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33. 特别报告员指出，利用基于信仰的理由、言论和批判性思维工具，与负责说服人们加入极端主义团体的招募人员合作，是防止极端主义的有效方法。72 不过，她同意宗教或信仰自由特别报告员的意见，即寻找任何宗教或信仰的“真实声音”不是政府的职责，宗教或信仰的内涵应由信徒来界定。73 她回顾说，有观点认为政府可以通过定向的意识形态或神学干预措施批准或控制个人思维方式或信仰，或规定何种思想或信仰获得批准，这类观点在法治和尊重人的尊严的社会中没有立足之地。 | 33. The Special Rapporteur notes that working with recruiters who are responsible for convincing people to join extremist groups using faith-based reasons, rhetoric and critical thinking tools is an effective method to prevent extremism.72 She agrees with the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief however that it is not the Government’s role to look for the “true voices” of any religion or belief and that the contents of a religion or belief should be defined by the worshippers.73 She recalls that the perception that a Government can authorize or control the way that individuals think or what they believe, through targeted 68 A/HRC/28/66/Add.1, paras. 19 and 26. 69 A/73/362, paras. 19–21. 70 See United Kingdom, guidance for specified authorities in England and Wales on the duty in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 to have due regard to the need to prevent people from being drawn into terrorism (available at www.gov.uk/government/publications/prevent-duty-guidance); A/HRC/43/46/Add.1 and A/HRC/40/52/Add.4. 71 Note the specific recommendations regarding medical and other professionals in A/HRC/40/52/Add.5. 72 UNDP, “Report on Oslo II”. 73 A/HRC/7/10/Add.3, para. 76. ideological or theological interventions, or what authorized thoughts or beliefs are has no place in societies governed by the rule of law and respect for human dignity. |
34. 宗教或信仰自由问题特别报告员曾指出，无论是孤立地看待宗教(忽视人权机构以及政治和其他非宗教因素的重要性)，还是否认宗教动机对犯下或支持暴力行为可能发挥的作用(可能导致宗教群体及其领袖回应不足)，都无法充分解释“宗教名义的暴力行为”这一复杂现象。人们有时候把这种现象同极端主义暴力联系起来。74 对宗教的狭隘解读可能是一个原因，但宗教文本从来都是允许不同解读的。个人对解读自身信仰造成的实际后果负有最终责任。75 特别报告员回顾了导致或助长被视为宗教暴力行为的复杂因素，包括普遍腐败和裙带关系所引发的对公共体制的不信任、76 排斥政策77 以及有罪不罚、大事化小和不受法律惩罚现象。78 她肯定了对助长恐怖主义和极端主义的已知因素进行的更广泛的分析，鼓励各国利用现有资源解决治理、法治和反腐方面的缺陷；这方面的进展对于打击恐怖主义和暴力极端主义具有建设性作用，也符合人权理念。 | 34. The Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief has noted that neither an isolated focus on religion (which neglects the significance of human agency and political and other non-religious factors), nor a denial that religious motives could play a role in committing and supporting acts of violence (which might lead to inadequate responses from religious communities and their leaders) could fully explain the complex phenomenon of “violence committed in the name of religion”, which is sometimes associated with violent extremism.74 While narrow-minded interpretations of religions can play a role, religious texts can always accommodate different readings. Ultimately, individuals bear the responsibility for the practical consequences that they draw from the interpretation of their faith.75 The Special Rapporteur recalls the complex factors contributing to and dovetailing with what is viewed as religious violence, including the loss of trust in public institutions caused by endemic corruption and cronyism,76 policies of exclusion,77 as well as impunity, trivialization and legal impunity. 78 She affirms the broader analysis concerning the known factors conducive to terrorism and extremism and encourages States to use the resources they have to address deficits in governance, the rule of law and corruption; progress in that regard can be constructive and human rights compliant in combating terrorism and violent extremism. |
C. 将防止和打击暴力极端主义作为外交政策工具 | C. Preventing and countering violent extremism as a foreign policy tool |
35. 秘书长《防止暴力极端主义行动计划》将防止暴力极端主义的措施与发展联系起来，强调解决多个暴力极端主义驱动因素的手段之一是使得国家发展政策与可持续发展目标保持一致。实际上，越来越多由西方国家资助的援助、发展、建设和平和技术援助等工作，已日益成为这些国家安全和反恐议程的组成部分，严重损害了在当地执行任务的发展和人道主义行为体的公正性和中立性。挪用发展议程并使得发展议程与安全问题联系在一起是短视之举，从长远来看显然适得其反。这种战略之一79 旨在强调采用“包括发展在内的对外援助工具和方法，以减少特定的政治或社会经济因素，防止这些因素在可确定领域助长暴力极端主义的社区基础，或使特定人群面临暴力极端主义激进化和为暴力势力所招募的较高风险”，并联合“伙伴组织和多边机构，加强在关键国家提供教育和社会服务的方案，使这些国家具备解决暴力极端主义驱动因素的手段”。另一项80 战略表示，“外交政策通过在[若干]领域的参与，为解决暴力极端主义的根源和条件作出贡献。解决暴力极端主义的直接和结构性根源，需要在过渡和脆弱情况下以及在当前的冲突地区作出长期、可持续的承诺”。特别报告员强调，必须在这一关键政策领域进行反思。 | 35. The Secretary-General’s Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism links measures to prevent violent extremism with development, stressing that one means to address many of the drivers of violent extremism is to align national development policies with the Sustainable Development Goals. In practice, more and more of such work funded by Western States – aid, development, peacebuilding and technical assistance – has increasingly formed part of their security and counter-terrorism agendas, profoundly compromising the impartiality and neutrality of development and humanitarian actors on the ground. The co-opting and securitization of development agendas is short-sighted and distinctly counter-productive in the long-term. One such strategy79 highlights as strategic objectives employing “foreign assistance tools and approaches, including development, to reduce specific political or social and economic factors that contribute to community support for violent extremism in identifiable areas or put particular segments of populations at high risk of violent extremist radicalization and recruitment to violence” and working with “partner organizations and multilateral institutions to enhance programmes that provide educational and social services in key countries with tools to address drivers of violent extremism”. Another80 states that “foreign policy makes a contribution towards addressing the causes of and conditions for violent extremism through its foreign policy engagement in [several] areas. Tackling its direct and structural causes requires long-term, sustainable commitment in transitional and fragile contexts, as well as in current conflict zones”. The Special Rapporteur stresses the necessity to stocktake in this critical policy area. |
36. 随着世界各地缩减援助预算，防止和打击暴力极端主义让各国政府得以将人道主义和发展援助与其广泛的安全目标相挂钩。对于受援组织而言，防止和打击暴力极端主义增加了获得资金的机会。但是，如世界各地的许多非营利组织和非政府组织所强调指出，这种做法在根本上违背有原则的人道主义行动。有一个非政府组织明确表示，“[打击暴力极端主义的]方法从一开始就政治化，与有原则的、基于需要的人道主义行动互不相容”。81 事实上，这类政策对人道主义和发展干 | 36. With aid budgets shrinking around the world, the prevention and countering of violent extremism has allowed Governments to link humanitarian and development aid to their broader security objectives. For recipient organizations, preventing and countering violent extremism has increased funding opportunities. However, as highlighted by many non-profit organizations and non-governmental organizations around the world, that approach is fundamentally at odds with principled humanitarian action. One non-governmental organization has taken the clear position that “approaches [to countering violent extremism] 74 A/HRC/28/66, para. 19. 75 Ibid., paras. 22–25. 76 Ibid., paras. 26–30. 77 Ibid., paras. 30–35. 78 Ibid., paras. 36–38. 79 United States Department of State and USAID, joint strategy, p. 6. 80 Switzerland, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, foreign policy action plan on preventing violent extremism, 2016. are politicized from the outset and incompatible with principled, needs-based humanitarian action”. |
基于需要的人道主义行动互不相容”。81 事实上，这类政策对人道主义和发展干预工作的直接和间接影响既是结构性的，也是业务性的。从结构方面而言，制定方案时会以特定的“风险”目标群体和社区为着眼点，而非采取基于需要的办法；从业务方面而言，各组织会调整方案，将防止和打击暴力极端主义列为重点，严重扭曲与受援对象的关系和方案的成果。此外，将人道主义组织视为政府安全议程分包商的情况越来越多，例如，有合同和要求规定，人道主义组织在分发援助时须开展持续的安全审查，这种审查方式与人道主义核心任务背道而驰。 | 81 Indeed, the direct and indirect impacts of such policies on humanitarian and development interventions can be felt structurally, when programmes are developed with specific “at-risk” target groups and communities in mind, rather than on a needs-based approach, and operationally, when organizations modify their programmes to include a focus on preventing and countering violent extremism, profoundly distorting the relationship with recipients and the outcomes of programmes. Moreover, the increased emphasis on humanitarian organizations as the subcontractors of government security agendas is evidenced by contracts and requirements that such organizations engage in sustained security vetting in the distribution of aid, in ways contrary to the core humanitarian mission. |
D. 缺乏透明度和问责 | D. Lack of transparency and accountability |
37. 特别报告员感到讶异的是，各国政府公开不力，民间社会不太信任防止和打击暴力极端主义的措施，从政策方案到筹资、影响、科学基础和基准，甚至基础研究，皆是如此。在资金来自外部捐助者的情况下，民间社会受援方往往不愿披露资金来源，因为这可能会影响这些受援方的独立性或其行动的真实意图，或导致目标群体遭受污名或疏远。防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案常常标榜或重新包装为与安全要务无关的方案，给参与支持或资助蓄意欺瞒受援方的方案的联合国实体带来尤为棘手的问题。82 缺乏透明度也会给人一种印象，即防止和打击暴力极端主义是政府安全机关中的另一个工具，而且在社会服务的背后暗藏着情报和警察机构。 | 37. The Special Rapporteur is struck by the lack of openness of Governments and the lack of civil society trust in measures to prevent and counter violent extremism, from the policies and programmes to their funding, impact, scientific underpinning and benchmarks – and even the underlying research. When funding comes from external donors, civil society recipients are often not keen to disclose the origins of the funds, given that it could have an impact on their independence or the genuineness of their action or stigmatize or alienate targeted populations. Programming on preventing and countering violent extremism is often branded or repackaged programming that is unconnected to security imperatives, raising particularly thorny issues for United Nations entities engaged in supporting or funding programming which is deliberately dishonest to its recipients.82 The lack of transparency can in turn give the impression that preventing and countering violent extremism is yet another tool in a Government’s security arsenal and that behind social services lie intelligence and police agencies. |
38. 尽管从全球到地方各级采取了广泛措施，但似乎完全缺乏监督，也鲜有机制填补空白，促进采取以法治和人权为基础的方法防止和打击暴力极端主义。如特别报告员所指出，83 全球和区域推进防止和打击暴力极端主义的工作属于“软性法律”规制范畴，几乎不存在有意义的监督，也几乎没有在制定或实施中的人权评估或基准。在国内，许多防止和打击暴力极端主义的措施也是“软性法律”性质，意味着这类措施不受议会或公众监督，也没有分配专项预算，使得基于人权的预算分析颇具挑战。在全球层面，因适用旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的措施和政策而发生侵犯人权的指控时，很少或根本没有问责机制、求助渠道或有效可得的补救办法。 | 38. Despite the web of measures adopted, from the global to local levels, there appears to be a complete lack of oversight and very few mechanisms to address the lacunae and promote a rule of law and human rights-based approach to preventing and countering violent extremism. As the Special Rapporteur has noted, 83 global and regional advancement of preventing and countering violent extremism falls under a “soft law” rubric, with little meaningful oversight and virtually no human rights assessment or benchmarking in creation or implementation. Domestically, many of the measures to prevent and counter violent extremism are also “soft law”, meaning that they are not subjected to parliamentary or public scrutiny, nor is there a specific budget allocated, making human rights-based budget analysis challenging. Globally, there are little to no accountability mechanisms, recourse or effective and accessible remedies where allegations of human rights violations have occurred as a result of the application of measures and policies aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism. |
五. 具体影响 | V. Specific impacts |
A. 性别与防止和打击暴力极端主义 | A. Gender and preventing and countering violent extremism |
39. 秘书长在《防止暴力极端主义行动计划》中肯定了性别平等在打击恐怖主义方面的重要性，特别是因为，性别平等指数较高的社会受暴力极端主义的影响较小并非偶然。84 处理性别与暴力极端主义两者关系的一个综合交叉方法包括重点关注尊重妇女人权及其缺失、结构性不平等、武装冲突的性别驱动因素，以及暴力霸权式男子主义与暴力极端主义的产生之间的关系。85 | 39. In his Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, the Secretary-General affirmed the importance of gender equality in addressing terrorism, not least because it was no coincidence that societies for which gender equality indicators were higher were less vulnerable to violent extremism.84 A holistic and intersectional approach to addressing the relationship between gender and violent extremism would include a focus on respect for women’s human rights, and the absence thereof, structural inequality, the gendered drivers 81 Norwegian Refugee Council, “Countering violent extremism”. 82 Referring to programming, targeted at women, aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism as “for the empowerment of women” is mendacious and ethically suspect. 83 A/74/335. 84 A/70/674, para. 53. of armed conflict and the relationship between violent and hegemonic masculinitiesand the production of violent extremism.85 |
40. 解决暴力极端主义的性别层面的政策和方案有明显增加，86 但尚没有对此类方案的优点、影响或人权合规情况进行系统监测和评估。遗憾的是，优先将妇女作为防止和打击暴力极端主义的主体和渠道，很少是以妇女不受歧视和平等的权利为前提，相反，其战略理由是，这种做法可以更全面地认识暴力极端主义的根源，有助于采取更为本地化、更可信的反恐战略，这种将妇女作为交易条件的做法让特别报告员深感关切。87 明显侧重于以妇女为手段改善反恐努力，存在议程被挪用的风险，在此过程中，狭隘地强调“妇女”，分散了对造成性别不平等、排斥和暴力的广泛结构性现实因素的关注。 | 40. There has been a distinct upsurge in policy and programming addressing the gender dimension of violent extremism, 86 yet there has been no systematic monitoring and evaluation assessing the merits, impacts or human rights compliance of such programming. Regrettably, prioritizing women as both subjects and conduits of the prevention and countering of violent extremism has rarely been premised on their rights to non-discrimination and equality, but rather relies on the strategic rationale that it leads to a more comprehensive understanding of the causes of violent extremism and more localized and credible strategies for countering terrorism, a form of commodification which deeply concerns the Special Rapporteur. 87 The distinct focus on using women as a means of improving counter-terrorism efforts runs the risk of agenda-hijacking, whereby a narrow emphasis on “women” distracts attention from the wider structural realities that produce gender inequality, exclusion and violence. |
41. 从道德角度而言更有问题的是，将防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案宣传为旨在增强妇女权能或是造福妇女的技能培训，隐瞒参与背后的安全理由，最终让任何可信的评估都变得毫无价值。同样，通过旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案和政策，将妇女作为母亲、妻子和姐妹设定为社区中男子和男童的看家人，也带有明显的父权色彩。一些评论员强调指出了妇女和女童在被定为此类政策的前线接受对象时所面临的风险，特别是在这种政策要务被视为强国的外交政策偏好的情况下。在高度复杂、社会保守和不稳定的环境中，妇女越来越多地被置于防止和打击暴力极端主义行动前线这种不值得羡慕的位置。如今，这种入侵行为也常见于生活最私密的地方，如医生办公室、教室、家事法庭、母婴中心和家庭生活等，已正式构成侵犯国际法所保护的隐私权、家庭生活权、教育权和健康权的行为。88 据妇女领导的非政府组织报告，在多个脆弱和受冲突影响的环境中，资金来源都与防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案挂钩。损害妇女和女童的最基本权利(生命和安全)，不应成为在有滋生恐怖主义风险的边缘社区进行广泛的经济、社会和政治改革的间接后果。89 | 41. It is all the more ethically problematic when programming aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism is advertised as being for the empowerment of women or as being skills training that benefits women, hiding the security rationale driving the engagement and ultimately making any credible evaluation valueless. Equally, there is a distinctly patriarchal element to making women the gatekeepers to the men and boys in their communities – as mothers, wives and sisters – through programming and policies aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism. A number of commentators have underscored the risks faced by women and girls when they are made the frontline recipients of such policies, particularly when such policy imperatives are viewed as the foreign policy preferences of powerful States. Increasingly, in highly complex, socially conservative and unstable environments, women are placed in the unenviable position of the frontline delivery of efforts aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism. Such intrusions are now also regularly found in the most intimate parts of life – doctors’ offices, classrooms, family courts, mother and baby centres and family life – formally constituting violations of the rights to privacy, family life, education and health, protected by international law.88 Women-led non-governmental organizations report that funding sources in multiple fragile and conflict-affected environments are tied to programming related to preventing and countering violent extremism. Compromising the most fundamental rights of women and girls (life and security) should not be a placeholder for broader economic, social and political reform in marginal communities that are at risk of producing terrorism.89 |
B. 民间社会 | B. Civil society |
42. 若要解决防止和打击暴力极端主义行动的陷阱，则需反思民间社会在反恐过程中所面临的挑战。在推动全球促进和保护人权方面，民间社会的参与通过抵制恐怖主义行动和减轻激进或暴力极端主义的吸引力这两条途径，为实施更为有效的预防战略铺平了道路。民间社会的参与促使人们一贯关注维护法治、倡导基于人权的价值观、保护最脆弱和边缘化群体并为反恐措施的目标人群发声。反恐措施针对的个人和群体有时因其观点或因被视作威胁而遭到辱骂和排斥，但身而为人，他们的人权和固有尊严理应受到平等保护。当民间社会组织让包括恐怖主义受害者在内的边缘化和弱势群体有机会发声时，便为确保反恐工作中的问责和透明度提供了一条建设性途径，包括通过开展倡导活动、教育、研究、监督和与政府缔结伙伴关系。 | 42. Addressing the pitfalls of preventing and countering violent extremism involves reflecting on the challenges faced by civil society in counter-terrorism contexts. In advancing the promotion and protection of human rights globally, civil society participation paves the way for more effective prevention strategies, through both pathways of resistance to terrorist action and mitigation of the attraction of radical or violent extremism. Civil society engagement brings consistent attention to upholding the rule of law, engaging human rights-based values, protecting the most vulnerable and marginalized and speaking on behalf of the targets of counter-terrorism measures, the individuals and groups who are sometimes reviled and excluded because of their views or the perceived threat that they pose, but whose 85 Melissa Johnston and Jacqui True, “Misogyny and violent extremism: implications for preventing violent extremism”, United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women), policy brief, 2019. 86 Fionnuala Ní Aoláin and Jayne Huckerby, Gendering counterterrorism: how to and how not to (part II), Just Security, 3 May 2018. 87 Jayne Huckerby, “Feminism and international law in the post-9/11 era”, Fordham International Law Journal, vol. 39, No. 3. 88 Fatima Ahdash, “The interaction between family law and counter-terrorism: a critical examination of the radicalization cases in the family courts” Child and Family Law Quarterly, vol. 30. 89 Katherine E. Brown, Gender, Religion, Extremism: Finding Women in Anti-Radicalization, (Oxford University Press, 2020). humanity equally demands the protection of their human rights and inherent dignity. When civil society organizations give voice to the marginalized and vulnerable, including victims of terrorism, they provide a constructive route to accountability and transparency in counter-terrorism work, including through activism, education, research, oversight and partnership with Governments. |
43. 然而，在世界许多地方，公民社会空间正在缩小，并面临持续的压力。防止和打击暴力极端主义日益成为压制民间社会行为体声音、限制其活动范围和针对它们的手段，与此同时，自相矛盾的是，国家将人权倡导解释为一种“极端主义”，再加上缺乏暴力极端主义的全球商定定义，让各国放开了手脚，将民间社会行为体和人权维护者视为“极端分子”。越来越明显的是，人权维护者是一些国家政府推行的旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的战略的对象，这些政府认识到，借这一新术语之名针对持不同意见者十分具有价值。 | 43. However, civic space is shrinking and under sustained pressure in many parts of the world. The prevention and countering of violent extremism increasingly functions as a device to silence, limit the scope of and target civil society actors, when, paradoxically, advocacy for human rights is construed by the State as a form of “extremism”, giving States the leeway – enabled by the lack of a globally agreed definition on what constitutes violent extremism – to target civil society actors and human rights defenders as “extremists”. It is increasingly clear that human rights defenders are targeted in the strategies aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism pursued by Governments that recognize the value of the new nomenclature to be directed against those who disagree with them. |
44. 一些国家政府将民间社会行为体视为推进旨在打击暴力极端主义的政策工具，拉拢民间社会行动参与自上而下的防止和打击暴力极端主义议程，以实现政治或安全目的。90 这种情况相对来说不太令人担忧，但同样是事实。政府针对的目标尤其适用于妇女和女童，完全无视这种拉拢或交易行为会使得那些在法律、政治和经济领域通常处于边缘地位的人变得脆弱。91 值得注意的是，若不合作，就会被解读为易受极端主义的影响或心怀同情，而很少被认为是一种独立生存和对单纯、中立和不受拉拢的立场的坚持。92 | 44. Less worrisome, but equally true, is that Governments see civil society actors as a vehicle for advancing policy aimed at countering violent extremism and have co-opted the efforts of civil society into a top-down agenda for preventing and countering violent extremism for political or security objectives.90 Government targeting particularly applies to women and girls and is entirely oblivious to the vulnerabilities of such co-option or commodification for those who are generally on the margins legally, politically and economically.91 Notably, failure to cooperate can be read as having a vulnerability to or sympathy for extremism, rarely as a form of independent survival and a commitment to singular, neutral and non-co-opted space.92 |
45. 但是，我们不应放弃当地社区和最易受极端主义影响的社区的价值和作用。地方参与不仅最有成效，而且能在地方一级各种错综复杂的情况下参与协调，帮助制定并执行政策，在最为艰难脆弱的环境中维持当地社区和民间社会。自相矛盾的是，由于对资助恐怖主义行为实施基于风险的方法会产生下游影响，这类社区遭遇撤资、丧失支持的风险最大，也最有可能缺少全面的人道主义豁免。最终受援方必须处于这一进程的中心位置，由外部人员发挥辅助作用。93 | 45. However, we should not abandon the value and roles of local communities and those most vulnerable to and affected by extremism. Not only are local engagements the most effective, but they also involve and engage at the local level, in all its complexity, in the making and implementation of policy, sustaining local communities and civil society in the most fraught and fragile settings. Paradoxically, those are often the communities most at risk of defunding and lack of support through the downstream effect of the risk-based approach to the financing of terrorism and the lack of a comprehensive humanitarian exemption. End users must be placed at the centre of the process, with outsiders playing a supporting role.93 |
六. 联合国的方案拟定 | VI. United Nations programming |
46. 联合国在推进防止和打击暴力极端主义议程方面发挥了重要作用。在国家一级，包括开发署、教科文组织、联合国毒品和犯罪问题办公室(毒品和犯罪问题办公室)以及联合国促进性别平等和增强妇女权能署(妇女署)在内的多个联合国实体，为制定、执行和实施旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案提供直接支持和专门知识。除了通过决议和《防止暴力极端主义行动计划》倡导这一概念外，联合国还协助会员国制定国家行动计划，并设立了防止和打击助长恐怖主义的暴力极端主义工作组。目前，有 18 个联合国实体在实施 400 多个旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的项目，惠及世界所有区域的 90 多个会员国，涉及《行动计划》建议的所有七个优先领域。作为《联合国全球反恐协调契约》的签署方，特别报告员参与了一系列涉及防止和打击暴力极端主义的问题，同时也是上述工作组的成员。但是，特别报告员指出，没有为任务负责人参与这项工作单独提供资源或行政能力，充分参与人权监督的能力面临严重的资源限制。 | 46. The United Nations has played a significant role in taking forward the agenda for preventing and countering violent extremism. At the national level, a number of United Nations entities, including UNDP, UNESCO, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women), provide direct support and expertise to the creation, implementation and operation of programming aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism. In addition to embracing the concept through resolutions and the Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, the United Nations has assisted Member States in developing national plans of action and has set up a Working Group on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism Conducive to Terrorism. There are currently over 400 projects aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism implemented by 18 United Nations entities, benefiting more than 90 Member States in all regions of the world and addressing all seven priority areas recommended in the Plan of Action. As a signatory to the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Coordination Compact, the Special Rapporteur is engaged on a 90 Anne Charbord and Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, “The role of measures to address terrorism and violent extremism on closing civic space”, University of Minnesota Human Rights Center, 2019. 91 See https://icsr.info/2018/07/23/from-daesh-to-diaspora-tracing-the-women-and-minors-of-islamic-state/. 92 Annemarie van de Weert and Quirine A.M. Eijkman, “Subjectivity in detection of radicalization and violent extremism: a youth worker’s perspective” Behavioural Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, vol. 11, No. 3. 93 UNDP, “Report on Oslo II”, recommendations. range of issues that touch on preventing and countering violent extremism and a member of the Working Group. She notes however that no stand-alone resources or administrative capacity is provided to enable the mandate holder’s participation, and the ability to engage fulsomely in human rights oversight is significantly resource-constrained. |
47. 《联合国全球反恐协调契约》中旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的项目数量之多，部分原因是防止和打击暴力极端主义对联合国来说并非全新内容。这项工作包括《联合国全球反恐战略》第一和第四支柱明确涉及的问题，94 也属于该战略的核心价值问题，特别是和平、发展、教育以及尊重人权和法治。许多联合国人员向特别报告员证实，以前单独处理的许多问题，现在都是以防止和打击暴力极端主义的名义进行处理。开发署强调，对联合国而言，这是联合国反恐战略与《2030 年可持续发展议程》和可持续发展目标相辅相成的新时代。95 整体而言，大多数可持续发展目标都与促进以持久办法防止暴力极端主义有关。 | 47. The very high number of projects aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism in the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Coordination Compact can be explained, in part, by the fact that preventing and countering violent extremism is not entirely new for the United Nations. It encompasses issues that were explicitly addressed in the first and fourth pillars of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy,94 as well as issues that are among its core values, notably peace, development, education and respect for human rights and the rule of law. Numerous United Nations personnel have confirmed to the Special Rapporteur that many of the issues that were previously addressed individually are now addressed under the banner of preventing and countering violent extremism. UNDP has stressed that it is a new era in the United Nations, in which the United Nations counter-terrorism strategy interacts with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals.95 Most of the Goals are collectively relevant to promoting durable solutions for the prevention of violent extremism. |
48. 但是，特别报告员指出，这种做法存在若干固有风险。防止和打击暴力极端主义的视角是以安全为焦点的视角。新的行动要务和概念借由防止和打击暴力极端主义的说法悄然渗入了制度层面。根据毒品和犯罪问题办公室的定义，暴力极端主义是指接受通过暴力手段实现通常为社会、种族、宗教和(或)政治性目标的意识形态。毒品和犯罪问题办公室认为，暴力极端主义特指会导致实施恐怖主义行径的行为和思想。96 教科文组织认为，暴力极端主义是指支持或使用暴力以实现意识形态、宗教或政治目标的人所坚持的信仰和行动，可能包括恐怖主义和其他形式的出于政治动机的暴力。97 教科文组织指出，面对这种由排他性的世界观和对信仰的错误解释所滋生的威胁，再加上仇恨和不容忍因素的煽动，“硬实力”不足以对抗。98 这种做法导致联合国在人权、发展、法治和教育等核心问题上与安全问题相提并论。重要的是，这导致联合国采取的没有偏见和公正合法的行动被潜在的歧视性、排他性和充满政治色彩的概念所玷污，化这种行动为“联合国的行动，被重要的安全问题驱动的反极端主义政策所污染”。这会对许多方案产生严重后果，影响民间社会合作伙伴的选择(排斥)、筹资提案的制定和推介方式(附加安全问题)，也会在方案实施地点和对受援者的看法方面给受援者造成影响(污名化)。用“整个联合国”、“弥合鸿沟”或“打破部门分割”的办法对待这一问题，将安全放在不亚于发展、人权和人道主义行动的位置，可能相当于将联合国的所有行动都附加安全问题。 | 48. The Special Rapporteur notes several inherent risks with that approach however. The lens of preventing and countering violent extremism is a security-focused lens. Through the language of preventing and countering violent extremism, new operational imperatives and concepts have crept in institutionally. UNODC defines violent extremism as an ideology which accepts the use of violence for the pursuit of goals that are generally social, racial, religious and/or political in nature. It notes that violent extremism specifically refers to behaviour and thinking which can lead to the commission of acts of terrorism.96 UNESCO refers to the beliefs and actions of people who support or use violence to achieve ideological, religious or political goals, which can include terrorism and other forms of politically motivated violence.97 It states that “hard power” is not enough to counter threats drawing on an exclusive world vision and building on false interpretations of faith, fuelled by hatred and intolerance.98 Such an approach leads to United Nations action on core issues – human rights, development, the rule of law and education – that is securitized. Importantly, it leads to unbiased and impartial legitimate action by the United Nations being tainted by potentially discriminatory, exclusionary and politically charged concepts, rendering such action “United Nations action, infected by overlying security-driven policies on extremism”. It can have severe consequences on many programmes, affecting the choice of civil society partners (exclusion), the way in which funding proposals are designed and pitched (securitization) and the beneficiaries of such programmes, both in terms of where the programmes are implemented and how recipients are viewed (stigmatization). An “all of United Nations”, “bridge the divide” or “break the silos” approach to the question, in which security is placed on an equal, if not higher, footing than development, human rights and humanitarian action may amount to the securitization of all United Nations action. |
49. 另一个风险在于，联合国不加批判地接受这一概念以及现实中对这一个概念的各种理解。对一些国家而言，防止和打击暴力极端主义是外交政策工具，例如，通过发展援助进行部署，或是用以影响宗教或政治意识形态或身份认同的工具，使防止和打击暴力极端主义带上固有的主观色彩。如果没有任何审查或问责机制，这会导致联合国对明显侵犯基本人权和基本自由的旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的行动采取合法化、纵容和推动的态度，从而无视联合国在维护国际人权法方面的根本作用。特别报告员亲眼目睹了联合国和区域实体如何根据国家法律中的定义和相关实践，参与并支持违反国际人权条约、直接侵犯基本权利的旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案，如应对“极端主义”的方案，该方案是对联合国尽职政策的完整性和落实的直接挑战。 | 49. A further risk lies with the United Nations uncritically embracing the concept together with its myriad understandings on the ground. For some States, preventing and countering violent extremism is a foreign policy tool, deployed through development aid for example, or a tool to affect religious or political ideology or identity, rendering it inherently subjective. Absent any scrutiny or accountability mechanism, it can lead to the United Nations legitimizing, condoning and enabling action aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism that is in clear violation of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms and disregarding its fundamental role in safeguarding international human rights law. The Special Rapporteur has seen first-hand how the United Nations and regional entities are engaging and supporting programmes aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism based on the definition in national law and related practice that are in violation of international human rights treaties and directly impinging on fundamental rights, such as programmes that address 94 A/70/674, para. 7. 95 UNDP, “Report on Oslo II”. 96 UNODC, “Guidelines for the Central Asian preventing violent extremism network”, 2019. 97 UNESCO, “Preventing violent extremism through education: a guide for policymakers”, 2017. 98 UNESCO, “UNESCO in action: preventing violent extremism worldwide”, 2018. “extremism” – a direct challenge to the integrity and implementation of the UnitedNations due diligence policy. |
50. 特别报告员继续强调指出，为防止和打击暴力极端主义工作的归因溯源、基准制定和协调落实提供的人权资源是不够的，远不足以应对人权挑战的规模。仅就方案拟定的规模而言，需要持续、结构化和资源充足的人权监督和能力。没有资源支撑的兼职特别报告员显然不足以担当人权堡垒，同样，鉴于方案拟定和政策的规模、广度和内容，给联合国人权事务高级专员办事处配备的有限的行政和财政资源，也难胜其任。 | 50. The Special Rapporteur continues to underscore that the human rights resources supplied to account for, benchmark or engage in preventing and countering violent extremism are meagre and vastly insufficient to respond to the scale of the human rights challenge. The scale of the programming alone requires sustained, structured and well-resourced human rights oversight and capacity. A part-time Special Rapporteur with no resources is clearly an insufficient human rights bulwark, as are the limited administrative and financial resources given to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights for the scale, breadth and substance of that programming and policy. |
51. 特别报告员感谢人权理事会第 42/18 号决议请她在工作中反思恐怖主义的影响，她在继续认真思考如何在实质层面开展这项工作。特别报告员指出，她正在持续且有组织地参与恐怖主义受害者权利方面的工作。同时，她回顾了在上一份报告99 中就这一主题的表态。此外，特别报告员审查了理事会第 34/8 号决议请人权理事会咨询委员会就恐怖主义对享有人权的负面影响提交的报告草稿，她注意到，报告所依赖的有关适用人权法和实践的法律分析从根本上而言是有缺陷的。报告中存在一系列法律错误和多处前后不一，似乎与各国在国际人权法适用范围上的现有共识不符。她计划在现有资源范围内进一步反思和阐明这一问题。 | 51. The Special Rapporteur acknowledges the invitation of the Human Rights Council, in its resolution 42/18, to reflect on the effects of terrorism in her work, and she continues to reflect in a considered way on how to do so substantively. She notes her ongoing sustained and structured engagement with regard to the rights of victims of terrorism. In the interim, she recalls what she has stated on the subject in her previous report.99 In addition, the Special Rapporteur notes that, having reviewed a draft of the report of the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee requested by the Council in its resolution 34/8, on the negative effects of terrorism on the enjoyment of human rights, the Special Rapporteur observed that it relied on fundamentally flawed legal analysis concerning the application of human rights law and practice. It contains a range of legal inaccuracies and a number of inconsistencies that appear incompatible with the existing consensus of States on the scope of the application of international human rights law. Working within existing resources, she plans to reflect and pronounce further on the matter. |
七. 结论和建议 | VII. Conclusions and recommendations |
52. 特别报告员提出如下建议： | 52. The Special Rapporteur makes the following recommendations: |
(a) 各国国家安全实践的所有方面，包括旨在防止或打击暴力极端主义的实践，都必须遵守国际人权法；绝不能以防止和打击暴力极端主义为由扼杀和平的政治异见、批评或非暴力抗议，或将其作为起诉参与非暴力表达和倡导的个人的依据；任何时候都必须尊重宗教信仰自由的绝对权利；宗教实践必须受到保护，决不能将其定为刑事犯罪； | (a) All aspects of States national security practice, including those aimed at preventing or countering violent extremism, must comply with international human rights law; preventing and countering violent extremism must never be used to stifle peaceful political dissidence, criticism or non-violent protest or serve as a basis for prosecuting individuals engaged in non-violent expression and advocacy; the absolute right to freedom of religious belief must be respected at all times; religious practice must be protected and never be criminalized; |
(b) 在法律、政策、方案或实践中管制“极端主义”的国家应废除在国际法中站不住脚的此类规定，国内法必须遵守合法性、必要性和相称性原则； | (b) States that regulate “extremism” in their laws, policy, programmes or practice should repeal such provisions, which have no purchase in international law, and domestic law must comply with the principles of legality, necessity and proportionality; |
(c) 鼓励各国解决滋生暴力极端主义和恐怖主义的广泛条件，包括治理不善、侵犯人权、法治薄弱和腐败问题；只有持续解决这些错综复杂的条件，才能切实有效地解决暴力极端主义； | (c) States are encouraged to engage with the broader conditions conducive to violent extremism and terrorism, including weak governance, human rights violations, poor rule of law and corruption; only sustained engagement with the complexity of those conditions will fruitfully address violent extremism; |
(d) 所有参与防止和打击暴力极端主义方案的联合国实体，必须确保其实践和方案既遵守国际人权法，也符合联合国尽职政策；这些义务真实存在，必须得到充分监督，特别是应由参与旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的重大持续方案拟定工作的实体进行监督，包括反恐怖主义办公室、毒品和犯罪问题办公室、妇女署和教科文组织； | (d) All United Nations entities engaged in programming aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism must ensure that their practices and programmes are both compliant with international human rights law and the due diligence policies of the United Nations; those obligations are real and must be adequately overseen, particularly by entities engaged in substantial and sustained programming aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism, including the Office of Counter-Terrorism, UNODC, UN-Women and UNESCO; |
(e) 各国必须确保旨在防止暴力极端主义的政策和方案有证据基础和科学依据，应为这类政策和方案建立严格、系统和独立的监测和评价机制，作为衡量 | (e) States must ensure that policies and programmes aimed at preventing violent extremism are evidence-based and scientifically sound and should establish rigorous, systematic and independent monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for such policies 99 A/HRC/40/52, para. 29. and programmes to serve as key tools in measuring effectiveness and enhancing transparency and accountability; |
(f) 所有旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的国家政策和实践都应有明确和符合人权的法律框架规范，接受严格的监测和评价，包括常规、独立和定期的审查； | (f) All national policies and practices aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism should be governed by a clear and human rights-compliant legal framework and subject to rigorous monitoring and evaluation, including regular, independent and periodic review; |
(g) 鼓励反恐怖主义委员会执行局处理导致在国家评估中出现持续侵犯可减损和不可减损人权的滥用“极端主义”法律和实践的问题； | (g) The Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate is encouraged to address the abuse of “extremism” law and practice leading to sustained human rights violations of both derogable and non-derogable rights in country assessments; |
(h) 《联合国全球反恐协调契约》应针对旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的政策对人权和尽职的影响建立清楚明确、资源充足的评价机制； | (h) The United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Coordination Compact should establish distinct and well-resourced evaluations of the human rights and due diligence impacts of policies aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism; |
(i) 在旨在防止和打击暴力极端主义的方案拟订和实践中，必须充分保护妇女和女童的人权； | (i) The human rights of women and girls must be fully protected in programming and practices aimed at the prevention and countering of violent extremism; |
经济及社会理事会 Distr.: Limited | Economic and Social Council Distr.: Limited |
2 May 2017 | 2 May 2017 |
Original: English030517 030517 | 17-07020 (E) 030517 |
*1707020* | *1707020* |
土著问题常设论坛 | Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues |
第十六届会议 | Sixteenth session |
2017 年 4 月 24 日至 5 月 5 日，纽约 | New York, 24 April-5 May 2017 |
议程项目 14 | Agenda item 14 |
通过土著问题常设论坛第十六届会议的报告 | Adoption of the report of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues on its sixteenth session |
通过土著问题常设论坛第十六届会议的报告报告草稿 | Draft report |
报告员：Brian Keane 先生 | Rapporteur: Mr. Brian Keane |
需要经济及社会理事会采取行动或注意的事项 | Matters calling for action by the Economic and Social Council or brought to its attention |
A. 论坛建议理事会通过的决定草案 | A. Draft decisions recommended by the Forum for adoption by the Council |
1. 土著问题常设论坛建议经济及社会理事会通过以下决定草案：[待补] | 1. The Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues recommends to the Economic and Social Council the adoption of the following draft decisions: [To be completed] |
B. 提请理事会注意的事项 | B. Matters brought to the attention of the Council |
2. 常设论坛确定了下列提案、目标、建议和今后可能采取行动的领域，并通过理事会建议各国、联合国系统各实体、政府间组织、土著人民、私营部门和非政府组织协助予以实现。 | 2. The Permanent Forum has identified the proposals, objectives, recommendations and areas of possible future action set out below and, through the Council, recommends that States, entities of the United Nations system, intergovernmental organizations, indigenous peoples, the private sector and non-governmental organizations assist in their realization. |
3. 根据常设论坛秘书处的理解，下列提案、目标、建议和有待联合国今后采取行动的领域将在有关实体获得批准的工作方案框架内尽可能予以落实。 | 3. It is the understanding of the secretariat of the Permanent Forum that those proposals, objectives, recommendations and areas of possible future action to be carried out by the United Nations, as set out below, will be implemented to the extent possible within the context of the approved programme of work of the relevant entities. |
常设论坛的建议[待补] | Recommendations of the Permanent Forum [To be completed] |
第二章 | Chapter II |
会议地点、日期和记录 | Venue, dates and proceedings of the session |
4. 经济及社会理事会在其第 2016/251 号决定中，决定于 2017 年 4 月 24日至 5月 5 日在联合国总部举行常设论坛第十六届会议。 | 4. By its decision 2016/251, the Economic and Social Council decided that the sixteenth session of the Permanent Forum would be held at United Nations Headquarters from 24 April to 5 May 2017. |
5. 常设论坛在 4 月 27 日和 5 月 3 日第 6 和第 13 次会议上审议了题为“落实常设论坛的建议”的议程项目 3 分项(a) (“增强土著妇女权能”)和(b) (“土著青年”)。论坛在审议该项目时，面前有题为“关于常设论坛各项建议落实进展的最新情况”(E/C.19/2017/3)、“会员国提供的关于处理常设论坛建议的资料汇编”(E/C.19/2017/6)、“土著人民组织提供的资料汇编”(E/C.19/2017/7)、“从联合国系统各机构、基金和方案以及其他政府间机构收到的关于常设论坛建议执行进展情况 的 资 料 汇 编 ” (E/C.19/2017/8) 以 及 “ 国 家 人 权 机 构 提 供 的 资 料 汇 编 ”(E.C.19/2017/9)等文件。论坛在其 5 月[ ]日第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在议程项目 3 下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 5. At its 6th and 13th meetings, on 27 April and 3 May, the Permanent Forum considered agenda item 3, entitled “Follow-up on the recommendations of the Permanent Forum”, sub-items (a) (“Empowerment of indigenous women”) and (b) (“Indigenous youth”). For its consideration of the item, the Forum had before it the documents entitled “Update on the implementation of the recommendations of the Permanent Forum” (E/C.19/2017/3), “Compilation of information from Member States on addressing the recommendations of the Permanent Forum” (E/C.19/2017/6), “Compilation of information received from indigenous peoples’ organizations” (E/C.19/2017/7), “Compilation of information received from agencies, funds and programmes of the United Nations system and other intergovernmental bodies on progress in the implementation of the recommendations of the Permanent Forum” (E/C.19/2017/8), and “Compilation of information from national human rights institutions” (E.C.19/2017/9). At its [ ] meeting, on [ ] May, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under agenda item 3 (see chap. I, sect. B). |
6. 论坛在 4 月 26 日和 27 日及 5 月 3 日第 4、第 5 和第 13 次会议上审议了题为“参照《联合国土著人民权利宣言》，在常设论坛六大任务领域开展工作”的议程项目 4。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 6. At its 4th, 5th and 13th meetings, on 26 and 27 April and on 3 May, the Forum considered agenda item 4, entitled “Implementation of the six mandated areas of the Permanent Forum with reference to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
7. 论坛在 5 月 2 日第 11 次会议上审议了题为“与土著人民对话”的议程项目 5。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 7. At its 11th meeting, on 2 May, the Forum considered agenda item 5, entitled “Dialogue with indigenous peoples”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
8. 论坛在 5 月 2 日第 12 次会议上审议了题为“与会员国对话”的议程项目 6。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 8. At its 12th meeting, on 2 May, the Forum considered item 6, entitled “Dialogue with Member States”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
9. 论坛在 4 月 28 日第 8 次会议上审议了题为“与联合国系统各基金、方案和专门机构的对话”的议程项目 7。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 9. At its 8th meeting, on 28 April, the Forum considered agenda item 7, entitled “Dialogue with the funds, programmes and specialized agencies of the United Nations system”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
10. 论坛在 4 月 24 日和 25 日第 2 和第 3 次会议上审议了题为“‘《联合国土著人民权利宣言》十周年：为执行宣言而采取的措施’主题讨论”的议程项目 8。论坛在审议该项目时，面前有题为“《联合国土著人民权利宣言》十周年：为执行宣言而采取的措施”(E/C.19/2017/4)以及“主题为‘《联合国土著人民权利宣言》的执行情况：土著问题常设论坛和其他土著问题机制的作用(第 42 条)’的国际专家组会议”(E/C.19/2017/10)的两份秘书处说明。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在议程项目 8 下提出的建议(见第一章，A 和 B 节)。 | 10. At its 2nd and 3rd meetings, on 24 and 25 April, the Forum considered agenda item 8, entitled “Discussion on the theme: ‘Tenth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: measures taken to implement the Declaration’”. For its consideration of the item, the Forum had before it two notes by the Secretariat entitled “Tenth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: measures taken to implement the Declaration” (E/C.19/2017/4), and “International expert group meeting on the theme ‘Implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: the role of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and other indigenous-specific mechanisms (article 42)’” (E/C.19/2017/10). At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under agenda item 8 (see chap. I, sects. A and B). |
11. 论坛在 5 月 4 日第 14 次会议上审议了题为“2030 年可持续发展议程”的议程项目 9。论坛在审议该项目时，面前有题为“关于土著人民和 2030 年议程的最新情况”的秘书处说明(E/C.19/2017/5 和 E/C.19/2017/5/Corr.1)。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 11. At its 14th meeting, on 4 May, the Forum considered agenda item 9, entitled “2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”. For its consideration of the item, the Forum had before it a note by the Secretariat entitled “Update on indigenous peoples and the 2030 Agenda” (E/C.19/2017/5 and E/C.19/2017/5/Corr.1). At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
12. 论坛在 5 月 1 日第 9 和第 10 次会议上审议了题为“与土著人民权利问题特别报告员和土著人民权利专家机制主席对话，讨论土著人民权利捍卫者事项”的议程项目 10。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 12. At its 9th and 10th meetings, on 1 May, the Forum considered agenda item 10, entitled “Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples and the Chair of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples with regard to indigenous human rights defenders”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
13. 论坛在 4 月 28 日第 7 次会议上审议了题为“世界土著人民大会成果文件的后续行动”的议程项目 11 分项(a) (“执行国家行动计划、战略或其他措施”)、(b) (“让土著人民更多参与联合国事务的方式”)和(c) (“执行联合国全系统土著人民行动计划”)。论坛在审议该项目时，面前有在分项(c)下提交的题为“执行联合国全系统土著人民行动计划”的秘书处说明(E/C/19/2017/2)。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在议程项目 11 下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 13. At its 7th meeting, on 28 April, the Forum considered agenda item 11, entitled “Follow-up to the outcome document of the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples”, sub-items (a) (“Implementation of national action plans, strategies or other measures”), (b) (“Ways to enhance the participation of indigenous peoples at the United Nations”) and (c) (“Implementation of the United Nations system-wide action plan on indigenous peoples”). For its consideration of the item, the Forum had before it a note by the Secretariat entitled “Implementation of the United Nations system-wide action plan on indigenous peoples” (E/C/19/2017/2), submitted under sub-item (c). At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under agenda item 11 (see chap. I, sect. B). |
14. 论坛在 5 月 4 日第 15 次会议上审议了题为“常设论坛今后的工作，包括经济及社会理事会审议的问题和新出现的问题”的议程项目 12。论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的建议(见第一章，B 节)。 | 14. At its 15th meeting, on 4 May, the Forum considered agenda item 12, entitled “Future work of the Permanent Forum, including issues considered by the Economic and Social Council and emerging issues”. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered and adopted its recommendations submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. B). |
15. 论坛在第[ ]次会议上审议了题为“第十七届会议临时议程”的议程项目 13。论坛在同次会议上审议并通过了在该项目下提出的一项决定草案(见第一章，A节)。 | 15. At its [ ] meeting, the Forum considered agenda item 13, entitled “Provisional agenda for the seventeenth session”. At the same meeting, the Forum considered and adopted a draft decision submitted under that item (see chap. I, sect. A). |
第三章 | Chapter III |
通过常设论坛第十六届会议的报告 | Adoption of the report of the Forum on its sixteenth session |
16. 报告员在第[ ]次会议上介绍了常设论坛第十六届会议的决定草案和建议以及报告草稿。 | 16. At its [ ] meeting, the Rapporteur introduced the draft decisions and recommendations and the draft report of the Permanent Forum on its sixteenth session. |
17. 常设论坛在同次会议上通过了其报告草稿。 | 17. At the same meeting, the Permanent Forum adopted its draft report. |
第四章 | Chapter IV |
会议安排 | Organization of the session |
A. 会议开幕和会期 | A. Opening and duration of the session |
18. 常设论坛于2017年4月24日至5月5日在联合国总部举行了第十六届会议，期间举行了 16 次正式会议和 3 次闭门会议，审议其议程上的项目。 | 18. The Permanent Forum held its sixteenth session at United Nations Headquarters from 24 April to 5 May 2017. It held 16 formal meetings and 3 closed meetings to consider the items on its agenda. |
19. 在 4 月 24 日第 1 次会议上，主管经济发展助理秘书长宣布会议开幕。在开幕式上，奥农达加部落首领(陀达德火)锡特·希尔致欢迎辞。大会副主席(尼泊尔)和经济及社会理事会副主席(智利)作了发言。 | 19. At the 1st meeting, on 24 April, the session was opened by the Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development. At the opening ceremony, Tadodaho Sid Hill, of the Onondaga Nation, delivered a welcoming address. The Vice-President of the General Assembly (Nepal) and the Vice-President of the Economic and Social Council (Chile) delivered statements. |
20. 在同次会议上，以下人士作了发言：常设论坛主席、主管经济发展助理秘书长、加拿大土著和北方事务部长以及助理秘书长兼联合国促进性别平等和增强妇女权能署副执行主任。 | 20. At the same meeting, statements were made by the Chair of the Permanent Forum, the Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development, the Minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs of Canada, and the Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. |
B. 与会情况 | B. Attendance |
21. 论坛成员以及来自各国政府、政府间组织和机构、联合国实体、非政府组织和土著组织的代表出席了会议。与会者名单将于日后发布。 | 21. Members of the Forum and representatives of Governments, intergovernmental organizations and bodies, United Nations entities and non-governmental and indigenous organizations attended the session. The list of participants will be published at a later date. |
C. 选举主席团成员 | C. Election of officers |
22. 在第 1 次会议上，论坛以鼓掌方式选出了下列主席团成员： | 22. At its 1st meeting, the Forum elected the following members of the Bureau by acclamation: |
主席： | Chair: |
副主席： | Vice-Chairs: |
报告员： | Rapporteur: |
D. 议程 | D. Agenda |
23. 在第 1 次会议上，论坛通过了 E/C.19/2017/1 号文件所载的临时议程。 | 23. At its 1st meeting, the Forum adopted the provisional agenda contained in document E/C.19/2017/1. |
E. 文件 | E. Documentation |
大 会 Distr.: General | General Assembly Distr.: General |
23 August 2018 | 23 August 2018 |
Original: English00918 | 18-13880 (E) 290818 |
*1813880* | *1813880* |
第七十三届会议 | Seventy-third session |
临时议程* 项目 57 | Item 57 of the provisional agenda* |
本报告根据大会第 72/89 号决议提交，大会在该决议中请秘书长就与特别政治任务相关的总体政策事项提交一份报告，包括说明为增强专门知识、成效、透明度、问责制、地域代表性、性别平等视角和妇女平等参与所作的努力。本报告是就这一问题向大会提交的第六次报告，所涉期间为 2017 年 8 月至 2018 年 7 月。 | Comprehensive review of special political missions Overall policy matters pertaining to special political missions Report of the Secretary-General Summary The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 72/89, in which the Assembly requested the Secretary-General to submit a report regarding overall policy matters pertaining to special political missions, including efforts towards improving expertise and effectiveness, transparency, accountability, geographical representation, gender perspective and women’s equal participation. The report, which is the sixth to the Assembly on this issue, covers the period from August 2017 to July 2018. * A/73/150. |
* A/73/150。一. 导言 | I. Introduction |
1. 特别政治任务仍然是联合国应对日益严重的全球和平与安全挑战的至关重要的资产，它们继续不断演变以满足新的需求。特别政治任务在任务规定、范围、机构设计和所用方法方面存在很大差异。这些任务包括开展斡旋工作的特使和特别代表、监督安全理事会制裁制度的各类监测组、执行解除武装等专门任务的小型外地特派团以及履行全面授权任务以支持政治过渡和建设可持续和平努力的多层面行动。中部非洲、中亚和西非的三个联合国区域办事处作为预防外交和对话的前沿平台，与区域对应方开展非常密切的合作，以解决影响其所在区域的跨国和平与安全问题。 | 1. Special political missions remain critical assets for the United Nations response to growing global peace and security challenges and they continue to evolve to meet new requirements. The missions vary considerably with regard to their mandates, scope, institutional design and approaches. They range from special envoys and representatives carrying out good offices mandates to monitoring teams, groups and panels overseeing Security Council sanctions regimes, small field-based missions delivering on specialized tasks such as disarmament, and multidimensional operations with comprehensive mandates to support political transitions and efforts to build sustainable peace. Three United Nations regional offices in Central Africa, Central Asia and West Africa serve as forward platforms for preventive diplomacy and dialogue and work very closely with their regional counterparts on transnational peace and security issues affecting the regions in which they are based. |
2. 今天，特别政治任务在越来越复杂、很多情况下极不稳定的安全局势中运作。当前，区域化冲突和族裔间紧张关系加剧，难民和流离失所者数目庞大，跨国有组织犯罪、武器扩散和恐怖主义等跨界威胁日益严重。在这种环境下，特别政治任务采用更加一体化的方式与联合国实体，包括国家工作队和维持和平行动开展协作。在这一过程中，特别政治任务必须以更加灵活的方式履行任务，同时应对新的风险。 | 2. Special political missions today operate in increasingly complex and, in many cases, highly unstable security situations. In environments marked by regionalized conflicts and intercommunal tensions, large numbers of refugees and displaced persons, and mounting cross-border threats such as transnational organized crime, arms proliferation and terrorism, they work in an increasingly integrated manner with United Nations entities, including country teams and peacekeeping operations. In doing so, special political missions have had to become more flexible in carrying out their mandates while managing new risks. |
3. 预防是联合国各方面工作的基石，特别政治任务在这方面发挥的作用至关重要。为努力提高特别政治任务的成效、透明度、问责制和代表性，必须将核心重点放在加强其防止冲突爆发、升级、延续和再度发生的能力上。作为这些努力的一部分，我已将特别政治任务和其他外地行动在预防冲突和保持和平领域加强与区域和次区域组织的合作及对它们的支持列为一个优先事项。 | 3. Prevention is a cornerstone of all aspects of the work of the United Nations and the role played by special political missions as part of this approach is critical. Efforts to improve the effectiveness, transparency, accountability and representativeness of special political missions must include, at their core, a focus on mission capacities to strengthen prevention of the outbreak, escalation, continuation and recurrence of conflict. As part of these efforts, I have made it a priority that special political missions and other field-based operations increase their cooperation with and support to regional and subregional organizations in the area of conflict prevention and sustaining peace. |
Subsets and Splits