Datasets:
anhtunguyen98
/
LLM-SWP

Dataset card Data Studio Files Community
1
text
stringlengths
1
146k
Maher also appreciated the historical accuracy of the character's heritage, citing the Great Famine and subsequent emigration to the United States in the 1840s. Susan Grimshaw Susan Grimshaw (Kaili Vernoff) is the arbiter of the Van der Linde gang. Formerly in a relationship with Dutch, she has been a member of the gang for as long as Arthur has. After her and Dutch's relationship ended, the two have remained loyal partners. She is a leader of the gang, ensuring that work is always completed. Alongside Pearson, she is responsible for setting up the camp following each relocation. When Tilly disappears from camp at Shady Belle, Grimshaw tasks Arthur to help investigate.
They track her down to the hideout of the Foreman Brothers, storming the house, killing some of the gang members, and rescuing Tilly. After capturing Anthony Foreman, Grimshaw encourages Arthur to kill him. Sometime later, when Molly claims that she spoke to the Pinkertons about the gang's botched bank heist, Grimshaw shoots and kills Molly for breaking the rules. After the gang falls apart and Arthur reveals Micah to be the traitor, Grimshaw joins Arthur's side; when Grimshaw is distracted, Micah shoots and kills her. Her body is later buried by Charles Smith. Vernoff worked on the game for about four-and-a-half years.
As production continued and she discovered more about the character, she wanted to ensure that she portrayed some of Grimshaw's vulnerabilities; as production continued, she was required to re-record some dialogue as she settled into the role. Vernoff enjoyed the juxtaposition of Grimshaw's character, noting that, despite her viciousness with the girls at camp, she "will go to any lengths to protect [them] and keep them from harm". She felt that Grimshaw was not initially likable to players, which made her more interesting to play. Vernoff felt that Grimshaw believed that the camp would not survive without her. Regarding the character's fate, Vernoff felt that Grimshaw was "defending her family and she wouldn't have it any other way".
Colin Campbell of Polygon described Grimshaw as a "walking cliché", noting that her strength exists only to offer support to the male hero, comparing her to Ma Ingalls in Little House on the Prairie and Mrs. Jorgensen in The Searchers. Tilly Jackson Tilly Jackson (Meeya Davis-Glover) is a handmaid of the Van der Linde gang. At the age of 12, she was kidnapped by her mother by the Foreman Brothers gang, with whom she ran for several years, enduring abuse. After she killed one of the gang members, she fled, getting into more trouble until she was found by Dutch, who brought her into the gang and taught her how to read.
Resilient and capable, Tilly is unafraid to speak her mind. She joins Arthur, Uncle, Karen, and Mary-Beth on a trip to explore Valentine, where she is hassled by a member of the Foreman Brothers until Arthur steps in. Sometime later, Tilly is kidnapped by the Foreman Brothers and taken to their safe house; she is rescued by Arthur and Grimshaw. After the gang falls apart and Pinkertons raid their camp, Tilly takes Jack and hides, later reunited with Abigail and Sadie. Eight years later, in 1907, Tilly has married a lawyer from Haiti, with whom she is having a daughter.
She keeps in close contact with Mary-Beth. Davis-Glover appreciated that the game featured a black woman standing up for herself. She became emotional during the scene in which Tilly discusses killing Anthony Foreman's cousin, noting that "at a young age [Tilly] went through so much". Davis-Glover was also pregnant when recording scenes of Tilly's pregnancy, but admitted that the writers did not intentionally make that connection. Uncle Uncle (John O'Creagh and James McBride) is one of the oldest members of the Van der Linde gang. He is a drunkard who claims to have had several wives and traveled significantly. He also claims to have been a talented gunslinger in his younger age, and contends that he suffers from terminal lumbago.
During the events of the game, Uncle joins Arthur, Karen, Mary-Beth, and Tilly to Valentine, where he shows Arthur the local shop and shares with him a bottle of whiskey. Uncle later hears about a supposedly unguarded stagecoach of Leviticus Cornwall, which he robs alongside Arthur, Bill, and Charles; however, after dozens of Cornwall's men fight back, the four hide in a barn and are forced to fight to escape. He also later tells Arthur of a cattle rustling opportunity and discovers Molly O'Shea at a bar in Saint Denis. When the gang begins to fall apart, Uncle decides to leave.
Eight years later, in 1907, Uncle reunites with John Marston in Blackwater as the latter is buying a property. Uncle tracks down Charles Smith, and the two help John build his ranch. After the house is built, Uncle is kidnapped by the Skinner brothers and tortured, but soon rescued by John and Charles. He recovers and continues to work on the ranch. Four years later, during the events of Red Dead Redemption in 1911, Uncle poorly looks after John's farm in his absence; when soldiers and agents later attack the ranch, Uncle joins John in defending it but is shot and killed.
O'Creagh was cast in the role of Uncle, replacing Spider Madison from Red Dead Redemption. O'Creagh died during production and was replaced by McBride; O'Creah's singing lines still appear in the game. Supporting characters The gang encounters several allies throughout the game, including Arthur's former partner, Mary Linton (Julie Jesneck), Guarman rebellion leader Hercule Fontaine (Guyviaud Joseph), U.S. Infantry Captain Lyndon Monroe (Jake Silbermann), and lovers Beau Gray (Bjorn Thorstad) and Penelope Braithwaite (Alison Barton). Downes family The Downes family consists of Thomas (Peter Lettre) and Edith (Jayme Lake), and their son Archie (Paul Thode). Thomas obtained a loan from Leopold Strauss due to his financial problems; Arthur is sent to collect the loan and continually beats Thomas until Edith intervenes.
After Thomas dies from tuberculosis, Arthur returns and collects the remainder of the loan from Edith. She and Archie move away from their home and eventually become financially unstable. Arthur is later diagnosed with tuberculosis, which he contracted from Thomas. Arthur encounters Edith prostituting in Saint Denis and Annesburg. After he saves her son from being bullied, Arthur goes to Edith and persuades her to return home. Arthur offers her and Archie money and tells them to start a new life; after some persuasion, she accepts the money and advice, forgiving Arthur before leaving. Eight years later, in 1907, Edith and Archie own several businesses and appear wealthier.
Cade Onder of GameZone wrote that Arthur riding away from the Downes ranch on his first visit is "an interesting choice" by Rockstar to allow the player to "sit there and realize what you just did". Onder felt that Arthur's saving of Edith and Thomas was an effective demonstration of his character arc after he is diagnosed with tuberculosis. Eagle Flies Eagle Flies (Jeremiah Bitsui) is the son of Rains Fall, the chieftain of the Wapiti Indians. Arthur helps Eagle Flies and his father on several occasions; after some time, Dutch also agrees to help, hoping that it will distract the Army away from the gang's activities.
Dutch later works with Eagle Flies to trap soldiers in a valley to leave a message. When reinforcements attack the Indians, they are forced to fight back; while trying to rescue his friend Paytah, Eagle Flies is captured and taken to Fort Wallace. Arthur and Charles rescue him from the fort. During an attack against the Army, Eagle Flies is mortally wounded while saving Arthur from Colonel Favours. Arthur and Charles take him to his father at the reservation, where he dies. Bitsui worked on the game for about three years. IGNs Petty identified young warriors ignoring authority figures to following their angry peers is a common theme in American tribal culture.
Rains Fall Rains Fall (Graham Greene) is the chieftain of the Wapiti Indians and the father of Eagle Flies. He first meets Arthur in Saint Denis, employing him to steal incriminating documents from Leviticus Cornwall's company, which is trying to move the Indians away from their reservation. Sometime later, Rains Fall rides to the gang's camp and pleads with his son and his men not to fight against the Army; they ignore his pleas, and Eagle Flies is mortally wounded. Arthur and Charles bring his body to Rains Fall, who weeps. Seven years later, in 1907, Rains Fall tells John Marston that his tribe was forced to flee to Canada.
Houser felt that Greene's role signified all of the game's important points, including history and politics, adding that Greene brought a "great depth" to the game's story. He described the character as a "gentle soul in [a] violent world". Antagonists During the game, the gang's criminal acts bring them into conflict with various opposing forces including the wealthy oil magnate Leviticus Cornwall (John Rue), whose assets become a gang target. In response, he recruits a team of agents from the Pinkerton Detective Agency, led by Agent Andrew Milton (John Hickok) and his subordinate Agent Edgar Ross (Jim Bentley), to hunt down the gang.
The gang also encounters the Saint Denis-based Italian crime lord Angelo Bronte (Jim Pirri), the controversial Guarman ruler Alberto Fussar (Alfredo Narciso), U.S. Army Colonel Henry Favours (Malachy Cleary), and Dutch's nemesis Colm O'Driscoll (Andrew Berg), leader of the rival O'Driscoll gang. Along their travels, the gang becomes entangled in the warring Gray and Braithwaite family, primarily through their affiliations with Leigh Gray (Tim McGeever), the sheriff of Rhodes, and Catherine Braithwaite (Ellen Harvey), the matriarch of the Braithwaite family. Additional enemies in the game include the Del Lobo, Laramie, Skinner, Murfree, and Lemoyne Raiders gangs. Angelo Bronte Angelo Bronte (Jim Pirri) is a wealthy Italian businessman and criminal from Saint Denis.
Bronte bought Jack Marston from the Braithwaite family after the latter abducted him; Arthur, Dutch, and John meet with Bronte and orchestrate his safe return. Bronte informs Dutch about a wealth of money at the trolley station, giving his blessing to rob it. However, the heist is a trap; the money is minimal and police are awaiting the gang. After they escape, Dutch vows revenge on Bronte. With some other gang members, he assaults Bronte's mansion, kidnapping him and drowning him before feeding him to an alligator. Benjamin Byron Davis claimed that the developer took some time to find an actor for Bronte before ultimately selecting Pirri.
Davis felt that Bronte was the man that Dutch wanted to be, which led to the later events between the two. Leviticus Cornwall Leviticus Cornwall (John Rue) is a wealthy man responsible for several businesses. While the gang is hiding in the mountains, they rob a train belonging to Cornwall; in response, Cornwall funds and commissions the Pinkertons to bring down the gang. Cornwall tracks down Dutch in Valentine, holding John and Strauss as hostages and demanding Dutch to face him; he soon leaves, and Arthur and Dutch fight off his men. When some of the gang is on Guarma, they discover that Cornwall had close business ties with Fussar due to the island's sugar plantations.
Cornwall is also responsible for driving the Wapiti Indians away from their reservations in search of oil. In Annesberg, Cornwall has a brief meeting with Pinkerton agents Milton and Ross, scolding them for their lack of progress in capturing the gang. Once the Pinkertons depart, Dutch approaches Cornwall; when Cornwall refuses his demands, Dutch shoots and kills him. His businesses continue to operate, but minimal oil was ultimately found on the Indian reservations, halting the operations. IGNs Petty found Cornwall to be a parody of rich and powerful men of the era such as Andrew Carnegie, J. P. Morgan, and George Washington Vanderbilt II.
Reception The characters received critical acclaim. GameSpots Kallie Plagge wrote that the new characters in the game contribute significantly to the quality of the story. Mike Williams of USgamer felt that the secondary characters "feel like actual people" due to their varied personalities, and the player feels a closer connection when events occur in the game. IGNs Luke Reilly praised the cultural variety within the cast of characters and the game's avoidance of caricatures. Giant Bomb's Alex Navarro echoed this sentiment, noting that the characters possess humanity often lacking in other Rockstar games, particularly in the thoughtful portrayal of Arthur's internal conflicts.
Keza MacDonald of The Guardian felt that the characters felt more believable due to the "excellent performances with unexpected range". Polygons Chris Plante found the game's portrayal of Native American characters, inspired by a "mashing together of real-world people, locations, and groups into single entities", to be insensitive and confusing, but that the game's political commentary shined when focusing on the entitlement and power of the Braithwaite and Gray families. Campbell of Polygon considered many of the game's characters to be cliché, including Strauss as a "sinister money lender complete with a German accent" and Trelawny as "a gentleman thief with swell togs and a crisp English accent".
The introduction of Arthur Morgan as the protagonist was generally well-received. Electronic Gaming Monthlys Nick Plessas found the journey of redemption for Arthur Morgan to be "far more redeeming" than John Marston's in Red Dead Redemption, noting that his sins heightened his sympathy for the character. Javy Gwaltney of Game Informer felt that Arthur was a better protagonist than Marston, particularly citing his overall development and character arc. Conversely, Eurogamers Martin Robinson considered Arthur to be less compelling than Marston, leading to a confusing narrative as a result. Patrick Klepek noted a dissonance in Arthur's character inside and outside of the main story missions, making it difficult to connect with the game.
Campbell of Polygon wrote that Arthur "barely registers as a coherent personality", rendering the overall narrative confusing. The character performances also received praise, with Game Informers Matt Bertz noting that they kept the story "grounded". Bill Lavoy of Shacknews felt that the quality of the voice acting made every character "distinct and believable". Dean Takahashi of VentureBeat described the performances of Benjamin Byron Davis and Roger Clark as "first-rate", praising the immersion of the acting and facial animation. Colm Ahern of VideoGamer.com similarly praised the two actors, noting that their performances "would feel at home in a top HBO drama".
For his role as Arthur, Roger Clark won Best Performance at The Game Awards 2018, and was awarded gold from PlayStation Blog. He also received nominations at the 15th British Academy Games Awards, the 18th Annual NAVGTR Awards, and the 8th Annual New York Game Awards. Cali Elizabeth Moore was nominated for the Great White Way Award for Best Acting in a Game at the New York Game Awards for her portrayal of Abigail, while Alex McKenna was nominated for Performance in a Drama, Supporting at the NAVGTR Awards for her role as Sadie. References Sources Bibliography Category:Red Dead Red Dead Redemption 2
Liverpool won the 2000–01 UEFA Cup with a golden goal in the final against Alavés for their third title in the competition. It completed a cup treble for the club, as they also won the FA Cup and the League Cup that season. The conclusion of the tournament by a golden goal is the only instance in any of the major European club cup competitions until the abolition of the rule in 2002. English clubs had been banned from European competitions between 1985 and 1990 as a result of the Heysel disaster, and Liverpool were the first English side of the post-Heysel era to win the trophy.
The previous English winners were Tottenham Hotspur in 1984. It was also Liverpool's first European trophy of the post-Heysel era. Association team allocation A total of 145 teams from 51 UEFA associations participated in the 2000–01 UEFA Cup. Associations are allocated places according to their 1999 UEFA league coefficient. Below is the qualification scheme for the 2000–01 UEFA Cup: Associations 1–6 each enter three teams Associations 7–8 each enter four teams Associations 9–15 each enter two teams Associations 16–21 each enter three teams Associations 22–49 each enter two teams, with the exception of Liechtenstein who enter one.
Associations 50-51 each enter one team The top three associations of the 1999–2000 UEFA Fair Play ranking each gain an additional berth 16 teams eliminated from the 2000–01 UEFA Champions League are transferred to the UEFA Cup 8 teams eliminated from the group stage of the 2000–01 UEFA Champions League are transferred to the UEFA Cup 3 winners of the Intertoto Cup The winner of the 1999-2000 UEFA Cup (not used due to Galatasaray's qualification to Champions League) Association ranking Notes (FP): Additional fair play berth (Norway, Denmark, Scotland) (UCL): Additional teams transferred from the UEFA Champions League (IT): Additional teams from Intertoto Cup Distribution Redistribution rules A UEFA Cup place is vacated when a team qualify for both the Champions League and the UEFA Cup, or qualify for the UEFA Cup by more than one method.
When a place is vacated, it is redistributed within the national association by the following rules:< When the domestic cup winners (considered as the "highest-placed" qualifier within the national association) also qualify for the Champions League, their UEFA Cup place is vacated, and the remaining UEFA Cup qualifiers are moved up one place, with the final place (with the earliest starting round) taken by the domestic cup runners-up, provided they do not already qualify for the Champions League or the UEFA Cup. Otherwise, this place is taken by the highest-placed league finisher which do not qualify for the UEFA Cup yet.
When the domestic cup winners also qualify for the UEFA Cup through league position, their place through the league position is vacated, and the UEFA Cup qualifiers which finish lower in the league are moved up one place, with the final place taken by the highest-placed league finisher which do not qualify for the UEFA Cup yet. A place vacated by the League Cup winners is taken by the highest-placed league finisher which do not qualify for the UEFA Cup yet. A Fair Play place is taken by the highest-ranked team in the domestic Fair Play table which do not qualify for the Champions League or UEFA Cup yet.
Teams The labels in the parentheses show how each team qualified for the place of its starting round: CW: Cup winners CR: Cup runners-up LC: League Cup winners Nth: League position FP: Fair play IC: Intertoto Cup winners CL: Relegated from the Champions League GS: Third-placed teams from the group stage Q3: Losers from the third qualifying round Qualifying round |} First round |} 1 This match was played at Prater Stadium in Vienna instead of at Red Star's home ground in Belgrade because Leicester City club leadership appealed to UEFA that the political situation in FR Yugoslavia posed a security risk.
UEFA's decision came on 12 September 2000 – only nine days before the game's originally scheduled date (21 September 2000). UEFA's decision to not only move the tie to a neutral location, but to also postpone it for a week was a highly controversial precedent since no other team that was drawn to play Yugoslav teams that season (including Porto and Celta Vigo among others) got similar treatment. Second round |} 1 This 2nd leg match in Vigo actually ended with the score 5–3 for the hosts Celta, but was later officially recorded as 3–0 walkover since it was discovered that Red Star fielded two suspended players.
Third round |} Fourth round |} First leg Second leg Kaiserslautern won 1–0 on aggregate. Celta Vigo won 2–1 on aggregate. PSV 4–4 Parma on aggregate. PSV won on away goals rule. Barcelona won 6–0 on aggregate. Deportivo Alavés won 5–3 on aggregate. Porto won 4–3 on aggregate. Rayo Vallecano won 6–2 on aggregate. Liverpool won 2–1 on aggregate. Quarter-finals |} First leg Second leg Barcelona 4–4 Celta Vigo on aggregate. Barcelona won on away goals rule. Liverpool won 2–0 on aggregate Alavés won 4–2 on aggregate Match interrupted for 16 minutes due to supporter disturbances. Kaiserslautern won 2–0 on aggregate Semi-finals |} First leg Second leg Alavés won 9–2 on aggregate.
Liverpool won 1–0 on aggregate. Final See also 2000–01 UEFA Champions League 2000 UEFA Intertoto Cup References External links 2000–01 All matches UEFA Cup – season at UEFA website Official website Results at Rec.Sport.Soccer Statistics Foundation All scorers 2000–01 UEFA Cup (excluding preliminary round) according to protocols UEFA + all scorers preliminary round 2000/01 UEFA Cup - results and line-ups (archive) Category:UEFA Cup seasons UEFA Cup
The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture ( and ), also known as the Tripolye culture (), is a Neolithic–Eneolithic archaeological culture ( 5500 to 2750 BCE) of Eastern Europe. It extended from the Carpathian Mountains to the Dniester and Dnieper regions, centred on modern-day Moldova and covering substantial parts of western Ukraine and northeastern Romania, encompassing an area of , with a diameter of 500 km (300 mi; roughly from Kyiv in the northeast to Brașov in the southwest). The majority of Cucuteni–Trypillia settlements consisted of high-density, small settlements (spaced 3 to 4 kilometres apart), concentrated mainly in the Siret, Prut and Dniester river valleys.
During the Middle Trypillia phase (c. 4000 to 3500 BCE), populations belonging to the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture built the largest settlements in Neolithic Europe, some of which contained as many as three thousand structures and were possibly inhabited by 20,000 to 46,000 people. One of the most notable aspects of this culture was the periodic destruction of settlements, with each single-habitation site having a lifetime of roughly 60 to 80 years. The purpose of burning these settlements is a subject of debate among scholars; some of the settlements were reconstructed several times on top of earlier habitational levels, preserving the shape and the orientation of the older buildings.
One particular location; the Poduri site in Romania, revealed thirteen habitation levels that were constructed on top of each other over many years. Nomenclature The culture was initially named after the village of Cucuteni in Iași County, Romania. In 1884, Teodor T. Burada, after having seen ceramic fragments in the gravel used to maintain the road from Târgu Frumos to Iași, investigated the quarry in Cucuteni from where the material was mined, where he found fragments of pottery and terracotta figurines. Burada and other scholars from Iași, including the poet Nicolae Beldiceanu and archeologists Grigore Butureanu, Dimitrie C. Butculescu and George Diamandy, subsequently began the first excavations at Cucuteni in the spring of 1885.
Their findings were published in 1885 and 1889, and presented in two international conferences in 1889, both in Paris: at the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences by Butureanu and at a meeting of the Society of Anthropology of Paris by Diamandi. At the same time, the first Ukrainian sites ascribed to the culture were discovered by Vikentiy Khvoyka, a Czech-born Ukrainian archeologist, in Kyiv at Kyrylivska street 55. The year of his discoveries has been variously claimed as 1893, 1896 and 1887. Subsequently, Chvojka presented his findings at the 11th Congress of Archaeologists in 1897, which is considered the official date of the discovery of the Trypillia culture in Ukraine.
In the same year, similar artifacts were excavated in the village of Trypillia (), in Kyiv Oblast, Ukraine. As a result, this culture became identified in Ukrainian publications (and later in Soviet Russia), as the 'Tripolie' (or 'Tripolye', from Russian Триполье), 'Tripolian' or 'Trypillia' culture. Today, the finds from both Romania and Ukraine, as well as those from Moldova, are recognised as belonging to the same cultural complex. It is generally called the Cucuteni culture in Romania and the Trypillia culture in Ukraine. In English, "Cucuteni–Tripolye culture" is most commonly used to refer to the whole culture, with the Ukrainian-derived term "Cucuteni–Trypillia culture" gaining currency following the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
Geography The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture flourished in the territory of what is now Moldova, northeastern Romania and parts of Western, Central and Southern Ukraine. The culture thus extended northeast from the Danube river basin around the Iron Gates to the Black Sea and the Dnieper. It encompassed the central Carpathian Mountains as well as the plains, steppe and forest steppe on either side of the range. Its historical core lay around the middle to upper Dniester (the Podolian Upland). During the Atlantic and Subboreal climatic periods in which the culture flourished, Europe was at its warmest and moistest since the end of the last Ice Age, creating favorable conditions for agriculture in this region.
As of 2003, about 3,000 cultural sites have been identified, ranging from small villages to "vast settlements consisting of hundreds of dwellings surrounded by multiple ditches". Chronology Periodisation Traditionally separate schemes of periodisation have been used for the Ukrainian Trypillia and Romanian Cucuteni variants of the culture. The Cucuteni scheme, proposed by the German archaeologist Hubert Schmidt in 1932, distinguished three cultures: Pre-Cucuteni, Cucuteni and Horodiştea–Folteşti; which were further divided into phases (Pre-Cucuteni I–III and Cucuteni A and B). The Ukrainian scheme was first developed by Tatiana Sergeyevna Passek in 1949 and divided the Trypillia culture into three main phases (A, B and C) with further sub-phases (BI–II and CI–II).
Initially based on informal ceramic seriation, both schemes have been extended and revised since first proposed, incorporating new data and formalised mathematical techniques for artifact seriation. The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture is commonly divided into an Early, Middle, Late period, with varying smaller sub-divisions marked by changes in settlement and material culture. A key point of contention lies in how these phases correspond to radiocarbon data. The following chart represents this most current interpretation: Early period (5800–5000 BCE) The roots of Cucuteni–Trypillia culture can be found in the Starčevo–Körös–Criș and Vinča cultures of the 6th to 5th millennia, with additional influence from the Bug–Dniester culture (6500–5000 BC).
During the early period of its existence (in the fifth millennium BCE), the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture was also influenced by the Linear Pottery culture from the north, and by the Boian culture from the south. Through colonisation and acculturation from these other cultures, the formative Pre-Cucuteni/Trypillia A culture was established. Over the course of the fifth millennium, the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture expanded from its 'homeland' in the Prut–Siret region along the eastern foothills of the Carpathian Mountains into the basins and plains of the Dnieper and Southern Bug rivers of central Ukraine. Settlements also developed in the southeastern stretches of the Carpathian Mountains, with the materials known locally as the Ariuşd culture (see also: Prehistory of Transylvania).
Most of the settlements were located close to rivers, with fewer settlements located on the plateaus. Most early dwellings took the form of pit-houses, though they were accompanied by an ever-increasing incidence of above-ground clay houses. The floors and hearths of these structures were made of clay, and the walls of clay-plastered wood or reeds. Roofing was made of thatched straw or reeds. The inhabitants were involved with animal husbandry, agriculture, fishing and gathering. Wheat, rye and peas were grown. Tools included ploughs made of antler, stone, bone and sharpened sticks. The harvest was collected with scythes made of flint-inlaid blades.
The grain was milled into flour by quern-stones. Women were involved in pottery, textile- and garment-making, and played a leading role in community life. Men hunted, herded the livestock, made tools from flint, bone and stone. Of their livestock, cattle were the most important, with swine, sheep and goats playing lesser roles. The question of whether or not the horse was domesticated during this time of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture is disputed among historians; horse remains have been found in some of their settlements, but it is unclear whether these remains were from wild horses or domesticated ones. Clay statues of females and amulets have been found dating to this period.
Copper items, primarily bracelets, rings and hooks, are occasionally found as well. A hoard of a large number of copper items was discovered in the village of Cărbuna, Moldova, consisting primarily of items of jewelry, which were dated back to the beginning of the fifth millennium BCE. Some historians have used this evidence to support the theory that a social stratification was present in early Cucuteni culture, but this is disputed by others. Pottery remains from this early period are very rarely discovered; the remains that have been found indicate that the ceramics were used after being fired in a kiln.
The outer colour of the pottery is a smoky grey, with raised and sunken relief decorations. Toward the end of this early Cucuteni–Trypillia period, the pottery begins to be painted before firing. The white-painting technique found on some of the pottery from this period was imported from the earlier and contemporary (5th millennium) Gumelnița–Karanovo culture. Historians point to this transition to kiln-fired, white-painted pottery as the turning point for when the Pre-Cucuteni culture ended and Cucuteni Phase (or Cucuteni–Trypillia culture) began. Cucuteni and the neighbouring Gumelniţa–Karanovo cultures seem to be largely contemporary; the "Cucuteni A phase seems to be very long (4600–4050) and covers the entire evolution of the Gumelnița–Karanovo A1, A2, B2 phases (maybe 4650–4050)."
Middle period (4000–3500 BC) In the middle era, the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture spread over a wide area from Eastern Transylvania in the west to the Dnieper River in the east. During this period, the population immigrated into and settled along the banks of the upper and middle regions of the Right Bank (or western side) of the Dnieper River, in present-day Ukraine. The population grew considerably during this time, resulting in settlements being established on plateaus, near major rivers and springs. Their dwellings were built by placing vertical poles in the form of circles or ovals. The construction techniques incorporated log floors covered in clay, wattle-and-daub walls that were woven from pliable branches and covered in clay and a clay oven, which was situated in the centre of the dwelling.
As the population in this area grew, more land was put under cultivation. Hunting supplemented the practice of animal husbandry of domestic livestock. Tools made of flint, rock, clay, wood and bones continued to be used for cultivation and other chores. Much less common than other materials, copper axes and other tools have been discovered that were made from ore mined in Volyn, Ukraine, as well as some deposits along the Dnieper river. Pottery-making by this time had become sophisticated, however they still relied on techniques of making pottery by hand (the potter's wheel was not used yet). Characteristics of the Cucuteni–Trypillia pottery included a monochromic spiral design, painted with black paint on a yellow and red base.
Large pear-shaped pottery for the storage of grain, dining plates and other goods, was also prevalent. Additionally, ceramic statues of female "goddess" figures, as well as figurines of animals and models of houses dating to this period have also been discovered. Some scholars have used the abundance of these clay female fetish statues to base the theory that this culture was matriarchal in nature. Indeed, it was partially the archaeological evidence from Cucuteni–Trypillia culture that inspired Marija Gimbutas, Joseph Campbell and some latter 20th century feminists to set forth the popular theory of an Old European culture of peaceful, egalitarian (counter to a widespread misconception, not matriarchal), goddess-centred neolithic European societies that were wiped out by patriarchal, Sky Father-worshipping, warlike, Bronze-Age Proto-Indo-European tribes that swept out of the steppes north and east of the Black Sea.
Late period (3500–3000 BC) During the late period, the Cucuteni–Trypillia territory expanded to include the Volyn region in northwest Ukraine, the Sluch and Horyn Rivers in northern Ukraine and along both banks of the Dnieper river near Kyiv. Members of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture who lived along the coastal regions near the Black Sea came into contact with other cultures. Animal husbandry increased in importance, as hunting diminished; horses also became more important. The community transformed into a patriarchal structure. Outlying communities were established on the Don and Volga rivers in present-day Russia. Dwellings were constructed differently from previous periods, and a new rope-like design replaced the older spiral-patterned designs on the pottery.
Different forms of ritual burial were developed where the deceased were interred in the ground with elaborate burial rituals. An increasingly larger number of Bronze Age artefacts originating from other lands were found as the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture drew near. Decline and end There is a debate among scholars regarding how the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture took place. According to some proponents of the Kurgan hypothesis of the origin of Proto-Indo-Europeans, and in particular the archaeologist Marija Gimbutas, in her book "Notes on the chronology and expansion of the Pit-Grave Culture" (1961, later expanded by her and others), the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture was destroyed by force.
Arguing from archaeological and linguistic evidence, Gimbutas concluded that the people of the Kurgan culture (a term grouping the Yamnaya culture and its predecessors) of the Pontic–Caspian steppe, being most likely speakers of the Proto-Indo-European language, effectively destroyed the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture in a series of invasions undertaken during their expansion to the west. Based on this archaeological evidence Gimbutas saw distinct cultural differences between the patriarchal, warlike Kurgan culture and the more peaceful egalitarian Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, which she argued was a significant component of the "Old European cultures" which finally met extinction in a process visible in the progressing appearance of fortified settlements, hillforts and the graves of warrior-chieftains, as well as in the religious transformation from the matriarchy to patriarchy, in a correlated east–west movement.
In this, "the process of Indo-Europeanization was a cultural, not a physical, transformation and must be understood as a military victory in terms of successfully imposing a new administrative system, language, and religion upon the indigenous groups. Accordingly, these proponents of the Kurgan hypothesis hold that this invasion took place during the third wave of Kurgan expansion between 3000–2800 BC, permanently ending the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture. In his 1989 book In Search of the Indo-Europeans, Irish-American archaeologist J. P. Mallory, summarising the three existing theories concerning the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, mentions that archaeological findings in the region indicate Kurgan (i.e.
Yamnaya culture) settlements in the eastern part of the Cucuteni–Trypillia area, co-existing for some time with those of the Cucuteni–Trypillia. Artifacts from both cultures found within each of their respective archaeological settlement sites attest to an open trade in goods for a period, though he points out that the archaeological evidence clearly points to what he termed "a dark age," its population seeking refuge in every direction except east. He cites evidence of the refugees having used caves, islands and hilltops (abandoning in the process 600–700 settlements) to argue for the possibility of a gradual transformation rather than an armed onslaught bringing about cultural extinction.
The obvious issue with that theory is the limited common historical life-time between the Cucuteni–Trypillia (4800–3000 BC) and the Yamnaya culture (3300–2600 BC); given that the earliest archaeological findings of the Yamnaya culture are located in the Volga–Don basin, not in the Dniester and Dnieper area where the cultures came in touch, while the Yamnaya culture came to its full extension in the Pontic steppe at the earliest around 3000 BC, the time the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture ended, thus indicating an extremely short survival after coming in contact with the Yamnaya culture. Another contradicting indication is that the kurgans that replaced the traditional horizontal graves in the area now contain human remains of a fairly diversified skeletal type approximately ten centimetres taller on average than the previous population.
In the 1990s and 2000s, another theory regarding the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture emerged based on climatic change that took place at the end of their culture's existence that is known as the Blytt–Sernander Sub-Boreal phase. Beginning around 3200 BC, the earth's climate became colder and drier than it had ever been since the end of the last Ice age, resulting in the worst drought in the history of Europe since the beginning of agriculture. The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture relied primarily on farming, which would have collapsed under these climatic conditions in a scenario similar to the Dust Bowl of the American Midwest in the 1930s.
According to The American Geographical Union, However, the Blytt–Sernander approach as a way to identify stages of technology in Europe with specific climate periods is an oversimplification not generally accepted. A conflict with that theoretical possibility is that during the warm Atlantic period, Denmark was occupied by Mesolithic cultures, rather than Neolithic, notwithstanding the climatic evidence. Moreover, the technology stages varied widely globally. To this must be added that the first period of the climate transformation ended 500 years before the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture and the second approximately 1400 years after. Economy Throughout the 2,750 years of its existence, the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture was fairly stable and static; however, there were changes that took place.
This article addresses some of these changes that have to do with the economic aspects. These include the basic economic conditions of the culture, the development of trade, interaction with other cultures and the apparent use of barter tokens, an early form of money. Members of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture shared common features with other Neolithic societies, including: An almost nonexistent social stratification Lack of a political elite Rudimentary economy, most likely a subsistence or gift economy Pastoralists and subsistence farmers Earlier societies of hunter-gatherer tribes had no social stratification, and later societies of the Bronze Age had noticeable social stratification, which saw the creation of occupational specialization, the state and social classes of individuals who were of the elite ruling or religious classes, full-time warriors and wealthy merchants, contrasted with those individuals on the other end of the economic spectrum who were poor, enslaved and hungry.
In between these two economic models (the hunter-gatherer tribes and Bronze Age civilisations) we find the later Neolithic and Eneolithic societies such as the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, where the first indications of social stratification began to be found. However, it would be a mistake to overemphasise the impact of social stratification in the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, since it was still (even in its later phases) very much an egalitarian society. And of course, social stratification was just one of the many aspects of what is regarded as a fully established civilised society, which began to appear in the Bronze Age. Like other Neolithic societies, the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture had almost no division of labor.
Although this culture's settlements sometimes grew to become the largest on Earth at the time (up to 15,000 people in the largest), there is no evidence that has been discovered of labour specialisation. Every household probably had members of the extended family who would work in the fields to raise crops, go to the woods to hunt game and bring back firewood, work by the river to bring back clay or fish and all of the other duties that would be needed to survive. Contrary to popular belief, the Neolithic people experienced considerable abundance of food and other resources. Since every household was almost entirely self-sufficient, there was very little need for trade.
However, there were certain mineral resources that, because of limitations due to distance and prevalence, did form the rudimentary foundation for a trade network that towards the end of the culture began to develop into a more complex system, as is attested to by an increasing number of artifacts from other cultures that have been dated to the latter period. Toward the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture's existence (from roughly 3000 BC to 2750 BC), copper traded from other societies (notably, from the Balkans) began to appear throughout the region, and members of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture began to acquire skills necessary to use it to create various items.
Along with the raw copper ore, finished copper tools, hunting weapons and other artefacts were also brought in from other cultures. This marked the transition from the Neolithic to the Eneolithic, also known as the Chalcolithic or Copper Age. Bronze artifacts began to show up in archaeological sites toward the very end of the culture. The primitive trade network of this society, that had been slowly growing more complex, was supplanted by the more complex trade network of the Proto-Indo-European culture that eventually replaced the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture. Diet The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture was a society of subsistence farmers. Cultivating the soil (using an ard or scratch plough), harvesting crops and tending livestock was probably the main occupation for most people.
Typically for a Neolithic culture, the vast majority of their diet consisted of cereal grains. They cultivated club wheat, oats, rye, proso millet, barley and hemp, which were probably ground and baked as unleavened bread in clay ovens or on heated stones in the home. They also grew peas and beans, apricot, cherry plum and wine grapes – though there is no solid evidence that they actually made wine. There is also evidence that they may have kept bees. The zooarchaeology of Cucuteni–Trypillia sites indicate that the inhabitants practiced animal husbandry. Their domesticated livestock consisted primarily of cattle, but included smaller numbers of pigs, sheep and goats.
There is evidence, based on some of the surviving artistic depictions of animals from Cucuteni–Trypillia sites, that the ox was employed as a draft animal. Both remains and artistic depictions of horses have been discovered at Cucuteni–Trypillia sites. However, whether these finds are of domesticated or wild horses is debated. Before they were domesticated, humans hunted wild horses for meat. On the other hand, one hypothesis of horse domestication places it in the steppe region adjacent to the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture at roughly the same time (4000–3500 BC), so it is possible the culture was familiar with the domestic horse. At this time horses could have been kept both for meat or as a work animal.
The direct evidence remains inconclusive. Hunting supplemented the Cucuteni–Trypillia diet. They used traps to catch their prey, as well as various weapons, including the bow and arrow, the spear and clubs. To help them in stalking game, they sometimes disguised themselves with camouflage. Remains of game species found at Cucuteni–Trypillia sites include red deer, roe deer, aurochs, wild boar, fox and brown bear. Salt The earliest known salt works in the world is at Poiana Slatinei, near the village of Lunca in Vânători-Neamț, Romania. It was first used in the early Neolithic, around 6050 BC, by the Starčevo culture, and later by the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture in the Pre-Cucuteni period.
Evidence from this and other sites indicates that the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture extracted salt from salt-laden spring-water through the process of briquetage. First, the brackish water from the spring was boiled in large pottery vessels, producing a dense brine. The brine was then heated in a ceramic briquetage vessel until all moisture was evaporated, with the remaining crystallised salt adhering to the inside walls of the vessel. Then the briquetage vessel was broken open, and the salt was scraped from the shards. The provision of salt was a major logistical problem for the largest Cucuteni–Trypillia settlements. As they came to rely upon cereal foods over salty meat and fish, Neolithic cultures had to incorporate supplementary sources of salt into their diet.
Similarly, domestic cattle need to be provided with extra sources of salt beyond their normal diet or their milk production is reduced. Cucuteni–Trypillia mega-sites, with a population of likely thousands of people and animals, are estimated to have required between 36,000 and 100,000 kg of salt per year. This was not available locally, and so had to be moved in bulk from distant sources on the western Black Sea coast and in the Carpathian Mountains, probably by river. Technology and material culture The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture is known by its distinctive settlements, architecture, intricately decorated pottery and anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, which are preserved in archaeological remains.
At its peak it was one of the most technologically advanced societies in the world at the time, developing new techniques for ceramic production, housing building, agriculture and producing woven textiles (although these have not survived and are known indirectly). Settlements In terms of overall size, some of Cucuteni–Trypillia sites, such as Talianki (with a population of 15,000 and covering an area of 335 hectares) in the province of Uman Raion, Ukraine, are as large as (or perhaps even larger than) the city-states of Sumer in the Fertile Crescent, and these Eastern European settlements predate the Sumerian cities by more than half of a millennium.
Archaeologists have uncovered a large number of artefacts from these ancient ruins. The largest collections of Cucuteni–Trypillia artefacts are to be found in museums in Russia, Ukraine and Romania, including the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg and the Archaeology Museum Piatra Neamţ in Romania. However, smaller collections of artefacts are kept in many local museums scattered throughout the region. These settlements underwent periodical acts of destruction and re-creation, as they were burned and then rebuilt every 60–80 years. Some scholars have theorised that the inhabitants of these settlements believed that every house symbolised an organic, almost living, entity. Each house, including its ceramic vases, ovens, figurines and innumerable objects made of perishable materials, shared the same circle of life, and all of the buildings in the settlement were physically linked together as a larger symbolic entity.
As with living beings, the settlements may have been seen as also having a life cycle of death and rebirth. The houses of the Cucuteni–Trypillia settlements were constructed in several general ways: Wattle-and-daub homes. Log homes, called (). Semi-underground homes called bordei. Some Cucuteni–Trypillia homes were two storeys tall, and evidence shows that the members of this culture sometimes decorated the outsides of their homes with many of the same red-ochre complex swirling designs that are to be found on their pottery. Most houses had thatched roofs and wooden floors covered with clay. Pottery Most Cucuteni–Trypillia pottery was hand coiled from local clay.
Long coils of clay were placed in circles to form first the base and then the walls of the vessel. Once the desired shape and height of the finished product was built up the sides would then be smoothed to create a seamless surface. This technique was the earliest form of pottery shaping and the most common in the Neolithic; however, there is some evidence that they also used a primitive type of slow-turning potter's wheel, an innovation that did not become common in Europe until the Iron Age. Characteristically vessels were elaborately decorated with swirling patterns and intricate designs.
Sometimes decorative incisions were added prior to firing, and sometimes these were filled with coloured dye to produce a dimensional effect. In the early period, the colours used to decorate pottery were limited to a rusty-red and white. Later, potters added additional colours to their products and experimented with more advanced ceramic techniques. The pigments used to decorate ceramics were based on iron oxide for red hues, calcium carbonate, iron magnetite and manganese Jacobsite ores for black and calcium silicate for white. The black pigment, which was introduced during the later period of the culture, was a rare commodity: taken from a few sources and circulated (to a limited degree) throughout the region.
The probable sources of these pigments were Iacobeni in Romania for the iron magnetite ore and Nikopol in Ukraine for the manganese Jacobsite ore. No traces of the iron magnetite pigment mined in the easternmost limit of the Cucuteni–Trypillia region have been found to be used in ceramics from the western settlements, suggesting exchange throughout the entire cultural area was limited. In addition to mineral sources, pigments derived from organic materials (including bone and wood) were used to create various colours. In the late period of Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, kilns with a controlled atmosphere were used for pottery production. These kilns were constructed with two separate chambers—the combustion chamber and the filling chamber— separated by a grate.
Temperatures in the combustion chamber could reach 1000–1100 °C but were usually maintained at around 900 °C to achieve a uniform and complete firing of vessels. Toward the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, as copper became more readily available, advances in ceramic technology levelled off as more emphasis was placed on developing metallurgical techniques. Ceramic figurines An anthropomorphic ceramic artefact was discovered during an archaeological dig in 1942 on Cetatuia Hill near Bodeşti, Neamţ County, Romania, which became known as the "Cucuteni Frumusica Dance" (after a nearby village of the same name). It was used as a support or stand, and upon its discovery was hailed as a symbolic masterpiece of Cucuteni–Trypillia culture.
It is believed that the four stylised feminine silhouettes facing inward in an interlinked circle represented a hora, or ritualistic dance. Similar artefacts were later found in Bereşti and Drăgușeni. Extant figurines excavated at the Cucuteni sites are thought to represent religious artefacts, but their meaning or use is still unknown. Some historians as Gimbutas claim that: ...the stiff nude to be representative of death on the basis that the color white is associated with the bone (that which shows after death). Stiff nudes can be found in Hamangia, Karanovo, and Cucuteni cultures Textiles No examples of Cucuteni–Trypillia textiles have yet been found – preservation of prehistoric textiles is rare and the region does not have a suitable climate.
However, impressions of textiles are found on pottery sherds (because the clay was placed there before it was fired). These show that woven fabrics were common in Cucuteni–Trypillia society. Finds of ceramic weights with drilled holes suggest that these were manufactured with a warp-weighted loom. It has also been suggested that these weights, especially "disposable" examples made from poor quality clay and inadequately fired, were used to weigh down fishing nets. These would probably have been frequently lost, explaining their inferior quality. Other pottery sherds with textile impressions, found at Frumuşica and Cucuteni, suggest that textiles were also knitted (specifically using a technique known as nalbinding).
Weapons and tools Cucuteni–Trypillia tools were made from knapped and polished stone, organic materials (bone, antler and horn), and in the later period, copper. Local Miorcani flint was the most common material for stone tools, but a number of other types are known to have been used, including chert, jasper and obsidian. Presumably these tools were hafted with wood, but this is not preserved. Weapons are rare but not unknown, implying the culture was relatively peaceful. The following types of tools have been discovered at Cucuteni–Trypillia sites: Wheels Some researchers, e.g., Asko Parpola, an Indologist at the University of Helsinki in Finland, believe that the CT-culture used the wheel with wagons.
However, only miniature models of animals and cups on 4 wheels have been found, and they date to the first half of the fourth millennium BC. Such models are often thought to have been children's toys; nevertheless, they do convey the idea that objects could be pulled on wheels. Up to now there is no evidence for wheels used with real wagons. Ritual and religion Some Cucuteni–Trypillia communities have been found that contain a special building located in the centre of the settlement, which archaeologists have identified as sacred sanctuaries. Artefacts have been found inside these sanctuaries, some of them having been intentionally buried in the ground within the structure, that are clearly of a religious nature, and have provided insights into some of the beliefs, and perhaps some of the rituals and structure, of the members of this society.
Additionally, artefacts of an apparent religious nature have also been found within many domestic Cucuteni–Trypillia homes. Many of these artefacts are clay figurines or statues. Archaeologists have identified many of these as fetishes or totems, which are believed to be imbued with powers that can help and protect the people who look after them. These Cucuteni–Trypillia figurines have become known popularly as goddesses; however, this term is not necessarily accurate for all female anthropomorphic clay figurines, as the archaeological evidence suggests that different figurines were used for different purposes (such as for protection), and so are not all representative of a goddess.
There have been so many of these figurines discovered in Cucuteni–Trypillia sites that many museums in eastern Europe have a sizeable collection of them, and as a result, they have come to represent one of the more readily identifiable visual markers of this culture to many people. The archaeologist Marija Gimbutas based at least part of her Kurgan Hypothesis and Old European culture theories on these Cucuteni–Trypillia clay figurines. Her conclusions, which were always controversial, today are discredited by many scholars, but still there are some scholars who support her theories about how neolithic societies were matriarchal, non-warlike, and worshipped an "earthy" mother goddess, but were subsequently wiped out by invasions of patriarchal Indo-European tribes who burst out of the steppes of Russia and Kazakhstan beginning around 2500 BC, and who worshipped a warlike Sky God.
However, Gimbutas' theories have been partially discredited by more recent discoveries and analyses. Today there are many scholars who disagree with Gimbutas, pointing to new evidence that suggests a much more complex society during the Neolithic era than she had been accounting for. One of the unanswered questions regarding the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture is the small number of artefacts associated with funerary rites. Although very large settlements have been explored by archaeologists, the evidence for mortuary activity is almost invisible. Making a distinction between the eastern Trypillia and the western Cucuteni regions of the Cucuteni–Trypillia geographical area, American archaeologist Douglass W. Bailey writes: There are no Cucuteni cemeteries and the Trypillia ones that have been discovered are very late.
The discovery of skulls is more frequent than other parts of the body, however because there has not yet been a comprehensive statistical survey done of all of the skeletal remains discovered at Cucuteni–Trypillia sites, precise post excavation analysis of these discoveries cannot be accurately determined at this time. Still, many questions remain concerning these issues, as well as why there seems to have been no male remains found at all. The only definite conclusion that can be drawn from archaeological evidence is that in the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, in the vast majority of cases, the bodies were not formally deposited within the settlement area.
Vinča–Turdaș script The mainstream academic theory is that writing first appeared during the Sumerian civilisation in southern Mesopotamia, around 3300–3200 BC. in the form of the Cuneiform script. This first writing system did not suddenly appear out of nowhere, but gradually developed from less stylised pictographic systems that used ideographic and mnemonic symbols that contained meaning, but did not have the linguistic flexibility of the natural language writing system that the Sumerians first conceived. These earlier symbolic systems have been labelled as proto-writing, examples of which have been discovered in a variety of places around the world, some dating back to the 7th millennium BC.
One such early example of a proto-writing system are the Vinča symbols, which is a set of symbols depicted on clay artefacts associated with the Vinča culture, which flourished along the Danube River in the Pannonian Plain, between 6000 and 4000 BC. The first discovery of this script occurred at the archaeological site in the village of Turdaş (Romania), and consisted of a collection of artefacts that had what appeared to be an unknown system of writing. In 1908, more of these same kinds of artefacts were discovered at a site near Vinča, outside the city of Belgrade, Serbia. Scholars subsequently labelled this the "Vinča script" or "Vinča–Turdaş script".
There is a considerable amount of controversy surrounding the Vinča script as to how old it is, as well as whether it should be considered as an actual writing system, an example of proto-writing, or just a collection of meaningful symbols. Indeed, the entire subject regarding every aspect of the Vinča script is fraught with controversy. Beginning in 1875 up to the present, archaeologists have found more than a thousand Neolithic era clay artefacts that have examples of symbols similar to the Vinča script scattered widely throughout south-eastern Europe. This includes the discoveries of what appear to be barter tokens, which were used as an early form of currency.
Thus it appears that the Vinča or Vinča–Turdaş script is not restricted to just the region around Belgrade, which is where the Vinča culture existed, but that it was spread across most of southeastern Europe, and was used throughout the geographical region of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture. As a result of this widespread use of this set of symbolic representations, historian Marco Merlini has suggested that it be given a name other than the Vinča script, since this implies that it was only used among the Vinča culture around the Pannonian Plain, at the very western edge of the extensive area where examples of this symbolic system have been discovered.
Merlini has proposed naming this system the Danube Script, which some scholars have begun to accept. However, even this name change would not be extensive enough, since it does not cover the region in Ukraine, as well as the Balkans, where examples of these symbols are also found. Whatever name is used, however (Vinča script, Vinča–Turdaș script, Vinča symbols, Danube script, or Old European script), it is likely that it is the same system. Archaeogenetics Nikitin (2011) analyzed mtDNA recovered from Cucuteni–Trypillia human osteological remains found in the Verteba Cave (on the bank of the Seret River, Ternopil Oblast, Ukraine).
It revealed that seven of the individuals whose remains where analysed belonged to: two to haplogroup HV(xH), two to haplogroup H, one to haplogroup R0(xHV), one to haplogroup J and one to haplogroup T4, the latter also being the oldest sample of the set. The authors conclude that the population living around Verteba Cave was fairly heterogenous, but that the wide chronological age of the specimens might indicate that the heterogeneity might have been due to natural population flow during this timeframe. The authors also link the R0(xHV) and HV(xH) haplogroups with European Paleolithic populations, and consider the T4 and J haplogroups as hallmarks of Neolithic demic intrusions from the southeast (the north-pontic region) rather than from the west (i.e.
the Linear Pottery culture). A 2017 ancient DNA study found evidence of genetic contact between the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture and steppe populations from the east from as early as 3600 BCE, well before the influx of steppe ancestry into Europe associated with the Yamnaya culture. A February 2018 study published in Nature included an analysis of three males from the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture. With respect to Y-DNA, two carried haplogroup G2a2b2a, while one carried G2a. With respect to mtDNA, the males carried H5a, T2b, and HV. See also Barter tokens of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture Chalcolithic Europe Copper Age Old Europe Vinča culture Varna culture Dnieper–Donets culture History of Ukraine Khvalynsk culture Linear Pottery culture Nebelivka (archaeological site) Neolithic Europe Prehistoric Romania Prehistory of Southeastern Europe Proto-Indo-Europeans Samara culture Sredny Stog culture Yamnaya culture Notes Bibliography English Bailey, Douglass Whitfield, Prehistoric figurines: representation and corporeality in the Neolithic.
London; New York, Routledge, 2005. Bailey, Douglass Whitfield; Whittle, Alasdair W.R.; Cummings, Vicki, eds. (Un)settling the neolithic. Oxford: Oxbow, 2005. Bartel, Brad, "Cultural associations and mechanisms of change in anthropomorphic figurines during the Neolithic in the eastern Mediterranean basin". World archaeology 13, no. 1 (1981): pp. 73–86. Abingdon, UK: Routledge Journals Chapman, John Fragmentation in archaeology: People, places, and broken objects in the prehistory of south eastern Europe. London: Routledge, 2000. Ciuk, Krzysztof, ed. Mysteries of ancient Ukraine: the remarkable Trypilian (sic) culture, 5400–2700 BC. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 2008. Drasovean, Florian; Popovici, Dragomir; Alamoreanu, Aledandru; Wullschleger, Manuela; Chamay, Jacques; van der Wielen-van Ommeren, Frederike.
Neolithic art in Romania. Catalog for the exhibition held at the Historisches Museum in Olten, Switzerland, June 3 – Oct. 5, 2008; Naples, Italy: arte'm, 2008. Ellis, Linda. The Cucuteni–Tripolye culture: study in technology and the origins of complex society. Volume 217 of the BAR international series; British Archaeological Reports (B.A.R): Oxford, 1984. Lazarovici, Cornelia-Magda (née Mantu), "Anthropomorphic statuettes from Cucuteni–Tripolye: some signs and symbols". Documenta Praehistorica 32, (2005): pp. 145–154. Ljubljana, Slovenia: University of Ljubljana Makkay, János. Early stamp seals in South-east Europe. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1984. Mallory, James P.. "Tripolye culture". Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, J. P. Mallory and D. Q. Adams (eds.
), Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1997. Mantu, Cornelia-Magda; Dumitroaia, Gheorghe; Tsaravopoulos, Aris, eds. Cucuteni: the last great Chalcolithic civilization of Europe. Catalog of an exhibit co-hosted by the Romanian Ministry of Culture, the Romanian Academy and the Hellenic Ministry of Culture, held at the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, 21 September – 31 December 1997 – the English version of the catalog by Bogdan Stefanescu; Athena, Greece: Hypourgeio Politismou, 1997. Renfrew, Colin. Problems in European prehistory: a collection of 18 papers, each with a new introduction and bibliography, and an original introductory essay. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1979. Skeates, Robin. "Neolithic stamps: cultural patterns, processes and potencies".
Cambridge Archaeological Journal 17, no.2 (2007): pp. 183–198. Taylor, Timothy. "Aspects of settlement diversity and its classification in southeast Europe before the Roman period". World Archaeology 19, no.1 (1987) pp. 1–22. Abingdon, UK: Routledge Journals The Tripolye Culture giant-settlements in Ukraine. Formation, Development and Decline. F. Menotti, A. Korvin-Piotrovsky ed. ; Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2012 Sherratt, Andrew. Economy and society in prehistoric Europe: changing perspectives. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997. Stratulat, Lacramioara, ed. Cucuteni–Trypilla: a great civilization of old Europe; Palazzo della Cancelleria, Rome–Vatican, 16 September – 31 October 2008. Catalog for an exhibit held at the Palazzo della Cancelleria museum in Vatican City from 16 September – 31 October 2008; Palazzo della Cancelleria: Rome–Vatican, 2008.
Mykhailo Videiko Ukraine: from Trypillia to Rus. Kyiv, Krion, 2010 Whittle, Alasdair W. R.. Europe in the Neolithic: the creation of new worlds. Part of the Cambridge world archaeology series (revised edition of Neolithic Europe, 1985); Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Wilson, Andrew. The Ukrainians: unexpected nation. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. French Chapman, John; Dumitroaia, Gheorghe; Weller, Olivier; et al, eds. Cucuteni: 120 ans de recherches. Le temps du bilan = 120 years of research: time to sum up. Volume 16 of the Bibliotheca memoriae antiquitatis series (Papers originally presented at a conference co-hosted by the Cucuteni Culture International Research Centre in Piatra-Neamţ, and the Institute of Archaeology in Iaşi, on Oct. 21–24, 2004 in Piatra Neamţ, Romania); Piatra-Neamţ, Romania: Constantin Matasa, 2005.
German Schmidt, Hubert. Cucuteni in der oberen Moldau, Rumänien: die befestigte Siedlung mit bemalter Keramik von der Steinkupferzeit bis in die vollentwickelte Bronzezeit. Berlin–Leipzig: W. de Gruyter, 1932. Romanian Dumitrescu, V. Arta culturii Cucuteni. Bucureşti: Editura Meridiane, 1979 Biblioteca Antiquitatis, The first Cucuteni Museum of Romania Foton, 2005 Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica, IX, Iaşi, 2003 The Human Bone with Possible Marks of Human Teeth Found at Liveni Site (Cucuteni Culture) Sergiu Haimovici Marius Alexianu, Gheorghe Dumitroaia and Dan Monah, The Exploitation of the Salt-Water Sources in Moldavia: an Ethno-Archaeological Approach, in (eds.) D. Monah, Gh. Dumitroaia, O. Weller et J. Chapman, L'exploitation du sel à travers le temps, BMA, XVIII, Piatra-Neamt, 2007, pp.
279–298 Russian Археология Украинской ССР, Киев, 1985, т.1 Бибиков С. Раннетрипольское поселение Лука-Врублевецкая на Днестре. МИА н. 38. М. — П. 1953. Збенович В. Г. Позднетрипольские племена Северного Причерноморья / АН УССР. НА. – К.: Наук. думка, 1974. Збенович В. Г. Ранний этап трипольской культуры на территории Украины / АН УССР. ИА. – К.: Наук. думка, 1989. Круц В. А. Позднетрипольские племена Среднего Поднепровья. – Киев: Наукова думка, 1977. Маркевич В. И. Позднетрипольские племена Северной Молдавии. – Кишинев: Штиинца, 1981. Пассек Т. Раннеземледельческие (трипольские) племена Поднестровья, МИА, н. 84. Москва, 1961. Пассек Т. Периодизация трипольских поселений. МИА, н. 10. М.
— П. 1949. Рыбаков Б. А., Космогония и мифология земледельцев энеолита // Советская археология, 1965, № 1—2. Рындина Н. В. Древнейшее металлообрабатывающее производство Восточной Европы, М., 1971. Хвойко В. Каменный век Среднего Поднепровья // Труды одиннадцатого археологического сьезда в Киеве. І. Киев, 1901. Трипольская культура в Украине. Поселение-гигант Тальянки. – Киев, 2008 Черныш Е. К., К истории населения энеолитического времени в Среднем Приднестровье // Неолит и энеолит юга Европейской части СССР, Москва, 1962. Черниш Е. К. Энеолит Правобережной Украины и Молдавии // Энеолит СССР. – М., 1982. – С. 166—347. Ukrainian Бібіков С. Трипільська культура. Археологія Української РСР, т. І. Київ, 1971.
Дослідження трипільської цивілізації у науковій спадщині археолога Вікентія Хвойки. – Київ: Академперіодика,2007. – Частини І—ІІ Дудкін В. П. Відейко М. Ю. Архітектура Трипільської цивілізації: від поселень до протоміст. – Київ: Мислене древо, 2009. Енциклопедія Трипільської цивілізації, Київ, Укрполіграфмедіа, 2004, т. І—ІІ. Захарук Ю. Пізній етап трипільської культури. Археологія Української РСР, т. I. Київ, 1971. Пастернак Я. Археологія України. Торонто, 1961. Ткачук Т. М. Семіотичний аналіз трипільсько-кукутенських знакових систем (мальований посуд) / Ткачук Т. М., Мельник Я. Г.; Національний заповідник "Давній Галич"; Прикарпатський ун-т ім. В.Стефаника. – Івано-Франківськ: Плай, 2000. Трипільська культура, т. І, АН УРСР, Інститут Археології. Київ, 1940. Цвек О. В. Поселення східнотрипільської культури (короткий нарис).
– Київ, 2006. Черниш К. Ранньотрипільське поселення Ленківці на Середньому Дністрі. АН УРСР, Інститут Археології. Київ, 1959. External links An interesting 6 minute video on an exhibition in Rome – "Cucuteni–Trypillia: A Great Civilization of Old Europe" with dialogue in English. Cucuteni Culture The French Government's Ministry of Culture's page on Cucuteni Culture (in English). Cucuteni Culture The Romanian Dacian Museum page on Cucuteni Culture (in English). Trypillian Culture from Ukraine A page from the UK-based group "Arattagar" about Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, which has many great photographs of the group's trip to the Trypillian Museum in Trypillia, Ukraine (in English). The Institute of Archaeomythology The homepage for The Institute of Archaeomythology, an international organization of scholars dedicated to fostering an interdisciplinary approach to cultural research with particular emphasis on the beliefs, rituals, social structure and symbolism of ancient societies.
Much of their focus covers topics that relate to the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture (in English). The Vădastra Village Project A living history museum in Romania, supported by many international institutions. National Museum of Romanian History in Bucharest. Their web site is in Romanian. National History Museum of Moldova in Chişinău. The Lost World of Old Europe: The Danube Valley, 5000–3500 BC an exhibit at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World in New York City, from November 10, 2009 to April 25, 2010 . 360 Virtual Tour of Cucuteni Museum from Piatra-Neamt (in Romanian). Category:Archaeological cultures in Moldova Category:Archaeological cultures in Romania Category:Archaeological cultures in Ukraine Category:Chalcolithic cultures of Europe Category:Neolithic cultures of Europe Category:Prehistory of Southeastern Europe Category:Pre-Indo-Europeans Category:Archaeological cultures of Eastern Europe uk:Трипільська культура
{{DISPLAYTITLE:Alcohol dehydrogenase (NAD(P)+)}} In enzymology, an alcohol dehydrogenase [NAD(P)+] () is an enzyme that catalyzes the chemical reaction an alcohol + NAD(P)+ an aldehyde + NAD(P)H + H+ The 3 substrates of this enzyme are alcohol, NAD+, and NADP+, whereas its 4 products are aldehyde, NADH, NADPH, and H+. This enzyme belongs to the family of oxidoreductases, specifically those acting on the CH-OH group of donor with NAD+ or NADP+ as acceptor. The systematic name of this enzyme class is alcohol:NAD(P)+ oxidoreductase. Other names in common use include retinal reductase, aldehyde reductase (NADPH/NADH), and alcohol dehydrogenase [NAD(P)]. This enzyme participates in glycolysis and gluconeogenesis.