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OSINT continually points to cyber warfare being capable of crippling a state |
s electric power |
transmission, transportation systems, and communications systems (Phone Phreaking 2008; |
Weber 2008; Trahan 2008; McMillan 2007; Tkacik 2007; Reid 2007; Robson 2004; |
Miklaszewski 1999). If the Russian government was behind the cyber attacks on Estonia, it |
did not use such a dramatic assault. The Russians may simply have been testing their cyber |
warfare capabilities, saving their most devastating capability for when it is needed most, as it |
may only work once. Such an attack would cripple the flow of goods, effectively starving the |
population and shutting down business. Evidence that such a possibility exists can be seen |
across the globe. In 1997, a teenager shut down air and ground communication at a US |
airport in Massachusetts, and in 2000, the Russian government announced that hackers had |
succeeded in taking control of the world |
s largest natural gas pipeline network, Gazprom, by |
using a type of Trojan. In 2000, Vitek Boden took control of a sewage pumping station in |
Australia. He remotely triggered the release of a million litres of sewage into public |
waterways (Barker 2002). Computers and manuals seized in Al Qaeda training camps |
contained large amounts of SCADA information related to dams and critical infrastructure. |
In 2003, the Slammer Worm took a US nuclear power plant |
s safety monitoring system |
offline, and the Blaster Worm was connected with a massive blackout in the Eastern US |
(Maynor and Graham 2006). |
The United States is particularly vulnerable as much of the communication, manufacturing, |
water, transportation, and energy infrastructure is owned by the private sector, as opposed to |
China and Russia where infrastructure is predominantly in the hands of the government |
(Greenemeier 2007). The relative ease with which the Titan Rain attacks were conducted |
make private sector computer networks look like an easy target (Almeida 2006). The |
government and defence installations are heavily funded for security, whereas the private |
sector is not. Initially the US power grid control systems were on closed networks (not |
connected to the internet). However, over time companies began deciding it was too costly to |
maintain separate networks. The internet became essential for operations, meaning they |
would need two separate systems for operation, one connected and one not. Through the |
decision-making process companies decided it was cheaper to have only the one that was |
Culture Mandala, Vol. 8, No. 1, October 2008, pp.28-80 |
Copyright |
2008 Jason Fritz |
connected, but focus on keeping it secure. Over time security became lax, and no network |
that is connected can be entirely secure. Many of these systems do not support |
authentication, encryption, or basic validation protocols; of those that do support them, most |
run with security features disabled (Maynor and Graham 2006). In addition to the internet, |
SCADA systems may be compromised through outdated modems used for maintenance |
purposes, wireless access points, or roaming notebooks. Further, power companies may buy |
and trade power amongst themselves, so loopholes designed to check available capacity have |
provided another entry point (Winkler 2007). The vulnerability of the private sector |
computer network, due to a lack of understanding or a lack of incentive, provides China (or |
other cyber-capable groups) with the opportunity to cripple US infrastructure. |
Point of Sale |
Using a modern fuel service station as a parallel for a cyber attack on commercial |
infrastructure, one can see the debilitating effects of a cyber attack. Magnetic stripe cards |
have replaced tangible notes as the primary method of payment. By overwhelming a bank |
through something as simple as a DDoS attack, an adversary could knock the point of sale |
banking system offline. Few service stations are equipped to handle this for duration longer |
than one day, and the Estonian attacks demonstrated a month-long capability. Lines in the |
store would grow as the speed of transactions dramatically slowed. Nearby ATMs would be |
taxed as people begin withdrawing more notes. As the ATM runs out of its supply of money, |
an internal alert is sent to notify the ATM provider to send an armoured car to restock the |
machine. This would require additional workflow, disrupting a fine tuned system of |
allocated staff hours and drivers. The long lines at the register would disrupt the productivity |
and efficiency of working customers who are unaccustomed to the long wait, and it would |
radiate frustration and anger throughout the community. |
As the service line grows and employees struggle to keep up, the amount of store theft (fuel |
and merchandise) increases. More hours would be allocated to review surveillance footage, |
and the local police would be inundated with cases of theft. Panic may ensue, as seen with |
small disruptions at service stations, comparable to the temporary collapse of Optus |
telecommunications or the temporary collapse of Westpac banking (Streem 2008). A |
sustained disruption could lead to mob mentality. The fragility of social order was |
demonstrated in 2008 when fuel price increases led to widespread violent protests across the |
globe, including Argentina, Belgium, France, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Portugal, South |
Korea, Spain, Thailand, and the UK (Arrests Following Jakarta Fuel Price Increases 2008; |
Banerjee and Zappei 2008; Cowell 2008; Fuel Demo Adds To Road Taxes Row 2008; |
Indonesia: Growing Fuel Price Protests Meet Repression 2008; Thai Truckers Join Global |
Fuel Price Protest 2008). |
Alternatively, the registers themselves are operated by using the internet and could be |
targeted. China could bypass banking systems, energy providers, transportation systems, or |
communications systems and go after the less guarded, and less funded, point-of-sale |
software. Few service stations remain in the western world that use unconnected registers, as |
it would be difficult to remain competitive. Similarly, there are few competitors in the |
service station industry due to strong competition. This means there are only a small group |
of service station vendors within a large city, and all of the computers within those companies |
are running off of the same network. The six largest non-state owned energy companies, |
known as super majors, are: Exxon Mobil, Royal Dutch Shell, BP, Chevron Corporation, |
ConocoPhillips, and Total SA. These six companies control the vast majority of service |
Culture Mandala, Vol. 8, No. 1, October 2008, pp.28-80 |
Copyright |
2008 Jason Fritz |
stations (SBDCNET 2001). This is sometimes obscured by the use of alternative store |
names, despite being contracted to a supermajor, or the continued use of an old company |
name despite having been bought out by a supermajor. This illustrates a lack of diversity in |
the retail industry. By attacking only a few targets, an entire city |
s service stations could be |
knocked offline. There are a limited number of independent operators within a typical city; |
however their numbers are too few to facilitate the influx of customers from the larger |
competitors. |
Without the online register, PLUs (price look-up codes) cannot scan and prices would have to |
be manually added. Any extended duration of this process could shutdown a store, and |
depending on the system, fuel may not be able to be dispensed without the computer. Service |
stations are not known for their sophistication in computer defence as they routinely tighten |
budgets to their limits and they have not seen a need to harden this infrastructure. As |
community hostility rises, employees may resign due to stress. It would be difficult training |
new employees during this time with extended lines and the employees themselves suffering |
an inability to access fuel. New staff would also cause lost time and money for training. All |
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