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9751_8 | Regarding the issue of accommodation, suitable changes are to be made in existing short stay homes, Anganwadi shelters, and “garima greh” (a shelter home for transgender persons, the purpose of which is to provide shelter to transgender persons, with basic amenities like shelter, food, medical care and recreational facilities. Besides, it will provide support for capacity building/skill development of persons in the community, which will enable them to lead a life of dignity and respect) to accommodate any and every member of the queer community, who require shelters and/or homes. The Court directed the MSJE to make adequate infrastructural arrangements in this regard, within a period of 12 weeks from the date of receipt of copy of the order. |
9751_9 | The Court directed the Union and State Governments respectively, in consultation with such other Ministries and/or Departments to device measures and policies that are needed for eliminating prejudices against the queer community, and integrating them into the mainstream society.
Further directions were issued by the Court on September 1st 2021. |
9751_10 | Physical and Mental Health Professionals
On June 7th, 2021, the Court stated that any attempts to medically “cure” or change the sexual orientation of queer people to heterosexual or the gender identity of transgender people to cisgender should be prohibited. The action should be initiated against the concerned professional involving themselves in any form or method of conversion “therapy”, including withdrawal of license to practice.
The Court directed the State and the Union Government to conduct mental health camps and awareness programs to improve the understanding of gender, sexuality, sexual orientation and promote acceptance of diversity. |
9751_11 | Police and Prison authorities
On June 7th, 2021, the court directed Police and Prison authorities to hold programs at regular intervals on steps to be taken for protection from and prevention of offenses against the queer community. It directed the concerned authorities to conduct sensitization programs about legal rights of queer community at regular intervals. It directed the concerned authorities to conduct sensitization programs for police personnel creating awareness about the Offenses and Penalties as stipulated under Chapter VIII of The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 and compliance of Rule 11 of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Rules, 2020. The Court recommended the NGOs with community support conduct the outreach programs. The outreach programs should prioritize first-hand problems faced at the hands of law enforcement agencies and train them in providing effective assistance. |
9751_12 | The Court directed the prison authorities to ensure that transgender and gender-nonconforming prisoners are housed separately from cis-men prisoners to eliminate chances of sexual assault.
On September 1st 2021, the Court directed the State Government of India to add a specific clause in the Police Conduct Rules. The clause would treat any harassment by the police to the persons belonging to belonging to the LGBTQIA+ community and/or to the activists and NGO workers as misconduct and should punish officials involved in such misconduct.
Judiciary
On June 7th, 2021, the Court directed the concerned authorities to conduct awareness programs for Judicial Officers at all levels in coordination with the enlisted NGOs and community support and to provide recommendations to ensure non-discrimination of persons belonging to the queer community. |
9751_13 | Educational institutions
On June 7th, 2021, the Court directed educational institutes to use the Parent Teachers Association (PTA) meetings to sensitize parents on issues of queer community and gender non-conforming students to ensure supportive families. The Court directed the educational institutes to make necessary amendment to policies and resources to include students belonging to queer community in all spheres of school and college life. In this regard, the following suggestions were issued:
Ensure availability of gender-neutral restrooms for the gender-nonconforming student.
Change of name and gender on academic records for transgender persons.
Inclusion of ‘transgender’ in addition to M and F gender columns in application forms for admission, competitive entrance exams, etc.
Appointment of counselors who are LGBTQIA+ inclusive, for the staffs and students to address grievances, if any, and to provide effective solutions for the same. |
9751_14 | Significance
Tamil Nadu is set to become the first Indian state to ban ‘conversion therapy’ following this unprecedented and progressive judgment.
See also
LGBT rights in India
Sultana Mirza v. State of Uttar Pradesh
Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India
Other landmark decisions worldwide
Ferguson v. JONAH
Pickup v. Brown and Welch v. Brown
References
External links
LGBT rights in India
Indian LGBT rights case law
2021 in case law
2021 in India
2021 in LGBT history
Conversion therapy
High Courts of India cases
Madras High Court |
9752_0 | The "Black" Donnellys were an Irish Catholic immigrant family who settled in Biddulph township, Upper Canada (later the province of Ontario), about 15 km northwest of London, in the 1840s. The family settled on a concession road which became known as the Roman Line due to its high concentration of Irish Catholic immigrants in the predominantly Protestant area. Many Irish Canadians arrived in the 1800s, many fleeing the Great Famine of Ireland (1845-52). The Donnellys' ongoing feuds with local residents culminated in an attack on the family's homestead by a vigilante mob on 4 February 1880, leaving five of the family dead and their farm burned to the ground. No one was convicted of the murders, despite two trials and a reliable eyewitness. |
9752_1 | Information about the family and the events surrounding their deaths was suppressed locally for much of the 20th century, due to many residents possibly having ancestors who were involved. In 1995 the Lucan and Area Heritage Society formed to document and preserve local history, and the organization opened the Lucan Area Heritage & Donnelly Museum in 2009.
History |
9752_2 | James (March 7, 1816 – February 4, 1880) and Johannah (née Magee) Donnelly (September 22, 1823 – February 4, 1880) immigrated to Canada from Tipperary, Ireland, with their first child, James Jr. (1842–1877), in 1842. After arriving in Canada, they settled as squatters in Biddulph Township in southwestern Ontario. They had seven more children: William Donnelly (1845–1897), John Donnelly (September 16, 1847 – February 4, 1880), Patrick Donnelly - son (1849–1914), Michael Donnelly - son (1850-1879) killed in a pub fight, Robert Donnelly - son (1853–1911) Thomas Donnelly (August 30, 1854 – February 4, 1880) and Jennie "Jane" Donnelly - daughter (1857–1917). James' niece, Bridget Donnelly (May 1, 1858 – February 4, 1880) also lived with them. |
9752_3 | Land title dispute
The property the Donnellys settled on originally belonged to the Canada Company which sold it to James Grace. Patrick Farrell had leased part of the lot occupied by the Donnellys. In 1856, owner John Grace brought an action for ejectment in the Court of Common Pleas of Huron County. Squatting was a common North American frontier practice often supported by the courts in the establishment of common law property rights. The judge, recognizing the improvements Donnelly had made to the land during his ten-year occupancy, split the lot, awarding Donnelly the north and Farrell the south. |
9752_4 | Despite the settlement, hard feelings remained. At a barn raising bee on Saturday, June 27, 1857, James Donnelly and Farrell fought. There are various accounts of what transpired, but in the end Farrell suffered a blow to the head from a handspike thrown by Donnelly, and died two days later. James Donnelly then went into hiding. (Farrell's young son was adopted by the Donnellys, and was brought up by them until adulthood.) Almost two years later, James turned himself in to Jim Hodgins, a sympathetic Justice of the Peace. James was sentenced to be hanged on September 17, 1859. A petition for clemency started by his wife Johannah saw his sentence reduced to seven years in Kingston Penitentiary. |
9752_5 | Donnelly Stagecoach Line
The Donnelly Stagecoach Line is believed to have been started May 24, 1873 by William Donnelly and was a huge success. The line of stages, which ran between London, Lucan and Exeter, was operated by William and his brothers Michael, John, and Thomas, even rivaling the official mail stage that had been in business since 1838.
The Hawkshaw stage line soon felt the pressure of competition from the Donnellys. In October 1873, Hawkshaw sold his stage to Patrick Flanagan, a husky Irishman, who was determined to drive the Donnellys out of business.
This set the stage for the feud between the Donnelly Stagecoach and the Flanagan & Crawly Stage — the Stagecoach Feud, as it came to be known. Stages were either smashed or burned, horses were savagely beaten or killed, and stables burned to the ground. |
9752_6 | The violence that erupted as a result of the Stagecoach Feud was mostly blamed on the Donnellys and gave the family a bad reputation. From that time on, almost every crime committed was blamed on the family, but although they were charged with numerous crimes, "few convictions were secured against them". |
9752_7 | Familiarity with the law
In the buildup towards the murder of the family, the Donnellys became well acquainted with local law enforcement. There are various accounts of assault, arson, trespassing, verbal assault, attempted murder, murder of Patrick Farrell, theft, robbery, assaulting a police officer, as well as various altercations with many residents of the Biddulph Township. "The Donnellys were not found guilty of everything of which they were accused but through their actions they made many enemies within the township. This seems to indicate that the Donnellys were a constant source of strife and destruction in their community, but these types of crimes were common for the county in which they lived. It was not just the men of the family who would get into altercations with the law as Johannah was noted to swear at officers quite often, specifically Constable Carroll." |
9752_8 | Biddulph Peace Society vigilantes
In June 1879 Father John Connolly created a Peace Society/Association in Biddulph. He asked people who attended St. Patrick's Roman Catholic Church to pledge their support. Members of the society agreed to have their homes searched for stolen property. The Donnellys did not sign the pledge. The Vigilance Committee formed out of the Peace Society.
Evidence indicates that The Biddulph Peace Society or some of its individual members may have been responsible for some of the arson, property damage and physical violence cases in Biddulph.
John Connolly was reported to be preaching hatred against Protestants when James stood up in the church and denounced the priest for his hatred, and said his family would from that time go to the Catholic Church in London. The Donnellys had many Protestant friends, many of whom attended their funeral. |
9752_9 | The Peace Society's role was to uphold its Code, something the Donnellys were never shy about ignoring. James Donnelly was liberal enough that at one point he even donated money to the building of an Anglican church, outraging the Biddulph Peace Society in the process.
In August 1879 a splinter group of the Peace Society began meeting at the Cedar Swamp Schoolhouse in Biddulph. James Carroll was part of the group, as were many of the neighbours of the Donnellys. This group became known as the Vigilance Committee/Society. The committee was blamed for the murders of the Donnellys.
Massacre
Members of the Vigilance Committee allegedly gathered at the Cedar Swamp Schoolhouse late in the evening of February 3, 1880, before proceeding to the Donnelly homestead.
William Donnelly survived and was listed as the informant on the death certificates for all five, dated April 1 and 2, 1880, with the cause of death listed as "supposed to be murdered." |
9752_10 | Feud: Cause for Attack
There were many feuds associated with the reason behind the death of the Donnellys, however what was considered to be the "final straw" is the accusation against the Donnellys of the burning down of Patrick Ryder's barn.
After these accusations were disseminated, the community had had "enough" of the Donnellys and decided to take the law into their own hands once they heard that there was no supporting evidence linking the Donnellys to the burning of the barn. This news reached the congregation of St. Patrick's Church and the priest addressed that an "evil had fallen among the community" and that there would be a reward of five hundred dollars for the "detection of the wicked persons" and he vowed that the "guilty party" would be punished for their sins. |
9752_11 | There were many considerations as to what was the right form of punishments; some believed fines and jail time would be deemed acceptable. However, others believed that execution would be the perfect form of punishment.
Members list
"Big" Jack Kennedy, William Feeheley, Pat Dewan, Heenans (Dennis, Anthony and Michael), John Lanphier, James Harrigan, Ryders (Mr. Ryder, Jim, Patrick Jr., "Sideroad" Jim, Thomas and Daniel), McLaughlins (Martin and John), Ted Toohey, John Cain, James Maher, Quigleys (John and Patrick), Patrick Breen, James McGrath, John Purtell, Michael Blake, Ryans (John, Ned and Johnny), William Thompson, John Dorsey, John Bruin, Michael Madigan, James Kenny, and James Carroll.
Original plan
The original plan that was generated by the Peace Society was to visit the Donnellys' family home on the night of February 3. |
9752_12 | The plan was to handcuff the Donnelly men and then escort them from the home, where they would be hanged from a tree by their neck until they confessed their crimes against the community.
However, one of the problems with their plan was that no one really understood how this would be properly executed. Therefore, this allowed for the plan to be changed or challenged when they arrived on the Donnelly property.
In the beginning, their original intent was to only "hurt" the Donnellys and to "bring them as near the dissolution point as possible." The Peace Society did set up a surveillance of the Donnelly property as a form of preparation in order to determine who was in the home at what times and how they would enter the property in the dark; Jim Feeheley was considered to be one of the spies. |
9752_13 | Jim Feeheley would visit the Donnelly house earlier in the night as a distraction and to get an understanding on the type of situation they would be encountering that night. There were some more problems associated with these plans such as the fact that the society had not planned on Donnelly leaving the Donnelly home and taking his horse to Big Jim Keefe. The society thought Keefe was spying for them; and finally, they did not plan for Johnny O’Connor to be in the house during the attack.
Day of the massacre
It can be said that the day of February 3, began like any other day in the Donnelly household. In the morning, James Donnelly sat down at the kitchen table with his son, Tom, and asked him to write a letter to Alderman Edmund Meredith, the London lawyer who was going to be handling the Donnelly's case against Patrick Ryder. He wrote; |
9752_14 | Once the letter was delivered, the day carried on as it normally would; at roughly 4 o'clock Johnny, James and Jim returned to their house on Roman Line. This time frame was given by William Casey because he stated that he remembered the sound of the Donnellys speeding down Roman Line and that they were being "reckless."
Casey stopped what he was doing in the front yard to bear witness to this recklessness and took note of the time at which they passed by his home. They had picked up Johnny O'Connor from town, because James Donnelly needed assistance on the farm; this was a normal occurrence. When the chores were completed it was Mr. Donnelly that insisted that Johnny O'Connor stay the night and to sleep in Mr. Donnelly's bed as a form of protection as well as the bed was extremely big. |
9752_15 | As the Donnellys were getting ready for bed, Feeheley stopped by to say "hello" before returning home from Whalen's. Feeheley did not stay long; he was just there to observe the property for the Peace Society; however he did not notice that the John Donnelly voice he thought he heard coming from Mr. Donnelly's bedroom was actually Johnny O'Connor's voice. In fact John Donnelly had gone to Big Jim Keefe to pick up the vehicle in order to travel to their trial in London, Ontario in the morning; he stayed there over night. Once the goodbyes were said, the family returned to their bed and fell asleep.
First massacre
Once the decision to attack the Donnellys was made, the Peace Society got together at roughly one o’clock in the morning to drink before they mounted the attack on this family; this is referred to as the "water of life." The men used the liquor as a way to numb their senses as well as use it as a way to enhance their courage and their motivation. |
9752_16 | Once the men had had enough alcohol in their system, they began to walk in the direction of the Donnellys' home; there were also many witnesses that stated they could hear the group of men coming down Roman Line that night. When the group of men finally arrived at the house, they surrounded the perimeter of the property and James Carroll took the first step inside the house, which was considered to be the first attack of the massacre; creating an element of surprise.
Carroll walked into the room and slowly took the handcuffs out of his pocket (these were given to him by the Constable Hodgins) and handcuffed Tom Donnelly while he was still asleep. |
9752_17 | Once Tom Donnelly was handcuffed, Carroll proclaimed that "he was under arrest," just as Tom sat up in bed along with Ms. Donnelly and Bridget Donnelly due to all the commotion. Carroll slowly moved from Tom's bedroom into Mr. Donnelly's bedroom, where he noticed that John Donnelly was nowhere to be found; their plan was to kill all the Donnellys in a single location.
The commotion woke up Mr. Donnelly and he noticed that his son was handcuffed and proclaimed "what have you got against us now?" Carroll responded that they were being charged with another crime. At that moment in time, Tom requested that Carroll read the warrant; since there was no warrant involved, Carroll let out a signal for the men to come storming into the house with their clubs. |
9752_18 | At this point, the men were beginning to beat Mr. Donnelly, Ms. Donnelly and Tom Donnelly; Bridget Donnelly was able to escape and race up the stairs in order to hide from her attackers. Johnny was so terrified that he hid underneath of Mr. Donnelly's bed; since the men were not expecting him to be there that night, they did not know to look for him as a witness.
The first one to fall to the ground was Mr. Donnelly; he was beaten rapidly and James Maher hit his skull repeatedly causing brain damage; Mrs. Donnelly on the other hand, fought hard against her attackers. However, she was eventually beaten to the ground by Carroll while Tom Donnelly was fighting extremely hard to protect his family as well as himself; he broke free from the attacks and ran towards the front door, as he was running, Tom Ryder was waiting for him with a pitchfork and thrust the sharp points into Tom multiple times. |
9752_19 | Once Tom was limp on the ground, James Maher, Timothy Toohey and Patrick Quigley carried his body back into the house and placed it in the kitchen with his parents while Carroll removed his handcuffs from his wrist.
"Hit this fellow on the head with that shovel and break his head open!"
It was said that either Jim Toohey or Patrick Quigley bashed Tom's head in three or four times.
Once Mr. Donnelly, Ms. Donnelly and Tom Donnelly were all lying on the ground, the men realized that Bridget Donnelly was nowhere to be found. A group of men went upstairs and found Bridget hiding and they began to beat her to the point where they were able to bring her limp body down the stairs to where the rest of her family was located. To increase the amount of blood that was shed in a single household, one of the men bashed in the dog's head with a shovel because it would not stop barking. |
9752_20 | After the group realized that they were missing John Donnelly, they decided to create another plan for that night to rid their community of the Donnellys; they lit the house on fire with the bodies still inside and went hunting for John.
Weapons List
Firearms, pitchfork (Tom Ryder), axe (Purtell), shovel (Pat Quigley and Tim Toohey), clubs and shortened woken stake made of cordwood. |
9752_21 | Johnny O'Connor
Originally the massacre was not intended to have any witnesses, however the Peace Society did not intend for Johnny O’Connor to be at the Donnelly's farmhouse and for him to escape the fire. Johnny O’Connor was a young farm boy that had gone to the Donnelly's house to assist them with farm work; it wasn't until later in the night that Mr. Donnelly had encouraged Johnny to spend the night and assist them with the livestock in the morning. The O’Connors were considered to be good friends of the Donnellys and assisted them regularly with chores around their farm; the mob did not take this into consideration when planning their attack. |
9752_22 | The Second Massacre |
9752_23 | At roughly two in the morning, the Peace Society arrived at Whalen Corners; they surrounded the house, in a similar way as they did to the Donnelly's house. However, the difference was that the men were not as relaxed as they were at the beginning of their rampage so they decided to try to get Will Donnelly to come out of the house, instead of storming it. They attempted to do this by beating his prized stallion in order to lure him out of the house in response to the dying screams of his horse. The problem was that the stables were so far from the home and no one inside was able to hear what was going on outside. Jim Ryder called for "Will!" while carrying a shotgun to the side door of the house. Will Donnelly was woken up by the calling out of his name. However, when John opened the door to Will's house, he was greeted by a hail of gun shots to the chest and groin; thirty holes were made in his chest that pierced his lung, broke his collarbone and several ribs. John dropped to the |
9752_24 | ground; McLaughlin and Ryder walked up to the body and placed seven more shots into his body as a form of punishment for his action against the community. Norah Donnelly (Will Donnelly's wife) heard the commotion and rushed out and when she saw John's body on the ground, she tried to pull him to safety but he was too heavy for her to move. Will Donnelly hid in the bedroom and was able to peer through a window in order to get a glimpse of the individuals who were attacking the house. John Kennedy and Carroll were only a few feet away from the bed where he was hiding with his wife. He could also place the faces of Big Mike Heenan, William Carroll and Patrick Ryder but the other faces were obscured by the darkness. Since Norah could not pull John to safety, Hogan got down on his knees and snuck out to where John was located and pulled him into the bedroom, which left a bloody trail behind him (John Donnelly died five minutes after). The men of the Peace Society were so worn out from |
9752_25 | their previous attacks that they decided to just survey the perimeter until someone showed their face inside; the members of the household hid in the house for almost three hours before the group decided to leave the property. |
9752_26 | "There's been enough bloodshed tonight boys. Let's go home."
These words spoken by Jim Feeheley ended the massacre, which would have continued to Big Jim Keefe's house.
There were two trials in London, Ontario, at the courthouse on Ridout Street. |
9752_27 | First trial |
9752_28 | The preliminary hearings started on February 4, 1880, at McLean's Hotel in Lucan, Ontario. There were three preliminary hearings leading up to the first trial in October 1880. In between the preliminary hearings and the trial, there was a change of venue request, which was ultimately rejected. The crown felt that a fair trial could not be obtained in Middlesex County, as it was too biased against the Donnellys. One of the key witnesses for the prosecution was Johnny O’Conner, who had witnessed the whole massacre. The vigilantes did everything in their power to try to keep Johnny from testifying. Michael O’Conner, Johnny's father, owned two houses on Francis Street, in Lucan. One of the houses was known to have run a bootlegging operation at times, the other house he rented to Bob Donnelly. During the late evening of April 13, the vigilantes burnt the house of O’Conner to the ground. The vigilantes harassed not only the father, but also Johnny's mother, Mary: while she was in London, |
9752_29 | on one occasion when she passed Patrick "Grouchy" Ryder on the street, he threatened and insulted her. She laid a charge against him of using abusive language. At his court appearance, fellow vigilantes swore that he was in Biddulph at the time of the alleged infraction, and this led to his discharge. Young Johnny was not deterred from testifying by any of the group's activities. |
9752_30 | The trial took place on Monday, October 4, 1880, in London, Ontario, with James Carrol being charged with the murder of Johannah Donnelly. The crown prosecutor was Aemilius Irving assisted by James MaGee; the defense consisted of Hugh MacMahon, William Meredith and John Blake. The witness list for the prosecution was as follows; William Donnelly, Nora Donnelly, Martian Hogan, William Blackwell Hock M.D., William Thomas Trounce Williams (Chief of London Police), Enoch Murphy, James Feeley, Robert Rojs, John O’Conner, Patrick Whelan, Anne Whelan, Mary Hastings O’Conner, Michael O’Conner, Charles Pope, William Hodge, Henry Phair, and Martin Hogan Jr. The two key witnesses were Johnny O’Conner and William Donnelly. Johnny O’Conner's testimony ran, in part: |
9752_31 | Tom told him to read the warrant: Carroll said there was lots of time for that: then in a few minutes a whole crowd jumped in and commenced hammering them with sticks and spade; then Tom ran out into the front room and outside: I saw him run out and Bridget ran upstairs and I ran after her and she shut the door and I ran back again in the room and got under the bed behind the clothes basket: then they started hammering Tom outside: the bed was about two feet and an inch high from the floor and no curtains about the bottom of the bed: they carried Tom in the house again: I heard them throw him down on the floor, and heard the handcuffs rattling or whatever they had on his hand: then someone said, "Hit that fellow with a spade and break his skull open." Then the fellow hit his three or four whacks with the spade: when Tom was outside I heard him say, "Oh! Oh! Oh!" I did not see them hit Tom with the spade, but heard them; then some of them told the fellow that had the light to bring it |
9752_32 | here to where Tom was: he brought the light and they were doing something to Tom: they were standing round him: I saw the standing round him: then I saw Thomas Ryder and John Purtell standing near the room door, the bedroom door; then some of them asked where was the girl; another one answered, "Look upstairs"; then they went upstairs and saw some of them too, but did not know any of them; then they came down: I heard nothing going on upstairs, and poured coal oil on the bed and set it on fire; it was the bed I was under; I heard someone say that oil would burn off the blanket, and wouldn’t burn at all; then they all run out when they set fire to it; then I got out from under the bed and put on my pants and tried to quench the fire with my coat; I hit the fire with my coat: I then heard Tom breathing, then I went out to the front room and saw Tom dead on the floor; then I ran out to the kitchen and tramped on the old women; there was a light from the fire in my bed, also from Tom’s |
9752_33 | bed: the door of Tom’s room was open, and the door from the front room into the kitchen: the old women was lying between the door from the front room into the kitchen and the kitchen door going outside; I then ran out and went over to Whalen’s, Pat Whalen, and rapped at Whalen’s door. |
9752_34 | He then went to explain what James Carroll, Thomas Ryder and John Purtell were wearing that night. "Purtell had dark clothes, Ryder a peaked cap, and Carroll had grey pants; their faces were not blackened: I saw one man with his face blackened, and a long coat on, a middling sized man; Carroll saw me in bed, he looked right at me, and I saw him looking right at me for a while; he did not speak to me: I did not see anyone strike the Donnellys, I only heard them."
William Donnelly was another key witness for the prosecution. Here is his testimony. |
9752_35 | I was disturbed about half past two by John coming out of his room through my room to the kitchen; he couldn’t go to the kitchen without going through my room; I didn’t speak to John, he said I wonder whose hollering fire and rapping the door, he kept right on and opened the door; when John opened the door going into the kitchen from my room, I heard them holler, "Fire! Fire! Open the door Will!" I heard them shouting as soon as I was thoroughly awakened; I heard the door opened; I then heard two shots in rapid succession almost together; John fell back against the door from my bedroom to the kitchen; the distance between the kitchen door and my bedroom is about six or seven feet; his head came down to the jam of the door; I was lying next to the door with the glass top: my wife was sleeping on the outside: there is a stove close to the bed: I turned the side of the blind and looked out: I saw John Kennedy, James Carroll and James Ryder: they were partly in front of the glass window: |
9752_36 | Kennedy was standing where his name is now marked on the plan about three feet from the door: James Carroll and James Ryder were standing where their names are written on the plan about nine feet from my window: I saw three others outside of the fence, near to the little gate: I calculated that they were Wm. Carroll, Patrick Ryder Jr., and Michael Heenan: I couldn’t swear positively to them; I don’t speak positively as to them; I speak positively as to John Kennedy, James Carroll and James Ryder; these persons are well known to me. |
9752_37 | The defence witnesses were friends and family of the vigilante community, and backed the stories and alibis of each of the members that stood trial. John Purtell, one of the prisoners stated that he was not a member of the committee and had never attended any of the meetings. Instead he was a hired man of James McGrath's and lived with him and never left the house that night. James and his father Matthew backed his story. Prisoner Thomas Ryder said he was a brother of Patrick "Grouchy" Ryder and that he spent the night at home playing cards with his brother-in-law Valentine Mackey, his brother James Ryder Sr., and James Toohey. Those named agreed that they played cards and went home to their own places. Prisoner James Ryder Jr. said that he and his five brothers - William, Michael, Patrick Jr., John and Maurice - all spent the night at their father's house. Vigilante Michael Blake said that he also had spent the night there. Prisoner Martin McLaughlin's daughter, Temperance, backed |
9752_38 | her father's story that he never left the house. Prisoner John Kennedy said he went to Denis Carty's, along with William Hodgins and James Brien for a game of cards. They all left together about 9:15 p.m. Each testified to the same account, with Brien adding that he visited Kennedy at 2:00 a.m. the same night to borrow medicine for a sick family member. |
9752_39 | After a four and a half hour parley, the foreman of the jury announced that there was no chance of an agreement on a final verdict. One juror declared that he would not have convicted Carroll even if he had seen the killings himself. Another said he did not want to convict Carroll on Johnny O’Conner's word alone. The rest voted for acquittal out of fear for the dozens of others involved. In the end, one jury member was undecided, seven wanted to acquit, and four wanted to convict, resulting in a hung jury.
Second trial
The second trial of James Carroll was overseen by Justice Matthew Crook Cameron, who was described as an "old Tory mugwump" and past leader of the Ontario Conservative Party. Like Justice J.W. Meredith, he steered the trial to ensure an acquittal of Carroll on February 2, 1881. James Reaney compares the two trials, noting how much smaller the second one seemed and that it lacked the legal conjecture and maneuvering that had marked the first trial. |
9752_40 | Before the trial the lawyers for both sides, Irving and Hutchinson, agreed to keep the trial date close to the New Year so that the jury pool would not have time to be tainted by either side. Nevertheless, the jury consisted entirely of Protestants ruling on an Irish Catholic defendant. The lawyers also agreed to drop William Donnelly's testimony about the death at Whalen's Corners, as it was decided it would not be necessary until the potential trials of five other defendants, which would only take place if James Carroll were convicted. |
9752_41 | Reaney comes to the conclusion that the prosecution side was hampered throughout the trial as their only hard evidence was the testimony of young O’Conner. While the boy did an admirable job of recollecting the events in a clear manner, Justice Cameron's continual sustaining of the defense's objections hindered the prosecution. This leads Reaney and others to conclude that Cameron was steering the trial in the defense's favor. As a result, much of the evidence that the prosecution presented to help the boy's account was not admitted. Cameron accepted the defense's assertion that the testimony from the O’Conner boy was unreliable and instructed the jury as such, thus giving the prosecution little chance of securing a guilty verdict. This applied in particular to the question of what Johnny O’Conner could have seen if the valances on the bed had been in position. His declaration that they had been removed became a point of debate within the trial, as the London Advertiser recalls. |
9752_42 | Justice Cameron's instruction to the jury that Johnny's testimony was unreliable eliminated the hard evidence the prosecution needed. |
9752_43 | In the cross-examination of the boy, the defence tried to trip him up on his answers, but the jury and those present in the court room seemed to believe him. As the Toronto Globe accounts, "His answers were, as a rule, given very promptly and with a fearlessness that did him credit… looking straight into the face of the Crown counsel, seldom looking elsewhere." Hugh McMahon questioned Johnny next, first about the gold watch that he was wearing and secondly about the fact that his christian name was Jeremiah and that he was actually 15 years old as records in St. Patrick's parish had indicated. This was to try to discredit the boy's testimony and bring the jury to doubt the reliability of the other testimony. Johnny's godmother came to the rescue regarding his name, explaining that he was christened both Johnny and Jeremiah at birth. Trying to get the courtroom to doubt the boy's testimony never worked for the defence, as most believed he was telling the truth. |
9752_44 | What fatally weakened the prosecution was the testimony of his mother. The defence persuaded Justice Cameron that the boy's testimony was obtained under duress, as a result of his mother's wanting more money. Justice Armour had rejected this notion in the first trial, but Cameron's decision to accept it meant that the prosecution had little chance. Mrs. O’Conner's testimony fell apart when she failed to accurately tell her boy's correct age, and she was also unable to give a clear explanation for her recent trip to Toronto to visit the Deputy Attorney General. McMahon used this to show the jury that she was trying to secure more money for the boy's testimony, because her family was struggling to survive after their house had been burnt down. This made her lose her temper and she arrived on the stand already upset after a dispute with fellow witness Mrs. Pat Whalen. She should have explained clearly that her family did need more money and that the provincial bureaucrats were unwilling |
9752_45 | to provide this, and that was unrelated to the Crown prosecution. Reaney speculates that the bureaucrats did not want to aid a friend of the Donnellys. Mrs. O’Conner's testimony did not go over well and ended any chances the prosecution might have had, with judge, jury and public opinion already at least leaning if not outright against them. |
9752_46 | After this, much of the same evidence was presented as at the first trial with the same results, with Michael Donnelly maintaining that the valances on the bed had been removed by the time he woke. At the conclusion of the trial the jury convened for three hours before returning a verdict of not guilty. Irving recalled that the jurors, before their final meeting, had asked him whether there was any way Carroll would not be hanged if found guilty and he had responded, "No." This seems to have been the deciding factor ensuring a not guilty verdict. |
9752_47 | The reporters' description of the various witnesses showed that they believed the Donnelly brothers, William and Patrick, to be intelligent, well spoken individuals, and the press had a hard time believing their family were the ruffians the evidence made them out to be. In contrast the press described Carroll and the others as a "bunch of envious, dangerous, backwoodsmen" who had a sinister appearance to them. This characterization by the press and their account ensured that while the Donnellys would not get justice in the courtroom, their story would eventually prevail. |
9752_48 | The fact that the community and trial were strongly polarized along religious lines was a factor in the outcome and in the decisions of the judges and lawyers throughout the case. Orlo Miller in his book goes on to implicate the Biddulph Peace Society and members of other societies like the Whiteboys and their influence on the decisions of those in the courtroom. This combined with the lack of hard evidence left the prosecution with no chance of securing a guilty verdict, and possibly not wanting one because of the backlash that could have taken place. Even the crown attorney Charles Hutchinson had written to Aemilius Irving stating that trying to secure a guilty verdict was a "waste of time and money," because of the negative feelings toward the Donnellys in the Middlesex county.
Legacy |
9752_49 | The publication of Thomas Kelley's The Black Donnellys in 1954 generated much interest in the case. The family tombstone, with the inscription "murdered" was the focus of curiosity and vandalism. Public access to the St. Patrick's Cemetery was denied. Remaining descendants of Donnelly family eventually chose to have the original tombstone replaced.
Today the Donnellys are widely known in Canadian folklore, and the story of their murder is told throughout Canadian and American farming communities. However, despite the popularity of the Donnelly story throughout North America, the inhabitants of Lucan and Biddulph Township have tried to suppress the subject. Up until recently, even among those who were born and raised in the Lucan area, many had never heard the story of the Donnelly massacre until they were adults. Oral accounts of the murders were purportedly suppressed locally due to the number of residents who had ancestors who were directly involved in the circumstances. |
9752_50 | In recent years, several newcomers to the area have started businesses centred on the Donnelly story, creating tourism venues for visitors fascinated by the events surrounding their deaths, much to the dismay of older inhabitants. One of the more well known of these myths is that of the Midnight Lady who supposedly rides up and down the Roman Line every February 4. Another is that the ghosts of the murdered family members can be seen floating in the fields near the murder site and that horses will not ride past the former Donnelly homestead after midnight.
Ray Fazakas best illustrates the situation in his book, when he states that despite the fact that the Donnellys have been removed from Biddulph, they have managed to remain alive thanks to Canadian folklore. |
9752_51 | Lucan Area Heritage & Donnelly Museum
While for many years the story of the Donnelly massacre was suppressed in the town of Lucan, in 1995 the Lucan and Area Heritage Society formed to celebrate the heritage of the Lucan area by gathering local, historical artifacts. Over the next few years, interest in the area's heritage increased within the community, and so the collection continued to grow. In 1998, the museum acquired an 1850s log cabin with a very similar floor plan to that of the Donnelly homestead, making it a dramatic setting for visitors to hear the retelling of the Donnelly story, and visualize the tragic events that occurred in the early morning hours of February 4, 1880. |
9752_52 | The Lucan Area Heritage Society, District Lions Club, and Township of Lucan Biddulph raised over $600,000 for the construction of a new museum building after the University of Western Ontario identified the need for a new museum to spur economic growth in the community. This building reached completion in 2008, and opened to the public in 2009. The new Lucan Area Heritage & Donnelly Museum now highlights the Ray Fazakas Donnelly Collection, rotating exhibits, the "Donnelly Log Cabin", and the Hearn barn, which displays a variety of artifacts relating to agriculture in Biddulph in the past 150 years.
Cultural references
Stompin' Tom Connors wrote two songs in reference to the Donnelly family: "The Black Donnellys' Massacre" and "Jenny Donnelly", the latter of which was covered by Chantal Vitalis. |
9752_53 | The Donnellys are mentioned in Steve Earle's 1990 song "Justice in Ontario", comparing the conviction of six motorcycle gang members in a murder in Port Hope, Ontario to the massacre of the Donnellys in terms of perceived injustice.
Gene MacLellan sings a song called "Death of the Black Donnellys", released on his 1997 posthumous album Lonesome River, which refers to the Donnellys as Satan's spawn and their killers "...send them back to Hell".
In the 1980s, the London, Ontario punk band The Black Donnellys formed, taking their name from this infamous feud.
In 2005, Chris Doty wrote The Donnelly Trials, a play he based on the court script where twelve members of the audience become the jury deciding the fate of the defendants with the script providing two separate endings for either a "Guilty" or "Not Guilty" verdict. The play was performed in the same courtroom in which the actual trial took place. |
9752_54 | In 2007, an NBC television series entitled The Black Donnellys followed the lives of four Irish brothers and their entrance into organized crime in Hell's Kitchen, New York City. The title is a homage to the infamous family, though the show is otherwise not related to the historical Donnellys.
In 2012, on October 26 and 27, the Waterford Heritage and Agricultural Museum hosted Moonlight & Mayhem ~ The Murder of Michael Donnelly. This was an outdoor, after dark, theatrical production recreating the gruesome murder of Michael Donnelly which happened at the Commercial Hotel in Waterford. It was a guided walking tour presented twice nightly.
In 2013, The Donnellys ran from April 11 until April 20. It was presented by the Owen Sound Little Theatre at the Roxy Theatre in Owen Sound, Ontario. It was a musical drama by Peter Colley and directed by Corry Lapointe. |
9752_55 | In 2015, running from March 7 to 29 at the Citadel Theatre in Edmonton, Catalyst Theatre's production of Vigilante, Jonathan Christenson as writer/director/composer/lyricist. The play is also touring in early 2017.
In 2017 it was filmed by Aaron Huggett in Ontario, Canada, screenings will be in October 2017.
Black Donnelly's Brewing Company is based in Mitchell, Ontario
References in books and plays
Stage play.
Stage play.
Reaney, James. (1974-1975). The Donnelly Trilogy.
See also
List of unsolved deaths
References
External links
The Lucan Area Heritage & Donnelly Museum
Official Donnelly website
The Canadian Encyclopedia article |
9752_56 | Irish-Canadian families
Canadian families
Canadian folklore
Canadian people of Irish descent
Canadian victims of crime
Culture of Ontario
Family murders
Immigrants to the Province of Canada
Irish emigrants to pre-Confederation Ontario
Irish families
Massacres in Canada
People from County Tipperary
People murdered in Ontario
Rivalry |
9753_0 | USS Uhlmann (DD-687) was a in the service of the United States Navy from 1943 to 1946 and from 1950 to 1972. She was scrapped in 1974.
Namesake
Robert William Uhlmann was born on 16 August 1919 at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He attended the College of Engineering, University of Michigan, from 1937 until 1940. In September 1940, he enlisted in the United States Naval Reserve as an apprentice seaman and, during November and December, trained on the . Following his appointment as a midshipman in the Naval Reserve on 17 March 1941, he trained at the Midshipman School, Northwestern University, Chicago, Illinois and on 12 June 1941 was commissioned ensign. After additional training, he reported to Patrol Squadron 24 on 1 August 1941. This squadron, a part of Patrol Wing 2 stationed at Naval Air Station Kaneohe Bay, was redesignated Patrol Squadron 12 (VP-12) in October 1941. |
9753_1 | On the morning of 7 December 1941, during the Attack on Pearl Harbor, nine Imperial Japanese Navy fighters circled low over the airfield at Kaneohe and then attacked, machine-gunning the control tower and leaving planes in flames in the bay and on the ramp. The men of VP-12 returned fire with only rifles and machine guns. A short time later, a second wave of enemy planes flew over, bombing hangars and planes and destroying the hangar where many members of VP-12 were obtaining replenishment ammunition for machine guns. Additional strafing attacks followed; and, before the morning was over, eight patrol bomber seaplanes were destroyed, and all 35 planes which had been on the ground when the attack began were out of commission. Air station personnel shot down two Japanese planes and scored hits on the fuel tanks of seven others. Uhlmann was killed in the attack. |
9753_2 | Service history
Uhlmann was laid down on 6 March 1943 at Staten Island, New York, by the Bethlehem Steel Co. and launched on 30 July 1943; sponsored by Mrs. C. F. Uhlmann, mother of Ens. Uhlmann. The ship was commissioned on 22 November 1943 at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, Commander Selden G. Hooper in command.
1944
After shakedown out of Bermuda and post-shakedown availability, the destroyer joined Destroyer Squadron 56 on 24 January 1944. Two days later, she got underway to escort to Trinidad. She then transited the Panama Canal, touched at San Diego, California, and arrived at San Francisco, California on 16 February. There, she embarked passengers for transportation to Hawaii and departed the west coast on 17 February in company with and . |
9753_3 | She arrived at Pearl Harbor on 23 February. During March, Uhlmann underwent availability, conducted training, and rendered occasional convoy screening services in Hawaiian waters. In April, she conducted carrier escort training exercises and honed her skills in shore bombardment and radar tracking in preparation for assignment to carrier screening duties. Two hours after sunset on 24 April, while Uhlmann was participating in training exercises in Hawaiian waters as an antisubmarine screening ship for the carriers of Task Group 19.2, she was struck amidships by destroyer . The collision tore an hole in Uhlmanns hull below the water line, flooding her firerooms and the forward engine room. The following day, she was taken in tow by and returned to Pearl Harbor on 26 April. After temporary hull and engine repairs, she set her course for San Francisco on 17 May, steaming on her port engine with her forward fire and engine rooms out of commission. On 24 May, she moored at Hunter's Point |
9753_4 | and, for the next two months, underwent extensive repairs. |
9753_5 | In August, she returned to Pearl Harbor and resumed training exercises including torpedo firing and antisubmarine warfare drills. After one false start, she departed Oahu on 18 September with and and set her course for the Admiralty Islands. En route to Manus, she was diverted to the western Caroline Islands and reported to 3d Fleet at Ulithi on 30 September. During a typhoon on 3 October, a nest of three destroyers drifted down on Uhlmann and pierced three holes in her starboard side. A few hours later, the destroyer made an emergency sortie from the lagoon with Task Group 38.2; but, by nightfall, high seas had carried away her emergency damage control measures and flooded the anchor windlass room. She returned to Ulithi on 4 October for repairs by and, on 6 October, was underway for an at-sea rendezvous with Task Force 38—the 3d Fleet's Fast Carrier Force—the following day. |
9753_6 | At noon on 9 October, the carriers began a high-speed approach to a launch position for strikes on the Ryukyus. On 10 October, planes launched by the carriers struck Okinawa, destroying enemy aircraft, shipping, and shore installations in preparation for the projected landings on Leyte, Cebu, and Negros.
After fueling at sea on 11 October, TF 38 began a high-speed approach on Taiwan for two days of strikes on that island, again in support of the impending American assault on the Philippines. On 12 and 13 October, as the carriers steamed 85 miles (137 km) east of Taiwan and launched strike after strike against that island, Uhlmann operated in their antiaircraft screen. Planes from the carriers attempted to destroy Japanese air strength on Taiwan to eliminate that island as a staging base for the enemy. |
9753_7 | Shortly after dusk on 12 October, low flying Japanese bombers and torpedo planes approached Task Group 38.2 from the west and northwest. Although most of the Japanese planes were intercepted by the task force's combat air patrol, more than a dozen broke through and attacked the formation. Uhlmann opened fire on a Japanese medium torpedo bomber at . However, undeterred, the plane continued to approach the zigzagging destroyer from port until it was hit at close range by Uhlmanns 40-millimeter fire, crossed over the ship, and splashed off the destroyer's starboard bow. The plane sank at once leaving a large quantity of gas and oil floating on the sea. |
9753_8 | A second wave of attackers followed two minutes after the first, and Uhlmann, maneuvering with the formation, joined in the fire which downed some seven Japanese raiders during the night. At 2200, she hit an enemy plane which burst into flame and illuminated the moonless overcast night before splashing off the stern of the ship. Minutes before midnight, Uhlmann picked up another aerial intruder on radar and opened up with 5-inch fire. The plane countered by dropping flares as a diversionary tactic and pulled away, but Uhlmanns deadly fire found its mark as the raider burst into flame and splashed into the sea. The destroyers began laying smoke around midnight, and the raids tapered off. For the remainder of the night, Japanese planes merely approached within 6 to 7 miles (10 to 11 km), dropped flares, and retired without attacking the formation. |
9753_9 | Japanese planes again ventured near the formation late on 14 October only to be routed by night fliers of the combat air patrol. The next day, TF 38 began a high-speed run in for strikes on Luzon, with Uhlmann providing antisubmarine protection for the fast carriers of TG 38.2. On 16 and 17 October, the carriers launched heavy strikes on Luzon concentrating on ships and installations in the Manila Bay area. Late on 17 October, the formation set a southerly course to get into position for strikes farther south, with the fighter planes of the task force dispersing light Japanese air opposition en route. Steaming east and northeast of Samar, the task force made strikes on Negros on 20 October in strategic support of the landings on Leyte and also provided direct air support for those landings. |
9753_10 | Meanwhile, upon first sighting American minesweepers in the approaches to Leyte Gulf, Japan had sent her naval forces into Philippine waters. On 24 October, Uhlmann protected the carriers of Rear Admiral Gerald F. Bogan's TG 38.2 as they launched strikes against the Japanese Center Force which was approaching San Bernardino Strait. In an action known as the Battle of the Sibuyan Sea, American naval aircraft sank Japanese battleship and damaged several other enemy warships. At 2022 that evening, Task Force 38 turned north to seek out and destroy the Japanese Northern Force whose carriers had been spotted north of Luzon where they had been stationed in the hope of luring the 3d Fleet away from the beaches of Leyte. |
9753_11 | However, a gallant group of American destroyers, destroyer escorts, and escort carriers had fought off the overwhelmingly superior Japanese Center Force and induced it to abandon its plan of attacking the amphibious ships which were supporting the Allied beachheads on Leyte. Thus, when TG 34.5 returned within aircraft range of San Bernardino Strait, the chastened Japanese Center Force had already retreated back through that strategic passage to safety. In the days that followed the historic Battle of Leyte Gulf, Uhlmann continued to screen TG 38.2 while its carriers conducted strikes on land targets, including raids on Luzon on 29 and 30 October. Shortly before noon on 29 October, as the carriers recovered aircraft from a strike against Japanese targets in the Manila area, Uhlmann left the formation to investigate what appeared to be the splash of a downed plane but was later determined to be a bomb splash. As the destroyer attempted to discover the cause of the splash, a Navy torpedo |
9753_12 | bomber from made a water landing nearby, and Uhlmann quickly rescued the pilot and two crewmen. Meanwhile, an enemy attack had materialized, and the destroyer went to general quarters, increased her speed to , and executed evasive maneuvers as she attempted to rejoin the formation. As she steamed to her assigned position, she joined in the general fire against the attackers—10 to 12 Japanese planes which made notably inaccurate high altitude bombing runs and retired after one or two of their members had been splashed by the American ships' accurate fire. |
9753_13 | On 4 November, TF 38.2 began a high-speed approach for strikes on Luzon. For two days, carrier-based aircraft pounded Luzon and Bicol. Then, on 7 November, Uhlmann set her course for Ulithi. En route, heavy seas caused flooding in the boatswain's stores and chain locker; and Uhlmann, accompanied by , left the formation and ran with the wind while damage-control measures were being effected. She arrived at Ulithi on 9 November, underwent repairs, and got underway again on 16 November. She rendezvoused with TG 38.2 the following day and took up an antisubmarine screening station. Following carrier strikes on Luzon on 19 November, Uhlmann returned to Ulithi on 22 November. |
9753_14 | The destroyer conducted exercises out of Ulithi until 10 December when she got underway and rendezvoused with Task Force 38 on 12 November. From 14–16 December, the carriers made strikes against air installations on Luzon and against shipping in water off that island to support landings on Mindoro. Toward dusk on 16 December, the task force began its retirement. As the American warships fueled northeast of Samar on 17 December, weather conditions worsened. At 1330, Uhlmann abandoned fueling from due to rough seas and winds stirred up by an approaching typhoon. On 18 December, Uhlmann recorded winds, and rolls up to 58 degrees as the typhoon's center passed within of the formation. During the afternoon, winds decreased; and, by 2000, they had subsided to . On 19 and 20 December, the ships of the battered task force resumed fueling which continued into the next day while its escorts searched for survivors of the three destroyers which had failed to survive the tropical storm. Late |
9753_15 | on 20 December, due to heavy seas, the carriers aborted a high-speed run in for strikes on Luzon; and Uhlmann returned to the storm area and searched for survivors. She made port at Ulithi on 24 December. |
9753_16 | 1945
Underway again with TG 38.1 on 30 December, she screened the carriers during strikes on Formosa and Luzon early in the new year and, an hour before midnight on 9 January 1945, transited Bashi Channel into the South China Sea. The carriers launched strikes on French Indochina, Taiwan, and Hong Kong before retiring from the South China Sea on 19 January. Steaming 75 miles (120 km) north of Luzon at dusk the next day, the formation came under attack by enemy aircraft, and Uhlmann joined other ships of the formation in repelling raiders. Following strikes on Formosa and Okinawa, TF 38 returned to Ulithi on 26 January. That day, the 3d Fleet was redesignated 5th Fleet and placed under the command of Admiral Raymond A. Spruance. |
9753_17 | Following antisubmarine training, Uhlmann got underway from Ulithi with TG 58.2 on 10 February. During a Japanese air raid on 16 February, the first of two days of strikes on the Tokyo area, Uhlmann took under fire an enemy fighter which made a low-glide, diving attack on the ship's port beam and dropped a bomb in the wake of destroyer . Neither destroyer suffered any damage in this exchange. On 19 February, Uhlmann screened TF 58 as it steamed north of Iwo Jima launching strikes on that island in support of the initial landings there. On 20 February, mechanical difficulties in her steering mechanism forced Uhlmann to part company with the task force, and she put in at Ulithi on 23 February for repairs. Underway on 14 March, she rendezvoused with TG 58.2 on 16 March. The next day, the carriers began a highspeed run in for strikes on Kyūshū. While the planes of TP 58 pounded that Japanese homeland, Uhlmann protected the carriers from air and submarine attack. Air activity began early |
9753_18 | on 18 March; and Uhlmann, acting as linking vessel between TF 58 and its picket line, began firing on aerial snoopers before dawn. Shortly before 0700, she joined the picket line and, at 0956, rescued three Navy aviators from a torpedo bomber which had splashed nearby. |
9753_19 | Throughout the dav and into the night, alerts prompted by Japanese surveillance planes brought the ship's crew to general quarters. Four minutes before midnight, Uhlmann opened fire on an enemy aircraft at . The plane burst into flame and splashed off the destroyer's starboard quarter and burned brightly for several minutes. Air activity continued into the early hours of 19 March. Before dawn that day, Uhlmann joined in firing on a high-altitude Japanese raider which burst into flames and splashed. Fifty miles (80 km) off the eastern shore of Shikoku on the morning of 19 March, a Japanese plane dove toward the destroyer and, despite fire from the ship, dropped a small bomb which hit off the ship's starboard quarter. No further action occurred that day as Uhlmann, screening TG 58.2, proceeded southward to rejoin the rest of TF 58 southeast of Kyūshū. |
9753_20 | Ships of the task force began refueling on the 20th but were forced to discontinue when an air attack developed in mid-afternoon. Uhlmann was transferring aviation personnel to at 1453 when a kamikaze dove at carrier , missed, and crashed into Halsey Powell. Uhlmann fired on enemy dive bombers throughout the remainder of the afternoon, was hit by some shrapnel, but suffered no casualties. Air activity continued to be heavy as strikes on Japan continued on 21 March. During a surprise attack early in the afternoon, a bomb fell only from Cushing, and another bomb narrowly missed a carrier of the force. Ten minutes before midnight on 22 March, while Uhlmann steamed on picket station, she made a surface radar contact which was later identified as a Japanese submarine. In company with , she proceeded at high speed toward the submerging target and stood by while Haggard forced the enemy ship to the surface with depth charges. Haggard then rammed the submarine which exploded and sank. |
9753_21 | Uhlmann escorted the slightly damaged destroyer back to Ulithi where they arrived on 25 March. |
9753_22 | She departed Ulithi on 30 March and set a northwesterly course. After weathering a typhoon on 2 April, she rendezvoused with TG 58.4 on 5 April and, toward dusk, began an approach for strikes on Okinawa. Following rendezvous with TF 58, she alternated radar picket and screening duties as the carrier-based planes pounded Okinawa.
In April, Japan began concentrated massed kamikaze attacks against American ships in the waters of the Ryukyus; and the carrier forces, despite their discreet distance from Okinawa, were not exempt from the attentions of the kamikazes. On 12 April, combat air patrol from the formation splashed three Mitsubishi A6M Zeroes ("Zekes") within sight of Uhlmann as she stood her picket station 25 miles (40 km) north of TF 58. Two days later, snoopers and nuisance raiders kept the air patrol occupied in the afternoon and early evening. |
9753_23 | On radar picket with TG 58.4 on 17 April, Uhlmann joined in fire that downed two enemy aircraft, one of which splashed near causing minor damage to that ship. That night, Uhlmann added her depth charges to a combined attack which sent to the bottom. Late on the afternoon of 29 April, as enemy planes began closing from the northward, destroyer Haggard joined Uhlman to strengthen the picket station in the face of attack. Minutes before 1700, a Japanese fighter plane, taken under fire by Uhlmann, nosed over and dove toward Haggard. The crash and explosion of the kamikaze and its bomb tore a hole in Haggards starboard side, flooding her firerooms and number one engine room, and leaving her dead in the water. Meanwhile, a second "Zeke" began a run in. Uhlmann splashed the attacker close aboard Haggard and rescued two of the damaged destroyer's crew from the water. Uhlmann then requested assistance from the task group which responded with a combat air patrol of two divisions. An hour |
9753_24 | later, light cruiser and Destroyer Division 104 came to the aid of the stricken destroyer. Uhlmann escorted Haggard a short distance toward Kerama Retto and returned to her picket duty the next day. She screened the carrier strike force until 11 May when she headed for the Caroline Islands. The ship arrived at Ulithi on the 14th. |
9753_25 | Underway with TG 58.4 on 24 May, the destroyer returned to a strike launch area off Okinawa and resumed her picket duties. On 28 May, operational control of the task force was returned to the 3d Fleet and TG 58.4 became TG 38.4. Uhlmann continued patrolling picket station and screening the fast carriers until 13 June when she arrived at San Pedro Bay, Leyte, for replenishment and maintenance. On 1 July, she set a northerly course; and, throughout July, the carriers conducted strikes on targets in the Japanese islands to soften up this last stronghold of Japanese power for the projected invasion. On 25 May, Uhlmann joined specially formed TG 35.3 for an antishipping sweep across Kii Suido between Honshū and Shikoku. Two hours after midnight on this completely overcast night, Uhlmann bombarded a radio tower on the southern tip of Uwano Hanto while other ships of the group shelled nearby airfields. |
9753_26 | Until the cessation of hostilities on 15 August, Uhlmann continued to operate with the carrier force as it launched strikes against Japan. On 23 August, she rendezvoused with TF 47—a combined British-American force—for temporary escort duty in connection with the occupation of Japan. She arrived in Sagami Wan on 27 August, and immediately manned a picket station. On 30 August, while acting as plane guard for , she rescued that carrier's landing signal officer who had jumped over the side in an attempt to rescue the pilot of a downed plane. That same day, the destroyer anchored in Sagami Wan, ending 61 days of continuous operation and, on 31 August, shifted anchorages to Tokyo Bay. |
9753_27 | Her occupation duties included mail, freight, and passenger runs between Iwo Jima and Japanese ports. Late in October, she participated in training exercises; then, on 31 October, departed Yokosuka, steamed via Pearl Harbor, and arrived at Bremerton late in November. Following alterations, she got underway on 20 April 1946 and arrived at San Diego on 24 April. There, on 14 June 1946, she was decommissioned and placed in reserve. On 12 August, she was assigned to the Naval Reserve Training Program and underwent an overhaul at Terminal Island before reporting to the Commandant, 11th Naval District, in November 1946.
Operating out of San Diego, she trained reserve crews until the end of the decade. On 23 May 1950, she was recommissioned, but remained in reserve and, that summer, made a southward voyage, visiting Central and South American ports. She returned to San Diego in July and, on 18 November, was assigned active status.
Korean War |
9753_28 | On 27 January 1951, she reported to the Commander in Chief, Pacific Fleet, for duty and, on 16 June, departed San Diego with units of Destroyer Division 152, setting her course for Korean waters. Commander P.A. "Tony" Lilly was in command. Assigned to TF 77—the fast carrier force operating in the Sea of Japan—Uhlmann resumed the screening and plane guard duties which had occupied much of her time in World War II. She later joined TF 95, a blockade and escort force, and carried out day and night bombardment of the Korean coast. While conducting a routine observation patrol off Wonsan Harbor's Hodo Peninsula on the morning of 20 August, the destroyer came under fire from seven enemy shore batteries. Gun flashes on the beach provided a warning only moments before shells began to fall from the destroyer. All hands went quickly to battle stations as Uhlmann commenced evasive maneuvers, increased to flank speed, and opened fire on the shore installations. In short order, she reduced the |
9753_29 | enemy on shore to two guns, while she steamed among near misses, some of which came as close as . Fragments from the shell explosions carried away a radio antenna during the half hour engagement. Ordered by TG 95.2 to break off the action, Uhlmann withdrew out of range of the shore batteries. Commander Lilly was awarded the Bronze Star with combat "V" for "inflicting extensive damage upon the enemy" and contributing "immeasurably to the success of the siege of Wonsan". Lilly recalled another non-combat mission. "We had one espionage mission. We took three or four South Koreans up north and put them ashore near Hungnam in North Korea from our whaleboat at night. We went back some time later to pick them back up and got only one returning who was injured." |
9753_30 | In the fall, she patrolled Taiwanese waters and participated in hunter-killer antisubmarine training off Okinawa. In November, she rejoined TF 77 and, operating in the Sea of Japan, rescued several pilots before leaving Yokosuka on 22 January 1952.
She returned to San Diego on 6 February and, in the months that followed, underwent drydocking and alterations which included the installation of new armament. She conducted exercises; then departed San Diego on 11 August 1952 in company with Destroyer Division 152, escorting and to the Far East. |
9753_31 | During this seven-month Korean deployment, Uhlmann operated with fast carrier forces, conducted hunter-killer activities, and patrolled off Taiwan. She also conducted shore bombardment which destroyed enemy gun emplacements, a factory, and storage facilities, while damaging buildings, bunkers, and railways. On the morning of 3 November, as she was firing interdiction rounds on a railroad and tunnel on the east coast of North Korea near Hangwon, the destroyer was taken under fire by shore guns, mortars, and machine guns. Brought to alert by shell splashes only 100 yards (91 m) off her port bow, Uhlmann accelerated to 25 knots (46 km/h), began evasive maneuvers, and opened fire with her and guns. She scored a direct hit on an enemy gun emplacement and suffered only minor damages in the exchange. However, she emerged from the encounter with 13 wounded. After putting in at Hong Kong over Christmas, she departed Yokosuka on 3 March 1953, steamed via Midway and Pearl Harbor, and arrived |
9753_32 | at San Diego on 19 March 1953. |
9753_33 | 1953-1958
Following exercises off the west coast, Uhlmann was again deployed to the western Pacific. She proceeded via the Hawaiian Islands, and she arrived at Yokosuka on 20 November 1953. During this seven-month tour, the destroyer plied waters off Japan and Korea and engaged in training and operations out of Yokosuka and Sasebo with TF 77. In February 1954, Uhlmann joined with elements of the French and British Far Eastern Fleets for Exercise "Sonata" which included extensive antisubmarine warfare training and visits to Philippine and Indochina ports. During March, she embarked personnel of the Nationalist Chinese Navy for training. |
9753_34 | While patrolling Taiwan Strait in the first week of March, she assisted the grounded Chinese Nationalist merchant ship Kiang Shan which was stranded on an island in the Pescadores. In the course of a daring rescue of crewmen from the Chinese steamer, Uhlmann lost her whaleboat and bent her propellers, shafts, and rudder on reefs in the shallow water. After the successful completion of her mission, she put in at Kaohsiung on 5 March. To prevent vibration damage to her reduction gears, she was towed from that port on 11 March and, on 14 March, arrived at Subic Bay for repairs. On her return to San Diego, she resumed the stateside routine of upkeep and training. |
9753_35 | Over the next 15 years, Uhlmann made 11 more deployments to the western Pacific (WestPac). On deployment to the Far East in 1954 with Destroyer Division 152, she took part in the evacuation of the Tachen Islands—located off Hangchou Wan—in the American attempt to defuse the explosive situation which had developed between Nationalist China and the People's Republic of China. In 1958, during a period of heightened tension over the Chinese offshore islands, the destroyer again supported American interests in the Far East. Between deployments, Uhlmann operated out of San Diego, participating in fleet exercises, receiving upkeep, and performing goodwill assignments. |
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