United Arab Emirates.
South Arabian kingdoms
Kingdom of Ma'īn (10th century BCE – 150 BCE)
During Minaean rule, the capital was at Karna (now known as Sa'dah). Their other important city was Yathill (now known as Baraqish). The Minaean Kingdom was centered in northwestern Yemen, with most of its cities lying along Wādī Madhab. Minaean inscriptions have been found far afield of the Kingdom of Maīin, as far away as al-'Ula in northwestern Saudi Arabia and even on the island of Delos and Egypt. It was the first of the Yemeni kingdoms to end, and the Minaean language died around 100 CE .
Kingdom of Saba (12th century BCE – 7th century CE)
During Sabaean rule, trade and agriculture flourished, generating much wealth and prosperity. The Sabaean kingdom was located in Yemen, and its capital, Ma'rib, is located near what is now Yemen's modern capital, Sana'a. According to South Arabian tradition, the eldest son of Noah, Shem, founded the city of Ma'rib.
During Sabaean rule, Yemen was called "Arabia Felix" by the Romans, who were impressed by its wealth and prosperity. The Roman emperor Augustus sent a military expedition to conquer the "Arabia Felix", under the command of Aelius Gallus. After an unsuccessful siege of Ma'rib, the Roman general retreated to Egypt, while his fleet destroyed the port of Aden in order to guarantee the Roman merchant route to India.
The success of the kingdom was based on the cultivation and trade of spices and aromatics including frankincense and myrrh. These were exported to the Mediterranean, India, and Abyssinia, where they were greatly prized by many cultures, using camels on routes through Arabia, and to India by sea.
During the 8th and 7th century BCE, there was a close contact of cultures between the Kingdom of Dʿmt in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia and Saba. Though the civilization was indigenous and the royal inscriptions were written in a sort of proto-Ethiosemitic, there were also some Sabaean immigrants in the kingdom as evidenced by a few of the Dʿmt inscriptions.
Agriculture in Yemen thrived during this time due to an advanced irrigation system which consisted of large water tunnels in mountains, and dams. The most impressive of these earthworks, known as the Marib Dam, was built ca. 700 BCE and provided irrigation for about of land and stood for over a millennium, finally collapsing in 570 CE after centuries of neglect.
Kingdom of Hadhramaut (8th century BCE – 3rd century CE)
The first known inscriptions of Hadramaut are known from the 8th century BCE. It was first referenced by an outside civilization in an Old Sabaic inscription of Karab'il Watar from the early 7th century BCE, in which the King of Hadramaut, Yada`'il, is mentioned as being one of his allies. When the Minaeans took control of the caravan routes in the 4th century BCE, however, Hadramaut became one of its confederates, probably because of commercial interests. It later became independent and was invaded by the growing Yemeni kingdom of Himyar toward the end of the 1st century BCE, but it was able to repel the attack. Hadramaut annexed Qataban in the second half of the 2nd century CE, reaching its greatest size. The kingdom of Hadramaut was eventually conquered by the Himyarite king Shammar Yahri'sh around 300 CE, unifying all of the South Arabian kingdoms.
Kingdom of Awsān (8th century BCE – 6th century BCE)
The ancient Kingdom of Awsān in South Arabia (modern Yemen), with a capital at Ḥagar Yaḥirr in the wadi Markhah, to the south of the Wādī Bayḥān, is now marked by a tell or artificial mound, which is locally named Ḥajar Asfal.
Kingdom of Qataban (4th century BCE – 3rd century CE)
Qataban was one of the ancient Yemeni kingdoms which thrived in the Beihan valley. Like the other Southern Arabian kingdoms, it gained great wealth from the trade of frankincense and myrrh incense, which were burned at altars. The capital of Qataban was named Timna and was located on the trade route which passed through the other kingdoms of Hadramaut, Saba and Ma'in. The chief deity of the Qatabanians was Amm, or "Uncle" and the people called themselves the "children of Amm".
Kingdom of Himyar (late 2nd century BCE – 525 CE)
The Himyarites rebelled against Qataban and eventually united Southwestern Arabia (Hejaz and Yemen), controlling the Red Sea as well as the coasts of the Gulf of Aden. From their capital city, Ẓafār, the Himyarite kings launched successful military campaigns, and had stretched its domain at times as far east as eastern Yemen and as far north as Najran Together with their Kindite allies, it extended maximally as far north as Riyadh and as far east as Yabrīn.
During the 3rd century CE, the South Arabian kingdoms were in continuous conflict with one another. Gadarat (GDRT) of Aksum began to interfere in South Arabian affairs, signing an alliance with Saba, and a Himyarite text notes that Hadramaut and Qataban were also allied against the kingdom. As a result of this, the Aksumite Empire was able to capture the Himyarite capital of Thifar in the first quarter of the 3rd century. However, the alliances did not last, and Sha`ir Awtar of Saba unexpectedly turned on Hadramaut, allying again with Aksum and taking its capital in 225. Himyar then allied with Saba and invaded the newly taken Aksumite territories, retaking Thifar, which had been under the control of Gadarat's son Beygat, and pushing Aksum back into the Tihama. The standing relief image of a crowned man, is taken to be a representation possibly of the Jewish king Malkīkarib Yuhaʾmin or more likely the Christian Esimiphaios (Samu Yafa').
Aksumite occupation of Yemen (525 – 570 CE)
The Aksumite intervention is connected with Dhu Nuwas, a Himyarite king who changed the state religion to Judaism and began to persecute the Christians in Yemen. Outraged, Kaleb, the Christian King of Aksum with the encouragement of the Byzantine Emperor Justin I invaded and annexed Yemen. The Aksumites controlled Himyar and attempted to invade Mecca in the year 570 CE. Eastern Yemen remained allied to the Sassanids via tribal alliances with the Lakhmids, which later brought the Sassanid army into Yemen, ending the Aksumite period.
Sassanid period (570 – 630 CE)
The Persian king Khosrau I sent troops under the command of Vahriz (), who helped the semi-legendary Sayf ibn Dhi Yazan to drive the Aksumites out of Yemen. Southern Arabia became a Persian dominion under a Yemenite vassal and thus came within the sphere of influence of the Sassanid Empire. After the demise of the Lakhmids, another army was sent to Yemen, making it a province of the Sassanid Empire under a Persian satrap. Following the death of Khosrau II in 628, the Persian governor in Southern Arabia, Badhan, converted to Islam and Yemen followed the new religion.
Hejaz
Kingdom of Lihyan/Dedan (7th century BCE - 24 BC)
Lihyan, also called Dadān or Dedan, was a powerful and highly organized ancient Arab kingdom that played a vital cultural and economic role in the north-western region of the Arabian Peninsula and used Dadanitic language. The Lihyanite kingdom went through three different stages, the early phase of Lihyan Kingdom was around the 7th century BC, started as a Sheikdom of Dedan then developed into the Kingdom of Lihyan tribe.
Some authors assert that the Lihyanites fell into the hands of the Nabataeans around 65 BC upon their seizure of Hegra then marching to Tayma, and finally to their capital Dedan in 9 BC. Werner Cascel consider the Nabataean annexation of Lihyan was around 24 BC under the reign of the Nabataeans king Aretas IV.
Thamud
The Thamud () was an ancient civilization in Hejaz, which flourished kingdom from 3000 BCE to 200 BCE. Recent archaeological work has revealed numerous Thamudic rock writings and pictures. They are mentioned in sources such as the Qur'an, old Arabian poetry, Assyrian annals (Tamudi), in a Greek temple inscription from the northwest Hejaz of 169 CE, in a 5th-century Byzantine source and in Old North Arabian graffiti within Tayma. They are also mentioned in the victory annals of the Neo-Assyrian King, Sargon II (8th century BCE), who defeated these people in a campaign in northern Arabia. The Greeks also refer to these people as "Tamudaei", i.e. "Thamud", in the writings of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Pliny. Before the rise of Islam, approximately between 400 and 600 CE, the Thamud completely disappeared.
North Arabian kingdoms
Kingdom of Qedar (8th century BCE – ?)
The most organized of the Northern Arabian tribes, at the height of their rule in the 6th century BCE, the Kingdom of Qedar spanned a large area between the Persian Gulf and the Sinai. An influential force between the 8th and 4th centuries BCE, Qedarite monarchs are first mentioned in inscriptions from the Assyrian Empire. Some early Qedarite rulers were vassals of that empire, with revolts against Assyria becoming more common in the 7th century BCE. It is thought that the Qedarites were eventually subsumed into the Nabataean state after their rise to prominence in the 2nd century CE.
The Achaemenids in Northern Arabia
Achaemenid Arabia corresponded to the lands between Nile Delta (Egypt) and Mesopotamia, later known to Romans as Arabia Petraea. According to Herodotus, Cambyses did not subdue the Arabs when he attacked Egypt in 525 BCE. His successor Darius the Great does not mention the Arabs in the Behistun inscription from the first years of his reign, but does mention them in later texts. This suggests that Darius might have conquered this part of Arabia or that it was originally part of another province, perhaps Achaemenid Babylonia, but later became its own province.
Arabs were not considered as subjects to the Achaemenids, as other peoples were, and were exempt from taxation. Instead, they simply provided 1,000 talents of frankincense a year.
They participated in the Second Persian invasion of Greece (479-480 BCE) while also helping the Achaemenids invade Egypt by providing water skins to the troops crossing the desert.
Nabateans
The Nabataeans are not to be found among the tribes that are listed in Arab genealogies because the Nabatean kingdom ended a long time before the coming of Islam. They settled east of the Syro-African rift between the Dead Sea and the Red Sea, that is, in the land that had once been Edom. And although the first sure reference to them dates from 312 BCE, it is possible that they were present much earlier.
Petra (from the Greek petra, meaning 'of rock') lies in the Jordan Rift Valley, east of Wadi `Araba in Jordan about south of the Dead Sea. It came into prominence in the late 1st century BCE through the success of the spice trade. The city was the principal city of ancient Nabataea and was famous above all for two things: its trade and its hydraulic engineering systems. It was locally autonomous until the reign of Trajan, but it flourished under Roman rule. The town grew up around its Colonnaded Street in the 1st century and by the middle of the 1st century had witnessed rapid urbanization. The quarries were probably opened in this period, and there followed virtually continuous building through the 1st and 2nd centuries CE.
Roman Arabia
There is evidence of Roman rule in northern Arabia dating to the reign of Caesar Augustus (27 BCE – 14 CE). During the reign of Tiberius (14–37 CE), the already wealthy and elegant north Arabian city of Palmyra, located along the caravan routes linking Persia with the Mediterranean ports of Roman Syria and Phoenicia, was made part of the Roman province of Syria. The area steadily grew further in importance as a trade route linking Persia, India, China, and the Roman Empire. During the following period of great prosperity, the Arab citizens of Palmyra adopted customs and modes of dress from both the Iranian Parthian world to the east and the Graeco-Roman west. In 129, Hadrian visited the city and was so enthralled by it that he proclaimed it a free city and renamed it Palmyra Hadriana.
The Roman province of Arabia Petraea was created at the beginning of the 2nd century by emperor Trajan. It was centered on Petra, but included even areas of northern Arabia under Nabatean control.
Recently evidence has been discovered that Roman legions occupied Mada'in Saleh in the Hijaz mountains area of northwestern Arabia, increasing the extension of the "Arabia Petraea" province.
The desert frontier of Arabia Petraea was called by the Romans the Limes Arabicus. As a frontier province, it included a desert area of northeastern Arabia populated by the nomadic Saraceni.
Qahtanites
In Sassanid times, Arabia Petraea was a border province between the Roman and Persian empires, and from the early centuries CE was increasingly affected by South Arabian influence, notably with the Ghassanids migrating north from the 3rd century.
The Ghassanids revived the Semitic presence in the then Hellenized Syria. They mainly settled the Hauran region and spread to modern Lebanon, Israel, Palestine and Jordan. The Ghassanids held Syria until engulfed by the expansion of Islam.
Greeks and Romans referred to all the nomadic population of the desert in the Near East as Arabi. The Greeks called Yemen "Arabia Felix" (Happy Arabia). The Romans called the vassal nomadic states within the Roman Empire "Arabia Petraea" after the city of Petra, and called unconquered deserts bordering the empire to the south and east Arabia Magna (Larger Arabia) or Arabia Deserta (Deserted Arabia).
The Lakhmids settled the mid Tigris region around their capital Al-Hirah they ended up allying with the Sassanid against the Ghassanids and the Byzantine Empire. The Lakhmids contested control of the central Arabian tribes with the Kindites, eventually destroying Kindah in 540 after the fall of Kindah's main ally at the time, Himyar. The Sassanids dissolved the Lakhmid kingdom in 602.
The Kindites migrated from Yemen along with the Ghassanids and Lakhmids, but were turned back in Bahrain by the Abdul Qais Rabi'a tribe. They returned to Yemen and allied themselves with the Himyarites who installed them as a vassal kingdom that ruled Central Arabia from Qaryah dhat Kahl (the present-day Qaryat al-Fāw) in Central Arabia. They ruled much of the Northern/Central Arabian Peninsula until the fall of the Himyarites in 525 CE.
Central Arabia
Kingdom of Kindah
Kindah was an Arab kingdom by the Kindah tribe, the tribe's existence dates back to the second century BCE. The Kindites established a kingdom in Najd in central Arabia unlike the organized states of Yemen; its kings exercised an influence over a number of associated tribes more by personal prestige than by coercive settled authority. Their first capital was Qaryat Dhāt Kāhil, today known as Qaryat Al-Fāw.
The Kindites were polytheistic until the 6th century CE, with evidence of rituals dedicated to the idols Athtar and Kāhil found in their ancient capital in south-central Arabia (present day Saudi Arabia). It is not clear whether they converted to Judaism or remained pagan, but there is a strong archaeological evidence that they were among the tribes in Dhū Nuwās' forces during the Jewish king's attempt to suppress Christianity in Yemen. They converted to Islam in mid 7th century CE and played a crucial role during the Arab conquest of their surroundings, although some sub-tribes declared apostasy during the ridda after the death of Muḥammad.
Ancient South Arabian inscriptions mention a tribe settling in Najd called kdt, who had a king called rbˁt (Rabi'ah) from ḏw ṯwr-m (the people of Thawr), who had sworn allegiance to the king of Saba' and Dhū Raydān. Since later Arab genealogists trace Kindah back to a person called Thawr ibn 'Uqayr, modern historians have concluded that this rbˁt ḏw ṯwrm (Rabī'ah of the People of Thawr) must have been a king of Kindah (kdt); the Musnad inscriptions mention that he was king both of kdt (Kindah) and qhtn (Qaḥṭān). They played a major role in the Himyarite-Ḥaḑramite war. Following the Himyarite victory, a branch of Kindah established themselves in the Marib region, while the majority of Kindah remained in their lands in central Arabia.
The first Classical author to mention Kindah was the Byzantine ambassador Nonnosos, who was sent by the Emperor Justinian to the area. He refers to the people in Greek as Khindynoi (Greek Χινδηνοι, Arabic Kindah), and mentions that they and the tribe of Maadynoi (Greek: Μααδηνοι, Arabic: Ma'ad) were the two most important tribes in the area in terms of territory and number. He calls the king of Kindah Kaïsos (Greek: Καισος, Arabic: Qays), the nephew of Aretha (Greek: Άρεθα, Arabic: Ḥārith).
People
Sedentary Arabs
Sedentary Arabs who inhabited cities or rural areas (towns, villages or oases). In pre-Islamic Arabia, most sedentary Arabs were of Arabian origin.
Bedouin tribes
Consisted of many major ancient tribes and clans which were mainly pastoral nomads. The ancestral lineage followed through males, since the tribes and clans were named after the male ancestors.
Solluba
The Solluba were a Ḥutaymi tribal group in the northern part of the Arabian Peninsula who were clearly distinguishable from the Arabs. The Solubba maintained a distinctive lifestyle as isolated nomads. The origin of the Solluba is obscure. They have been identified with the Selappayu in Akkadian records, and a clue to their origin is their use of desert kites and game traps, first attested to in around 7,000 BCE, which makes them the pre-Semitic inhabitants of Arabia.
Cambridge linguist and anthropologist Roger Blench sees the Solubba as the last survivors of Palaeolithic hunters and salt-traders who once dominated Arabia. Those were assimilated in the next wave of humans consisted of cattle herders in the 6th millennium BCE who introduced cows, wild donkeys, sheep, dogs, camels and goats. Those peoples may have engaged in trade across the Red Sea with speakers of Cushitic or Nilo-Saharan. In the 3rd and 2nd millennium BCE, speakers of Semitic languages arrived from the Near East and marginalised and absorbed the rest.
Western travelers reported that the Bedouin did not consider the Solluba to be descendants of Qaḥṭān. One legend mentions that they originated from ancient Christian groups, possibly Crusaders who were taken into slavery by the Bedouin. Werner Caskel criticizes the Crusader origin theory and instead proposes that the term "Solluba" describes a host of groups hailing from different backgrounds: those of al-Ḥasā being of 12th- to 13th-century CE migrants from southern Persia, and the group to the west being composed of communities emerging after their defeat by the Wahhabis.
Another theory sees the Solubba as a former Bedouin group that lost their herds and fell in the eyes of other Bedouin.
Arab genealogical tradition
Arab traditions relating to the origins and classification of the Arabian tribes is based on biblical genealogy. The general consensus among 14th-century Arabic genealogists was that Arabs were three kinds:
"Perishing Arabs": These are the ancients of whose history little is known. They include ʿĀd, Thamud, Tasm, Jadis, Imlaq and others. Jadis and Tasm perished because of genocide. ʿĀd and Thamud perished because of their decadence. Some people in the past doubted their existence, but Imlaq is the singular form of 'Amaleeq and is probably synonymous to the biblical Amalek.
"Pure Arabs" (Qahtanite): These are traditionally considered to have originated from the progeny of Ya'rub bin Yashjub bin Qahtan so were also called Qahtanite Arabs.
"Arabized Arabs" (Adnanite): They are traditionally seen as having descended from Adnan.
Modern historians believe that these distinctions were created during the Umayyad period, to support the cause of different political factions.
The several different tribes throughout Arabian history are traditionally regarded as having emerged from two main branches: the Rabi`ah, from which amongst others the Banu Hanifa emerged, and the Mudhar, from which amongst others the Banu Kinanah (and later Muhammad's own tribe, the Quraysh) emerged.
Religion
Religion in pre-Islamic Arabia included pre-Islamic Arabian polytheism, ancient Semitic religions (religions predating the Abrahamic religions which themselves likewise originated among the ancient Semitic-speaking peoples), Abrahamic religions such as Christianity, Judaism, and Mandaeism, and Iranian religions such as Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism. Arabian polytheism was, according to Islamic tradition, the dominant form of religion in pre-Islamic Arabia, based on veneration of deities and spirits. Worship was directed to various gods and goddesses, including Hubal and the goddesses al-Lāt, Al-'Uzzá and Manāt, at local shrines and temples, maybe such as the Kaaba in Mecca. Deities were venerated and invoked through a variety of rituals, including pilgrimages and divination, as well as ritual sacrifice. Different theories have been proposed regarding the role of Allah in Meccan religion. Many of the physical descriptions of the pre-Islamic gods are traced to idols, especially near the Kaaba, which is said to have contained up to 360 of them in Islamic tradition.
Other religions were represented to varying, lesser degrees. The influence of the adjacent Roman and Aksumite resulted in Christian communities in the northwest, northeast and south of Arabia. Christianity made a lesser impact, but secured some conversions, in the remainder of the peninsula. With the exception of Nestorianism in the northeast and the Persian Gulf, the dominant form of Christianity was Miaphysitism. The peninsula had been a destination for Jewish migration since pre-Roman times, which had resulted in a diaspora community supplemented by local converts. Additionally, the influence of the Sasanian Empire resulted in Iranian religions being present in the peninsula. While Zoroastrianism existed in the eastern and southern Arabia, there was no existence of Manichaeism in Mecca.
Art
The art is similar to that of neighbouring cultures. Pre-Islamic Yemen produced stylized alabaster (the most common material for sculpture) heads of great aesthetic and historic charm.
Late Antiquity
The early 7th century in Arabia began with the longest and most destructive period of the Byzantine–Sassanid Wars. It left both the Byzantine and Sassanid empires exhausted and susceptible to third-party attacks, particularly from nomadic Arabs united under a newly formed religion. According to historian George Liska, the "unnecessarily prolonged Byzantine–Persian conflict opened the way for Islam".
The demographic situation also favoured Arab expansion: overpopulation and lack of resources encouraged Arabs to migrate out of Arabia.
Fall of the Empires
Before the Byzantine–Sassanid War of 602–628, the Plague of Justinian had erupted (541-542), spreading through Persia and into Byzantine territory. The Byzantine historian Procopius, who witnessed the plague, documented that citizens died at a rate of 10,000 per day in Constantinople. The exact number; however, is often disputed by contemporary historians. Both empires were permanently weakened by the pandemic as their citizens struggled to deal with death as well as heavy taxation, which increased as each empire campaigned for more territory.
Despite almost succumbing to the plague, Byzantine emperor Justinian I (reigned 527-565) attempted to resurrect the might of the Roman Empire by expanding into Arabia. The Arabian Peninsula had a long coastline for merchant ships and an area of lush vegetation known as the Fertile Crescent which could help fund his expansion into Europe and North Africa. The drive into Persian territory would also put an end to tribute payments to the Sasanians, which resulted in an agreement to give of tribute to the Persians annually in exchange for a ceasefire.
However, Justinian could not afford further losses in Arabia. The Byzantines and the Sasanians sponsored powerful nomadic mercenaries from the desert with enough power to trump the possibility of aggression in Arabia. Justinian viewed his mercenaries as so valued for preventing conflict that he awarded their chief with the titles of patrician, phylarch, and king – the highest honours that he could bestow on anyone. By the late 6th century, an uneasy peace remained until disagreements erupted between the mercenaries and their patron empires.
The Byzantines' ally was a Christian Arabic tribe from the frontiers of the desert known as the Ghassanids. The Sasanians' ally; the Lakhmids, were also Christian Arabs, but from what is now Iraq. However, denominational disagreements about God forced a schism in the alliances. The Byzantines' official religion was Orthodox Christianity, which believed that Jesus Christ and God were two natures within one entity. The Ghassanids, as Monophysite Christians from Iraq, believed that God and Jesus Christ were only one nature. This disagreement proved irreconcilable and resulted in a permanent break in the alliance.
Meanwhile, the Sassanid Empire broke its alliance with the Lakhmids due to false accusations that the Lakhmids' leader had committed treason; the Sasanians annexed the Lakhmid kingdom in 602. The fertile lands and important trade routes of Iraq were now open ground for upheaval.
Rise of Islam
When the military stalemate was finally broken and it seemed that Byzantium had finally gained the upper hand in battle, nomadic Arabs invaded from the desert frontiers, bringing with them a new social order that emphasized religious devotion over tribal membership.
By the time the last Byzantine-Sassanid war came to an end in 628, Arabia had started to unite under Muhammad's politico-religious leadership. The Muslims were able to launch attacks against both empires, which resulted in destruction of the Sassanid Empire and the conquest of Byzantium's territories in the Levant, the Caucasus, Egypt, Syria and North Africa.
Over the following centuries, most of the Byzantine Empire and the entirety of the Sassanid Empire came under Muslim rule.
"Within the lifetime of some of the children who met Muhammad and sat on the Prophet's knees, Arab armies controlled the land mass that extended from the Pyrenees Mountains in Europe to the Indus River valley in South Asia. In less than a century, Arabs had come to rule over an area that spanned five thousand miles."
Recent discoveries
On 9 June 2020, the discovery of a 35-meter long triangular megalithic monument in Dumat al-Jandal dated back to VI millennium BC which presumably dedicated to ritual practices was published in the journal Antiquity. Archaeological researchers from France, Saudi Arabia and Italy, headed by Olivia Munoz believe that these findings illuminate a pastoralist nomadic lifestyle and a ritual used in prehistoric Arabia.
See also
Ancient Near East
Arab (etymology)
Arabian mythology
Dilmun
History of Saudi Arabia
History of Bahrain
History of the Arabic alphabet
History of the United Arab Emirates
Incense Route
Jahiliyyah
Pre-Islamic Arab trade
Pre-Islamic calendar
Rahmanism
Soviet Orientalist studies in Islam
Women in pre-Islamic Arabia
Notes
Bibliography
Further reading
Arabia Antica: Portal of Pre-Islamic Arabian Studies, University of Pisa - Dipartimento Civiltà e Forme del Sapere
External links
Internet Medieval Sourcebook: Pre-Islamic Arabia: The Hanged Poems, before 622 CE
Ancient History Sourcebook: Ancient Accounts of Arabia, 430 BCE - 550 CE
History of Saudi Arabia |
4021281 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s%20Grocery%20lynchings | People's Grocery lynchings | The People's Grocery lynchings occurred March 9, 1892 in Memphis, Tennessee. In the aftermath of a fight outside the People's Grocery between whites and blacks and two subsequent shooting altercations inside in which two white police officers were wounded, Thomas Moss and two of his workers, Will Stewart and Calvin McDowell, were lynched by a white mob while in police custody.
The store was located just outside Memphis in a neighborhood called the "Curve". Opened in 1889, the People's Grocery was a cooperative venture run along corporate lines and owned by 11 prominent African Americans, including postman Thomas Moss, a friend of Ida B. Wells.
Timeline leading up to the lynching
March 2–4, 1892
By the 1890s there were increasing racial tensions in the neighborhood and increasing tensions between the successful Moss and white grocer William Barrett, whose grocery, despite its bad reputation as a "low-dive gambling den" and a location where liquor could be illegally purchased, had had a virtual monopoly prior to Moss's venture.
On Wednesday, March 2, 1892, the trouble began when a young black boy, Armour Harris, and a young white boy, Cornelius Hurst, got into a fight over a game of marbles outside the People's Grocery. When the white boy's father stepped in and began beating the black boy, two black workers from the grocery (Will Stewart and Calvin McDowell) came to his defense. More blacks and whites joined the fray, and at one point William Barrett was clubbed. He identified Will Stewart as his assailant.
On Thursday, March 3, Barrett returned to the People's Grocery with a police officer and the two were met by Calvin McDowell. McDowell told them no one matching Stewart's description was within the store. The frustrated Barrett hit McDowell with his revolver and knocked him down, dropping the gun in the process. McDowell picked it up and shot at Barrett, but missed. McDowell was subsequently arrested but released on bond on March 4. Warrants were also issued for Will Stewart and Armour Harris.
The warrants enraged the black residents of the neighborhood who called a meeting during which they vowed to clean out the neighborhood's "damned white trash", which Barrett brought to the authorities' attention as evidence of a black conspiracy against whites.
March 5–8, 1892
On Saturday, March 5, Judge Julius DuBose, a former Confederate soldier, was quoted in the Appeal-Avalanche newspaper as vowing to form a posse to get rid of the "high-handed rowdies" in the Curve. That same day John Mosby, a black painter, was fatally shot after an altercation with a clerk in another white grocery in the Curve; as reported in the Appeal-Avalanche, Mosby cursed at the clerk after being denied credit for a purchase and the clerk responded by punching him. Mosby returned that evening and hit the clerk with a stick, whereupon the clerk shot him.
The People's Grocery men were increasingly concerned about an attack upon them, based on Dubose's threat and the Mosby shooting. They consulted a lawyer but were told since they were outside the city limits they could not depend on police protection and should prepare to defend themselves.
On the evening of March 5, six armed white men—including a county sheriff and recently deputized plainclothes civilians—headed toward the People's Grocery. White papers claimed their purpose was to inquire after Will Stewart and arrest him if he was there. In an account written by five black ministers in the St. Paul Appeal, the men were said to arrive with a rout in mind, for they had first gone to William Barrett's place then divided up and surreptitiously posted themselves at the front and back entrance to the People's Grocery. The men inside, already anticipating a mob attack, were being surrounded by armed whites and did not know they were officers of the law.
When the whites entered the store they were shot at and several were hit; McDowell was captured at the scene and identified as an assailant. The black postman Nat Trigg was seized by deputy Charley Cole but Trigg shot Cole in the face and managed to escape. The injured whites retreated to Barrett's store and more deputized whites were dispatched to the grocery where they eventually arrested thirteen blacks and seized a cache of weapons and ammunition.
Reports in white papers described the shooting as a cold-blooded, calculated ambush by the blacks and, though none of the deputies had died, they predicted the wounds of Cole and Bob Harold, who was shot in the face and neck, would prove fatal. The five ministers writing in theSt. Paul Appeal said as soon as the black men realized the intruders were law officers they dropped their weapons and submitted to arrest, confident they would be able to explain their case in court.
March 5–8, 1892
On Sunday, March 6, hundreds of white civilians were deputized and fanned out from the grocery to conduct a house-to-house search for blacks involved in "the conspiracy". They eventually arrested forty black people, including Armour Harris and his mother, Nat Trigg, and Tommie Moss. The story in the black paper contended that Moss was tending his books at the back of the store on the night of the shooting and couldn't have seen what happened when the whites arrived. When he heard gunshots he left the premises. In the eyes of many whites, however, Moss' position as a postman and the president of the co-op made him a ringleader of the conspiracy. He was also indicted in the white press for an insolent attitude when he was arrested.
Upon news of the arrest armed whites congregated around the fortress-like Shelby County Jail. Members of the black Tennessee Rifles militia also posted themselves outside the jail to keep watch and guard against a lynching. On Monday, March 7, Tommie's pregnant wife Betty Moss came to jail with food for her husband, but was turned away by Judge DuBose who told her to come back again in three days. On Tuesday, March 8, lawyers for several of the black men filed writs of habeas corpus but DuBose quashed them.
After news filtered out that the injured deputies were not going to die the tensions outside the jail seemed to abate and the Tennessee Rifles thought it was no longer necessary to guard the jail grounds, especially as the Shelby County Jail itself was thought to be impregnable. But, as Ida B. Wells would write in retrospect, the news that the deputies would survive was actually a catalyst for violence for the black men could not now be legally executed.
The lynching, March 9, 1892
On Wednesday, March 9, at about 2:30 a.m. 75 men in black masks surrounded the Shelby County Jail and nine entered. They dragged Tommie Moss, Will Stewart, and Calvin McDowell from their cells and brought them to a Chesapeake & Ohio railroad yard a mile outside of Memphis. What followed was described in such harrowing detail by white papers that it was clear reporters had been called in advance to witness the lynching.
At the railroad yard McDowell "struggled mightily" and at one point managed to grab a shotgun from one of his abductors. After the mob wrested it from him they shot at his hands and fingers "inch by inch" until they were shot to pieces. Replicating the wounds the white deputies had suffered they shot four holes into McDowell's face, each large enough for a fist to enter. His left eye was shot out and the "ball hung over his cheek in shreds." His jaw was torn out by buckshot. Where "his right eye had been there was a big hole which his brains oozed out." The account by the five ministers in the Appeal-Avalanche added that his injuries were in accord with his "vicious and unyielding nature."
Will Stewart was described as the most stoic of the three, "obdurate and unyielding to the last." He was also shot on the right side of the neck with a shotgun, and was shot with a pistol in the neck and left eye. Moss was also shot in the neck; his dying words, reported in the papers, were: "Tell my people to go West, there is no justice for them here."
Aftermath
The murders led to increasing grief and unrest among the black population, along with rumors that blacks planned to meet at the People's Grocery and take revenge against whites. Judge DuBose ordered the sheriff to take possession of the swords and guns belonging to the Tennessee Rifles and to dispatch a hundred men to the People's Grocery where they should "shoot down on sight any Negro who appears to be making trouble." Gangs of armed white men rushed to the Curve and began shooting wildly into any groups of blacks they encountered, then looted the grocery. Subsequently, the grocery was sold for one-eighth its cost to William Barrett.
The lynching became a front-page story in the New York Times on March 10, which countered the image of the "New South" that Memphis was trying to promote. The lynching sparked national outrage, and Ida B. Wells' editorial embraced Moss' dying words, which encouraged blacks to strike out for the West and "leave a town which will neither protect our lives and property, nor give us a fair trial in the courts, but takes us out and murders us in cold blood when accused by white persons." This sparked an emigration movement that eventually saw 6,000 blacks leave Memphis for the Western Territories. At a meeting of one thousand people at Bethel A. M. E. Church in Chicago in response to this lynching as well as two earlier lynchings (Ed Coy in Texarkana, Arkansas, and a woman in Rayville, Louisiana), a call by the presiding minister for the crowd to sing the then de facto national anthem, "America (My Country, 'Tis of Thee)" was refused in protest, and the song, "John Brown's Body" was substituted. The widespread violence and particularly the murder of her friends drove Wells to research and document lynchings and their causes. She began investigative journalism by looking at the charges given for the murders, which officially started her anti-lynching campaign.
See also
List of unsolved murders
Bibliography
Notes
References linked to notes
Books, journals, magazines, and academic papers
News media
African-American history in Memphis, Tennessee
Companies based in Memphis, Tennessee
Lynching deaths in Tennessee
Racially motivated violence against African Americans
Supermarkets of the United States
Unsolved murders in the United States
1892 in Tennessee
1892 murders in the United States |
4021282 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis%20Joseph%20Vance | Louis Joseph Vance | Louis Joseph Vance (September 19, 1879 – December 16, 1933) was an American novelist, screenwriter and film producer. He created the popular character Michael Lanyard, a criminal-turned-detective known as The Lone Wolf.
Biography
Louis Joseph Vance was born September 19, 1879, in Washington, D. C., the only child of Wilson J. Vance, a Medal of Honor recipient, and Lillian Beall Vance. He was educated at the Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute. Vance was married to Anne Elizabeth Hodges on February 19, 1898. Their son, Wilson Beall Vance, was born in 1900.
He wrote short stories and verse after 1901, then composed many popular novels. His character Michael Lanyard, known as The Lone Wolf, was featured in eight books and 24 films between 1914 and 1949 and also appeared in radio and television series.
Vance moved to Los Angeles to work with Universal Pictures on films based on his work, including The Trey o' Hearts (1914) and a serial and film series (1914–1916) based on his Terence O'Rourke stories. In 1915, he founded Fiction Pictures, Inc., a motion picture production company whose films were distributed by Paramount Pictures. Its first release was The Spanish Jade (1915), with a screenplay by Vance based on his stage adaptation of a novel by Maurice Hewlett. Vance was president and general manager of the company; other principals were Wilfred Lucas (director-general), Gilbert Warrenton (cinematographer) and Bess Meredyth (scenario editor). Fiction Pictures operated in Glendale until a new studio in Hollywood was completed in April 1915. The studio was sold to Famous Players in June, when Fiction Pictures went out of business.
Vance died alone in his New York City apartment on December 16, 1933, in a fire that resulted from his falling asleep with a lighted cigarette. His death was ruled accidental. A simple funeral took place December 20, 1933, at St. George's Protestant Episcopal Church in Brooklyn, with honorary pallbearers including Marc Connelly, Will Irwin and Samuel Merwin. Vance's widow received an estate of less than $10,000.
Bibliography
Terence O'Rourke, Gentleman Adventurer (1905)at Internet Archive
The Private War (1906)
The Brass Bowl (1907)at Gutenbergat Wikisource
The Black Bag (1908)at Gutenberg
The Bronze Bell (1909)at Gutenberg
The Pool of Flame (1909)at Internet Archive
Fortune Hunter (1910)at Gutenberg
No Man's Land (1910)at Internet Archive
Cynthia of the Minute (1911)
The Bandbox (1912)at Gutenberg
The Destroying Angel (1912)at Gutenberg
The Day of Days (1913)at Gutenberg
Joan Thursday (1913)at Gutenberg
The Trey O' Hearts (1914)at Internet Archive
The Lone Wolf (LW1) (1914)at Gutenbergat Wikisource
Nobody (1915)at Gutenberg
Sheep's Clothing (1915)
The Last of The Fighting Channings (1916)
The False Faces (LW2) (1918)at Gutenbergat Wikisource
The Dark Mirror (1920)
Alias the Lone Wolf (LW3) (1921)at Gutenberg
Red Masquerade (LW4) (1921)at Gutenberg
Linda Lee Incorporated (1922)at Gutenberg
Baroque: A Mystery (1923)
The Lone Wolf Returns (LW5) (1923)
Mrs. Paramor (1923; basis of the 1924 film Married Flirts)
Road to En Dor (1925)
The Dead Ride Hard (1926)
White Fire (1926)
They Call It Love (1927)
Lip-Service (1927)
Speaking of Women (1930)
Woman in the Shadow (1930)
The Lone Wolf's Son (LW6) (1931)
The Trembling Flame (1931)
Detective (1932)
Encore the Lone Wolf (LW7) (1933)
The Lone Wolf's Last Prowl (LW8) (1934)
The Street of Strange Faces (1934)
Filmography
Film adaptations
The Day of Days (1914)
(short, 1914)
The Trey o' Hearts (serial, 1914)
(short, 1914)
Terence O'Rourke, Gentleman Adventurer (serial, 1914)
(serial, 1914)
The Further Adventures of Terence O'Rourke (serial, 1915)
The Spanish Jade (1915), Vance's film adaptation of his 1908 play; the first film produced by his company Fiction Pictures, Inc.
(1915),(see also The Destroying Angel (1923) below)
(1916), from Joan Thursday, (see also Greater Than Marriage (1924) below)
The Pool of Flame (last film in the Terence O'Rourke series, 1916)
Patria (serial based on The Last of the Fighting Channings, 1917)
The Lone Wolf (1917), (see also The Lone Wolf (1924) above)
The Mainspring (1917), from Vance's short story, "The Mainspring" originally published in Popular Magazine (Apr 1905), (see Lost at Sea (1926) below)
The Outsider (1917), from Nobody
No Man's Land (1918)
The False Faces (1919)
The Bandbox (1919)
The Dark Mirror (1920)
Cynthia-of-the-Minute (1920)
The Bronze Bell (1921)
The Black Bag (1922)
The Spanish Jade (1922), based on Vance's 1908 play The Spanish Jade, co-written with Maurice Henry Hewlett
The Brass Bowl (1924) (see Masquerade (1927) below)
The Destroying Angel (1923) (see also The Destroying Angel (1916) above)
Greater Than Marriage (1924), from Joan Thursday, (see also The Footlights of Fate (1916) above)
The Lone Wolf (1924), (see also The Lone Wolf (1917) above)
Married Flirts (1924), based on the novel Mrs. Paramor
The Lone Wolf Returns (1926), (see The Lone Wolf Returns (1935) below)
Lost at Sea (1926), from Vance's short story, "The Mainspring" originally published in Popular Magazine (Apr 1905), (see The Mainspring (1917) above)
Alias the Lone Wolf (1927)
Masquerade (1929), based on The Brass Bowl (see The Brass Bowl (1924) above)
The Last of the Lone Wolf (1930), based on Vance's short story "The Last of the Lone Wolf"
Cheaters at Play (1932), based on Vance's short story "The Lone Wolf's Son" published in Red Book Magazine (1931)
The Lone Wolf Returns (1935), (see The Lone Wolf Returns (1926) above)
The Lone Wolf In Paris (1938), based on The Lone Wolf Returns, (see The Lone Wolf Returns (1926) and The Lone Wolf Returns (1935) above)
In addition to adaptations of his novels, the following films, while not straight adaptations, were based on the characters from Vance's Lone Wolf series:
The Lone Wolf's Daughter (1929)
The Lone Wolf Spy Hunt (1939)
The Lone Wolf Keeps a Date (1940)
The Lone Wolf Meets a Lady (1940)
The Lone Wolf Strikes (1940)
The Lone Wolf Takes a Chance (1941)
Secrets of the Lone Wolf (1941)
Counter-Espionage (1942)
One Dangerous Night (1943)
Passport to Suez (1943)
The Notorious Lone Wolf (1946)
The Lone Wolf in London (1947)
The Lone Wolf in Mexico (1947)
The Lone Wolf and His Lady (1949)
Screenwriter
(1916)
The Inn of the Blue Moon (1918)
Wild Honey (1918)
Twilight (1919)
The Lone Wolf's Daughter (1919)
Love (1920)
Beau Revel (1921)
The King of the Turf (1926)
See also
Lone Wolf (fictional detective)
References
External links
20th-century American novelists
American male novelists
1879 births
1933 deaths
Accidental deaths in New York (state)
Deaths from fire in the United States
20th-century American male writers |
4021286 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Calico%20M950 | Calico M950 | The Calico M950 is a pistol manufactured by Calico Light Weapons Systems in the United States. Its main feature, along with all the other guns of the Calico system, is to feed from a proprietary helical magazine mounted on top, available in 50 or 100-rounds capacity.
The factory sights enable reasonable accuracy to about 60 meters (197 feet), but 100 meters is a reasonable range.
The .22 LR weapons use a separate design than the 9mm offerings, and share no parts with their larger siblings.
See also
Calico M960A
References
External links
Calico Light Weapon Systems - MODELS
9mm Parabellum semi-automatic pistols
Roller-delayed blowback firearms
Trial and research firearms of the United States
.22 LR pistols
Semi-automatic pistols of the United States |
4021297 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archinus | Archinus | Archinus () was an Athenian democratic politician who wielded substantial influence between the restoration of democracy in 403 BC and the beginning of the Corinthian War in 395 BC.
In the early days of the restored democracy, he acted to weaken the oligarchic exiles at Eleusis by ending the period during which citizens could register to emigrate to Eleusis before its announced ending date. He seems to have advocated a moderate democratic policy, opposing motions to expand the franchise and restore the levels of pay for civil service that had typified the golden days of Periclean democracy in Athens in the mid-5th century BC.
Archinus is also said to have encouraged the official adoption by Athens of the 24-letter Ionic alphabet in 403–2 (Suda, ), alongside the archon Eucleides.
References
Buck, Robert J. Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democracy: The Life of an Athenian Statesman. Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998.
Fine, John V. A. The Ancient Greeks: A critical history. Harvard University Press, 1983.
D’ Angour, A.J. "Archinus, Eucleides and the reform of the Athenian alphabet". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 43 (1999) 109-130
5th-century BC Athenians
4th-century BC Athenians |
4021302 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario%20Bachand | Mario Bachand | François Mario Bachand (March 24, 1944 in Montreal - March 29, 1971 in St. Ouen) was a member of the first (1963) wave of the FLQ (Front de libération du Québec).
Political history
Mario Bachand was a member of the Front de Liberation du Quebec, imprisoned for his role in planting bombs in Montreal. On 17 May 1963 a bomb crippled Walter Leja, a Canadian army explosives technician. After his release, Bachand remained politically active in Montreal, founding several activist, leftist movements. He was an effective organizer, and was largely responsible for organizing the McGill-français demonstration of March 1969. He was close friends with Jacques Lanctôt, who in 1970 would lead the Liberation Cell in the kidnapping of British diplomat James Cross, the event that initiated the October Crisis. Bachand had earlier fled Canada to avoid another criminal prosecution.
Bachand and Lanctôt were close friends with a young man born in France, Richard Bros. On 22 November 1970, during the October Crisis, days before the Liberation Cell released their hostage, Bros would die in a London police cell, reportedly a suicide. In April 1969 Bachand fled to Havana, where he met up with other FLQ who had sought refuge in Cuba, including Pierre Charette, Alain Allard and Raymond Villeneuve. Bachand was very much a socialist, and did not view Quebec nationalism, particularly its Parti Québécois manifestation, very positively. This brought him in conflict with certain other FLQ who were more sovereigntist, such as Raymond Villeneuve and Denis Lamoureux.
Death
In June 1970 he left Cuba for Paris. He was found shot to death in the apartment of Pierre Barral and his wife, Françoise, in the Paris suburb of St. Ouen on March 29, 1971, following a cous cous lunch with them and Norman Roy and Denyse Leduc of the DEFLQ (Delegation extérierure du FLQ). He was assassinated by 3 shots from a .22 calibre pistol with a silencer. It is asserted that he was killed by Normand Roy and Denyse Leduc, assisted by the Security and Intelligence branch of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police or RCMP Security Service
References
McLoughlin, Michael "Last Stop, Paris: the assassination of Mario Bachand and the death of the FLQ" (Viking: Toronto, 1998)
Radio-Canada program Enjeu, 27 March 1997.
1944 births
1971 deaths
People from Montreal
Front de libération du Québec members
Quebec sovereigntists
Canadian socialists |
4021312 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isaac%20Wyman | Isaac Wyman | Isaac Wyman (1724–1792) was born January 18, 1724 in Woburn, Massachusetts to Joshua Wyman and his wife Mary Pollard. In 1747 he married Sarah Wells of Franklin, Massachusetts. They had nine children altogether.
As a young man, Wyman moved to Keene, New Hampshire and served in the New Hampshire Provincial Regiment during the French and Indian War at the Battle of Fort William Henry and the Battle of Carillon in 1757 and 1758 respectively. In 1762 he opened a tavern on Main Street in Keene, this building is now a museum. Wyman was chosen to represent Keene at the New Hampshire General Assembly in January and February 1775.
At the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War in April 1775 Wyman, as a captain of the local militia, led a company from Keene to the Siege of Boston and joined John Stark's 1st New Hampshire Regiment in the Battle of Bunker Hill. In 1776 he was appointed as colonel of a New Hampshire militia regiment sent to reinforce the Continental Army in its retreat from Canada. His regiment mustered at Keene July 16, 1776 and marched to Fort at Number 4 and then on to Fort Ticonderoga where it stayed until December of that year, when the regiment returned to New Hampshire for winter quarters. This was Col. Wyman's last military campaign; after this time his advancing years kept him from any more military service. He would go on to become a justice of the peace in his home town of Keene, New Hampshire until his death on March 31, 1792.
References
A List of The Revolutionary Soldiers of Dublin, N.H. by Samuel Carroll Derby Press of Spahr & Glenn, Columbus, Ohio 1901
State Builders: An Illustrated Historical and Biographical Record of the State of New Hampshire. State Builders Publishing Manchester, NH 1903
External links
Isaac Wyman's Tavern
1724 births
1792 deaths
Continental Army officers from New Hampshire
People of New Hampshire in the French and Indian War
New Hampshire militiamen in the American Revolution
People of colonial New Hampshire |
4021323 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Adventure | The Adventure | "The Adventure" is a song recorded by American rock band Angels & Airwaves. It was released on May 18, 2006, through Geffen Records, as the lead single from their debut studio album, We Don't Need to Whisper (2006). The song received increased attention when it aired on a Smallville trailer. After the season finale of Smallville aired, "The Adventure" climbed to #30 on Amazon. The track was also played in the crowd warm-up session before Barack Obama's presidential election rallies in 2008.
During concerts, DeLonge has often used both "Down" and "I Miss You" by Blink-182 as part of an extended intro to the song.
"The Adventure" is also featured as downloadable content in the karaoke game Lips and in the music game Rock Band. It is also a playable song in the music games, Band Hero and Rocksmith 2014 (DLC). The song was also featured on a Ford and X-Play commercial. It was also used in the WWE Network documentary special "WWE 24: Goldberg". DeLonge has often stated that The Adventure is his favorite song by the band.
Track listing
"The Adventure" (Album version) – 5:12
"The Adventure" (Radio edit) – 4:40
Acoustic version
An acoustic version of "The Adventure" appears as a B-side on the "Everything's Magic" single. Another version can be found on the band's 2017 We Don't Need To Whisper acoustic EP, featuring four acoustic versions of songs off their debut album.
This song was included on MuchMusic's Big Shiny Tunes 11.
Short film
The song was officially released on February 20, 2006, as an internet-only short film. Although DeLonge had stated differently, the same version of the song that had been leaked previously after someone hacked into DeLonge's email account. It is shot on 8mm black and white, with the film having a science fiction feel to it. DeLonge stated that "...it kind of looks like George Lucas' THX 1138, where it's all beautiful naked women and fast cars and concrete and glass architecture." The subsequent short-film, "It Hurts", was released on April 18 and continues the story where "The Adventure" left off.
Music video
The music video for the song was directed by The Malloys. It was shot in March 2006 was released on April 5. The video was leaked onto the Internet soon after its release. "The Adventure" begins with the band boarding a spacecraft to pick up their instruments and begin playing, and then moves to DeLonge walking in a field. It ends with clips of World War II and DeLonge walking off into the distance in a meadow with the sky lit with planets. The video was nominated for Best Effects by the 2006 MTV Video Music Awards, including Best New Artist and Best Editing. It was also number one on MuchTopTens: "Top Ten Out of This World Videos" on December 14, 2006.
Charts
References
External links
2005 songs
2006 debut singles
Angels & Airwaves songs
Songs written by Tom DeLonge
Music videos directed by The Malloys
Geffen Records singles |
4021328 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Del%20Webb | Del Webb | Delbert Eugene Webb (May 17, 1899 – July 4, 1974) was an American real estate developer, and a co-owner of the New York Yankees baseball club. He is known for founding and developing the retirement community of Sun City, Arizona, and for many works of his firm, Del E. Webb Construction Company.
Early years
Webb was born in Fresno, California, to Ernest G. Webb, a fruit farmer, and Henrietta S. Webb. He dropped out of high school to become a carpenter's apprentice, and in 1919, he married Hazel Lenora Church, a graduate nurse. In 1920, Webb was a ship fitter, and they were living with his parents and two younger brothers in Placer County, California. At the age of 28, he suffered typhoid fever, and as a result moved to Phoenix, Arizona, to recover.
Career
In 1928, Webb began his namesake company which was a construction contractor. He received many military contracts during World War II, including the construction of the Poston War Relocation Center near Parker. Poston interned over 17,000 Japanese-Americans and at the time was the third largest "city" in Arizona. Webb was associated with Howard Hughes and played golf with Hughes, Bing Crosby, Bob Hope and Barry Goldwater.
A former semi-professional baseball player and a lifelong fan, Webb and partners Dan Topping and Larry MacPhail purchased the New York Yankees in 1945 for $2.8 million from the estate of Col. Jake Ruppert Jr. After buying out MacPhail in October 1947, Webb and Topping remained owners of the Yankees until selling the club to CBS in 1964. During those 20 seasons, the Yankees were in 15 World Series and won 10 of them.
In 1946 and 1947, mob boss Benjamin "Bugsy" Siegel hired Webb as the general contractor for the Flamingo Hotel and Casino in Las Vegas. After boasting about his claim that he had personally killed 16 men, Siegel said to Webb, "Del, don't worry, we only kill each other", after seeing the panicked look on Webbs face.
In 1948, Webb was contracted to build 600 houses and a shopping center called Pueblo Gardens in Tucson, Arizona. San Manuel, Arizona, a mining company town and currently a resort town, followed. Established in 1953, the town was built by Webb (along with M.O.W. Homes Inc.) for The Magma Copper Company. It required the building of streets, shopping centers, schools, a hospital and parks. This was a prelude to Sun City, Arizona, which was launched January 1, 1960, with five home models, a shopping center, recreation center and golf course. The opening weekend drew 100,000 people, ten times more than expected, and resulted in a Time magazine cover story. In between these two projects, in 1951, Webb was given the huge contract to build the Hughes Missile Plant (now Raytheon) in Tucson, Arizona.
Personal life
In 1919, Webb married his childhood sweetheart, Hazel Lenora Church. They divorced in 1952. In 1961, Webb married Toni Ince, then aged 41, a buyer for Bullocks Wilshire department store in Los Angeles. Toni Ince Webb lived in Beverly Hills, California, until her death in 2008.
Death and legacy
Webb died at age 75 in Rochester, Minnesota, at the Mayo Clinic, following surgery for lung cancer, less than two months after Topping's death.
Webb was portrayed by Andy Romano in the 1991 film Bugsy, as listed in film credits.
Webb was elected to the Gaming Hall of Fame in 2000. The Del Webb Middle School, named in his honor, opened in Henderson, Nevada, in 2005. A charitable foundation named for him funds medical research in Nevada, Arizona, and California. A main thoroughfare in Sun City is named Del Webb Boulevard.
See also
Sun City Center, Florida
Sun City, Menifee, California
Sun City Summerlin, Nevada
Sun City Texas Georgetown, Texas
References
External links
Del Webb company website history of company and man
Del E. Webb Center for the Performing Arts
1899 births
1974 deaths
American casino industry businesspeople
American construction businesspeople
American real estate businesspeople
Major League Baseball owners
New York Yankees owners
People from Fresno, California
Businesspeople from Phoenix, Arizona
Del E. Webb buildings
20th-century American businesspeople
Arizona culture |
4021333 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cho%20Hyun-doo | Cho Hyun-doo | Cho Hyun-Doo is a football player from South Korea. He is currently coaching Suwon Samsung Bluewings youth system.
He was a member of the South Korean Youth (U-20) team in early 1990s and went on to play as a professional in the K-League.
He also made three appearances for the South Korea national team, including a match versus New Zealand in 1997.
Club career
1996-2002 Suwon Samsung Bluewings
2003 Chunnam Dragons
2003-2005 Bucheon SK
2006-2007 Gangneung City
2009–2010 Yongin Citizen
External links
1973 births
Living people
Association football forwards
South Korean footballers
South Korea international footballers
Suwon Samsung Bluewings players
Jeonnam Dragons players
Jeju United FC players
Gangneung City FC players
K League 1 players
Korea National League players
K3 League players
Hanyang University alumni |
4021353 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heitor%20Pereira | Heitor Pereira | Heitor Teixeira Pereira () (born November 29, 1960), or Heitor TP, is a Brazilian composer, songwriter, musician, arranger, and record producer. In his career, Pereira has recorded with the band Simply Red and several famous musicians, such as Elton John, Rod Stewart, k.d. lang, Milton Nascimento, and Jack Johnson; and currently works as a film score composer, as well as a musician at Hans Zimmer's studio, he is best known for being the composer of the Despicable Me franchise. Although primarily a guitarist, he also provided backing vocals live for the Simply Red song "Thrill Me".
In 1994, he released a solo album in the UK called Heitor TP, which featured guest appearance from Mick Hucknall on the track "Manchester". Heitor left Simply Red to concentrate on his solo career. He played guitar and composed additional music for soundtracks like Gladiator, Mission: Impossible 2, The Road to El Dorado, Pearl Harbor, I Am Sam, Spirit: Stallion of the Cimarron, Rango, Madagascar and Madagascar: Escape 2 Africa.
In 2003, Pereira contributed the song "Remember Me" for the soundtrack for Something's Gotta Give.
In 2006, Heitor Pereira won a Grammy Award for 'Best Instrumental Arrangement Accompanying a Vocalist' on a version of the song "What Are You Doing the Rest of Your Life?" by Chris Botti and Sting.
In 2011, he played guitar on the soundtrack of the film, Cowboys & Aliens.
Albums
Heitor TP (1987)
Heitor (1994)
Untold Stories (2001)
Film scores
2000s
2010s
2020s
References
External links
1957 births
Animated film score composers
Berklee College of Music alumni
Brazilian composers
Brazilian film score composers
Brazilian guitarists
Brazilian male composers
Brazilian male guitarists
Brazilian rock musicians
Grammy Award winners
Illumination (company) people
Living people
Male film score composers
People from Rio Grande (Rio Grande do Sul)
Simply Red members
Sony Pictures Animation people |
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