text
stringlengths 4
429
|
---|
petitions, calling for reform and an end to corruption, planning to set up a pro-democracy |
party, publishing rumours about SARS, communicating with groups abroad, opposing the |
persecution of the Falun Gong and calling for a review of the 1989 crackdown on the |
democracy protests . . . |
(Kumar 2006). Other emerging non-traditional threats include mob |
mentality, consumer price manipulation, domestic hacker groups who can damage and |
interfere with the Chinese government or drag it into conflict with other states, and the |
security of the identity and financial details of a growing online consumer market (Delio |
2001). |
In addition to China |
s economy being directly linked to military issues, so too are domestic |
threats, soft power, and the control of information. Readily available free web sources, such |
as blogs, photo uploading, video uploading, Podcasts, torrents, and RSS feeds, have given |
powers to individuals that were once restricted to large media outlets. Social networking |
sites allow for the spread of this information across the globe at speeds exceeding traditional |
mass media, and they are capable of reaching larger markets. These social networking |
services, often referred to as Web 2.0, are noted for their ability for people to collaborate and |
share information online, particularly emphasizing real-time dynamic displays, |
interconnectedness, and being a part of a larger community. China maintains strict |
government control over television, newspapers, and radio; therefore these new forms of |
distribution pose a threat to China |
s control. Censorship of the internet by China, known as |
the Great Firewall, can be seen in the banning of foreign sites, such as Blogger and Voice of |
America, as well as a wide range of search terms and images the government deems a threat |
to national security or counter-productive to the political party. During the 2007 uprising in |
Tibet, China blocked access to the video website YouTube (Richards 2008), and on multiple |
occasions it has been accused of using Photoshop to digitally alter photos in its favour |
(Pasternack 2008; Yue 2008). With the increasing popularity and economic success of Web |
2.0, coupled with China |
s global presence (prestige and international scrutiny) it is unlikely |
that the Chinese government will ban these new forms of news distribution on a permanent |
basis. However, it will seek to understand and entrench itself within the emerging system. |
China has struggled to cope with internal and external cyber dissidents. This includes prodemocracy movements and the dissemination of sensitive information such as the spread of |
SARS and human rights abuses. Pro-democracy activists Li Yibing and Jiang Lijun of Hong |
Kong used virtual dead drops to secretly pass messages, such as a plot to |
disrupt the 16th |
Communist Party Congress by phoning the police with a false bomb alert |
(Reporters |
Without Borders 2006). Each member knew the user name and password to a single email |
account. They would save messages as drafts, allowing the other member to log in and read |
it at a later point. This avoided detection, because no message was ever sent. This represents |
an asymmetric advantage provided by new technology; however China demonstrated its |
prowess in using the same technology to combat the cyber-dissidents by using international |
cooperation, internet laws, and online eavesdropping. Activists can use the internet to build |
coalitions, create e-petitions, and organize protests, using elements such as maps, lookouts, |
and live broadcasts. Foreign bloggers using commercially available satellite imagery have |
compromised Chinese military secrets on numerous occasions. These non-governmental |
bloggers have uncovered a Chinese site used for developing submarine technology, a training |
facility used to prepare for a potential conflict with India, and the construction of a fourth |
Culture Mandala, Vol. 8, No. 1, October 2008, pp.28-80 |
Copyright |
2008 Jason Fritz |
satellite and missile launch facility in Hainan (Reporters Without Borders 2006; Yahoo |
implicated in third cyberdissident trial 2006). |
Determined Chinese internet users are finding ways around The Great Firewall. One popular |
way is to use proxy relays. A proxy server acts as an intermediate; it allows them to access |
banned sites through servers that are based abroad. Other techniques include using |
specifically designed software, circumventors, tunnelling, encryption, and cached pages. |
Several foreign organizations have voluntarily taken on the task of circumventing China |
censorship and making this information public. Among the groups that may have breached |
The Great Firewall are the University of Cambridge, the University of Toronto, M.I.T., |
underground hackers (presumably doing it just for the challenge), and groups formed by |
Chinese defectors. Software such as Dynapass, Ultrasurf, Freegate and Garden Networks are |
used by approximately 100,000 people in China to gain access to news and information that |
is blocked by the firewall. With the increasing interconnectivity of modern times, China |
must actively defend against these internal threats or risk having collateral damage to the |
military, soft power, economy, and political integrity (China Tightens Vice on Internet 2006). |
Despite some drawbacks, it is in China |
s best interest to promote the growth of the internet as |
it will boost the economy, improve education, and keep the nation competitive in the 21st |
century. New freedoms for expressing political opinion will be counterbalanced by new |
means of censorship and means to reduce a widening digital and social divide. The Chinese |
government must be moderate in its approach to censorship and the digital divide or it runs |
the risk of widespread dissent resulting from increasing socio-economic/rural-urban |
disparities. The impact of the internet on China |
s near future will be one of expanded |
growth, a complex interaction of balances, and a constant adaptation to evolving technologies |
from within pre-established ideologies. The following sections will further demonstrate how |
the average internet user is becoming intertwined with military activity. |
3. Cyber Reconnaissance and Attack |
NCW, IO, FCS, and Informationization are not identical to cyber attack and cyber |
reconnaissance; however they significantly overlap. The first four, discussed above, tend to |
deal with the hi-tech advancement of traditional military assets, PSYOPS, and media warfare |
all of which rely on the internet in some form. The lexicon is continuing to develop, having |
at times included the terms: total dimensional warfare, expeditionary forces, command and |
control warfare, information warfare, full spectrum dominance, and electronic warfare. |
Cyber attack may be thought of as hacking with the intent to destroy or disrupt. This could |
include the physical destruction of a computer, deleting/re-writing of files, or knocking a |
network or service offline. Cyber reconnaissance is the collection of data, also known as |
cyber espionage or network intrusion. This may include technology transfer or intelligence, |
such as troop locations or weaknesses that could be used in an attack. In many cases a hacker |
goes from reconnaissance to attack at will. Here all six will be addressed |
NCW, IO, FCS, |
Informationization, Cyber Attack, and Cyber Reconnaissance - as components of cyber |
warfare (China |
s Proliferation Practices, and the Development of Its Cyber and Space |
Warfare Capabilities 2008). |
This section will examine cyber reconnaissance with an emphasis on Chinese examples and |
military applications. In addition to China |
s stated goal of informationization and the quasiofficially endorsed book, Unrestricted Warfare, this section will show that foreign allegations |
Subsets and Splits
No saved queries yet
Save your SQL queries to embed, download, and access them later. Queries will appear here once saved.