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Dutch heraldry The Low Countries were great centres of heraldry in medieval times. One of the famous armorials is the Gelre Armorial or Wapenboek, written between 1370 and 1414. Coats of arms in the Netherlands were not controlled by an official heraldic system like the two in the United Kingdom, nor were they used solely by noble families. Any person could develop and use a coat of arms if they wished to do so, provided they did not usurp someone else's arms, and historically, this right was enshrined in Roman Dutch law. As a result, many merchant families had coats of arms even though they were not members of the nobility.
These are sometimes referred to as burgher arms, and it is thought that most arms of this type were adopted while the Netherlands was a republic (1581–1806). This heraldic tradition was also exported to the erstwhile Dutch colonies. Dutch heraldry is characterised by its simple and rather sober style, and in this sense, is closer to its medieval origins than the elaborate styles which developed in other heraldic traditions. Gallo-British heraldry The use of cadency marks to difference arms within the same family and the use of semy fields are distinctive features of Gallo-British heraldry (in Scotland the most significant mark of cadency being the bordure, the small brisures playing a very minor role).
It is common to see heraldic furs used. In the United Kingdom, the style is notably still controlled by royal officers of arms. French heraldry experienced a period of strict rules of construction under Napoleon. English and Scots heraldries make greater use of supporters than other European countries. Furs, chevrons and five-pointed stars are more frequent in France and Britain than elsewhere. Latin heraldry The heraldry of southern France, Andorra, Spain, and Italy is characterized by a lack of crests, and uniquely shaped shields. Portuguese heraldry, however, does use crests. Portuguese and Spanish heraldry, which together form a larger Iberian tradition of heraldry, occasionally introduce words to the shield of arms, a practice usually avoided in British heraldry.
Latin heraldry is known for extensive use of quartering, because of armorial inheritance via the male and the female lines. Moreover, Italian heraldry is dominated by the Roman Catholic Church, featuring many shields and achievements, most bearing some reference to the Church. Trees are frequent charges in Latin arms. Charged bordures, including bordures inscribed with words, are seen often in Spain. Central and Eastern European heraldry Eastern European heraldry is in the traditions developed in Belarus, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, Romania, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Ukraine, and Russia. Eastern coats of arms are characterized by a pronounced, territorial, clan system – often, entire villages or military groups were granted the same coat of arms irrespective of family relationships.
In Poland, nearly six hundred unrelated families are known to bear the same Jastrzębiec coat of arms. Marks of cadency are almost unknown, and shields are generally very simple, with only one charge. Many heraldic shields derive from ancient house marks. At the least, fifteen per cent of all Hungarian personal arms bear a severed Turk's head, referring to their wars against the Ottoman Empire. Quasi-heraldic emblems True heraldry, as now generally understood, has its roots in medieval Europe. However, there have been other historical cultures which have used symbols and emblems to represent families or individuals, and in some cases these symbols have been adopted into Western heraldry.
For example, the coat of arms of the Ottoman Empire incorporated the royal tughra as part of its crest, along with such traditional Western heraldic elements as the escutcheon and the compartment. Greek symbols Ancient Greeks were among the first civilizations to use symbols consistently in order to identify a warrior, clan or a state. The first record of a shield blazon is illustrated in Aeschylus' tragedy Seven Against Thebes. Mon , also , , and , are Japanese emblems used to decorate and identify an individual or family. While mon is an encompassing term that may refer to any such device, kamon and mondokoro refer specifically to emblems used to identify a family.
An authoritative mon reference compiles Japan's 241 general categories of mon based on structural resemblance (a single mon may belong to multiple categories), with 5116 distinct individual mon (it is however well acknowledged that there exist lost or obscure mon that are not in this compilation). The devices are similar to the badges and coats of arms in European heraldic tradition, which likewise are used to identify individuals and families. Mon are often referred to as crests in Western literature, another European heraldic device similar to the mon in function. Socialist heraldry Socialist heraldry, also called communist heraldry, consists of emblems in a style typically adopted by communist states and characterized by communist symbolism.
Although commonly called coats of arms, most such devices are not actually coats of arms in the traditional heraldic sense and should therefore, in a strict sense, not be called arms at all. Many communist governments purposely diverged from the traditional forms of European heraldry in order to distance themselves from the monarchies that they usually replaced, with actual coats of arms being seen as symbols of the monarchs. The Soviet Union was the first state to use socialist heraldry, beginning at its creation in 1922. The style became more widespread after World War II, when many other communist states were established.
Even a few non-socialist states have adopted the style, for various reasons—usually because communists had helped them to gain independence—but also when no apparent connection to a Communist nation exists, such as the emblem of Italy. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the other communist states in Eastern Europe in 1989–1991, this style of heraldry was often abandoned for the old heraldic practices, with many (but not all) of the new governments reinstating the traditional heraldry that was previously cast aside. Tamgas A tamga or tamgha "stamp, seal" (, Turkic: tamga) is an abstract seal or stamp used by Eurasian nomadic peoples and by cultures influenced by them.
The tamga was normally the emblem of a particular tribe, clan or family. They were common among the Eurasian nomads throughout Classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages (including Alans, Mongols, Sarmatians, Scythians and Turkic peoples). Similar "tamga-like" symbols were sometimes also adopted by sedentary peoples adjacent to the Pontic-Caspian steppe both in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, such as the East Slavs, whose ancient royal symbols are sometimes referred to as "tamgas" and have similar appearance. Unlike European coats of arms, tamgas were not always inherited, and could stand for families or clans (for example, when denoting territory, livestock, or religious items) as well as for specific individuals (such as when used for weapons, or for royal seals).
One could also adopt the tamga of one's master or ruler, therefore signifying said master's patronage. Outside of denoting ownership, tamgas also possessed religious significance, and were used as talismans to protect one from curses (it was believed that, as symbols of family, tamgas embodied the power of one's heritage). Tamgas depicted geometric shapes, images of animals, items, or glyphs. As they were usually inscribed using heavy and unwieldy instruments, such as knives or brands, and on different surfaces (meaning that their appearance could vary somewhat), tamgas were always simple and stylised, and needed to be laconic and easily recognisable.
Tughras Every sultan of the Ottoman Empire had his own monogram, called the tughra, which served as a royal symbol. A coat of arms in the European heraldic sense was created in the late 19th century. Hampton Court requested from Ottoman Empire the coat of arms to be included in their collection. As the coat of arms had not been previously used in Ottoman Empire, it was designed after this request and the final design was adopted by Sultan Abdul Hamid II on April 17, 1882. It included two flags: the flag of the Ottoman Dynasty, which had a crescent and a star on red base, and the flag of the Islamic Caliph, which had three crescents on a green base.
Modern heraldry Heraldry flourishes in the modern world; institutions, companies, and private persons continue using coats of arms as their pictorial identification. In the United Kingdom and Ireland, the English Kings of Arms, Scotland's Lord Lyon King of Arms, and the Chief Herald of Ireland continue making grants of arms. There are heraldic authorities in Canada, South Africa, Spain, and Sweden that grant or register coats of arms. In South Africa, the right to armorial bearings is also determined by Roman Dutch law, due to its origins as a 17th-century colony of the Netherlands. Heraldic societies abound in Africa, Asia, Australasia, the Americas and Europe.
Heraldry aficionados participate in the Society for Creative Anachronism, medieval revivals, micronations and other related projects. Modern armigers use heraldry to express ancestral and personal heritage as well as professional, academic, civic, and national pride. Little is left of class identification in modern heraldry, where the emphasis is more than ever on expression of identity. Heraldry continues to build on its rich tradition in academia, government, guilds and professional associations, religious institutions, and the military. Nations and their subdivisions – provinces, states, counties, cities, etc. – continue to build on the traditions of civic heraldry. The Roman Catholic Church, Anglican churches, and other religious institutions maintain the traditions of ecclesiastical heraldry for clergy, religious orders, and schools.
Many of these institutions have begun to employ blazons representing modern objects unknown in the medieval world. For example, some heraldic symbols issued by the United States Army Institute of Heraldry incorporate symbols such as guns, airplanes, or locomotives. Some scientific institutions incorporate symbols of modern science such as the atom or particular scientific instruments. The arms of the United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority uses traditional heraldic symbols to depict the harnessing of atomic power. Locations with strong associations to particular industries may incorporate associated symbols. The coat of arms of Stenungsund Municipality in Sweden, pictured right, incorporates a hydrocarbon molecule, alluding to the historical significance of the petrochemical industry in the region.
Heraldry in countries with heraldic authorities continues to be regulated generally by laws granting rights to arms and recognizing possession of arms as well as protecting against their misuse. Countries without heraldic authorities usually treat coats of arms as creative property in the manner of logos, offering protection under copyright laws. This is the case in Nigeria, where most of the components of its heraldic system are otherwise unregulated. See also Heraldic societies, an extended list including non-official heraldic authorities and societies Mon, for the Japanese emblems likened to heraldry Socialist heraldry Vexillology, the study of flag design Totem pole, a somewhat similar concept in North America Footnotes References Citations Sources Books External links EuropeanHeraldry.org catalogues a large number of European noble titles and heraldry.
Heraldry of Greatlitvan Nobility Heraldry of the World (civic heraldry), an overview of thousands of coats of arms of towns and countries International heraldry Introduction and examples Heraldisk Selskab The Scandinavian Heraldry Society (one of the oldest and largest societies dedicated to heraldic research) Heraldry for Kids Introducing Heraldry for Kids with free heraldry activity sheets Heraldica The history of heraldry, knighthood and chivalry, glossary of the blazon, themes, coats of arms, etc.
Glutaredoxins (also known as Thioltransferase) are small redox enzymes of approximately one hundred amino-acid residues that use glutathione as a cofactor. In humans this oxidation repair enzyme is also known to participate in many cellular functions, including redox signaling and regulation of glucose metabolism. Glutaredoxins are oxidized by substrates, and reduced non-enzymatically by glutathione. In contrast to thioredoxins, which are reduced by thioredoxin reductase, no oxidoreductase exists that specifically reduces glutaredoxins. Instead, glutaredoxins are reduced by the oxidation of glutathione. Oxidized glutathione is then regenerated by glutathione reductase. Together these components compose the glutathione system. Like thioredoxin, which functions in a similar way, glutaredoxin possesses an active centre disulfide bond.
It exists in either a reduced or an oxidized form where the two cysteine residues are linked in an intramolecular disulfide bond. Glutaredoxins function as electron carriers in the glutathione-dependent synthesis of deoxyribonucleotides by the enzyme ribonucleotide reductase. Moreover, GRX act in antioxidant defense by reducing dehydroascorbate, peroxiredoxins, and methionine sulfoxide reductase. Beside their function in antioxidant defense, bacterial and plant GRX were shown to bind iron-sulfur clusters and to deliver the cluster to enzymes on demand. In viruses Glutaredoxin has been sequenced in a variety of viruses. On the basis of extensive sequence similarity, it has been proposed that Vaccinia virus protein O2L is, it seems, a glutaredoxin.
Bacteriophage T4 thioredoxin seems to be evolution-related. In position 5 of the pattern T4, thioredoxin has Val instead of Pro. In plants Approximately 30 GRX isoforms are described in the model plant Arabidopsis thaliana and 48 in Oryza sativa L. According to their redox-active centre, they are subgrouped in six classes of the CSY[C/S]-, CGFS-, CC-type and 3 groups with additional domain of unknown function. The CC-type GRXs are only found in higher plants. In Arabidopsis GRXs are involved in flower development and Salicylic acid signalling. Subfamilies Glutaredoxin subgroup Human proteins containing this domain GLRX; GLRX2; GLRX3; GLRX5; PTGES2 References External links Enzyme database entry Category:EC 1.20.4 Category:Protein domains Category:Single-pass transmembrane proteins Category:Antioxidants
Farid T. Fata (, born 1965) is a Lebanese-born former hematologist/oncologist and the admitted mastermind of one of the largest health care frauds in American history. He was the owner of Michigan Hematology-Oncology (MHO), one of the largest cancer practices in Michigan. He was arrested in 2013 on charges of prescribing chemotherapy to patients who were either perfectly healthy or whose condition did not warrant chemotherapy, then submitting $34 million in fraudulent charges to Medicare and private health insurance companies over a period of at least six years. He pleaded guilty in 2014 to charges of health care fraud, conspiring to pay and receive kickbacks, and money laundering.
On July 10, 2015, he was sentenced to 45 years in federal prison. Early life and career Fata was born in Lebanon in 1965, to a Melkite Catholic family. After obtaining a medical degree there in 1992, he emigrated to the United States to begin his medical career. He served a residency at Maimonides Medical Center in Brooklyn from 1993 to 1996. From 1996 to 1999, he was a fellow in hematology-oncology at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center in Manhattan. He was an attending physician at Geisinger Medical Center in Danville, Pennsylvania from 2000 to 2003. He struck out on his own in 2003, opening Michigan Hematology-Oncology (MHO) in Rochester Hills, Michigan.
Over the next decade, it grew to seven locations throughout Metro Detroit—in Rochester Hills, Bloomfield Hills, Clarkston, Sterling Heights, Troy, Lapeer and Oak Park. He became a naturalized U.S. citizen in April 2009. Fata specialized in treating blood cancer. He owned his own lab, pharmacy and radiation treatment facility. At his height, he was treating 17,000 patients at his clinics. He acquired a sterling reputation as one of the best cancer specialists in Metro Detroit. He was known for his aggressive approach, which gave higher doses of chemo drugs more frequently—a protocol he called "European protocol". Fata's wife, Samar, helped run the business side of his practice as Chief Executive Officer and Chief Financial Officer of his companies.
She moved back to Lebanon after her husband's arrest; they have since divorced. Fraud Concerns about Fata cropped up as early as 2007, when Maggie Dorsey sued Fata for malpractice. She had been diagnosed with cancer in 2004, and seven months of chemo had made it difficult for her to walk. She learned that she did not have cancer. The case was settled out of court in 2009. In 2010, veteran oncology nurse Angela Swantek went to MHO for an interview, but was stunned to see practices that her experience told her were "plain wrong". She believed that Fata was pumping patients with drugs specifically to bill their insurance for more money—a classic fraud scenario.
She complained to state authorities, but got no response until 2011, when she got a form letter saying that there was no evidence to support an investigation. In 2013, Fata diagnosed 54-year-old Monica Flagg with multiple myeloma—a condition that required a lifetime of chemo for her to have any chance to survive. On July 1, hours after her first round of chemotherapy, she broke her leg in two places. Fata was on vacation in Lebanon at the time. One of the doctors at MHO, Soe Maunglay, saw her in the hospital that day, and was stunned to see that her readings were completely normal.
As he put it, he could tell "just by looking at the chart" that Flagg's numbers were not consistent with an active cancer patient. The next day, Maunglay went to Fata's clinic and reviewed Flagg's records, and could find nothing in Flagg's test results that could justify a chemo regimen. He later told The Detroit News that myeloma can start with minor changes in blood chemistry—minor enough that a dishonest doctor can use chemotherapy to avoid detection. He estimated that if another doctor had seen Flagg within two months, she would have appeared to be in remission. He also believed that since Flagg was far healthier on paper than a typical myeloma patient, the insurance payments would continue flowing to Fata for the rest of his life.
Maunglay went to see Flagg the following day, and told her she did not have cancer. He further advised her to get her records right away and find another doctor, and that she should never go back to Fata again. Maunglay was already due to leave MHO the following month after catching Fata red-handed lying about the clinic's enrollment in a professional quality program. However, after discovering that a perfectly healthy woman was being treated with chemotherapy, he felt that he needed to stop Fata. Knowing that Flagg's case, even as egregious as it was, would not be enough to shut Fata down, he needed to find more evidence of misconduct.
Maunglay investigated MHO's patient records, and found numerous instances of unethical and potentially illegal behavior. For instance, Fata was treating several patients with IVIG, a drug intended to treat patients with specific immune deficiencies, when there was no apparent medical basis for it. Maunglay persuaded a nurse and a nurse practitioner to confront Fata. When Fata agreed to curb the use of IVIG, Maunglay believed that this was further evidence that Fata was a fraud. Later, he told the News that an honest doctor would never cut back on his own protocol solely because of staff and physician objections. Weeks later, the FBI stepped in on a tip from George Karadsheh, who was the office manager for Fata's network of clinics.
Karadsheh grew suspicious after clinical staff and other doctors began giving their notice without explanation and leaving the practice. When Karadsheh asked Maunglay why he was leaving, he told him that Fata kept insisting on aggressive chemotherapy regimens, even for patients who didn’t need it. Karadsheh did not believe Maunglay at first since he was aware of other clinical staff who provided care and oversight. However, Karadsheh recalled that many nurses and others had expressed concerns about Fata's aggressive regimen. Karadsheh then conducted his own investigation and interviewed several staff. The first thing he noticed was that Fata's treatment-to-consultation ratio was different from those of other doctors.
Karadsheh went back to Maunglay, who suggested that Karadsheh check on Fata's use of IVIG. Karadsheh asked a nurse and she reported that she discovered that in one week, 38 out of 40 patients did not need or did not qualify for the drug. She took this information to Maunglay, who disclosed it to Karadsheh during his investigation. Karadsheh knew what health care fraud smelled like; he had exposed medical billing fraud at a Detroit area hospital in 1996. He took his findings to the Detroit office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and sued Fata, MHO and several related entities under the False Claims Act on August 5; he was thus entitled to a significant financial reward.
Maunglay said that Karadsheh had done "a great service" because of his past experience detecting fraud. Fata was arrested the next day for health care fraud. Indictment Fata was originally held on $170,000 bond. However, federal authorities found evidence that Fata and his wife had assets of $9 million not yet seized, and feared that the high liquidity of these assets could make him a high flight risk. They persuaded federal judge Sean Cox to raise his bond to $9 million. He was confined to jail pending trial; had he been released, he would have been confined to his home in Oakland Township and barred from practicing medicine.
Federal investigators amassed evidence that Fata had bullied or deceived 553 people into getting chemotherapy treatments they did not need, causing the patients' insurance companies and Medicare to pay $34 million in fraudulent and unnecessary claims. They also found that Fata took kickbacks from two local hospices, and poured Medicare and private insurance proceeds into his own diagnostic testing facility, where he ordered unnecessary tests. On the basis of these findings, Barbara McQuade, the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Michigan, obtained a series of superseding indictments against Fata. They culminated in a 23-count indictment charging Fata with health care fraud, conspiracy to take and receive kickbacks, money laundering, and unlawfully procuring naturalization.
The last charge was added because McQuade contended Fata had concealed the extent of his fraud from immigration authorities when he applied for citizenship. If he had been convicted on all charges, Fata would have faced a maximum of 175 years in prison, plus the prospect of having his naturalization revoked. Guilty plea Facing the prospect of a lifetime in prison and possible deportation to Lebanon, Fata pleaded guilty before federal judge Paul Borman on September 20, 2014. He pleaded guilty to 13 counts of health care fraud, one count of conspiracy to pay and receive kickbacks, and two counts of money laundering.
In return, the immigration charges were dropped. Nonetheless, McQuade sought the maximum possible sentence of 175 years in prison. Her office argued that the egregiousness of Fata's crimes far exceeded that of Bernard Madoff, and denounced him as "the most egregious fraudster in the history of this country". Sentencing Fata's sentencing hearing began on July 3, 2015. At the hearing, dozens of Fata's victims revealed how the unnecessary chemo treatments had harmed them. For example, Robert Sobieray lost nearly all of his teeth after being falsely diagnosed with blood cancer, and still twitched uncontrollably. Patty Hester lost much of her hair after being falsely told she was terminally ill with myelodysplastic syndrome, and the stress of finding out about Fata's deceit gave her high blood pressure.
Another patient, "C. C.", said that due to 177 unnecessary chemo treatments, she had problems with her bladder, bowel and kidneys so serious that she could no longer perform basic tasks. On July 10, 2015, Fata addressed the court for the first time. He said he was "horribly ashamed" at his behavior, and admitted giving in to a "self-destructive" quest for power and wealth. Borman was unmoved, and sentenced Fata to 45 years in prison, saying that Fata had committed "huge, horrific" crimes. The sentence Borman imposed is barely one-fourth of what prosecutors sought, and was deemed insufficient by many of Fata's victims.
Nonetheless, at Fata's age, it is very likely that he will die in prison. McQuade publicly thanked Maunglay and Karadsheh for exposing what she described as "the most serious fraud case in the history of the country". Fata also faces myriad civil suits. Karadsheh announced in January 2016 that he had reached a $1.7 million settlement. Maunglay, who did not file a lawsuit, will not take any financial reward. Fata, Federal Bureau of Prisons inmate number 48860-039, is serving his sentence at Federal Correctional Institution, Williamsburg in Salters, South Carolina. His earliest possible release will be October 19, 2052, when he will be 87 years old.
Fata requested that his guilty plea be tossed in May 2018. His claim is based on the assertion that he received poor legal advice that resulted in his guilty plea and that he has always maintained his innocence, despite his admission of guilt during his sentencing hearing. He stated in the filing, "My guilty pleas were not the result of my actually being guilty. From day one to the present, I have steadfastly maintained my innocence." Other Fata's story appeared in the crime show American Greed in September 2016 as part of season 10, episode 18. A 2018 episode of Whistleblower covered the Fata case with an emphasis on Karadsheh's and Maungley's roles in exposing the fraud.
References Category:Living people Category:Lebanese physicians Category:1950 births Category:People from Oakland County, Michigan Category:Prisoners and detainees of the United States federal government Category:American hematologists Category:American fraudsters
Paa (English: Father) is a 2009 Indian Hindi-language comedy-drama film directed by R. Balki, starring Amitabh Bachchan, Abhishek Bachchan, and Vidya Balan. The film is based on the relationship of a boy with a rare genetic condition known as progeria and his parents. Amitabh Bachchan and Abhishek Bachchan, in real life, are father and son respectively, but in Paa, they played opposite roles. The film was released worldwide on 4 Dec 2009. Veteran composer Ilaiyaraaja scored the music. The film was critically acclaimed in India and fared well at the box office. Despite a warm reception from Indian film critics, the film received mixed reviews from overseas film critics, according to the websites Metacritic and Rotten Tomatoes.
Amitabh Bachchan received his third National Film Award for Best Actor at the 57th National Film Awards for his performance and his fifth Filmfare Best Actor Award and Vidya Balan got her first Filmfare Best Actress Award. Plot Auro (Amitabh Bachchan) is an intelligent and witty 12-year-old boy with an extremely rare genetic disorder called progeria. Mentally he is twelve and very normal, but physically he looks five times older. In spite of his condition, Auro is a very happy boy. He lives with his mother Vidya (Vidya Balan), who is a Gynaecologist. Amol Arte (Abhishek Bachchan) is a young, cold-blooded politician.
He is out to prove to the world that "politics" is not a bad word. He is a man with a mission. Auro is Amol's son; however, Vidya conceals this from him. Amol meets Auro when he visits Auro's school as a chief guest. He comes on the occasion of a competition on the "visionary of India". Amol decides Auro as the winner, impressed by the white globe he made. But being seen with such a prominent politician Auro is found by the media. The next day the media tries to enter his school. Auro, annoyed at this, sends him an e-mail, which says "I hate you".
Amol reads it and obtains a restraining order from the High Court stating that nobody can disturb him without permission. Auro, relieved, tells him of his desire to visit the president's house. But due to Amol's political issues he fails to show up on the appointed day. Auro, however, loses confidence in him but later agrees to go to Delhi with him although he now knows that Amol is his father. Though Amol does not know that Auro is his son, he takes him to Delhi to see the president's house. Auro says that he still needs to forgive Amol for his first mistake (not accepting him), but he doesn't tell him what it is.
When on his 13th birthday he is in hospital he tells his father that he, Auro, is his father's mistake. Auro tries to get his mother and father back together, but Vidya resists, still hurt by the fact that Amol wanted her to have an abortion when they first found out she was pregnant. Amol realises his mistake though, and proposes to Vidya, as he is still in love with her. He stays by Auro's side when he finds out that Auro is his son. Auro's health begins to deteriorate as he reaches his 13th birthday, his physical defects catching up.
However, he is finally able to reunite his mother and father once again as Vidya gives in to her feelings for Amol and her motherly love for Auro. They perform the first wedding rites in the hospital in front of their dying son, implying that they will do the rest later. Auro, succumbing to his disease, says his last words "Maa" to Vidya and "Paa" to Amol before dying with a satisfied smile. The movie ends in the rain with Vidya mourning Auro's death as Amol comforts her as she remembers Auro dancing.
Cast Amitabh Bachchan as Auro Arte (Amol and Vidya's son) Abhishek Bachchan as Amol Arte (Auro's father) Vidya Balan as Dr. Vidya (Auro's mother) Grace Fulton as Patricia Paresh Rawal as Mr. Kaushal Arte (Amol's father) Arundhati Nag as Pallavi (Vidya's mother) Satyajit Sharma as Jaikirt Prateek Katare as Vishnu Taruni Sachdev as Somi (Auro's classmate) Production Casting The film had Amitabh Bachchan playing the role of a child who is suffering from Progeria, a genetic disorder which leads to quick acceleration of ageing process in children. Abhishek Bachchan, Amitabh's real-life son played the role of his father. Vidya Balan was the only choice for the mother's role.
Arundathi Nag, the wife of late Kannada actor-director Shankar Nag was asked to play the role of Vidya's mother (Bachchan's maternal grandmother). Filming Most of the parts were shot in Lucknow and some parts of the film were shot in UK and Malaysia. A small portion of the filming was done at Cambridge. The clock of Corpus Christi College and courtyard of St. John's College have been shown in a song sequence. The film was also shot in Taiping, Malaysia. The King Edward VII school was actually one of the typical Malaysian schools. One of the notable things in the movie was Amitabh's prosthetic make up.
It was done by Hollywood's Christien Tinsley (famous for his work in The Passion of the Christ, Catwoman and other films) and Dominie Till of The Lord of the Rings film trilogy fame. There was a plan to make a sequel named Maa, but Balki stopped it. In the words of Balki, "My main aim was not to make a film on progeria. My main motive behind making Paa was to reverse the roles of Amitabh and Abhishek. I decided to do something like this because once I was with both of them and I saw Abhishek behaving in a very matured manner and Amitabh, behaving as a kid.
It was then that this idea struck me." Paa was Abhishek Bachchan's first venture into producing films for his family company AB Corp. Ltd. Abhishek not only was one of the lead actors in Paa, but was the main hands-on producer in charge of the film's budget, marketing, and the entire production of the film. It took hours for Amitabh Bachchan to put on his makeup and to take it off. Soundtrack The soundtrack (songs and the background score) was scored by veteran composer Ilaiyaraaja.The lyrics were penned by Swanand Kirkire. "Halke Se Bole" is based on the Tamil song "Putham Pudhu Kaalai" from his 1980 film Alaigal Oivathillai.
"Gumm Summ Gumm" is based on the Malayalam song "Thumbi Vaa" which Ilaiyaraaja had composed for the 1982 Malayalam film Olangal. The song "Mere Paa" is based on his Tamil song "Kaatru Vizhi", from Balu Mahendra's film Adhu Oru Kana Kaalam. The song has an eclectic mix of Irish and Tamil Folk music, both seamlessly fused to create a soothing melody that appears as a leitmotif, in the film's theme music.
Awards and nominations Won – Matri Shree Media Award for Best Film: 2010 – R. Balki References External links Official website Paa Friends Category:2000s Hindi-language films Category:2009 films Category:Indian films Category:Films featuring a Best Actor National Award-winning performance Category:Films featuring a Best Supporting Actress National Film Award-winning performance Category:Hindi film scores by Ilaiyaraaja Category:Films shot in Lucknow Category:Films set in Lucknow Category:Films directed by R. Balki Category:Indian drama films Category:Films that won the National Film Award for Best Make-up Category:Best Hindi Feature Film National Film Award winners
Suicide risk assessment is a process of estimating the likelihood for a person to attempt or die by suicide. The goal of a thorough risk assessment is to learn about the circumstances of an individual person with regard to suicide, including warning signs, risk factors, and protective factors. Risk for suicide is re-evaluated throughout the course of care to assess the patient's response to personal situational changes and clinical interventions. Accurate and defensible risk assessment requires a clinician to integrate a clinical judgment with the latest evidence-based practice, although accurate prediction of low base rate events, such as suicide, is inherently difficult and prone to false positives.
The assessment process is ethically complex: the concept of "imminent suicide" (implying the foreseeability of an inherently unpredictable act) is a legal construct in a clinical guise, which can be used to justify the rationing of emergency psychiatric resources or intrusion into patients' civil liberties. Some experts recommend abandoning suicide risk assessment as it is so inaccurate. In addition suicide risk assessment is often conflated with assessment of self-harm which has little overlap with completed suicide. Instead, it is suggested that the emotional state which has caused the suicidal thoughts, feelings or behaviour should be the focus of assessment with a view to helping the patient rather than reducing the anxiety of clinician who overestimates the risk of suicide and are fearful of litigation.
In 2017, an example of how to do this in practice was published in the Scientific American. Given the difficulty of suicide prediction, researchers have attempted to improve the state of the art in both suicide and suicidal behavior prediction using natural language processing and machine learning applied to electronic health records. In practice There are risks and disadvantages to both over-estimation and under-estimation of suicide risk. Over-sensitivity to risk can have undesirable consequences, including inappropriate deprivation of patients' rights and squandering of scarce clinical resources. On the other hand, underestimating suicidality as a result of a dismissive attitude or lack of clinical skill jeopardizes patient safety and risks clinician liability.
Some people may worry that asking about suicidal intentions will make suicide more likely. In reality, regarding that the enquiries are made sympathetically, it does not. Key areas to be assessed include the person's predisposition to suicidal behavior; identifiable precipitant or stressors such as job loss, recent death of a loved one and change of residence; the patient's symptomatic presentation; presence of hopelessness; nature of suicidal thinking; previous suicidal behavior; impulsivity and self-control; and protective factors. Suicide risk assessment should distinguish between acute and chronic risk. Acute risk might be raised because of recent changes in the person's circumstances or mental state, while chronic risk is determined by a diagnosis of a mental illness, and social and demographic factors.
Bryan and Rudd (2006) suggest a model in which risk is categorized into one of four categories: Baseline, Acute, Chronic high risk, and Chronic high risk with acute exacerbation. Risk level can be described semantically (in words) e.g. as Nonexistent, Mild, Moderate, Severe, or Extreme, and the clinical response can be determined accordingly. Others urge use of numbers to describe level of relative or (preferably) absolute risk of completed suicide. SSI/MSSI The Scale for Suicide Ideation (SSI) was developed in 1979 by Aaron T. Beck, Maria Kovacs, and Arlene Weissman to quantify intensity in suicide ideators. It was developed for use by clinicians during semi-structured interviews.
The scale contained 19 items rated on a scale from 0 to 2, allowing scores between 0 and 38. The items could be grouped into three categories: "Active Suicidal Desire, Preparation, and Passive Suicidal Desire." Initial findings showed promising reliability and validity. The Modified Scale for Suicide Ideation (MSSI) was developed by Miller et al., using 13 items from the SSI and 5 new items. The modifications increased both reliability and validity. The scale was also changed to range from 0 to 3, yielding a total score ranging from 0 to 54. Joiner found two factors, Suicidal Desire and Ideation, and Resolved Plans and Preparation.
The MSSI was also shown to have higher discrimination between groups of suicide ideators and attempters than the BDI, BHS, PSI, and SPS. SIS The Suicide Intent Scale (SIS) was developed in order to assess the severity of suicide attempts. The scale consists of 15 questions which are scaled from 0-2, which take into account both the logistics of the suicide attempt as well as the intent. The scale has high reliability and validity. Completed suicides ranked higher in the severity of the logistics than attempted suicides (it was impossible to measure intent for the completed suicides), and those with multiple attempts had higher scores than those who only attempted suicide once.
SABCS The Suicidal Affect Behavior Cognition Scale (SABCS) is a six-item self-report measure based on both suicide and psychological theory, developed to assess current suicidality for clinical, screening, and research purposes. Substantial empirical evidence was found, from four independent studies, confirming the importance of assessing suicidal affect, behaviors, and cognition as a single suicidal construct. The SABCS was the first suicide risk measure to be developed through both classical test theory (CTT) and item response theory (IRT) psychometric approaches and to show significant improvements over a highly endorsed comparison measure. The SABCS was shown to have higher internal reliability, and to be a better predictor of both future suicidal behaviors and total suicidality over an existing standard.
Suicide Behaviors Questionnaire The Suicide Behaviors Questionnaire (SBQ) is a self-report measure developed by Linnehan in 1981. In 1988 it was transformed from a long questionnaire to a short four questions that can be completed in about 5 minutes. Answers are on a Likert scale that ranges in size for each question, based on data from the original questionnaire. It is designed for adults and results tend to correlate with other measures, such as the SSI. It is popular because it is easy to use as a screening tool, but at only four questions, fails to provide detailed information. Life Orientation Inventory The Life Orientation Inventory (LOI) is a self-report measure that comes in both a 30 question and 110 question form.
Both forms use a 4-point Likert scale to answer items, which are divided into six sub-scales on the longer form: self-esteem vulnerability, over-investment, overdetermined misery, affective domination, alienation, and suicide tenability. This scale has strong reliability and validity, and has been shown to be able to differentiate between control, depressed, possibly suicidal, and highly suicidal individuals. It also contains 3 validity indices, similar to the MMPI. However, while useful, this inventory is now out of print. Reasons For Living Inventory The Reasons For Living Inventory (RFL) is theoretically based, and measures the probability of suicide based on the theory that some factors may mitigate suicidal thoughts.
It was developed in 1983 by Linehan et al. and contains 48 items answered on a Likert scale from 1 to 6. The measure is divided into six subscales: survival and coping beliefs, responsibility to family, child concerns, fear of suicide, fear of social disproval, and moral objections. Scores are reported as an average for the total and each sub-scale. The scale is shown to be fairly reliable and valid, but is still mostly seen in research as compared to clinical use. Other variations of the scale include the College Students Reasons for Living Inventory, and the Brief Reasons for Living Inventory.
The college students reasons for living inventory replaced the responsibility to family sub-scale with a responsibility to family and friends sub-scale and that replaced the child concerns sub-scale with a college/future concerns sub-scale. The Brief Reasons for Living Inventory uses only 12 of the items from the RFL. Prolonged stress releases hormones that damage over time the hippocampus. The hippocampus is responsible for storing memories according to context (spatial, emotional and social) as well as activating memories according to context. When the hippocampus is damaged, events will be perceived in the wrong context, or memories with the wrong context might be activated.
Nurses Global Assessment of Suicide Risk The Nurses Global Assessment of Suicide Risk (NGASR) was developed by Cutcliffe and Barker in 2004 to help novice practitioners with assessment of suicide risk, beyond the option of the current lengthy checklists currently available. It is based on 15 items, with some such as "Evidence of a plan to commit suicide" given a weighting of 3, while others, such as "History of psychosis" are weighted with a 1, giving a maximum total score of 25. Scores of 5 or less are considered low level of risk, 6-8 are intermediate level of risk, 9-11 are high level of risk, and 12 or more are very high level of risk.
Each item is supported theoretically by studies that have shown a connection between the item and suicide. However, the validity and reliability of the test as a whole have not yet been empirically tested. Demographic factors Within the United States, the suicide rate is 11.3 suicides per 100,000 people within the general population. Age In the United States, the peak age for suicide is early adulthood, with a smaller peak of incidence in the elderly. On the other hand, there is no second peak in suicide in black men or women, and a much more muted and earlier-peaking rise in suicide amongst non-Hispanic women than their male counterparts.
Older white males are the leading demographic group for suicide within the United States, at 47 deaths per 100,000 individuals for non-Hispanic white men over age 85. For Americans aged 65 and older, the rate is 14.3 per 100,000. Suicide rates are also elevated among teens. For every 100,000 individuals within an age group there are 0.9 suicides in ages 10–14, 6.9 among ages 15–19, and 12.7 among ages 20–24. Sex China and São Tomé and Príncipe are the only countries in the world where suicide is more common among women than among men. In the United States, suicide is around 4.5 times more common in men than in women.
U.S. men are 5 times as likely to commit suicide within the 15- to 19-year-old demographic, and 6 times as likely as women to commit suicide within the 20- to 24-year-old demographic. Gelder, Mayou and Geddes reported that women are more likely to commit suicide by taking overdose of drugs than men. Transgender individuals are at particularly high risk. Prolonged stress lasting 3 to 5 years, such clinical depression co-morbid with other conditions, can be a major factor in these cases. Ethnicity and culture In the United States whites and Native Americans have the highest suicide rates, blacks have intermediate rates, and Hispanics have the lowest rates of suicide.
However, Native American males in the 15-24 age group have a dramatically higher suicide rate than any other group. A similar pattern is seen in Australia, where Aboriginal people, especially young Aboriginal men, have a much higher rate of suicide than white Australians, a difference which is attributed to social marginalization, trans-generational trauma, and high rates of alcoholism. A link may be identified between depression and stress, and suicide. Sexual orientation There is evidence of elevated suicide risk among gay and lesbian people. Lesbians are more likely to attempt suicide than gay men and heterosexual men and women; however, gay men are more likely to succeed.
Biographical and historical factors The literature on this subject consistently shows that a family history of committed suicide in first-degree relatives, adverse childhood experiences (parental loss and emotional, physical and sexual abuse), and adverse life situations (unemployment, isolation and acute psychosocial stressors) are associated with suicide risk. Recent life events can act as precipitants. Significant interpersonal loss and family instability, such as bereavement, poor relationship with family, domestic partner violence, separation, and divorce have all been identified as risk factors. Financial stress, unemployment, and a drop in socioeconomic status can also be triggers for a suicidal crisis. This is also the case for a range of acute and chronic health problems, such as pain syndromes, or diagnoses of conditions like HIV or cancer.
Mental state Certain clinical mental state features are predictive of suicide. An affective state of hopelessness, in other words a sense that nothing will ever get better, is a powerful predictive feature. High risk is also associated with a state of severe anger and hostility, or with agitation, anxiety, fearfulness, or apprehension. Research domain criteria symptom burdens, particularly the positive and negative valence domains, are associated with time varying risk of suicide. Specific psychotic symptoms, such as grandiose delusions, delusions of thought insertion and mind reading are thought to indicate a higher likelihood of suicidal behavior. Command hallucinations are often considered indicative of suicide risk, but the empirical evidence for this is equivocal.
Another psychiatric illness that is a high risk of suicide is schizophrenia. The risk is particularly higher in younger patients who have insight into the serious effect the illness is likely to have on their lives. The primary and necessary mental state Federico Sanchez called idiozimia (from idios "self" and zimia "loss"), followed by suicidal thoughts, hopelessness, loss of will power, hippocampal damage due to stress hormones, and finally either the activation of a suicidal belief system, or in the case of panic or anxiety attacks the switching over to an anger attack, are the converging reasons for a suicide to occur.
Suicidal ideation Suicidal ideation refers to the thoughts that a person has about suicide. Assessment of suicidal ideation includes assessment of the extent of preoccupation with thoughts of suicide (for example continuous or specific thoughts), specific plans, and the person's reasons and motivation to attempt suicide. Planning Assessment of suicide risk includes an assessment of the degree of planning, the potential or perceived lethality of the suicide method that the person is considering, and whether the person has access to the means to carry out these plans (such as access to a firearm). A suicide plan may include the following elements: timing, availability of method, setting, and actions made towards carrying out the plan (such as obtaining medicines, poisons, rope or a weapon), choosing and inspecting a setting, and rehearsing the plan).
The more detailed and specific the suicide plan, the greater the level of risk. The presence of a suicide note generally suggests more premeditation and greater suicidal intent. The assessment would always include an exploration of the timing and content of any suicide note and a discussion of its meaning with the person who wrote it. Motivation to die Suicide risk assessment includes an assessment of the person's reasons for wanting to commit suicide. Some are due to overwhelming emotions or others can have a deep philosophical belief. The causes are highly varied. Other motivations for suicide Suicide is not motivated only by a wish to die.
Other motivations for suicide include being motivated to end the suffering psychologically and a person suffering from a terminal illness may intend to commit suicide as a means of managing physical pain and/or their way of dealing with possible future atrophy or death. Reasons to live Balanced against reasons to die are the suicidal person's reasons to live, and an assessment would include an enquiry into the person's reasons for living and plans for the future. Past suicidal acts There are people who commit suicide the first time they have suicidal thoughts and there are many who have suicidal thoughts and never commit suicide.
Suicide risk and mental illness All major mental disorders carry an increased risk of suicide. However, 90% of suicides can be traced to depression, linked either to manic-depression (bipolar), major depression (unipolar), schizophrenia or personality disorders, particularly borderline personality disorder. Comorbity of mental disorders increases suicide risk, especially anxiety or panic attacks. Anorexia nervosa has a particularly strong association with suicide: the rate of suicide is forty times greater than the general population. The lifetime risk of suicide was 18% in one study, and in another study 27% of all deaths related to anorexia nervosa were due to suicide. The long-term suicide rate for people with schizophrenia was estimated to be between 10 and 22% based upon longitudinal studies that extrapolated 10 years of illness for lifetime, but a more recent meta-analysis has estimated that 4.9% of schizophrenics will commit suicide during their lifetimes, usually near the illness onset.
Risk factors for suicide among people with schizophrenia include a history of previous suicide attempts, the degree of illness severity, comorbid depression or post-psychotic depression, social isolation, and male gender. The risk is higher for the paranoid subtype of schizophrenia, and is highest in the time immediately after discharge from hospital. While the lifetime suicide risk for mood disorders in general is around 1%, long-term follow-up studies of people who have been hospitalized for severe depression show a suicide risk of up to 13%. People with severe depression are 20 times more likely and people with bipolar disorder are 15 times more likely to die from suicide than members of the general population.
Depressed people with agitation, severe insomnia, anxiety symptoms, and co-morbid anxiety disorders are particularly at-risk. Antidepressants have been linked with suicide as Healy (2009) stated that people on antidepressant have the tendency to commit suicide after 10–14 days of commencement of antidepressant. People with a diagnosis of a personality disorder, particularly borderline, antisocial or narcissistic personality disorders, are at a high risk of suicide. In this group, elevated suicide risk is associated with younger age, comorbid drug addiction and major mood disorders, a history of childhood sexual abuse, impulsive and antisocial personality traits, and recent reduction of psychiatric care, such as recent discharge from hospital.
While some people with personality disorders may make manipulative or contingent suicide threats, the threat is likely to be non-contingent when the person is silent, passive, withdrawn, hopeless, and making few demands. A history of alcohol abuse and alcohol dependence is common among people who commit suicide, and alcohol intoxication at the time of the suicide attempt is a common pattern. Meta analytic research conducted in 2015 indicates that a person with co-occurring alcohol use disorder and major depression is more likely to ideate, attempt, and complete suicide than those with individual disorders. Theoretical Models See also Mental status examination (MSE) Notes References Further reading Jobes, D. A.
(2006). Managing suicidal risk: A collaborative approach. New York, NY: Guilford Press. Category:Psychiatric instruments Category:Suicide prevention Category:Treatment of bipolar disorder
In team sports, a shutout (US) or clean sheet (UK) is a game in which one team prevents the other from scoring any points. While possible in most major sports, they are highly improbable in some sports, such as basketball. Shutouts are usually seen as a result of effective defensive play even though a weak opposing offense may be as much to blame. Some sports credit individual players, particularly goalkeepers and starting pitchers, with shutouts and keep track of them as statistics; others do not. American football A shutout in American football is uncommon but not exceptionally rare. Keeping an opponent scoreless in American football requires a team's defense to be able to consistently shut down both pass and run offenses over the course of a game.
The difficulty of completing a shutout is compounded by the many ways a team can score in the game. For example, teams can attempt field goals, which have a high rate of success. The range of NFL caliber kickers makes it possible for a team with a weak offense to get close enough (within 50 yards) to the goalposts and kick a field goal. In the decade of the 2000s there were 89 shutouts in 2,544 NFL regular-season games, for an average of slightly more than one shutout every two weeks in an NFL season.
There are at least five instances in American football in which a team had been shut out throughout an entire season, and four in which a team has shut out all of their opponents in the season (the longest of these being the ten-game perfect season in which the 1933 Providence Huskies did not concede a single point). The achievement of a shutout is much more difficult in Canadian football, where scoring and offensive movement is generally more frequent and a single point can be scored simply by punting the ball from any point on the field into the end zone.
Association football In football and other sports with a goalkeeper, the goalie may be said to "keep a clean sheet" if they prevent their opponents from scoring during an entire match. Because football is a relatively low-scoring game, it is common for one team, or even both teams, to score no goals. A theory as to the term's origin is that sports reporters used separate pieces of paper to record the different statistical details of a game. If one team did not allow a goal, then that team's "details of goals conceded" page would appear blank, leaving a clean sheet.
Baseball In Major League Baseball, a shutout (denoted statistically as ShO or SHO) refers to the act by which a single pitcher pitches a complete game and does not allow the opposing team to score a run. If two or more pitchers combine to complete this act, no pitcher will be awarded a shutout, although the team itself can be said to have "shut out" the opposing team. The only exception to this is when a pitcher enters a game before the opposing team scores a run or makes an out and then completes the game without allowing a run to score.
That pitcher is then awarded a shutout, although not a complete game. The all-time career leader in shutouts is Walter Johnson, who pitched for the Washington Senators from 1907 to 1927. He accumulated 110 shutouts, which is 20 more than second placed Grover Cleveland Alexander. The most shutouts recorded in one season was 16, which was a feat accomplished by both Grover Alexander (1916) and George Bradley (1876). These records are considered among the most secure records in baseball, as pitchers today rarely earn more than one or two shutouts per season with a heavy emphasis on pitch count and relief pitching.
Complete games themselves have also become rare among starting pitchers. The current active leader in shutouts is Clayton Kershaw of the Los Angeles Dodgers. Entering his ninth season, he has recorded 13 shutouts, which ties him for 463rd all time. Only four pitchers whose entire careers were in the post-1920 live-ball era threw as many as 60 career shutouts, with Warren Spahn leading those pitchers with 63. Ice hockey In ice hockey, a shutout (SO) is credited to a goaltender who successfully stops the other team from scoring during the entire game. A shutout may be shared between two goaltenders, but will not be listed in either of their individual statistics.
The record holder for most regular-season career shutouts in the National Hockey League (NHL) is Martin Brodeur with 125 (see the all-time regular season shutout leaders). The modern-day record for a team being shut out in a season is held by the Columbus Blue Jackets at 16, during the 2006–07 season. In the event a shutout happens while using several goaltenders, the shutout will be credited to the team who shut out the opponent. However, no single goaltender will be awarded the shutout. This has happened several times in NHL history, including: During the 1982–83 Washington Capitals season, the Washington Capitals and their goalies Al Jensen and Pat Riggin shared a shutout.
January 8, 1985: Edmonton Oilers goaltenders Andy Moog and Grant Fuhr combined to shut out the Quebec Nordiques, 4–0. December 8, 2001: the Mighty Ducks of Anaheim won 4–0 over the Minnesota Wild with Jean-Sébastien Giguère and later Steve Shields in goal. November 23, 2006: the Nashville Predators won 6–0 over the Vancouver Canucks with Tomáš Vokoun, who left the game injured. He was replaced by Chris Mason, who completed the game. December 12, 2007: the Ottawa Senators won 6–0 over the Carolina Hurricanes with Ray Emery, who left the game injured after making one save. He was replaced by Martin Gerber, who made the other 31 saves.
December 1, 2009: the Toronto Maple Leafs won 3–0 over the Montreal Canadiens with Jonas Gustavsson, who left the game after the first period because of heart problems. He was replaced by Joey MacDonald, who played the last two periods. February 2, 2011: The Pittsburgh Penguins defeated the New York Islanders 3–0. With 16 seconds remaining in the game, Islanders goaltender Rick DiPietro interfered with Penguins forward Matt Cooke. Penguins starter Brent Johnson, who at that point had stopped all twenty Islander shots, would leave his crease to engage DiPietro, sending him to the ice with one punch. Both Johnson and DiPietro were ejected from the game, receiving penalties for fighting and leaving their creases.
Marc-André Fleury would finish the remainder of the game, for Pittsburgh, facing no shots. December 6, 2011: Roberto Luongo of the Vancouver Canucks stopped all his shots against the Colorado Avalanche before taking a shot to the neck; his replacement, Cory Schneider, completed the team's shutout. April 14, 2012: the St. Louis Blues won 3–0 over the San Jose Sharks with Jaroslav Halák, who left the game after a collision with teammate Barret Jackman in the second period. He was replaced by Brian Elliott, who made 17 saves to preserve the shutout. February 28, 2013: The Chicago Blackhawks won 3–0 over the St. Louis Blues.
Corey Crawford left the game after the first period for unspecified reasons, and was replaced by Ray Emery, who completed the second and third periods. This win also extended the Blackhawks' streak of games without a regulation loss to start a season to 20. March 26, 2013: The Pittsburgh Penguins won 1–0 over the Montreal Canadiens. At the start of the third period, Marc-André Fleury was replaced by Tomáš Vokoun after sustaining an unspecified injury late in the second period. Fleury stopped all of 25 shots, while Vokoun stopped all of 12. February 3, 2014: The Detroit Red Wings won 2–0 over the Vancouver Canucks.
Jonas Gustavsson stopped all eight shots faced in the first period, but did not return for the second period due to dizziness. Jimmy Howard stopped all 16 shots in the remainder of the game. April 8, 2014: The Tampa Bay Lightning won 3–0 over the Toronto Maple Leafs. Ben Bishop stopped all three shots faced in the first period, but fell awkwardly making a glove save and left the game. Anders Lindbäck stopped all 25 shots in the remainder of the game. February 22, 2015: The Vancouver Canucks won 4–0 over the New York Islanders. Ryan Miller stopped all ten shots faced in the first period.
However, early in the second period, he was run into by teammate Jannik Hansen, who crashed into the net and made contact with Miller's right leg. Eddie Läck then stopped all 27 shots in the remainder of the game. Neither goaltender was given a shutout, but Miller was awarded the win because the Canucks led 1–0 at the time of Miller's injury. December 5, 2015: The Minnesota Wild won 3–0 over the Colorado Avalanche. Devan Dubnyk stopped all six shots faced in the first period and the first five shots faced in the second period, but he suffered a mild groin strain just after making a save on Avalanche forward Jarome Iginla and eventually left the game midway through the second period.
Darcy Kuemper then stopped all nine shots in the remainder of the game to conserve the shutout. Neither goaltender was credited with the shutout, but Kuemper was awarded the win because Dubnyk suffered the injury before the first goal of the game was scored. December 15, 2016: The New York Rangers defeated the Dallas Stars 2–0. Henrik Lundqvist stopped every shot he faced in the first period until Cody Eakin ran into Lundqvist behind the net. Lundqvist sat out for 5:31 in the first period while being checked for injury. In those five-and-a-half minutes, backup goaltender Antti Raanta faced zero shots on goal.
Lundqvist returned roughly five minutes before the end of the first period and finished the game, stopping a total of 27 shots. Neither goaltender was credited with a shutout, but Lundqvist was awarded the win due to being on the ice when the game-winning goal was scored shorthanded by Rick Nash at 7:08 of the third period. April 1, 2017: The Philadelphia Flyers defeated the New Jersey Devils 3–0. Michal Neuvirth stopped the first four shots faced in the game, but collapsed on the ice during a stoppage in play at 7:37 of the first period and had to be taken off the ice on a stretcher.
Anthony Stolarz then stopped all 23 shots in the remainder of the game. Neither goaltender was credited with the shutout, but Neuvirth was awarded the win since the Flyers led 1–0 at the time of his collapse. October 22, 2019: The Minnesota Wild defeated the Edmonton Oilers 3–0. Alex Stalock made 16 saves in relief of the injured Devan Dubnyk who made nine saves before leaving the game at 1:59 of the second period after he went down during a collision in the goal crease. Neither goaltender was credited with the shutout, but Dubnyk was awarded the win since the Wild led 3–0 when he left the game.
November 12, 2019: The Colorado Avalanche defeated the Winnipeg Jets 4–0. Starting goaltender Pavel Francouz played just 31 seconds before a collision with Jets forward Mark Scheifele forced him to exit the game. With Philipp Grubauer out with a lower body injury, rookie goaltender, Adam Werner would make his NHL debut in relief stopping all 40 Winnipeg shots. Rugby Clean sheets are not common in either rugby union or league, since it is relatively simple to score a penalty kick. The 2005 Gillette Rugby League Tri-Nations final was the first time that Australia had been "nilled" since 1981. There is no alternative term for the occurrence of a team failing to score, except to say that the team scored "nil" (or "zero" or "nothing" in North America).
For example, the December 2006 Celtic League match between Munster and Connacht ended 13–0 to Munster; it was, therefore, said that Munster won "thirteen–nil." Recent examples of clean sheets in international rugby union include England vs Scotland in 2014, France vs Italy in 2015, France vs Argentina in 2016, Scotland vs Italy in 2017, New Zealand vs South Africa in 2017, New Zealand vs Australia in 2019, and Wales vs Italy in 2020. Generally, a team that is well-disciplined defensively, as well as behaviorally (not giving away penalty kicks), is most likely to not concede scores. This may also occur if there is a significant difference in class between the two teams, for example, when Scotland beat Spain (who were playing in their only Rugby World Cup) 48–0 in the 1999 Rugby World Cup, or when Australia beat Namibia 142–0 in the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
See also Whitewash References External links Football (soccer) clean sheet statistics Category:Terminology used in multiple sports Category:Perfect scores in sports
The Opaline budgerigar mutation is one of approximately 30 mutations affecting the colour or appearance of budgerigars. It is the underlying mutation of the Opaline variety. When combined with the Yellowface II and Clearwing mutations the Rainbow variety is produced. Appearance The Opaline mutation is characterised by several features which are invariably present, although many show variations in the intensity of their expression. The most obvious effect is on the striations which extend from the top of the head down the neck to between the wings in the non-Opaline. In the Opaline these striations are very much reduced in intensity, being almost absent in many individuals, particularly in small birds of yellow (as opposed to buff) feather.
The cap of the Opaline extends further back over the top of the head, gradually merging into an area the same colour as the body which continues down the back of the head to form a 'V' shape between the wings. The intensity of the striations in this area is variable, but in the original mutations, particularly the Australian, the 'V' was very clear. In the non-Opaline the wings show dark grey or black markings over a yellow or white ground, but in the Opaline the ends of the barbs of the wing coverts assume the same colour as the body, rather than the ground colour.