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–Fortune The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recently broke it out into its own category when cases topped 1%, Dr. Stuart Ray, vice chair of medicine for data integrity and analytics at Johns Hopkins’ Department of Medicine, told Fortune.
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All Omicron subvariants have been fairly mild, meaning BF.7 could also be.
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The ruling class’s propaganda outlets just announced there is a brand new COVID variant moving around, just in time for autumn.
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A new variant that can evade vaccines and actually harm people will surface when the ruling class needs another lockdown to panic the unruly slaves into mass compliance out of fear.
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And of course, BF.7 is more transmissible than the variants before it.
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According to a report by Fortune, BF.7 because it’s making headway in an increasingly crowded field of Omicron subvariants.
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But this week, BF.7 surpassed it.
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Updated fit of global SARS-CoV2 lineage frequencies based on all @GISAID + @CovidGenomicsUK data, now with BF.7 / BA.5.2.1.7 represented separately.
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Denmark, Germany, and France have each seen 10% of the world’s identified cases so far, according to cov-lineages.org, a COVID data repository updated daily by contributors from universities in England, Scotland, and Australia, among others.
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Children of variants “don’t grow relative to their parent unless they have an advantage.”
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It’s also just in time for the new booster shots that they want everyone to get before Halloween.
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And remember that the pandemic isn’t over.
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Therefore, it knew what could happen to the public credit of a city.
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On that day the City Council adopted two resolutions: One called upon Congress to reduce the federal government’s expenditures by one-fifth; the other called upon Congress to vote a Government bond issue for as many billions as might be necessary and spend the money “to make possible the American citizen’s inalienable right to earn an honest living for himself and his family.”
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Therefore these unprecedented uses of the public credit now being made, and proposed to be made, are to meet a crisis that must soon pass.
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That when liquidation of commodities and securities has gone too far it becomes the business of government to stop it, using public credit by such means as it may think fit.
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Observe that in time of prosperity government is bound to extend itself because revenues are plenty and there is always a purblind demand for special benefits to be conferred by public credit.
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Why?
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The explanation is simple.
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At the top is the federal government.
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Tax rates have been rising by necessity because the national income has been shrinking.
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They do increase the cost of popular government.
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Nevertheless, they are limited.
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Such are the extreme liberals, the Socialists, the radicals, themselves perfectly honest, all haters of graft and corruption in government, yet who are for increasing popular taxes on any pretense of public benefit because that is one way of redistributing wealth downward, according to their doctrine.
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If taxation meanwhile has to be heavily increased, so much the better, so long as the increase is, as it certainly will be, in the field of popular taxes, for thereby wealth is redistributed downward and capitalist society, in which they disbelieve, is on its way to trouble.
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What they have in common is a certain reaction to the sight of human misery, squalor, discomfort, disadvantage or what they believe to be curable wretchedness.
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Then these enthusiasts return home from their national gatherings, and if they find that their city spends less for such service, they make it their business to see that it soon attains such a standard.
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The loss of public credit, the complete ruin of it, would be the least of the consequences.
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But taking refuge in public credit will cause that same infection to attack business, banking, industry, agriculture, the entire body of private enterprise.
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He was writing about French people, and he supposed this weakness in them was from having lived so long under a crown that did everything for them.
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Has the modern circumstance overwhelmed it?
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If truly it could be overcome by the use of public credit, no objection on the ground of precedent or political theory would long prevail.
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Therefore, as to these ideas—any and all of them—there are only two questions: First, will they work?
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As the total national income falls, the proportion of it absorbed by government will rise.
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Nevertheless, the rise, irrespective of the state of the times, is continuous.
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Taxes have risen to a point at which they begin to devour people’s possessions, and the taxpayer is wild for relief.
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The impulse is to select the more extensible forms.
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Here is the intent only to show how unlike and differently motivated forces, economic, social and political, are tending together not only to swallow up the national income in government but also to produce a result which some intend and some do not.
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The last may go very deep.
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Was it a myth?
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It will be evident in the same way that taxation has reached a point where it represents an active redistribution of wealth by hand and power of government.
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And thus the national income is absorbed.
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And of course, he is.
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No government ever wants less government—that is, less of itself.
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No government ever surrenders power, even its emergency powers—not really.
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Not less government, you see; the same amount of government for less money.
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And now you will see a selective struggle taking place within government itself.
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But there is the specious point again.
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What are popular taxes?
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The Secretary of the Treasury, in the speech just referred to, tells what they are: “the income and inheritance taxes, because they are so levied as to reach comparatively few people.” The income tax is popular because fewer than 2 percent of the people pay income taxes.
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Now the oldest object of his animosity—namely, the political boss—has annexed the idea.
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We might then wipe the slate and begin all over.
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The intention is to overcome it.
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Security according to the economic status of persons, classes and groups, in place of freedom.
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More than that, reducing the cost of government by measure tends to serve the most potent forces now acting to extend government.
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There is yet everywhere a deficit in the public revenue because the shrinkage in everything taxable was so sudden and violent.
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Let it be asked: What are the political and social forces now acting to absorb the national income for purposes of government—acting, that is, to increase taxation?
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Demands upon the public credit for social service are most difficult to resist.
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Émile Faguet, a Frenchman, in a book entitled The Dread of Responsibility, wrote, We like to surrender ourselves to the state while allowing it to impose even heavy tasks upon us.
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The modern city is a new form of life, really, and one that we have no science for; in that form individual helplessness is a rising social liability.
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Today every state imposes a gasoline tax, and thirteen make use of taxes on tobacco or cigarettes
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In the minutes of the Chicago City Council, May 12th last is the perfect example of how commonly we regard public credit.
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The battle to set our economic machine in motion in this emergency takes new forms and requires new tactics from time to time.
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Suppose they did work, the tide rising to save and redeem them, and that we should be able to perform the terrific gymnastic feat of getting back our equilibrium.
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It must rise because government is the one thing that cannot be liquidated or deflated in time of economic depression.
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But these are Federal expenditures, and they have much less to do with the rise in the cost of all government than you would suppose.
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How shall the cost of government be reduced?
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By economy, by the elimination of graft and needless waste, by a consolidation of government’s competitive parts, by a reform of its structure to limit the number of local and civic units because duplication is costly.
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Such competition is embarrassing and unscientific from the common point of view of government seeking revenue.
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Fourteen states now have old-age pension laws, and 100 other old-age security measures are pending in forty state legislatures.
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The promotion of it for many is an avocation, for increasing numbers it is a profession, and for a very great number of more or less trained men and women it is employment and livelihood.
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That you will be hearing.
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That is what it means to sell bonds.
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Nobody knows what lies in the future.
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Well, in that case we should have established certain things in the way anything is established—by the fact of its having once been done before, such as these: That when the industrial rhythm breaks and there is an crisis in employment, it becomes a function of government to provide people with work; thus responsibility for unemployment comes at rest not upon industry, where we had thought it belonged, but upon government—the state—and must be charged to the public credit.
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That when from bad banking, wild speculation, senseless credit inflation, or no matter from what cause, the private banking structure seems about to fall, it becomes a function of government to support it with public credit, not particularly to save the banks, but to save depositors.
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If now it is established that in time of depression government must extend itself even faster, prodigiously, in order to meet the responsibilities which we are so willing to pass to it by default, then the growth of government will be uninterruptible, without time or season, and the last problem of all is how people shall defend themselves against it.
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Certainly if the structure of government were rationalized, we could easily have as much government as before for less money.
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Then what will happen when the national income rises to normal again?
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First by habit one thinks of those for which we have traditional images: The machine, the boss, the pork barrel, the spoils system, the politician everywhere in his popular character, acquiring merit and power by spending public money; doing things for his people with the money of other people, taking care at the same time to do enough for himself with everybody’s money.
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“Of course,” said the Secretary of the Treasury2 recently, in a speech before the New York City Bar Association, the people are in a large measure themselves to blame.
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One who remembers a Southern senator shouting out loud that he would steal for his people a hog every time a Yankee got a ham may be indignant, but the feeling is not personal.
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They do not want to redistribute wealth; they want only to prey upon it.
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Thus, government responsibility for old-age security, child life, tonsils, widows, backward mentalities, employment insurance, better maternity, public nursing, recreation, adult play, plumbing, housing, right nurture, infant feeding, vocational guidance, the use of leisure, everything of the good life for everybody, as a responsibility of the state, to procure it, provide it, superintend it.
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Trenton, for example, has made the word taboo.
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Since 1910,” says the Secretary of the Treasury, “the picture has materially changed … The Federal Government adopted a full-fledged income tax in 1913, and estate tax in 1916 … Beginning with Wisconsin, in 1911, state after state adopted an income tax, though at very moderate rates, until today there are twenty-two with this form of taxation.
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In the same state the levy upon corporation income, state and federal taxes together, will be one-fifth or more.
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Public credit belongs to the people as a whole and they may do anything with it they like.
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We used such emergency powers to win the war; we can use them to fight the depression.
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And it follows by necessity that certain functions of government are assumed, as, for example, the wisdom to know when a crisis is such a crisis, to know when liquidation has gone far enough, when prices are too low, when they are high enough again, how many bank failures constitute a crisis in banking, how many railroad failures constitute a crisis in railroad credit, and so on.
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It may be that industry cannot accept responsibility for unemployment; if so, perhaps the government must.
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It may mean to surrender them, but on the first new occasion it will take them all back.
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The present Reconstruction Finance Corporation is a revival of that power in time of peace.
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This—that the cost of government shall be reduced.
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This is the estimate of the tax commissioner of the state of New York, writing an essay in Community Service magazine on the preposterous duplication of parts, offices and powers in government.
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The cost of government by measure is one thing; the quantity of government, at any cost, is another.
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The cost of social service, exclusive of education, now is representing one-fifth or more of the total expense of cities.
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The city, of course, is an important factor.
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This is the income tax alone!
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But we are fighting the economic consequences of overliquidation and unjustified fear as to the future of the United States.
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