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been masked by using proxies or botnets that are located across the globe. Neither NATO |
nor European Commission experts were able to find any proof of official Russian |
government participation. Further, the Russian government denounced Estonia |
s claims and |
refused to participate in any type of investigation (Bright 2007; Estonia Fines Man for 'Cyber |
War' 2008; Estonia Hit by Moscow Cyber War 2007). |
Debilitating Effect at a Low Cost |
The effects of the cyber attacks were magnified as Estonia is one of the most internet-savvy |
states in the European Union (The Cyber Raiders Hitting Estonia 2007). The Estonian |
government has pursued a paperless society, or e-government, and web-based banking. |
Slowing down, or halting, banking services and newspaper outlets that rely on advertising |
revenue strains the economy. This happens not only through a direct loss in revenue, but also |
with a reduction in productivity, lost efficiency, diverting resources, escalating frustration, |
and lost consumer and investor confidence. Estonia also uses the internet to elect |
parliamentary officials, file their taxes and, via mobile phone, shop or pay for parking. In |
some cases, website administrators simply blocked access from foreign states. While this |
was effective in curbing the attacks, it completely cut off banking services to Estonians |
outside of the country, vital to Estonian business people abroad. Spam emails inundated |
government officials |
inboxes, halting online communication from the Parliament |
s email |
server. Officials closed off large portions of their network to keep more vital areas online. A |
government briefing site was given high priority while the president |
s website was sacrificed. |
The 10 largest swarms of data requests by the hackers absorbed 90 megabits per second for |
up to 10 hours each, straining Estonia |
s networks. It was |
equivalent to downloading the |
entire Windows XP operating system every six seconds for 10 hours |
(Landler and Markoff |
2007). The cyber attacks on Estonia came close to shutting down the country |
s digital |
infrastructure. While these may seem more of a disruption than a collapse, the effects radiate |
out into society (Bright 2007; Estonia Hit by Moscow Cyber War 2007). |
Culture Mandala, Vol. 8, No. 1, October 2008, pp.28-80 |
Copyright |
2008 Jason Fritz |
The month-long campaign caused companies to put resources into alternative infrastructure, |
such as going back to traditional mail, relying on telephones, fax, and libraries, and reenforcing alternative methods of payment. As well as the cost of material infrastructure, |
these type of cyber attacks cause a loss in productivity. This includes paying more people to |
staff bank tellers, increased traffic on the streets, and long lines at retail outlets. Newspaper |
outlets, telephone companies, and product distributors, have grown accustomed to using |
online tools, and now rely heavily on them. While this might be a boon for some industries, |
the whole restructuring process weakens the nation in the short term. The cyber attacks are |
comparable to the damage caused to industry (beyond tangible infrastructure) by flooding or |
blizzards. It places a nation in a state of flux, and leaves it more vulnerable to a traditional |
attack. |
DDoS attacks offer an enemy country an effective low cost assault with high deniability. The |
majority of attacks on Estonia were DDoS, clogging its servers, switches, and routers. |
Analysis from Arbor Networks revealed thousands of bots were used against Estonia from |
locations as diverse as the US, Vietnam, Peru, and China. The cost to a state wanting to |
establish botnets is minimal, requiring only one person, an internet connection, and a basic |
computer. While the information for conducting such attacks can be found online, it is more |
likely someone with expertise, such as non-government hacker groups, would be involved in |
securing the rental of a botnet. This still keeps the number at a minimum, and hackers can |
find alternative ways to fund the rental of servers with high bandwidth, such as credit card |
theft (Waterman 2007; The Cyber Raiders Hitting Estonia 2007). |
Deniability |
Determining the source of DDoS attacks is a difficult task, as they can be conducted with |
proxies or botnets. Even if an IP address is obtained, there is no certainty that that was the |
true source of the attack and not one link in a chain of computers or simply a compromised |
computer being used unbeknownst to the owner. Message boards and chat rooms located on |
Russian websites served as a meeting place for attackers, a place to coordinate their time of |
attack, discuss targets, and recruit others. Because these individuals can be scattered across |
the globe, it is difficult to assign a group identity to them. The web host may not be aware |
that plans are being laid on their website, or they may not realise the scope of such plans. |
These discussions can appear as a childish prank, overshadowing the serious repercussions of |
the actions taking place, with no individual feeling responsible to put a stop to it. |
The Estonia cyber attacks raised debate as to whether they were sponsored by the Russian |
government. Some believed the attacks were too sophisticated to be the work of individuals |
or even organised crime. Others believed the attacks were endorsed and guided by the |
Russian government, but thought they were not directly involved |
using online operatives |
and media warfare as mentioned in IO. Russia has been accused in the past of sponsoring |
web brigades |
- cyber attack teams - that conduct PSYOPS, disinformation, spamming, and |
cyber bullying, such as revealing an enemy |
s personal details (Polyanskaya 2006). From the |
perspective of officials from the United States Computer Emergency Readiness Team and the |
Pentagon |
s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, the attacks were not conducted by |
sophisticated means, nor were they state-sponsored. The attackers used commercially |
available off-the-shelf computers and scripts that are readily available on the internet |
(Waterman 2007). Data from the Arbor Networks Active Threat Level Analysis System |
(ATLAS) indicated that the attacks were conducted by multiple distributed botnets which |
appeared to have been acting independently (Kerner 2007). Even if the attacks were traced to |
Culture Mandala, Vol. 8, No. 1, October 2008, pp.28-80 |
Copyright |
2008 Jason Fritz |
Russian government computers there was no certainty that those computers had not been |
taken over by remote hackers. It would also seem foolish for the Russian government to use |
its own computers for such an attack, especially when it has the expertise to mask its identity, |
unless doing so was masking its identity (knowing that you know I know). Johannes Ullrich, |
chief research officer of the Bethesda, stated: |
Attributing a distributed denial-of-service |
attack like this to a government is hard. It may as well be a group of bot herders showing |
patriotism, kind of like what we had with Web defacements during the US-China spy-plane |
crisis [in 2001] |
(Brenner 2007). |
As evidence of the Estonia case continued to be examined, the consensus was that the |
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