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Dana White confirms UFC are axing early weigh-ins Two years after the introduction of UFC early weigh-ins, Dana White has seen enough. UFC 199 saw the first time the early weigh-in system was implemented by the promotion. Instead of tipping the scales in the evening, fighters were given a window between 9-11am in the morning local time to successfully weigh-in. The thinking behind it was simple - the earlier a fighter weighs in, the more time they have to rehydrate after cutting. However, since the weigh-ins got pushed forward, the number of fighters missing weight has increased dramatically. According to a great piece by Mike Bohn of MMAJunkie, the number of fighters who missed weight between June 2014 and May 2016 under the old system was roughly half of those who came in heavy from June 2016 to May 2018. There were only 12 more fights in the latter period too. With several big stars like Darren Till, Mackenzie Dern, Kevin Lee and Yoel Romero missing weight in recent months, White is ready to cut his losses with the early weigh-ins system. As he explained on the UFC Unfiltered podcast, "We’re getting rid of it." Dana also gave an update on Artem Lobov https://t.co/uYdx0KpuLc — SportsJOE (@SportsJOEdotie) June 5, 2018 "It fucked everything up" White confirmed that the promotion are looking to go back to the old system. Their plan is to work with the athletic commissions in order to restore the weigh-in window that was in place prior to June 2016. “Here’s what I believe, any time you change something, everybody looks to take advantage, as much advantage as they can of the situation. I think that when we started doing morning weigh-ins it was very good. Everybody was making weight, everything was great but then people start cutting it closer and closer and closer, thinking they can put on more weight because they have more time to recover. And the reality is, it fucked everything up. We’re looking to go back to 4 o'clock." "The other thing is, I don't know any fighters that are morning people. Most of them stay up half the night and sleep half the day. So that might have something to do with the morning weigh-ins too. You have to get up earlier to make sure you're on weight." Everybody wasn't making weight when the weigh-ins were slightly later. Fighters still missed weight. Famed referee 'Big' John McCarthy doesn't envisage this changing if we revert back to the old system. He has a far more simple solution to discourage fighters from cutting huge amounts of weight - miss it and be forced to move up a division. No matter if the weigh-in is at 9am or 4pm the fighter goes to bed the night before in a dehydrated state. The problem is fighters trying to push the envelope of what weight class they want to compete in. This is why when a fighter misses weight they should be forced to move up https://t.co/1wng18saRb — Big John McCarthy (@JohnMcCarthyMMA) June 4, 2018 It seems harsh, but look at what happened to Kelvin Gastelum. He was forced to move up after a few weigh-in mishaps at welterweight. In 2018, he could well be fighting for the middleweight strap in his next trip to the Octagon.
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Amazing how a person can marry so much out of their own comfort zone! It does not take a genius to know that a boy or girl should not marry too much away from their own class. Imagine a very rich girl married to a low end employee in a private sector job. Or a very well qualified girl marrying a low end worker in a factory. Some such marriages look doomed right from the start do they not? Imagine a boy earning Rs. 22000 NET take home marrying a girl whose father has a present net worth of Rs. 35 crores and that not including a nice big 4 bhk house in south Mumbai and a big 2000 sq ft office in Nariman Point. Now go and salivate! I know the boy, the girl and the girl’s father. Each one speaks to me – and I cannot agree MORE with the girl’s dad. The girl who has had vacations in almost all parts of the ‘civilized’ world…marrying a guy who has taken ONLY ONE vacation in life till his age of 28. Do children who have grown up in a house with 3 cars ever have to think how the common man travels? How will the girl react when her sisters marry guys from the same social standing as her father? If her sister were to say ‘let us go on a world tour this vacation’ – how is she going to react? Frankly marriage is a lot of practical things – including money. Sure money is not every thing, but to say that you need about 10 crores – when I adjusted it to inflation last time! Post Footer automatically generated by Add Post Footer Plugin for wordpress. Share this: Tweet WhatsApp
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Hojicha is a Japanese green tea that originated in Kyoto 100 years ago. Unlike traditional green teas, hojicha is roasted after the leaves are steamed. Along with removing all bitterness, the roasting process gives hojicha its signature earthy aroma, its reddish-brown color and a unique smoky taste. Since it is low in caffeine, hojicha is the perfect alternative to coffee for those seeking a warm and toasty drink in the afternoon or evening.
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday launched the Sahaj Bijli Har Ghar Yojana 'Saubhagya' electricity scheme to provide 24x7 power to all families in India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday launched the Sahaj Bijli Har Ghar Yojana 'Saubhagya' electricity scheme to provide 24x7 power to all families across India at the BJP's National Executive meet and on the occasion of birth anniversary of RSS ideologue Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya in New Delhi. The announcement made at the headquarters of Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) is expected to reiterate BJP's electricity-for-all policy. Delhi: PM Modi launches Pradhan Mantri Sahaj Bijli har Ghar Yojna-Saubhagya scheme pic.twitter.com/bHOiSCxbkS — ANI (@ANI) September 25, 2017 The scheme is expected to electrify all rural households across India by 31 March, 2019, according to the Economic Times, two months ahead of the general elections. Reinforcing the party's pro-poor push ahead of key Assembly elections and the 2019 general elections, Modi said, "It is unfortunate people light their homes with candles. The government's priority is fulfilling the aspiration of the poor." Modi also added that four crore households will benefit from this scheme aimed at empowering poor of India. The total outlay of the Saubhagya scheme to provide free electricity to all poor families is pegged at Rs 16,320 crores which will be funded to a large extent (Rs 12,320 crores) by the Centre, the government said. Rs 14,025 crores is the outlay for electrification of rural households while Rs 2,295 crores is the outlay for poor urban households. The Rural Electrification Corporation will be the nodal agency for the operations of the scheme, reported Times Now. Sources said distribution companies will recover Rs 500 crores in 10 installments of electricity bills. The beneficiaries of the Saubhagya scheme will be identified and targeted using the 2011 Census data. The funding pattern for special category states will be as follows: 85 percent grant from Centre, five percent from states and 10 percent from loans. States which achieve their target by December 2018 will receive additional funds, the government said according to the Business Standard. The Saubhagya electricity scheme is expected to electrify all willing households, as substitution to kerosene while bringing about an improvement in education, health services, communication and public safety, said The Indian Express. The government claimed it will create more jobs and provide a better quality of life. This was not Modi's first attempt at providing free electricity to all. In 2015, the government had set a 1,000 day-target to provide electricity in 18,000 villages. Modi kept up this promise partially. According to an IndiaSpend analysis, of 18,452 unelectrified villages, 76.58 percent or 14,132 villages were electrified in around 750 days from July 2015, when the scheme was launched, (as of June 2017), according to government data. However, out of the villages which were to benefit from the government's electrification drive, only 8 percent (or 1,145) villages got a power connection in all households, according to data in the power ministry’s Grameen Vidyutikaran (GARV) dashboard. A village is counted electrified if power is provided in public places such as schools, panchayat offices, health centres, dispensaries and community centres, and at least 10 percent of households, according to the criteria used by the power ministry since October 1997. With inputs from PTI
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From Bulbapedia, the community-driven Pokémon encyclopedia. Pokémon by Jason R. Rich is the first Pokémon book to be published in the Pathways to Adventure series. It was published by Sybex on March 1, 1999 and is 103 pages in length. Blurb Journey with Ash as he travels the vast and magical world of Pokémon. Learn his secrets for collecting and raising these extraordinary creatures, and cheer as he defeats rival Trainers and outsmarts the sinister society of Team Rocket! As you enjoy the story, you'll also get valuable strategies and clues for finding Poké Balls, powerful potions, weapons, and much more that you can use in the GameBoy game! Plot The book's story is adapted from the plot of Pokémon Red and Blue Versions and told from a third person perspective. It includes dialogue spoken by Red, known as Ash in this novel. Similarly, Blue has the matching name of Gary. The story is intended to provide game information and strategies for readers as well as entertainment.
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By RICARDO CASTILLO U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is visiting Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto on Friday, Oct. 19. Pompeo is in a political tour visiting Panama and Mexico. apparently to discuss the volatile political and security situations both in Venezuela and Nicaragua. Yet surely Venezuela and Nicaragua can be ranked as priorities number two and three when confronted with the problems Honduras is causing these days in the North American region. As Pompeo arrives in Mexico City, at least 3,000 – according to U.N. figures – Hondurans have fled their nation in an exodus to the United States, via Guatemala and Mexico. Here in Mexico, red lights and sirens are definitely blaring for the administration of President Peña Nieto as the Hondurans line up to enter the nation via the Tapachula border along Guatemala. Peña Nieto has ordered 200 members of the Federal Police to guard immigration authorities in Tapachula – and other minor points of entry – to let the Hondurans into the nation, on a one-by-one basis and not as a group. Plus, there are Mexican troops stationed along the border. In Washington, U.S. President Donald Trump is going berserk over the thought of having the 3,000 Hondurans arrive at the U.S. border and apply for political asylum. Here’s Trump’s warning shot to Honduras President Juan Orlando Hernández Alvarado: “@realDonaldTrump The United States has strongly informed the president of Honduras that if the large caravan of people heading to the United States is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effective immediately!” In Guatemala, police arrested first and released later the leader of the Honduran caravan and former Honduras congressman Bartolo Fuentes, the visible head and organizer of the group that left Honduras last Saturday Oct. 13. Fuentes, however, is closely watched and “may be deported” at any time, according to a Guatemalan immigration official. Guatemala President Jimmy Morales has declared the group “a risk” to his nation and is doing everything possible to speed up their passing through his country, where they are staying at the border point Tecún Umán, across the border from Tapachula. Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations (SRE) Luis Videgaray – who’s also slated to meet with Pompeo – has issued orders to expedite red tape for each of the applicants, who in turn will be interned for a while in Mexico in a detention center for refugees until their visas are cleared or denied. In Honduras, President Hernández is pleading with the caravan to return home, claiming the only objective of caravan leader Fuentes and other political sectors is to “alter the governance, stability and peace in Honduras and the United States with false promises of getting them a humanitarian visa to travel through Mexican territory and seek asylum in the United States.” Most of the caravan members, made up of men, women and several hundred children, claim that they are fleeing from unemployment, hunger and the myriad of criminal gangs in their nation. Should they fail to get an entry visa into the United States, at least half of them would stay in Mexico, claiming they cannot return to Honduras because there their lives are in danger. One caravan member was quoted as saying that this caravan is only “the tip of the iceberg,” as more similar cavalcades of migrants will ensue. Both the Mexican Foreign Relations Secretariat and the Interior Secretariat (SeGob, which oversees all immigration issues) have issued press releases making it clear that “every person who enters into the country in on irregular basis will be rescued (sic) and subjected to administrative procedure and in, should it be warranted, be returned to his/her country of origin in a secure and orderly manner.” On Wednesday, Oct 17, in Tijuana, at the San Diego border, there were reports of the arrival of approximately 100 Honduran migrants in two charter buses. Apparently, the news of this first arrival of the caravan members is what provoked Trump to write the above-quoted tweet, also claiming he will shut down the border if the migrants keep arriving. In Mexico, President-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) made a statement that irked even his staunchest supporters, saying that as president he will issue visas and find jobs for all asylum seekers. Of course, this statement only made the Peña Nieto administration shudder. The current government considers that promise as one more empty phrase from AMLO, who will be sworn in until Dec. 1. The Peña Nieto administration thinks that AMLO has no business now in getting involved in the handling of this diplomatic hot potato. The only clear reality of the Honduran exodus is that it is pitching nations against each other. So far, about 450 of the caravan members have been issued a humanitarian visa to El Salvador and Guatemalan President Morales says that a massive migration movement would destabilize his country, both economically and politically. If this is indeed “the tip of the iceberg,” the only indisputable fact is that Venezuela and Nicaragua may have their own acute problems, but they are not yet at the stage of crumbling apart the way Honduras seems to be.
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The round table discussion organised by BitFury in Miami, Florida attracted many key players of bitcoin market. They have finally begun to negotiate on block size. The round table consists of a series of discussions between people physically present in Miami and representatives of the blockchain industry around the world. The list of active participants includes BlockStream, Blockchain.Info, BitMain, Ledger and Genesis mining, as one of the attendants told CoinFox. “There are many independent developers who take an active part in the round table,” he added. Curiously, the round table began with a discussion concerning the implications of “bad news” (like the letter of Mike Hearn) for bitcoin and blockchain market. At 13:00 EST the long awaited talk on block size started. “There is an ongoing debate about hardfork and other options to solve block size crisis,” our anonymous informant reports. Still, by 15:00 EST the participants did not come to a conclusive result. The debate is expected to carry on for another two hours. Earlier this week CEO of BitFury Valery Vavilov suggested creating a bitcoin and blockchain consortium that would unite the cryptocurrency community. Within this consortium, business would formulate the demand for development while developers improve the technologies behind bitcoin. Vavilov proposed to form the consortium as soon as this year. Roman Korizky
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Watch the best of Floyd Mayweather and Manny Pacquiao all-access to see Mayweather's take on the megafight. (2:51) Floyd Mayweather Snr. hopes his son decides to hang up his gloves after his superfight against Manny Pacquiao. Long-time rivals Mayweather Jr and Pacquiao will finally touch gloves at the MGM Grand Garden Arena in Las Vegas on May 2 in what is widely expected to be the richest fight in boxing history. While Mayweather Snr. believes his son will have no problem extending his unbeaten streak against the Filipino, he called for it to be his last fight - a statement which may not go down well with Britain's Amir Khan. "I hope that Floyd gets out the game at the right time," Mayweather Snr. told the Sunday Telegraph. "This is a gambler's game and I don't think Floyd should be gambling too much. Once you reach that pedigree and make that kind of money, you don't have to fight no more. "I hope he walks away after this fight. Whenever you get in that ring, anything can happen. It looks easy but it ain't as easy as it looks. He makes it look easy." Mayweather Jr. is looking to make it 48 victories from 48 professional fights and will face a tough challenge in eight-division champion Pacquiao, but his father doesn't see it at last. He added: "This era is closed. It's done. Pacquiao is done. He needs to be locked up in jail because it's time to save his a--. Pacquiao needs to lock himself up. "He is not on Floyd's level. All he is, is an opponent. That's all he is. Nothing more, nothing less."
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Check out Annette's Omni details below! Name: Snowy Bravura Annette Element: Fire Rarity: Omni Cost: 60 Lord-type Stats Max HP: 9650 (1500) Max Atk: 3208 (600) Max Def: 4012 (600) Max Rec: 3150 (600) Normal Attack Number of hits: 12 Max BC generated: 60 (5 BC/hit) Leader Skill - Heroic Fanfare 200% boost to Def and 80% boost to Rec, max HP of Fire types, enormously boosts Fire elemental damage [225%], damage taken enormously boosts BB gauge [6-10 BC], 20% damage reduction from Fire, Earth types & 50% Spark damage reduction Brave Burst - Rousing Rondo BC required: 25 Max BC Generated: 15 (1 BC/hit) 1 5 combo powerful Fire, Water attack [500%] on all foes, 50% damage reduction for 1 turn, 15% damage reduction from Fire, Earth types for 2 turns, damage taken hugely boosts BB gauge [6-9 BC] and may [50%] considerably restore HP [25%-30%] for 3 turns & 50% Spark damage reduction for 3 turns Super Brave Burst - Marcher's Medley BC required: 30 Max BC Generated: 18 (1 BC/hit) 1 8 combo powerful Fire attack [200%-900%] on all foes (damage relative to remaining HP), hugely boosts Def [210%] and enormously boosts critical hit rate [60%] for 3 turn, 50% damage reduction for 3 turns, enormously boosts Def relative to max HP [70%] for 3 turns, probable [20%] evasion for 1 turn & activates Fire barrier [5000 HP] Ultimate Brave Burst - A Song of Snow and Flames BC required: 35 Max BC Generated: 24 (1 BC/hit) 2 4 combo massive Fire attack [1500%-3000%] on all foes (damage relative to remaining HP), enormosuly boosts Def [500%] and critical hit rate [60%] for 5 turns, 100% damage reduction from Fire, Earth types for 5 turns, enormously boosts Def relative to max HP [150%] for 3 turns, damage taken enormously boosts BB gauge [50 BC] for 3 turns & enormously boosts OD gauge [50%] Extra Skill - Alpine Alla Marcia 35% boost to Def, Rec of Fire types and hugely restores HP [4000-5000] for 3 turns when guarding for all allies, negates Def ignoring effects, probable [70%] resistance against 1 KO attack & probable [15%] damage reduction to 1 SP Options SP Cost SP Option Description 10 1 00% boost to Def, max HP 15 Enormously boosts elemental damage [300%] 20 Negates all status ailments and Atk, Def, Rec reduction effects 15 Enhances LS's parameter boost [+20% Rec, max HP] effect 25 Adds enormous boost to critical damage [200%] effect to LS 20 Allows BB's damage reduction effect to last for additional 2 turns 25 Adds critical and elemental damage negation for 3 turns effect to BB 10 Adds great boost to max HP [30%] effect to BB 20 Adds boost to damage reduction when guarding [10%] for 3 turns effect to BB 20 Enhances SBB's Fire barrier effect [+2000 HP] 20 Adds boost to Atk, Rec relative to max HP [70%] for 3 turns effect to SBB 30 Add huge HP restoration [4000-4500] effect to BB/SBB [7★ Lore] Annette is a one-woman musical act consisting of nothing but her most cherished instrument: a beautiful antique brass horn. Annette loves nothing more than to put the spring in people's steps with loud, upbeat tunes, but unfortunately for her audience, she tends to blow them off their feet...literally. Born to highlanders, Annette grew up tending to livestock. Whenever work got monotonous, she would often come up with tunes on her shepherd's horn. During her adolescence, a contingent of soldiers traveled through their village, accompanied by a marching band. Annette was completely transfixed by their smart uniforms and boisterous beats; so different from her sleepy alpine home! Her parents shrugged it off with the air of well-meaning adults, but Annette had already made up her mind. Packing what few possessions she had into a sheepskin bag, she snuck off in the night to sign up for military service in the nearest town. The commander in charge was baffled why such a young girl would want any part in the military, but when Annette babbled excitedly about the band, he gave a hearty laugh. Though her naiveté was plain as day on her face, he was thoroughly amused by the girl's excitement. After making sure her parents were duly notified (though they didn't seem alarmed), he let her join the marching band. Several years later, the same contingent would march by that sleepy village again, but this time with a familiar girl at its lead rapping out a cheerful tune. [Omni Lore] Sporting a bright smile and a big brass horn, Annette is a riotous act all on her own. Ever since she traded her shepherd's life for the excitement of a military marching band she saw passing through her sleepy village, Annette has traveled all around the country accompanying triumphant and decorated soldiers. While she enjoyed her time there thanks to the kindly commander who'd allowed her to join in the first place, a greater desire soon blossomed within her heart: wanderlust. Though older now, Annette was hardly wiser, and attempts to sneak away from the encampment were significantly less successful. The commander had expected this; after all, Annette was still as impulsive as the day she marched up to the recruitment table. But rules were meant to be broken, and the old man saw that her passion for bringing joy (and more than a few pairs of ringing ears) was greater than that of duty or service. With a flourish, he signed off a special task for her: to bring news of their victories to the homes of the soldiers. How Annette could hardly contain herself! Regimented life was beginning to chafe, and besides, she relished the idea of announcing things with cheerful fanfare. Giving one last smart salute, she shouldered her beloved brass horn and left for the trail of villages along the alpine mountain side. Somewhere along her journey, the strange folk tales of a particular town piqued her interest, and she volunteered her assistance without a second thought. Little did Annette know she would be wrapped up in more than just cheery holiday spirits...
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Barack Obama has warned that it will take time to turn around the economy US President Barack Obama has welcomed Congress's approval of his $787bn (£548bn) economic stimulus package. He described it as a "historic step" and "major milestone on our road to recovery", and is expected to sign the bill into law early next week. The Senate approved the measure with just three Republican votes, hours after the House of Representatives backed it without Republican support. Mr Obama has said the plan will "save or create more than 3.5 million jobs". Republicans argue the tax cuts are insufficient, and that the economy will be saddled with debt for years to come. Members of both houses of Congress reached a deal over the content of the stimulus package on Wednesday. This historic step won't be the end of what we do President Obama Battle exposes partisan rifts Send us your comments The BBC's Kevin Connolly in Washington says the first set-piece drama of the Obama era ended in a comfortable but not entirely unqualified victory for the president, who had hoped for more bipartisan support. All 176 Republicans and seven Democrats voted against the revised package in the House. It was backed by 246 House Democrats. The three rebel votes in the Senate were enough under Congress rules to stop the Republican Party using blocking tactics to delay the stimulus plan, and it passed 60-38. 'Immediate investments' In his weekly address, President Obama described his economy recovery package as "an ambitious plan at a time we badly need it". "This is a major milestone on our road to recovery, and I want to thank the members of Congress who came together in common purpose to make it happen," he said. "I will sign this legislation into law shortly, and we'll begin making the immediate investments necessary to put people back to work doing the work America needs done. "This historic step won't be the end of what we do to turn our economy around, but the beginning." The approved version of the plan is split into 36% for tax cuts and 64% percent in spending and money for social programmes. STIMULUS PACKAGE $240bn in tax breaks for individuals and businesses $140bn for health care $100bn for education $48bn for transportation projects Source: Associated Press Running to more than 1,000 pages, it includes new road building, cash to pay police in hard-up cities, and tax breaks for consumers buying houses and cars. The package also imposes new limits on cash bonuses and other incentive compensation for executives on Wall Street, which are much tougher than those proposed by the Obama administration last week. The provision, inserted by Senate Democrats, targets senior executives at financial institutions receiving government bail-out funds. The colossal package is all to be funded with borrowed money. Republicans had insisted on larger tax cuts instead of big spending programmes. Republican Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell said: "This isn't Monopoly money. It's real. It adds up, and it has to be paid back, by our children and by their children." The Democratic leader of the Senate, Harry Reid, praised the three Republicans who had voted for the bill and said it was the most important piece of legislation he had worked on. "The country is in trouble and we're so fortunate we were able to get it passed," he said. "It's going to give this country a shot in the arm." Earlier, Mr Obama had said that in the longer term the government needed to rein in spending, and that "we are going to have to once again live within our means". The president told members of the Business Council in Washington that the package was "only the beginning of what I think all of you understand is going to be a long and difficult process of turning our economy around." Presidential pressure "We have a once-in-a-generation chance to act boldly, and turn adversity into opportunity, and to use this crisis as a chance to transform our economy for the twenty-first century," Mr Obama said. Among the measures in the approved package is a "Buy American" clause that had caused alarm among US trading partners. The EU and Canada said that provisions favouring American-produced materials for government projects risked provoking retaliatory protectionist measures. In the face of this reaction, the clause was softened to a version requiring the government not to violate trade agreements. Last week, the House had approved an earlier $825bn version of the package without any Republican support. The Senate voted to approve a different $838bn version on Tuesday, with few Republicans opting to back it. The two versions had to be reconciled in a joint House-Senate committee before facing final votes in the two chambers. Bookmark with: Delicious Digg reddit Facebook StumbleUpon What are these? E-mail this to a friend Printable version
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Imagen de Heather (CC BY 2.0) For those who do not know, we call Sea Glass, Seaglass, Beach glass, or mermaid tears to the pieces of glass that we find eroded and polished in the sea, rivers, lakes, etc., because of the currents, waves, rock sand, pebbles and other agents. In addition to the abrasive agents that we have listed, the saline solution of the ocean also helps the crystal dissolve over the years and gives it that glazed, frosty or sugary hue. What is Sea Glass and Beach Glass They are pieces of glass, which have been in the sea for more than 20 years, they have rounded edges, with a finish that looks sugary and with some brighter little “C” shaped marks. Imagen de Ama Strachan (CC BY 2.0) They come from crystals of objects that fall into the sea, break and erode over time. They are bottles, jugs, glasses, window panes, and much more curious things like car light glasses, or any object made of glass. Many times they come even from landfills or garbage that they throw into the ocean. Today we live surrounded by glass things but the SeaGlass that we find ancient comes from many fewer objects and sometimes thanks to the color or some relief that it preserves its origin can be traced. These glasses, or crystals are very beautiful and difficult to find and are widely used in jewelry. Here I try to leave a guide if you want to start in the collection of Sea Glass Differences between Sea Glass and Beach Glass Imagen de hurricanemaine (CC BY 2.0) Although many people do not distinguish them and call it Sea Glass or Beach Glass interchangeably, there is a technical difference between the two. Sea Glass: They are the chips that we find in the sea, salt water. They are the chips that we find in the sea, salt water. Beach Glass: are those found in freshwater, rivers, lakes. Those that erode in the sea have more patina and have a more sugary appearance. Because in the sea there is more movement than in sweet areas and the action of salt and the different pH of the sea. Mermaid Tears Imagen de kennakenai (CC BY 2.0) In English they are called Mermaid Tears. Legend has it that every time a sailor drowned the sirens screamed and the tears that fell to them are the Seaglass we found. Colors Imagen de kennakenai (CC BY 2.0) The most common colors of marine glass include transparent (“flint” or “white”, used for countless bottles and jars of all descriptions, especially manufactured in the last 70-100 years, window glass, dishes, etc.) , emerald or lime. green (typical of Sprite, 7-up, gingerale and other older soda bottles) and shades of amber (including brown glass or “brown beer bottle”). Red, yellow and orange are very rare colors to find, as is light blue-green. Imagen de nathanmac87 (CC BY 2.0) In some beaches of California where the glass before falling into the sea passed through the fire we found particles embedded inside the glass, this is called Fire Glass, it is very rare and very appreciated and valuable, because unlike in gems and stones Beautiful where you seek the clarity, clarity and transparency of the jewel in the glass, the strange thing is that it presents particles. Sea Glass in jewelry Imagen de alisonpavlos (CC BY 2.0) Being very beautiful and difficult to find pieces are used in jewelry and as we have said this has made many fake be glass or handmade, that is, crystals with a finish similar to that found in the sea but that takes 4-8 hours to get in place of the more than 20 years needed in natural crystals. That is why we must know how to identify a natural one from a FAKE. Because if we buy we know what we take home. Fake Sea Glass As it is a very sought after product and used in jewelry, and crafts, the human being has tried to imitate what costs so much time naturally. There are several methods to get it. Polishing it in industrial turners, with sand and also with acid. If you are interested in making your own, read the article on how to make Sea Glass at home. How to know if it is authentic Sea glass There are different characteristics that will help us identify it. Sea Glass is scarce and difficult to find, so if you see SeaGlass bags being sold for a small price, you know that it is not natural. Uniformity: The Sea Glass fake is more uniform due to the industrialized process while the original has more polished areas than others, randomly. Texture: It is difficult to explain with words better to look for an image. The original presents what they call a more frosty surface, while the fake is more satin, due to the action of the acid they use to create it and as we have said it is more uniform. Glazing and C-marks: The authentic Sea Glass looks as if it were sugary and if we look at it carefully, brighter “C” shaped marks due to erosion are seen. These brands that are sometimes only visible with some increases is a clear sign that it is an original piece, since they have not yet discovered how to reproduce this type of feature. Where to buy If you are interested in buying Sea Glass, either for your collection, to make some crafts, or an object made with this glass for a gift, look at the following stores. Amazon: we all know Amazon and its benefits. Ebay: A great place to find both artificial and natural Sea Glass. You will find really interesting pieces and with the auctions you can get interesting things if you like to collect. But make sure the pieces are original. Etsy: The portal where artisans sell their handmade products on the Internet. You will find a lot of pieces both raw and jewelry made with Sea glass. In most sales of artificial Sea Glass you will see that they indicate it as Handmade, tumbled or similar Purchase Advice Nothing happens to buy them artificial chips if you like them or need them for a project. The important thing is that they do not deceive you and that both natural and artificial purchases give you exactly what you have bought. If they sell you many pieces at a low price it is artificial sea glass If all the pieces are similar to each other too Look at the issue of frosting and if it has the marks in C Sources and references To make this article I have been reading and contrasting the information on all these websites.
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Global debt levels soared to a record high of $233 trillion in the third quarter of 2017, the Institute of International Finance (IIF) said on Thursday, though it noted that robust economic growth meant debt-to-GDP ratios were declining. The Washington DC-based financial industry body said while total debt had risen by $16 trillion in the third quarter compared to end-2016, debt ratio to global gross domestic product (GDP) had fallen for the fourth quarter in a row as the world economy expanded. It was referring to total debt incurred by the household, government, financial and non-financial corporate sectors. However, China which has accounted for the lion's share of new debt in emerging markets, saw the pace of debt accumulation slow; debt rose by two percentage points last year to 294 percent of GDP, compared to an average annual increase of 17 percentage points in the 2012-2016 period. The IIF warned however, of "heavy emerging market redemptions" noting that over $1.5 trillion of bonds and syndicated loans would be maturing through end-2018. China, Russia, Korea and Brazil had heavy dollar-debt repayment schedule this year, it added.
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LIFE IN A BIO-BUBBLE Langer open to allow Australian players take breaks amidst bio-bubbles and quarantine periods Players of the Australian national team are in with the possibility of not being able to see their families for over 150 days in the upcoming summer SOUTH AFRICA CRICKET Don't want to be a nice group of players and eighth in the world - Mark Boucher 1h ago Boucher is hopeful that cricket will resume soon and the players will get to shake off the rust from the long break BOB WILLIS TROPHY, 2020 Essex gear up for 'once in a career' Bob Willis Trophy final 6h ago Ahead of the Bob Willis Trophy final, Essex's Sam Cook believes that coming out on the right side of their do or die game against Somerset last year will give them confidence WEST INDIES WOMEN TOUR OF ENGLAND, 2020 DRS to be used in West Indies Women-England Women bilateral series 1d ago Technology has been consistently available only in the last two T20 World Cups T20 BLAST, 2020 Leicestershire complete heist to sneak through to the knockouts 22h ago Shaheen Afridi takes four wickets off four balls and finished with figures of 6 for 19 in Hampshire's win
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A vulture that has been hanging around K Street comes in to land on a spire of Asbury United Methodist Church, high above pedestrians. June 3, 2014 A vulture that has been hanging around K Street comes in to land on a spire of Asbury United Methodist Church, high above pedestrians. Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post Two vultures have been spotted at the intersection of K and 11th streets in Northwest Washington, renowned for office buildings filled with lobbyists. Two vultures have been spotted at the intersection of K and 11th streets in Northwest Washington, renowned for office buildings filled with lobbyists. Two vultures have been spotted at the intersection of K and 11th streets in Northwest Washington, renowned for office buildings filled with lobbyists. Tell people two vultures have made a home at the intersection of K and 11th streets in Northwest Washington, and they will likely ask the same question Charlie Dewitt did on a recent afternoon. “The bird variety?” he wondered. It is K Street after all, renowned for office buildings filled with highly paid, powerful lobbyists who, along with others in the city’s political food chain, are often called scavengers — and worse. “We have vultures and turkeys and other kinds of creatures here,” joked Dewitt, a lobbyist who has worked in Washington for 25 years. As he stood at the corner where the giant birds have been sighted in recent weeks, Dewitt said he hadn’t yet seen them. But he imagined they wouldn’t be at a loss for political roadkill in that location, just blocks from the District’s most famous address, 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. First the nation’s capital had its snowy owl. Now, it has its vultures. Both are rare sightings for such a densely populated area. But while the white fluffy night hunters are inspiration for stuffed animals, the black-winged carcass-feeders are ripe for one-liners. They are a political cartoon begging for a caption. (A group of vultures, by the way, is called a committee. Have at it). When former Washingtonian and birds of prey expert Mike Dupuy heard the location that the vultures had chosen, he offered a three-word response: “That sounds appropriate.” Dupuy, who lives in central Pennsylvania and gives public presentations on birds of prey, said since only two vultures have been sighted, it’s likely they are breeding. “It sounds like it could be some weird nesting thing where, for whatever reason, they’ve selected that area to breed,” he said. And once they find a territory they like, they tend to continually return to it, he said. “It becomes an address.” The birds have been sighted on two buildings: an abandoned one with a red brick façade and the Asbury United Methodist Church. Since people don’t generally walk looking upward, the sightings have mostly come from those who work in a glass-walled office building across the street, one filled with representatives of companies such as Global Automakers, Shell Oil Company and FaegreBD Consulting. Andrew Davis, the delegate for the government of Catalonia who is based in that building, said there have been days when he has been on the phone and looked out his third-floor window to catch the birds soaring by. “More than anything, I was surprised,” he said. “You’re just so used to seeing pigeons.” When he saw them this week, he said a small bird seemed to be trailing them, but he couldn’t tell if it was a young vulture. David Zook, who works at FaegreBD Consulting, described the experience of seeing the birds the past few weeks as “an amazing thing to watch.” He has seen them perch on the church spires like gargoyles and glide up the road with wings that have been known to easily span 5 feet. But mostly, he said, they stay on the roof “doing what vultures do in the spring, if you get my drift.” Vultures sometimes congregate in the suburbs. Last year 200 of them started roosting in a Northern Virginia neighborhood, creating a scene out of an Alfred Hitchcock movie and damaging cars and roofs with their acidic excrement. A wildlife biologist for the U.S. Department of Agriculture hung a dead vulture in the tree they liked and then used a “pyrotechnics pistol” to scare them off. But two vultures in the city are less of an annoyance and more a source of wonder. Described as the “garbage men of nature,” the birds often are seen hunched over roadkill on country roads, but Dupuy said it’s possible they could be living off dead squirrels and other city animals. Unlike hawks that find their food by seeing it, he said vultures use their sense of smell, following the scent of decay to its source (cue the “House of Cards” references). On a recent afternoon as people walked past the spot where the vultures now nest, many tried to guess what carrion had drawn them to the area. A few people blamed the rise in food trucks and the waste from restaurants. Others let their minds go to more humorous places. One Department of Homeland Security employee who asked not to be identified, undoubtedly because he’s not authorized to discuss vultures, suggested they were “after Obama’s political appointees.” Bill Miller, chief lobbyist for the Business Roundtable, wondered if Washington’s partisan gridlock had drawn the birds to K Street. “I suppose you could make the case,” he said, “there is a lot more dead legislation than alive.”
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Intel has ported Google's Android 4.1 OS, called Jelly Bean, to work on smartphones based on the low-power Atom chips code-named Medfield. "I'm running it," said Mike Bell, Intel's vice president and general manager of the mobile computing group, during an interview at the Intel Developer Forum in San Francisco. Multiple Intel employees are using Medfield smartphones with Jelly Bean, Bell added. Smartphones with Intel chips today ship to customers with either Android 2.3 or Android 4.0, but Bell couldn't predict when those handsets would be updated to Android 4.1. "We can't put it on the phones. We have to give it to the carriers to put on the phones and they go through acceptance testing," Bell said, adding that he can't announce Android 4.1 testing or deployment on behalf of carriers or device makers. Intel is just getting started in the smartphone market, with devices based on a single-core Atom chip being launched by customers such as Orange, ZTE, Lava International, Lenovo and Megafon. Motorola is expected to announce a smartphone based on Intel chips next week in London. Very few smartphones have been launched with the latest version of Android, though companies are promising to deliver over-the-air upgrades. Intel has been unusually quiet about smartphones at IDF, instead focusing on ultrabooks, tablets and servers. Intel is still trying to establish a presence in a market dominated by ARM, whose processors go into most smartphones that ship today, including Apple's iPhones. The first smartphone with an Intel chip started shipping in April and the company is happy with its progress, Bell said. "A year ago people were saying 'can Intel do a smartphone?' and now people are saying 'how long till you [grow]?' It's a much better question to deal with," Bell said. Intel has a dual-core Medfield chip coming out later this year and smartphones based on the chip will be out early next year. Intel next year will also release an integrated chip made using the 22-nanometer process for low-end smartphones. The chip will be a followup to the current single-core Atom Z2000 chip, which runs at 1GHz but is not yet being used in smartphones. Intel's smartphones are considered to be more power hungry than those with ARM chips, but Intel hopes to catch up by pushing ahead on its manufacturing process. Intel next year will release a low-power Atom chip code-named Merrifield for high-end smartphones. The chip will be made using the 22-nm process and be faster and more power efficient than current Medfield chips, which are made using the 32-nm process. By 2014, Intel will release chips made using the 14-nm process, though further details are not available. The company's focus is on Android for smartphones and Windows 8 for tablets. But the company is also looking at the Linux-based Tizen OS for multiple segments including mobile devices and in-car entertainment. Some smartphone makers have shown an interest in Tizen, said Doug Fisher, vice president at Intel, during an interview. Fisher is also on the board of The Linux Foundation, which manages the development of Tizen. Tizen addresses the desire for Intel to have an open platform for multiple segments. Intel continues to contribute to Tizen's development, Fisher said. Agam Shah covers PCs, tablets, servers, chips and semiconductors for IDG News Service. Follow Agam on Twitter at @agamsh. Agam's e-mail address is [email protected]
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August 8, 1960 – Only Manager-for-Manager Trade in MLB History The Indians were visiting the Senators in the Nation’s Capital at Griffith Park. Mudcat Grant was pitching for the Tribe against Washington’s Jack Kralick. Johnny Temple led off the game with a single to center. Ken Aspromonte put the Tribe ahead with a two-run home run to deep left. In the bottom of the first, Lenny Green knocked a triple into center field. After striking out Harmon Killebrew, Mudcat threw a wild pitch that allowed Green to score from third. Mudcat Grant helped out his own cause by leading off the top of the third with a single. He was driven home by Aspromonte to extend the Indians lead to 3-1. The Senators took the lead on a home run by Faye Thornberry in the bottom of the sixth, but the Indians constructed a rally in the bottom of the sixth. With two outs, Senators shortstop Billy Consolo mishandled a Johnny Temple grounder and Temple reached on the E6 and Tito Francona was able to score from second. Consolo committed a second straight error on an Aspromonte ground ball, further extending the inning. Harvey Kuenn and Vic Power hit consecutive RBI singles to give the Tribe the 6-4 lead. Mudcat grant had another RBI single in the top of the eighth that sealed the 7-4 victory. After Game 96 is when things got interesting. The Indians GM at the time was the infamous “Frantic” Frank Lane, or “Trader” Lane who dealt ballplayers left and right. Lane was already infamous for shipping Rocky Colavito out of town prior to the 1960 season. After the win in Washington, Lane traded manager Joe Gordon to the Tigers straight up for their manager Jimmy Dykes. Joe Gordon was a Hall-of-Fame second baseman in his own right who spent the prime of his career winning championships with the Yankees. Jimmy Dykes was also a talented infielder, playing primarily for the Athletics in the WWI era. He is still the franchise leader in doubles for the As. This is the only time in MLB history that a manager has been traded for another manager–and mid-season. JoJo White served one game as manager, presumably to allow the managers to travel to their new cities. His only managerial experience was a win against the Orioles in Game 97. Ultimately it was just another Trader Lane publicity stunt. Both teams were sub-.500 before the manager swap, and both teams finished below .500 and out of the playoff race of 1960. Baseball Reference Box Score
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In other words: It looks like Facebook is considering suing the parties who ask for its users' passwords. The language here also leaves open the possibility of suing users who voluntarily share their passwords with others. "You will not," Facebook says, "share your password, (or in the case of developers, your secret key), let anyone else access your account, or do anything else that might jeopardize the security of your account." While, of course, it's hard to imagine any scenario in which Facebook would actually benefit from suing one of its users for a password-share ... the language suggests at least that possibility. Which, whoa. I can't think of anything that comes close to a precedent for this in terms of Facebook's relationship with its users: suing people on users' behalf! (And maybe even suing users on users' behalf!) Except, of course, it wouldn't be just on users' behalf; the notional suits would be as much about protecting Facebook as about protecting its legions of account-holders. "If you are a Facebook user," Egan notes, "you should never have to share your password, let anyone access your account, or do anything that might jeopardize the security of your account or violate the privacy of your friends." The key phrase being, actually, violate the privacy of your friends. The policy update is a striking admission of the value of the connections that live and grow on Facebook's platform: A violation of one user's privacy through password access is, implicitly, the violation of the privacy of all of that user's friends and family and coworkers and former coworkers and random acquaintances and elementary school classmates and bowling league teammates and former flames. And, sure: It's easy to see today's announcement simply as a convenient PR play on the part of a network that is better known for violations, rather than defenses, of its users' privacy. And that likely has at least something to do with the policy change. It's more interesting, though, to see the update as a reminder of the core and crucial role of the network aspect of Facebook's social network. On Facebook, privacy isn't personal and it isn't private. It is collective. It is shared. And that means that the violation of privacy is shared as well. We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to [email protected].
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Note: Low-res shots are after the jump but there's some much more worthwhile high-res shots HERE, HERE and HERE in cause you want to use your Bat-Goggles to scan the scene for semen stains. This is the Eden Hotel's Batman suite in Kaohsiung City, Taiwan. It costs $50 per 3-hours which is weird because I figured a person who'd stay in a Batman-themed hotel room is either A) nine, or B) not getting laid. "Jesus, GW, they pay for it." A-HA! Wait -- pay for what? Hit the jump for the low-res shots. The Romantic Batman Lair You Can Book for $50 a Stay [gizmodo] Thanks to Jed, who agrees they better wash the Robin out of those sheets in-between visits.
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Steven Spielberg’s latest film The Post will be shown on screens in Lebanon this week after prime minister Saad Hariri intervened to overrule a prospective ban. Mr Hariri asked the interior ministry to ignore the recommendation from the General Security Directorate’s censorship committee to ban the film on Monday, according to Italia Film, the movie's Beirut-based Middle East distributor. The Post will now be released on January 18, as planned. The film was threatened with a ban because of Spielberg’s links to Israel, a country with which Lebanon is still officially at war. It is believed the censorship committee objected to The Post because parts of another Spielberg blockbuster — the 1993 Oscar-winning Schindler's List — were shot in Jerusalem. Tensions have been heightened since United States president Donald Trump unilaterally declared Jerusalem as the capital of Israel last month. Spielberg is reportedly on an Arab League “blacklist” after the director personally gave a US$1 million (Dh3.7 million) donation to Israeli relief efforts following the 2006 war between Israel and Hizbollah, which has seats in the Lebanese parliament. Most of Spielberg’s films since 2006 have been released in Lebanon, although his name was blacked out on posters advertising 2011's The Adventures of Tintin. Prime minister Hariri steps in Italia Film's marketing manager, Carlo Vincenti, told The National that Mr Hariri had intervened following growing pressure on social media: "This is a big victory as it is the first time in Lebanon that a [prospective] ban on a movie is reversed. We are glad and pleased that justice, reason and love of cinema has prevailed, and we thank everyone involved in the strong lobbying done to clear an injustice." Actors Tom Hanks, from left, Meryl Streep and director Steven Spielberg pose for photographers during a photo call for the film The Post in Milan, Italy. Antonio Calanni / AP Not the first clash between politics and film Last year, DC superhero blockbuster Wonder Woman was banned in the country — much to the chagrin of Lebanese film fans — because the star, Gal Gadot, has served in the Israeli Defence Forces. Jungle, starring Daniel Radcliffe, was also banned last year, two weeks after its release, due to the social-media buzz surrounding the survival thriller, which features an Israeli protagonist. Even Lebanese directors have fallen foul of the country’s strict anti-Israeli regulations. Director Ziad Doueiri, who is in the running for an Oscar for his latest film, The Insult, was detained on a recent trip back to his homeland because sections of his 2012 film The Attack had been filmed in Israel, in contravention of Lebanon’s strict laws regarding their neighbours. __________________ Read more: Here are the UAE cinema release dates for the 2018 Oscar buzz films Bassem Youssef documentary Tickling Giants in running for three Oscars Mixtape revivalism: classic Middle Eastern music finds a new audience online
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Prompting some to question "why now", late on Wednesday the two "titans of financial industry", Warren Buffett and Jamie Dimon doubled down on their appeal to corporations to stop providing quarterly earnings guidance (at a time when virtually every intellectually honest bank admits the economy is very, very late in the cycle). The Berkshire and JPMorgan CEOs said in a joint WSJ editorial that they are encouraging all public companies to consider moving away the practice, arguing that it can stifle long-term investments. "Quarterly earnings guidance often leads to an unhealthy focus on short-term profits at the expense of long-term strategy, growth and sustainability." A 2017 report by FCLTGlobal similarly found that guidance can lead management teams to under-invest in the future and can crimp earnings growth. Their plea is not new, as both have in the past urged management teams to halt providing guidance as the practice of telling Wall Street what to expect from earnings distorts management’s priorities. In their latest appeal, the duo said companies often hesitate to spend on technology, hiring, and research and development to meet quarterly earnings forecasts that can be affected by seasonal factors beyond their control. Dimon and Buffett also said the pressure to meet short-term earnings estimates has contributed to a drop in the number of public companies in the U.S. in the past two decades. "Short-term-oriented capital markets have discouraged companies with a longer-term view from going public at all, depriving the economy of innovation and opportunity." Earnings forecasts “can often put a company in a position where management, from the CEO down, feels obligated to deliver earnings and therefore may do things that they wouldn’t otherwise have done,” Dimon said Thursday in an interview with CNBC. “We’re hoping a bunch of companies drop it right away.” Back in 2016, Dimon, Buffett and Larry Fink similarly urged companies to refrain from short-term earnings forecasts in a letter and report sent to other financial industry executives. They offered “common-sense” recommendations for public companies to improve governance and relations with shareholders, although these were largely rejected. Yet what is ironic is that Buffett and Dimon appear to be focusing on the wrong thing: as Bloomberg reports, the FCLTGlobal report found fewer than a third of S&P 500 companies still issued quarterly guidance in 2016, down from 36 percent in 2010. About 31% gave annual earnings-per-share guidance. Companies including Unilever NV, Facebook Inc., GlaxoSmithKline Plc and BP Plc have scrapped the practice in favor of multiyear outlooks, according to the report. Yet what virtually all companies do, is issue mountains of debt and use the proceeds to repurchase their stock, a process which many - such as Larry Fink - argue is far more debilitating to corporate growth than issuing simply guidance which, since GAAP accounting is dead anyway, companies have little problems beating. After all, it was Apple's gargantuan buyback and shareholder friendly plans that prompted Buffett to become the 3rd largest shareholder in Apple. We mention this only because while Dimon and Buffett rail against issuing guidance, perhaps because they two are CEOs of public companies that get numerous questions about the future, there was exactly zero mention of the artificial market support mechanism that is stock buybacks, and which as we reported earlier this week, just hit an all time high in Q1. For those who like cliches, the full Dimon-Buffett op-ed can be read here.
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“People forget that I’m a Gemini,” Sophie Allison tells me. The 22-year-old songwriter, who records hazy, candid indie rock under the name Soccer Mommy, is sitting on a couch in her publicist’s New York City office, just a week before the release of her remarkable second album, Color Theory, explaining why she worries that her fan interactions don’t always go as she—or rather, they—want. “There is this looming underbelly, but I tend to be the type of person who, partially out of discomfort, jokes about it and tries to keep on a happy face and smile, and doesn't really want to delve into deep conversations with people I don't know,” she admits. “I need an intense connection with someone to be able to get there.” It’s a testament to her music, then, that fans feel they have exactly that. Since her 2018 debut, Allison has become Gen Z’s preeminent scholar on torment. Why do I feel what I feel? What am I to do with all of this pain?, she wonders aloud in song, with an unflinching gaze and piercing vulnerability. It’s made her a critical darling as well as musicians’ favorite new musician. Clean landed on several major Best Of lists following its release while scoring her band opening slots for Vampire Weekend, Liz Phair, Kacey Musgraves, and more. It also sent many clamoring for the glory days when female rockers like Phair, Sheryl Crow, and Natalie Imbruglia ruled the airwaves. “It’s just the way I write,” Allison says. “I don’t really have any sense of thinking about [stylings] when I’m writing. It’s unintentional.” Unintentional it may be, we’ll be calling it brilliant all the same. This content is imported from YouTube. You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site. Below, Esquire catches up with the artist about the traumas and triumphs that inspired Color Theory, dropping out of college, and loving creepy, gory shit. Esquire: Clean was so adored, you really could have worked with anyone you wanted for your second album. But rather than expand, you returned to the same producer for Color Theory. How did you know you already had the right team in place? Sophie Allison: For one, I really appreciate people who are there when you don’t have a lot—when you don’t have all the glitz and glamor or whatever. And there’s also just the fact that if I connect with someone and it really works, I don’t want to let go of it. It’s an intense feeling of safety. So maybe I could bring in the best players in Nashville, but I wouldn’t have that feeling that these people understood what I was trying to make. Once I found that I said, just stick to it. A weird thing happens when a band takes off, which is that you become, in effect, the head of a suddenly popular business. Do you wish that people knew the amount of work and prep that goes on behind the scenes? I don’t mind people not knowing. It is a group effort. When it comes to music and my work, I’m very driven to perfection in all these ways, but these guys are, too. They come off stage in the exact same way [as myself]; we all go back to the green room and we’re like, “How was that for you?” And they'll be like, "I thought it was good, but I didn't like what I did tonight." Everyone is constantly listening to themselves and trying to see if they could better it. That’s how you get great. A part of the process is critiquing yourself. As a society, we don’t often accept girls who are willing to offer constructive feedback—and we, as women, aren’t encouraged to give it. At what point in your life did you develop your voice, to be someone who says, I can take criticism and I can give it, and I am comfortable being a team leader? I don’t know when it happened. I just think, when I make my own thing, I am very much a perfectionist about it. It has to be right. It’s why I don’t work that well writing with someone. I don’t think I could do that, really. I would just let go if it’s not going where I want. Living in Nashville, you’re in the epicenter of the songwriter room and group writing session-approach. You have to be combative if you need to, and also [you have to] be able to like someone else’s idea that changes your idea. I don’t think I can do that. That’s why I’m in control of the vision; I’m very driven to make it perfect. But I’ve brought in all these people that I think are perfect and that I think bring these things that we need. It leaves room to trust someone else to make their own part of it. I’ve always been outspoken, but for a long time, with my music, I didn’t really want to show it to everyone or play it with people. I was worried about the vision being tainted. "I don’t think I’ve ever been shocked," Allison says of listening back to her bleakest confessions. "I’m very in-tune, even if I’m lying to myself." Burak Cingi You’re in a relationship with someone in your band, guitarist Julian Powell. How do you balance the personal and the professional in this career growth spurt? We work really well together. He brings so much to the music and I respect that and I care about it. And I want him to be involved. And he appreciates me too and wants it. So the balance is good. The only part part, ever, is when you’re working a lot. When you don’t have as much time to be alone, I guess. You have to find that time to be normal. When an artist writes their first album, there’s sort of an embedded naiveté about what it’ll be like to have the entire world hear your secrets. I was so happy to see that here, rather than pull away from the realization that a lot of people are now waiting for your next batch of confessions, you actually went deeper and shared more. I have this weird disconnect with people when it comes to music and writing. It’s way harder for me to give the album to my family and have them listen to it [than fans]. I just gave away the record to my parents and I was like, “Don’t talk to me about it. Don’t even try it.” But my mom tries incessantly—she’ll be like, “I love the imagery and it reminds me of my youth.” I’m like, “Mom, no, I can’t. Please don’t make me do this. It’s so uncomfortable.” Color Theory works through three movements: blue, which chronicles depression and sadness; yellow, which has a lot to do with paranoia and anxiety; and then gray for kind of a finality or emptiness. Were the songs written intentionally to fill each bucket or when did that organization arrive to you? It was in the process. I saw that I was doing these three different moods that were very different. And I was kind of confused at first. I was like, "I feel like I'm writing about some really different sounds. How is this connected?" And I’m always one to, when I’m writing, try to also picture a visual in my head, like a music video or an album cover. And color is very involved—it’s like a mood that matches a color in my brain, like association. So I saw these three moods happening. This content is imported from YouTube. You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site. I don’t want to say there is a hope lying in the grey, but part of me did kind of feel that way. Earlier on the album, there are references to the scars that self-harm leaves. So by grey, when you’re looking forward, to me, there is also this feeling that, okay there’s a commitment to being here. I think there’s definitely a longing for better. Even though it’s stuck in this void, it’s not hope necessarily, but there is desire for change. There’s almost a begging for change that’s happening there. Are you ever surprised, when you listen back to your own music, about what you were feeling in that moment? I don’t think I’ve ever been shocked. I’m very in-tune, even if I’m lying to myself. A song like “Royal Screwup,” I knew all of that, but I didn’t really want to say it…but, I guess it’s in a song now so I did say it. [Laughs] In “Bloodstream,” you sing about the voice of doubt that’s never far from your mind. “Someone's talking in my forehead,” you sing, “It says I'll never be like you.” There’s something so terribly isolating about that line, but also universal. It’s a self-talk insult we’ve all thrown at ourselves. There’s not much that someone can say, “This happened to me,” and it’s going to be like, “Wow, not a lot of people can say that.” People tend to think that their problems are so different from anyone else. And it’s important to be like, yeah, you can wallow in your sadness, but a lot of people also dealt with this. So much of what anyone struggles with is universal. When you decided to drop out of NYU, just before your debut album, Clean, released, what did your parents think? They were totally fine with it, honestly. They were seeing that I was gaining a little bit of an online fanbase, and I got a record deal. I had this album coming out and I was getting all these tour offers for the summer. So I was thinking about taking the spring semester off for when Clean came out, but when I started getting fall offers for tours I was like, “I don’t want to do this. I don’t want to be in school at all. And I don’t see why I should.” This content is imported from YouTube. You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site. How involved were they in getting you to a place where you were getting a record deal? Were they pushing you to work on your guitar and songwriting from a young age at all? It was really my own world, actually. I was five—and I was immediately very driven to keep playing all the time. They were really supportive, but I’m sure they would’ve rather me done something else. The only other thing I ever talked about as a little kid was wanting to be a doctor. It sounds creepy now, but I was really into blood and body parts. It sounds like I’m a fucking killer. [Laughs] I always wanted to see blood if someone was bleeding. Are you still into gore now, as an adult? I do watch a lot of creepy things. Weirdly, though, if I see my own blood, I will faint. But it’s this weird thing where I can’t look away. I am so drawn to looking at it. So I used to want to be a surgeon, and open people up. That was the only other thing that intrigued me as a little kid, looking inside of a body. Do you remember the first song you ever wrote? I do. [Laughs] It was called, “What the Heck is a Cowgirl?” My mom still remembers all of it. I don’t know how—I don’t. I knew I wanted to be a musician when I grew up, but at that point, I didn’t even think about it as working towards a goal. It was just a passion, immediately. I just did it, like I breathe. Madison Vain Madison Vain is a writer and editor living in New York, covering music, books, TV, and movies; prior to Esquire, she worked at Entertainment Weekly and Sports Illustrated. This content is created and maintained by a third party, and imported onto this page to help users provide their email addresses. You may be able to find more information about this and similar content at piano.io
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TOKYO (Reuters) - Japanese doctor Yasushi Goto remembers prescribing the cancer drug Opdivo to an octogenarian and wondering whether taxpayers might object to helping fund treatment, which at the time cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, for patients in their twilight years. FILE PHOTO: A staff member of the National Cancer Center Hospital shows the immune system-boosting cancer drug Opdivo during a photo opportunity at the hospital in Tokyo, Japan December 26, 2018.REUTERS/Kim Kyung-Hoon Japanese have easy access to new medicines, whose prices are decided by the government and subsidized by the country’s public health insurance system. But that may change. Japan, confronted with the ballooning cost of caring for an aging population, is introducing a cost-effectiveness test for drugs as a means of capping prices. There are no plans to deny care for patients of any age. But limiting the prices of innovative but costly treatments might chase new drugs out of the $86 billion Japanese market, drugmakers say. “If you ask whether it’s worth prescribing an 85-year-old patient Opdivo, a lot of people will say no. But patients and family members are going to say yes,” said Goto, who works at the National Cancer Centre Hospital. Patients also fear more drastic changes, such as denying access to new medicines; Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s economic council in December proposed considering cost in determining whether to approve treatments. “For cancer patients like us, it’s not acceptable if the government applies a cost-effective analysis in determining whether to approve treatments,” said Yoshiyuki Majima, a director of patient advocacy group Rare Cancers Japan. SUSTAINABILITY OR ACCESS The Japanese government estimates that public medical spending could surge 75 percent to 68.5 trillion yen ($624 billion) by 2040. Slideshow ( 2 images ) “It is obvious that Japan will face difficulties in providing social security service,” said a government official involved in the discussions, declining to be named because he is not authorized to speak to media. “The cost-effectiveness analysis is a means to secure sustainability.” The system that will be adopted in April, according to a draft published on the health ministry’s website, compares the cost to the effectiveness of new treatments using an “incremental cost-effectiveness ratio,” or ICER. ICER, already used in countries such as Britain, considers how much it costs to give a patient one additional year of healthy life compared with existing alternatives. If that exceeds 5 million yen, for example, the government may insist on a lower price, according the policy draft. There has been little public discussion; weekly meetings so far have involved mostly Health Ministry officials, doctors, academics and drugmaker executives. “If I have rheumatoid arthritis and I can’t write or type, but then I get a treatment that enables me to go back to work, pay taxes, and take care of my family, that benefit is not going to be captured by the ICER,” said Kevin Haninger, a vice president of Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a lobbying group. In an interview with Reuters, he insisted Japan should carefully consider an impact on the industry when introducing such analysis to reduce drug prices. “If Japan is going to cut prices so much, I think Japan will really run a risk of losing its current position,” he said. LUCRATIVE MARKET NO MORE? Drugmakers have been complaining about price cuts since 2017, when the government decided to review costs more frequently. Japan has slashed the price of Opdivo, developed by Ono Pharmaceutical Co Ltd and Bristol-Myers Squibb, by more than 75 percent in the last two years. It has also lowered Gilead Science’s hepatitis C drug Sovaldi by 32 percent since 2016. But while drugmakers threaten to pull back from Japan, the government is prepared to call the industry’s bluff, saying Japan is too lucrative a market for companies to ignore, according to two government officials, who declined to be named because they are not authorized to speak to the media. Unlike the United States, where insurers may deny claims, or the UK, where patients can be denied costly drugs, Japan is seen as a relatively predictable market because of its social insurance system. For example, Novartis’ Kymriah, a type of therapy in which a patient’s T-cells are modified to attack cancer cells, is expected to be approved in Japan this year. The price for pediatric leukemia patients, to be set by a government panel after approval, is expected to start at about $475,000, similar to U.S. prices. With an estimated 250 Japanese eligible for treatment with Kymriah, sales in Japan are a potentially lucrative addition to Novartis’ bottom line. Novartis declined to comment on potential effects of a new pricing policy. Goto said the government should focus on reducing prescriptions for illnesses that are not serious, rather than costly but possibly life-saving treatments for a small number of patients. “Flu medicines, for example, can be seen to have very low cost-effectiveness because they don’t save people’s lives, except those of infants or pregnant women, compared with cancer drugs that are critical for some patients,” he said.
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INDIANAPOLIS -- Chuck Pagano will not be with the Colts after this season, according to ESPN. ESPN cites the Colts problems this season and his 'toxic' relationship with General Manager, Ryan Grigson. At his press conference Friday, Pagano said he "hasn't had time to think about any of that stuff other than this ball game." Pagano also turned down a contract extension prior to the start of this season. PREVIOUS | Source: Colts surprised Pagano turned down extension offer Colts Owner Jim Irsay responded to the ESPN report on Twitter: As of today, no decision has been made with respect to any structural changes within the Colts organization for 2016 and beyond. — Jim Irsay (@JimIrsay) December 31, 2015 As of Wednesday, Pagano remained optimistic about the Colts' season. The Colts were expected by many to compete for the AFC title, but all the injuries have added up to a 7-8 record. Barring a long list of results this Sunday, the Colts will miss the playoffs entirely. PREVIOUS | Luck out, Colts QB against Titans up in the air Pagano led the Colts to the post season in each of his first three years. As for Grigson, ESPN is reporting that the GM will stay with the franchise through the coaching season but his future beyond that is still up in the air. ----- Download the new and improved RTV6 app to get the latest news on the go and receive alerts to your phone Sign up to have the latest news headlines delivered straight to your email inbox
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Kampf gegen die Drogenprohibition : „Die Strafe muss proportional sein“ Den Drogenkonsum strafrechtlich zu verfolgen, ist nicht geeignet, dieses soziale Problem zu lösen, findet der Kriminologe Lorenz Böllinger – und überdies teuer. taz: Herr Böllinger, Sie und der Schildower Kreis fordern die Einrichtung einer Kommission zur Überprüfung des Drogenstrafrechts. Wie schätzen Sie denn Ihre Erfolgschancen in dieser Sache ein? Lorenz Böllinger: Als wir vor zwei Jahren gestartet sind, gab es noch die Aussicht, dass eine rot-grüne Mehrheit im Deutschen Bundestag zustande kommt. Mit der neuen Parlamentszusammensetzung sind unsere Hoffnungen dann schnell geschwunden. Wir haben das danach eher im Sinne einer spielerischen Intervention weiterbetrieben. Inzwischen bin ich nicht mehr ganz so pessimistisch. Die Grünen und die Linke haben im Bundestag einen Antrag auf der Basis unserer Resolution gestellt und die Einrichtung einer Evaluationskommission gefordert, die die Eignung des Drogenstrafrechts prüfen soll. Der Gesundheitsausschuss hat vor ein paar Tagen entschieden, dass das weiter verfolgt werden soll. Es besteht die Möglichkeit, dass tatsächlich eine Expertenkommission einberufen wird – vorausgesetzt, dass auch Abgeordnete der SPD dafür stimmen. Also ein Erfolg? Ich denke immer noch, dass die Resolution mit 80-prozentiger Wahrscheinlichkeit scheitern wird. Aber auch dann hätten wir dazu beigetragen, die Debatte zu beflügeln und zu intensivieren. Ende Juli wurden in Bremen sieben Cannabis-Plantagen beschlagnahmt, einem Hanf-Shop droht die Schließung. Sie argumentieren anders als viele Hanf-Aktivisten, nämlich strafrechtstheoretisch, und sagen, dass das Strafrecht hier gar nicht zur Anwendung kommen dürfte. Inwiefern? Das Strafrecht soll Rechtsgüter schützen, insbesondere die Grundrechte der Menschen: Freiheit, Eigentum, Gesundheit und Gleichheit beispielsweise. Zu den Verfassungsprinzipien, aus denen es sich legitimiert, gehört als herausragendes das Verhältnismäßigkeitsprinzip. Wenn man vom Prinzip der Verhältnismäßigkeit ausgeht, muss geklärt werden, ob das Strafrecht geeignet ist, seine Schutzfunktion zu erfüllen und das soziale Problem irgendwie zu mindern oder zu eliminieren. Das Strafrecht muss außerdem erforderlich sein, das heißt, es darf keine anderen, weniger eingreifenden Mittel geben, um des Problems Herr zu werden. Und die Strafe muss in Bezug auf den Schaden proportional sein. Schließlich ist sie das härteste Mittel überhaupt, mit dem der Staat gegen seine Bürger vorgehen kann. Deshalb müsste man Geeignetheit, Erforderlichkeit und Proportionalität hier besonders skrupulös prüfen. Das ist beim Betäubungsmittelgesetz nie geschehen. Was spricht gegen die Anwendung des Strafrechts in der Drogenprohibition? Die Frage ist: Erfüllt das Strafrecht hier den Zweck, für den es gedacht ist, nämlich den Schutz des Grundrechts auf Gesundheit. Das Drogenstrafrecht hat aber nicht verhindern können, dass Drogen in immer größerem Maß verfügbar sind. Die Prohibition erzeugt erst den Schwarzmarkt mit horrenden Profiten, welcher zu die Bürger schädigender Beschaffungskriminalität und zur Untergrabung staatlicher Autorität führt. Sie dürfen nicht vergessen: Die Strafe richtet größeren Schaden an als der Konsum, der bestraft wird, sie ist ein Stigma, und das hat Folgewirkungen. Wir haben jährlich Hunderttausende junge Menschen, die wegen Cannabis-Besitzes strafverfolgt werden. Deren Lebensweg wird durch diese Kriminalisierung stark beeinträchtigt. Das Verfassungsprinzip der Verhältnismäßigkeit wird hier durch die Anwendung des Strafrechts verletzt. im Interview: Lorenz Böllinger 70, ist emeritierter Professor für Strafrecht und Kriminologie an der Universität Bremen sowie Leiter des Bremer Instituts für Drogenforschung. Er ist außerdem als Psychotherapeut tätig. Das Expertennetzwerk Schildower Kreis, dessen Sprecher er ist, hat 2013 eine Petition an den Bundestag gesandt, in der die Einrichtung einer Kommission zur Überprüfung der Strafbarkeit von Cannabis-Konsum gefordert wird. Die Abwehr gegen wissenschaftliche Aufklärung über die "gesellschaftliche Drogenphobie" sei eine "kollektive Neurose", schreibt Böllinger in einem Aufsatz, der auf der Homepage des Schildower Kreises abrufbar ist. Zu seinen Veröffentlichungen als Herausgeber gehören unter anderem "Drogenpraxis, Drogenrecht, Drogenpolitik: Handbuch für Drogenbenutzer, Eltern, Drogenberater, Ärzte und Juristen" (Fachhochschulverlag, 2002) und "Gefährliche Menschenbilder: Biowissenschaften, Gesellschaft und Kriminalität" (Nomos Verlag, 2010). Wie schätzen Sie dann das Präventionspotenzial der jetzigen Gesetzeslage ein? Das Präventionspotenzial geht gegen null. Wichtig wäre Aufklärung, nicht Strafe. Wenn Sie Aufklärung als Lösung vorschlagen, heißt das, dass Sie Kiffen als problematisch sehen? Als potenziell problematisch, ja. Jugendschutz ist ein wichtiges Thema. Sobald Sie etwa merken, dass ein psychotischer Jugendlicher Cannabis zur Selbstmedikation nutzt, ist der vielversprechendere Weg die therapeutische Intervention. Mit dem Ende der Strafandrohung könnten diese problematischen Aspekte aus der Wahrnehmung verschwinden. Wäre das nicht in Hinsicht auf jüngere Konsumenten zumindest bedenklich? Provozierend würde ich sagen: Selbst wenn Cannabis total gefährlich wäre, wäre das Strafrecht nicht das richtige Mittel. Das gilt erst recht, als Cannabis hinsichtlich der Gefährdung unter den Drogen eine eher geringe Rolle spielt. Es ist also schon sehr fraglich, ob der Staat hier überhaupt eingreifen muss, oder ob Cannabis-Konsum nicht einfach zu anderen risikoreichen Vergnügen zu rechnen wäre wie beispielsweise Drachenfliegen oder Rauchen. Aber wenn auf die Entkriminalisierung, die Sie fordern, die Legalisierung folgt, wie neuerdings in Colorado, Washington und Uruguay – würde es dann in vielen Familien nicht schwieriger, den Kindern zu vermitteln, dass Kiffen durchaus auch heikel sein kann? Das ist die Theorie des falschen Signals. Wenn in einer Gesellschaft aber klar über die Risiken aufgeklärt wird, dann wird mit Sicherheit der Konsum positiv beeinflusst. Die Leute werden vernünftiger damit umgehen, das würde sich neu sortieren. Neugier auf das Verbotene und Trotz würden als Motive wegfallen. Und man könnte in den Familien offener über das Thema sprechen, wie man ja heute auch schon – hoffentlich – übers Alkoholtrinken und übers Rauchen spricht. Apropos: Dass Verbote und Einschränkungen den Konsum verringern, zeigt doch gerade die Raucher-Debatte. Seit den europaweiten Anti-Nikotin-Kampagnen ist die Zahl der Raucher eindeutig gesunken. Keine Frage. Da haben Verbote und eine intensive gesundheitliche Aufklärung gewirkt. Der entscheidende Unterschied ist, dass das Rauchverbot kein strafrechtliches Verbot ist, da geht es um Verwaltungsgesetze und im schlimmsten Fall um Bußgelder. Dadurch wird das Freiheitsprinzip nicht verletzt. Würde nach einer Freigabe der Konsum nicht tatsächlich steigen? Für viele Ältere wird der einzige Grund sein, nicht öfter zum Joint zu greifen, dass sie keine Lust haben, auf der Straße zu kaufen. Das ist nicht auszuschließen. Dagegen spricht, dass in Holland die Konsumentenquote nicht höher ist als in Deutschland, und zwar über alle Altersgruppen hinweg. Es gibt bei fast jeder Droge die gleiche Normalverteilung: Es gibt Menschen, die sie gar nicht nutzen, es gibt welche, die benutzen sie exzessiv und schädigen sich damit, und es gibt einen Mittelbau, der diese Droge in völlig unproblematischer Weise konsumiert. Abschrecken lassen sich nur die, die es eh nicht tun würden. Wie lässt sich denn erklären, dass ausgerechnet die Entkriminalisierung und die Legalisierung von Cannabis so hart umkämpft sind? Es gibt eine verhärtete Auffassung in der deutschen Politik, die man so zusammenfassen kann: Wir wollen das einfach nicht. Punkt. Ohne Begründung. Der Konsum von Cannabis ist noch immer mit bestimmten Bildern verbunden. Im Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts von 1994, nach dem der Besitz kleinerer Mengen Cannabis straffrei bleiben sollte, wurde ausdrücklich behauptet, Cannabis sei „kulturfremd“. Das war tatsächlich eines der Argumente. Vom rassistischen Unterton einmal abgesehen lässt das außer acht, dass Cannabis in Deutschland seit jeher eine geläufige Droge war, interessanterweise vor allem in Bayern, da wurde schon im Mittelalter Hanf geraucht. Gerade wenn die Wirkungslosigkeit des Strafrechts derart eindeutig ist, wie Sie sagen, wäre diese Hartnäckigkeit damit aber noch nicht erklärt. Das Drogenverbot ist schon nützlich. Es ermöglicht dem Staat eine Kontrolle der Innenwelt der Bürger: Blutuntersuchungen, Urinkontrollen et cetera. Bevor der Terrorismus kam, war das Drogenproblem ein wunderbarer Hebel, mit dem man bestimmte Strafverfolgungstechniken immens intensivieren konnte. Das hat die Aufrüstung der Polizei unheimlich gefördert. Trotzdem bleibt es rätselhaft. Die Strafverfolgung kostet jährlich sechs bis zehn Milliarden. Umgekehrt könnte man, wenn man von einem Steuersatz ähnlich wie bei Zigaretten ausgeht, nach einer Legalisierung mit einigen Hundert Millionen Steuereinnahmen rechnen. Zurzeit aber gehen 90 Prozent der Gesamtkosten in die Strafverfolgung und zehn Prozent in Therapie und Harm Reduction. Ein groteskes Missverhältnis. Wenn Sie inoffiziell mit Abgeordneten links der CDU/CSU sprechen, finden Sie überhaupt noch überzeugte Vertreter des Verbots? Kaum. Die meisten wissen, dass es nicht sinnvoll ist. Die SPD hat schlicht Angst, von der CDU vorgeführt zu werden. Das ist schade. Man kann das Drogenproblem nicht völlig eliminieren, aber man könnte die Wahrscheinlichkeit senken, dass aus dem Konsum Probleme entstehen.
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Couple injects love into Portland with a community center and BBQ Bailey Loosemore | Courier Journal Show Caption Hide Caption West End Louisville BBQ restaurant fuels Portland nonprofit West End nonprofit flew under the radar until the Arvins got attention by opening Porkland BBQ in the former St. Cecilia Church campus in Louisville. When Shawn and Inga Arvin began looking for a home in Louisville’s Portland neighborhood, they never could have guessed that within a short three years, they’d be the founders of a new community center, a small business incubator and one of the area’s only sit-down restaurants. But that’s the deal that came with the home the couple fell in love with on Alford Avenue in 2015. If they wanted to fix up the small abandoned house, its then-owner said, they’d have to buy the former Boys & Girls Club that sat adjacent to it. The Arvins took on the challenge, and today they employ 23 of the neighborhood’s residents at Love City, a nonprofit that operates out of the two-story building at 344. N. 26th St. The nonprofit has flown mostly under the radar over the past couple years. But in March, the Arvins attracted media attention by opening Porkland BBQ within the former St. Cecilia Church campus on 25th Street. You may like: A community-owned grocery is (slowly) making its way to Louisville And this month, they received more attention when they opened an entrepreneurship incubator at the community center with a $25,000 grant from Google Fiber. The Arvins' goal was never to make a name for themselves. But as they spread the word about their nonprofit, they hope to bring attention to a community that's been plagued by poverty in recent years, that could use a leg up from people living within it. "We felt a pull toward the neighborhood, I can't explain exactly why," said Inga Arvin, an employee in Humana's pharmacy department. "We fell in love with the neighborhood and the people. The goal was initially to move to the neighborhood and be a good neighbor. But when the house came with the community center, we were like, 'Guess we're going to do more.'" Neither of the Arvins had worked in the nonprofit sector before they started Love City. But they're both business savvy, having met in the executive MBA program at Bellarmine University. And they've used their business skills to gradually fund renovations at the community center. Within the past year alone, the Arvins have renovated the center's gym, built five classrooms for tutoring and art programs, launched the entrepreneur incubator and opened Porkland BBQ, led by chef Travis Grimes. They plan to open an affordably priced preschool in July, and by the end of the year, they hope to install a walk-up health clinic — ideas suggested to them by friends in the community. "We go out and listen to our neighbors," said Shawn Arvin, who quit his 20-year career in supply chain logistics to work on Love City full time. "They tell us what they need. It's not me making a decision for them. They're telling me. I'm just a dude who they believe in and trust." For the most part, Love City has operated off private donations, fundraisers and personal investments from the founding couple. But the Arvins hope to sustain the nonprofit through the barbecue restaurant, which will soon operate six days each week. You may like: Here's where 'Top Chef' hosts and judges have stopped in Louisville Porkland is located within the old bingo hall on the St. Cecilia campus, which Love City officially purchased in August. The Arvins hadn't planned to add more property to their already large footprint, but when the Archdiocese of Louisville approached them about buying the church, they saw potential in its four buildings. Now, employees and volunteers serve smoked bologna sandwiches, street-style corn on the cob, pulled pork and other Southern favorites out of the colorful kitchen at 2519 St. Cecilia St. A typical meal there runs less than $10. But for those who can't afford the dishes, the Arvins have invited residents to volunteer in exchange for their food — similar to the operation at The Table, a restaurant located about a mile from Porkland. Outside of supporting the nonprofit's programs, Shawn Arvin said Love City opened the restaurant as one more way to create jobs. Portland is one of the poorest areas among Louisville and 16 of its peer cities, according to a report released in 2016. The Arvins said they wish to change that statistic by creating cash flow in the community, both through the jobs it offers and the training it can provide small business owners. You may like: 80/20 at Kaelin's wants to honor restaurant's history - not imitate it "To expect a corporation to come in town and create jobs for everybody here is just not realistic," said Austin Lopesilvero, director of Love City's social impact incubator. "So how do we tap into the dreams and potential of our neighbors and to develop those dreams and develop those ideas into real, viable businesses, thus creating jobs from those businesses right here in our community?" At the incubator, decked out in Google smart home devices, Lopesilvero teaches entrepreneurs how to conduct market analysis, start a website and build prototypes, all with the goal of improving or starting businesses that can lead to more employment. "We want the neighborhood to be the ones to (make changes)," Inga Arvin said. "It's not about us doing it. It's about them realizing how great they are." Bailey Loosemore: 502-582-4646; [email protected]; Twitter: @bloosemore. Support strong local journalism by subscribing today: www.courier-journal.com/baileyl. ENTER LOVE CITY The nonprofit founded by Shawn and Inga Arvin opened a community center at 344 N. 26th St. in 2015 as a place for youth development, small business training and community gatherings in Louisville's Portland neighborhood. This spring the nonprofit added a restaurant, Porkland BBQ, at 2519 St. Cecilia St. The restaurant is open 11 a.m.-8 p.m. Monday-Saturday. Programs at the community center include: Open gym from 2:30-7 p.m. Monday-Saturday for teens aged 12-18. Free homework help for Westport Middle School students from 3-5 p.m. Thursdays. Free structured activities for girls of all ages from 4:30-6 p.m. Wednesdays. Thirteen free week-long summer camps for kids interested in sports, arts, technology and cooking. For more information or to donate, visit lovecityinc.org.
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Description WP Event Manager is a lightweight, scalable and full-featured event management plugin for adding event listing functionality to your WordPress site. The shortcode lists all the events, it can work with any theme and is really easy to setup and customise. The settings pages let you select how you want the event displayed. Free Plugin Features Fully Responsive Cross Browsers support ( Firefox, Chrome, Safari, Opera ) SEO Friendly & Compatible with SEO plugins. Multilingual Translation – Internationalized Supported Completely ajaxified for super smooth browsing Add, manage, and categorise event listings using the familiar WordPress UI. Searchable & filterable ajax powered event listings added to your pages via shortcodes. Frontend forms for guests and registered users to submit & manage event listings. Allow event listers to preview their listing before it goes live. The preview matches the appearance of a live event listing. Each listing can be tied to an email or website address so that attendees can register to the events. Searches also display RSS links to allow attendees to be alerted to new events matching their search. Allow logged in organizers to view, edit, mark cancelled, or delete their active event listings. RSS Feeds Event categories Easily create custom event field (e.g. dress code) Assign event locations and view events by location Widgets for Recents, Upcomming, Featured Events Plenty of template tags and shortcodes for use in your posts and pages Caching Support Developer friendly code, Custom Post Types, endpoints & template files. Singleton Javascript, Ajax & Save memory at client side. Debug Mode for Developers Actively maintained and supported Lots of documentation and tutorials The plugin comes with several shortcodes to output events in various formats, and since its built with Custom Post Types you are free to extend it further through themes. Read more about WP Event Manager. Documentation Documentation for the core plugin and add-ons can be found on the docs site here. Please take a look before requesting support because it covers all frequently asked questions! Add-ons The core WP Event Manager plugin is free and always will be. It covers all functionality we consider ‘core’ to running a simple event listing site. Additional, advanced functionality is available through add-ons. Not only do these extend the usefulness of the core plugin, they also help fund the development and support of core. You can browse available add-ons after installing the plugin by going to Event Listings > Add-ons . Our popular add-ons include: Pro Add-ons Plugin Features Calendar It will let you display an event calendar that lists the upcoming events on your website. This is the most convenient way to display all your events based on the dates. It will let you display an event calendar that lists the upcoming events on your website. This is the most convenient way to display all your events based on the dates. Google Maps It will integrate the feature of the search through maps and locations. It also enables proximity search on your website. It will integrate the feature of the search through maps and locations. It also enables proximity search on your website. Registrations Allow attendees to register to events using a form & organizers to view and manage the registrations from their event dashboard. Allow attendees to register to events using a form & organizers to view and manage the registrations from their event dashboard. WooCommerce Sell Tickets Sell tickets for your events and keep track of them. Event Sell Tickets addon runs on the most popular ecommerce system for WordPress powered by WooCommerce. Create multiple event tickets which can be purchased or redeemed during event submission. Requires the WooCommerce plugin. Sell tickets for your events and keep track of them. Event Sell Tickets addon runs on the most popular ecommerce system for WordPress powered by WooCommerce. Create multiple event tickets which can be purchased or redeemed during event submission. Requires the WooCommerce plugin. Event Alerts Allow registered users to save their event searches and create alerts which send new events via email daily, weekly or fortnightly. Allow registered users to save their event searches and create alerts which send new events via email daily, weekly or fortnightly. Bookmarks Attendees/User can bookmark events and organizer can bookmark attendees/user using Bookmarks Plugin. Only logged in users can bookmarks. User can give an note while bookmark and this note is optional. Attendees/User can bookmark events and organizer can bookmark attendees/user using Bookmarks Plugin. Only logged in users can bookmarks. User can give an note while bookmark and this note is optional. Embeddable Event Widget Event Listing Owner (Organizer/User) can generate embed code using Embeddable Event Widget plugin. This embed code can display organizer's event listings wherever they use this code. Event Listing Owner (Organizer/User) can generate embed code using Embeddable Event Widget plugin. This embed code can display organizer's event listings wherever they use this code. Sliders Use owl carousel and other type of sliders for your listings. The sliders are totally responsive. Use owl carousel and other type of sliders for your listings. The sliders are totally responsive. Organizers Organizers add-on display grouped and alphabetized list of all the organizers.It also display total active events and total organizers. Organizers add-on display grouped and alphabetized list of all the organizers.It also display total active events and total organizers. Contact Organizer You can contact to the organizer via contact form. You can also create own email template for sending mail to organizer. You can contact to the organizer via contact form. You can also create own email template for sending mail to organizer. Emails You can create own email template for the user activity like Changes the default user registration email templates. When new user register then send mail with own defined template. You can create own email template for the user activity like Changes the default user registration email templates. When new user register then send mail with own defined template. Event Tags Using the Event Tags plugin you can add a new event tags field to the submit process, show events filtered by tag via shortcodes, and add tag filtering to the standard events shortcode. Using the Event Tags plugin you can add a new event tags field to the submit process, show events filtered by tag via shortcodes, and add tag filtering to the standard events shortcode. Google Analytics This Google Analytics plugin enables you to track your site using the latest Google Analytics tracking code and allows you to view key Google Analytics reports at your google analytics account. This Google Analytics plugin enables you to track your site using the latest Google Analytics tracking code and allows you to view key Google Analytics reports at your google analytics account. Logs You can make enable or disable debugging and trace javascript and other files with this plugin. Great Add-ons You can get the above add-ons and several others at discount with our Great Add-ons. Take a look! Multilingual & RTL supported. We’ve integrated RTL and multi language support within the plugin, so you can translate your event listing site in any language, as well as RTL typography support, and developer options to add even more languages. Translations Be a contributor If you want to contribute, go to our WP Event Manager GitHub Repository and see where you can help. You can also add a new language via translate.wordpress.org. We’ve built a short guide explaining how to translate and localize the plugin. Thanks to all of our contributors. Documentation and Support For documentation and tutorials go to our Documentation. If you have any more questions, visit our support on the Plugin’s Forum. If you want help with a customisation, you can contact any one for the Listed Certified Developers. If you need help with one of our add-ons, please contact here. For more information about features, FAQs and documentation, check out our website at WP Event Manager. Connect With US To stay in touch and get latest update about WP Event Manager’s further releases and features, you can connect with us via: – Facebook – Twitter – Google Plus – Linkedin – Pinterest – Youtube.
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The past week has been extremely eventful for the IOS team! We have been thrilled to see so many people interested in the Internet of Services — 2018 will truly be an exciting year! We are pleased to announce that we have formed partnerships with two of the largest cryptocurrency exchanges in China — Huobi and OKEx. The IOS team is working closely with both exchanges to finish the technical details over the weekend in order launch trading of the IOS Token by Monday the 15th. We have also been overjoyed by the amazing response we have gotten from the crypto community. After only 3 days, we were excited to see that we had 100,000 followers on telegram! Our telegram has been ringing all week long with new users entering the group and earning free tokens through our airdrop. Our referral bounty program has been a wild success and is being viewed as the paramount “growth hacking” work in the crypto community in China. We are working hard to remove malicious bots and will continue our dedication to nurturing a community dedicated to the IOS ecosystem. We are continuously expanding and upgrading our development team. Some of our early team members who were advisors in developing our ideas, blockchain architecture and marketing strategy have decided to remain private and focus on what they love — academia. Thankfully we have added some talented scientists and communicators who are passionate about our technology and vision to the team. Chung Teng, ex-Google engineer in distributed systems with a PhD from Cornell University, has joined us to further develop our core architecture. He has previously contributed to the Linux Core Kernel and was working closely with the prestigious cryptocurrency society: IC3. We’ve also added Josh Bass, who previously worked in the New York political scene for several notable politicians. A long-time crypto enthusiast, Bass will apply his previous experiences and connections to help us with Marketing and Public Relations. Last but certainly not least, Yvonne Xiong has also joined the team. She will be in charge of worldwide community engagement from her office in New York. She was among the first to drive growth at Uber China back in 2013 for their Operations team. After graduating from Tufts University, she fueled HR and user growth at multiple startups including Drafted and Blade, invested and founded by startup veteran Paul English. She has also worked in large corporations along the Gulf Coast. Yvonne’s diverse background is crucial in helping the team understand our global community’s needs Lastly, we would like to express just how grateful we are to our supporters and the crypto community. Great inventions require tireless work, big ideas and the courage to pursue what others would label “crazy.” Our team is filled with experts in their fields who are determined to do what it takes to build a true next-generation blockchain infrastructure. Seeing your enthusiasm for IOS has made all our work worthwhile and we can’t wait to show you what we have in store over the coming year.
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ISLAMABAD: In what is ample testimony of the lavish lifestyle of the country’s politicians, Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPP-P) chief Asif Ali Zardari uses six bulletproof luxury vehicles, owns thousands of acres of agricultural land and property in Dubai and has spent millions of rupees on his passion for arms, horses and livestock. According to details of his assets submitted with his nomination papers, he has a United Arab Emirates Iqama and owns over a dozen properties in Pakistan, besides his share in five properties inherited from his slain spouse Benazir Bhutto. But contrary to the claims of his political opponents and media reports that he owns palaces in France and Dubai and properties in other countries, including the United Kingdom, he has declared that he owns just a single property outside Pakistan — an open plot in the Al-Safa Second area of Dubai, purchased at some unspecified time for an amount equivalent to around Rs100 million. According to details of assets submitted with nomination papers, Bilawal has two villas in Dubai, 20 properties in Pakistan The total value of his assets comes to around Rs758.66m — almost half of that owned by his son Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari. Asif Zardari owns three Toyota Land Cruisers, two BMWs and one Toyota Lexus – all bulletproof. The cost of the unspecified number of horses and cattle belonging to him has been put at Rs 9.9m and he possesses arms and ammunition worth Rs16.60m. He has shown an investment of Rs12.9m in ‘Land Marks’ — apparently a real estate business venture — and Rs890,000 in Asif apartment (Huma Heights). He has stated that he does not have any business capital outside Pakistan. While the former president has mere Rs1.07m investment in the Zardari Group (pvt) Limited and the Park Lane Estate (pvt) Limited, he has given a loan of Rs4.50m to the Zardari Group. He holds Rs209m cash in hand, Rs89.76m deposited in the Silk Bank and Rs1,000 in the Sindh Bank’s Larkana Branch. Mr Zardari has two properties in Clifton valued at Rs111.51m, a 2,000 square yards plot in the Defence Housing Authority, Karachi, purchased for Rs850,000 and a house in Nawabshah worth Rs22.56m. He has numerous agricultural properties in Nawabshah, Larkana and Tando Allahyar areas apart from around 7,400 acres of farmland obtained on lease in Tando Allahyar, Matli, Badin and Nawabshah. Unlike his father, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, chairman of the PPP, is a billionaire who owns about two dozen properties in and outside Pakistan as well as investments and bank accounts in Dubai and the UK. The young Zardari has around Rs50m cash in hand and his bank accounts hold merely Rs13.86m, including Rs1,000 in Sindh Bank’s Larkana branch. He does not own any vehicle. He too possesses a UAE Iqama, and the details provided at the time of filing nomination papers for NA-200 Larkana show the value of Bilawal House in Clifton, Karachi, at Rs3m. Mr Bhutto-Zardari has two villas in Dubai, one gifted and the other inherited. He has 20 residential, commercial and agricultural properties across Pakistan, mostly inherited or gifted by parents, grandfather and others. While he has Rs1.25m government bonds gifted by his mother, his shares in the Zardari Group and the Park Lane Estates are worth Rs1.11m and have been gifted by his father and grandfather. He has 22 investments in Dubai and one in the UK, mostly gifted by his mother and inherited. Within Pakistan he has arms and ammunition worth Rs3m and furniture, other items of daily use and valuables worth Rs3m. Mr Bhutto-Zardari has submitted that in 2017 he paid a total of Rs237,152 income tax from rental income, bank profits, agricultural income and foreign income, but on the following page of his statement he has claimed to have paid Rs3.95m agricultural income tax. Caretaker Prime Minister Nasirul Mulk and his spouse are also wealthy persons, owning several properties in the country and abroad. The ECP on Tuesday released the statement of assets of Mr Mulk, who has Rs102.47m in four bank accounts in the country, two vehicles worth Rs5.80m and jewellery and furniture etc worth Rs9.60m. His properties in Islamabad include two one-kanal residential plots in D-12 and G-14, a two-kanal residential plot in Bahria Enclave and two apartments worth Rs79.76m. Besides, he has several properties and shares in several properties and businesses, including a flour mill and a CNG station in Swat and Peshawar. As Mr Malik’s wife is a Singapore national, she has shares in properties in Singapore and London worth $714,280 and 272,850 pound sterling, respectively. She also has investments worth $722,590 and a mortgage of $380,363 against property. Published in Dawn, June 20th, 2018
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[Approx. US$40] The Hard Wired Island PDF and soundtrack, plus a printed copy at a lower cost than retail. (Shipping is not included, and will be collected separately in BackerKit after the campaign closes.) If this campaign funds, we'll print a softcover book via DriveThruRPG's Print on Demand service. If we reach our first stretch goal, we'll instead fund an offset print run, and you'll receive a shiny hardcover. Includes: Hard Wired Island PDF Hard Wired Island Soundtrack Hard Wired Island Book Less
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Although basketball now attracts more nerds than Comic Con, basketball statistics are still all over the place. Maybe years of SportVU player-tracking data will someday bring clarity to the field, but for now it’s a kaleidoscope of imperfect metrics. Virtually all stats that try to infer player value from the various on-court actions (shots, rebounds, assists, etc.) are subject to biases from things like roles and responsibilities and style of play, and no one has figured out how to measure intangible contributions like “being high-energy” or intangible detriments like mucking up a team’s offense. That’s one reason why indirect stats like plus-minus or with or without you (WOWY) are now a big part of basketball and hockey analysis (and are even starting to creep into football). While basic plus-minuses have been around for a long time, the granularity of data and methodology to isolate individual cases has come a long way. The kind of plus-minus you find in the box score doesn’t account for things like who else was on the floor and when those minutes came (garbage time, for instance). But with play-by-play data and sites like nbawowy.com, you can filter and compare different situations and find more meaningful patterns. This kind of analysis also has limitations, but it acts as kind of a check against efficiency and box score stats, and it can help identify spots where a player’s value is a mirage or where someone may contribute even more to his team than his stats suggest. It also catches the impact from things like defense better than virtually any standard stat does. But samples are small, and biases many. It isn’t so much that this approach is better as that it’s different enough from the more standard fare to add new information. And that’s our goal here, to add new information to what we know of each player based on observations of his impact, not to supplant other methods of estimating his contribution. Method: There are extremely complicated versions of adjusted plus-minus that adjust for every single player on the floor and end up giving you results that are interesting and comprehensive in some sense but are somewhat opaque. I’m going to keep it a bit simpler. I’m going to start with each player who made the All-Star team. If he had one or more teammate who also made the All-Star Game, I’ll compare how his team did with each combination of the players: that is, with neither player on the floor, with both players on the floor, and with each player on the floor without the other. If a player was the only one from his team to make the game, I used ESPN’s RPM-based estimation of wins added to pick his most important teammate and did the same (and in the case of the Warriors, who have three All-Stars, I did a more complicated version of the same). Then for a rough estimate of the player’s value — which I’ve called “Two-way WOWY impact” below — I averaged the impact he had by himself (versus neither him nor his teammate in the game) and the impact he had with his teammate (versus just his teammate). In other words, this gives equal weight to how much the player improves his team with and without his teammates’ help. Plus charts. Admittedly, some players get really jobbed by this (like virtually anyone on the San Antonio Spurs), and some players were fortunate to have a flattering teammate pairing. All stats are through Tuesday’s games. To the list! 24. LaMarcus Aldridge, PF, San Antonio Spurs (Selected by coaches) Real Plus-Minus 0.42, RPM Wins: +3.1 Compared to: Kawhi Leonard (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: -6.3 points per 100 possessions The Spurs are a tricky case because they are so good from top to bottom, making Aldridge’s place at the bottom of this list as much a reflection of his team’s strength as his own play. As Neil Paine has written, their bench would be one of the NBA’s best teams in its own right. And while Aldridge and Kawhi Leonard will represent them in the All-Star Game, stalwarts like Tim Duncan and Manu Ginobili are still putting up huge stats (by RPM, the 39-year-old Duncan is the 10th-best player in basketball this year). Although the Spurs have been playing great with Aldridge on the floor, at least so far this season, they’ve been playing just as well without him. The chart comparing the relative impacts of him and Leonard is under Leonard’s entry below. 23. Dwyane Wade, SG, Miami Heat (Selected by fans) RPM -0.37, RPM Wins: +2.5 Compared to: Chris Bosh (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: -5.5 points per 100 possessions Wade is nowhere near the player he once was, and his appearance in the East lineup is driven by the same kind of fan voting loyalty that has Kobe Bryant starting in the West. 22. DeMar DeRozan, SG, Toronto Raptors (Coaches) RPM 0.36, RPM Wins: +3.9 Compared to: Kyle Lowry (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: -4.5 points per 100 possessions The Raptors were rewarded with a second player by the East coaches, presumably because the conference is a bit weak on shooting guards, but the data suggests that DeRozan is riding his teammate Kyle Lowry’s coattails. 21. Paul Millsap, PF, Atlanta Hawks (Coaches) RPM 6.48, RPM Wins: +10.0 Compared to: Al Horford Hawks with both: -0.6 | Millsap alone: +2.6 | Horford alone: +3 | Neither: -0.9 Two-way WOWY impact: -0.1 points per 100 possessions Despite Millsap’s stellar RPM numbers, the Hawks have not improved dramatically with him on the floor. Al Horford has been fully capable of leading the team on his own when Millsap has been out, and when the two have played together, the team has done about the same as it has with neither player. 20. Chris Bosh, PF, Miami Heat (Coaches) RPM 5.11, RPM Wins: +8.6 Compared to: Dwyane Wade Heat with both: -1.8 | Wade alone: -3.1 | Bosh alone: +3.1 | Neither: +3 Two-way WOWY impact: +0.7 points per 100 possessions Bosh has been getting a fair amount of good press, and he’s put up some good numbers this year. However, his WOWY impact has been minimal, and his partnership with Wade is no longer instilling fear in anyone’s heart. 19. Jimmy Butler, SG, Chicago Bulls (Coaches) RPM 4.56, RPM Wins: +8.8 Compared to: Pau Gasol Bulls with both: +2.6 | Butler alone: -4.5 | Gasol alone: -1.1 | Neither: -2.6 Two-way WOWY impact: +0.9 points per 100 possessions Butler has emerged as the new star of the Chicago Bulls, which goes to show that if you score 20 points per game for a winning team, a lot of people will think you’re really good. Yet Pau Gasol (Butler’s injury replacement on the All-Star roster) has had a better impact for his team, estimated at 4.3 points per 100 possessions. 18. Kobe Bryant, SF, Los Angeles Lakers (Fans) RPM -3.53, RPM Wins: -0.3 Compared to: Brandon Bass Lakers with both: +5.5 | Bryant alone: -18.2 | Bass alone: -10.2 | Neither: -5 Two-way WOWY impact: +1.3 points per 100 possessions The most shocking thing about Kobe is that he made it to 18th on this list when he may literally be one of the worst players in the NBA this year, helping make the Lakers one of the most embarrassing franchises in sports. And in the 38 percent of Lakers possessions with Kobe on the floor with no help from Brandon Bass — not exactly a game-changer, but the highest-rated Laker for now — they’ve been losing by 18 points per 100 possessions. Yet, call it good fortune or what you will, but the pairing of Bryant and Bass has been effective for the Lakers, which is enough to elevate Bryant’s contributions from team-destroyer to about neutral. 17. Klay Thompson, SG, Golden State Warriors (Coaches) RPM 1.08, RPM Wins: +4.5 Compared to: Draymond Green, Stephen Curry (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: +1.7 points per 100 possessions The other “Splash Brother” has had some great games and flashy moments, but he is loved by neither advanced metrics nor WOWY. Let’s just say it’s hard to know exactly how valuable a shooter is when the other guard on his team gets as much attention as Stephen Curry does. 16. James Harden, SG, Houston Rockets (Coaches) RPM 4.74, RPM Wins: +9.7 Compared to: Dwight Howard Rockets with both: +1.5 | Harden alone: -4 | Howard alone: -5.9 | Neither: -2.5 Two-way WOWY impact: +3.0 points per 100 possessions Although the Rockets have been a big disappointment after making last year’s conference finals — with their star big man Dwight Howard even rumored to be on the trading block — Moreyball isn’t completely dead, as Harden’s shooting paired with Howard’s inside presence has at least been keeping the team in the positive. 15. Isaiah Thomas, PG, Boston Celtics (Coaches) RPM 1.99, RPM Wins: +5.7 Compared to: Jae Crowder Celtics with both: +7.1 | Thomas alone: +1 | Crowder alone: -0.1 | Neither: +2 Two-way WOWY impact: +3.1 points per 100 possessions This is a great example of a situation where two players are only so-so on their own, but excel when they play together. Neither Isaiah Thomas nor Jae Crowder on his own provides much of an improvement on the rest of the squad, but put them on the floor together and the team has been very effective at +7.1 points per 100 possessions. 14. Carmelo Anthony, SF, New York Knicks (Fans) RPM 3.9, RPM Wins: 6.9 Compared to: Kristaps Porzingis Knicks with both: +4.5 | Anthony alone: -7.7 | Porzingis alone: -6.2 | Neither: -7.6 Two-way WOWY impact: +5.3 points per 100 possessions Anthony has always taken a beating from statheads, but pairing him with 7-foot-3 rookie phenom Kristaps Porzingis has given the Knicks some quality possessions. 13. Andre Drummond, C, Detroit Pistons (Coaches) RPM 4.56, RPM Wins: +8.4 Compared to: Reggie Jackson Pistons with both: +3.6 | Drummond alone: +2.5 | Jackson alone: +0.3 | Neither: -5.3 Two-way WOWY impact: +5.5 points per 100 possessions Drummond combines rebounding production that Dennis Rodman might envy with free-throw shooting that makes Shaq look like Steve Nash. But so far this profile seems to be working for Drummond, who has had a big impact on the Pistons whether or not point guard Reggie Jackson is on the floor. 12. Kawhi Leonard, SF, San Antonio Spurs (Fans) RPM 8.83, RPM Wins: +12.0 Compared to: Lamarcus Aldridge Spurs with both: +11.3 | Leonard alone: +27.3 | Aldridge alone: +14 | Neither: +10.5 Two-way WOWY impact: +7.1 points per 100 possessions The only surprise here is that Leonard is this low, yet he’s still projecting to improve the powerhouse Spurs by about 7 points per 100 possessions — remarkable for a team as talented and as balanced as this one. 11. John Wall, PG, Washington Wizards (Coaches) RPM 3.09, RPM Wins: +7.1 Compared to: Jared Dudley Wizards with both: +2.3 | Wall alone: -5.1 | Dudley alone: -10.3 | Neither: -8.6 Two-way WOWY impact: +8.0 points per 100 possessions The rest of Wall’s Washington Wizards are so bad that 30-year-old journeyman Jared Dudley — who plays fewer than 30 minutes a game and averages 9 points — emerged as his most significant teammate by RPM. Although the Wizards are a losing squad, they consistently do better with Wall on the floor. 10. Anthony Davis, PF, New Orleans Pelicans (Coaches) RPM 2.66, RPM Wins: +5.8 Compared to: Jrue Holiday Pelicans with both: +2.7 | Davis alone: -8.7 | Holiday alone: -6.1 | Neither: -17.4 Two-way WOWY impact: +8.7 points per 100 possessions The Pelicans have disappointed this year, causing many to question whether Davis is actually the basketball revolution that he seemed to be a year or so ago. Yet they are a winning squad with him and point guard Jrue Holiday on the floor, and a comically terrible -17 points per 100 with neither of them. 9. Paul George, SF, Indiana Pacers (Fans) RPM 5.24, RPM Wins: +9.7 Compared to: Ian Mahinmi Pacers with both: +4.6 | George alone: +5.4 | Mahinmi alone: -6.6 | Neither: -3.5 Two-way WOWY impact: +10.1 points per 100 possessions George has cooled off a bit from his blazing start to the season and clearly benefits here from being paired with Ian Mahinmi (the Pacers with bigger roles haven’t been very impressive). But overall his comeback year after last season’s injury has been spectacular, with him shooting well and often from distance. 8. Kevin Durant, SF, Oklahoma City Thunder (Fans) RPM 6.43, RPM Wins: +10.0 Compared to: Russell Westbrook (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: +10.4 points per 100 possessions Speaking of players who have returned from injury to reclaim their rightful spots among the best forwards in basketball, Durant has been having another remarkable year. Although the Thunder are now widely thought to be Russell Westbrook’s team, Durant has picked up about exactly where he left off. More on this duo below. 7. DeMarcus Cousins, Center, Sacramento Kings (Coaches) RPM 6.66, RPM Wins: +9.2 Compared to: Omri Casspi Kings with both: +7.4 | Cousins alone: -3.7 | Casspi alone: -5.1 | Neither: -13.2 Two-way WOWY impact: +11.0 points per 100 possessions Cousins has been a real headline-maker this year, yet his ball-demanding, trail-three-popping style has been one of the great statistical success stories amid all the chaos in Sacramento. Yet it’s worth noting that Omri Casspi — despite playing fewer minutes and having a less-eye-catching statistical and/or public profile, has had a similarly strong effect. With both of them on the floor, Sacramento looks like a strong team. 6. Russell Westbrook, PG, Oklahoma City Thunder (Fans) RPM 9.59, RPM Wins: +14.6 Compared to: Kevin Durant Thunder with both: +13.8 | Durant alone: +7.3 | Westbrook alone: +7.9 | Neither: -7.6 Two-way WOWY impact: +11.0 points per 100 possessions Westbrook led the league in scoring last year by shooting and shooting and shooting and shooting (see the second chart in this story), but he has the impact to go with those gaudy numbers. 5. Draymond Green, PF, Golden State Warriors (Coaches) RPM 9.49, RPM Wins: +14.2 Compared to: Klay Thompson, Stephen Curry (see below) Two-way WOWY impact: +11.3 points per 100 possessions Green is nearly as much of a defensive outlier as Stephen Curry is an offensive one, and he can rebound and shoot open threes when called to as well. Like Curry, he may be the best in his position in the league, while completely redefining what that position means. 4. LeBron James, SF, Cleveland Cavaliers (Fans) RPM 8.23, RPM Wins: +12.2 Compared to: Kevin Love Cavaliers with both: +12.7 | James alone: +3.9 | Love alone: -8.1 | Neither: -4 Two-way WOWY impact: +14.4 points per 100 possessions Although he seems perpetually frustrated with not winning 100 percent of his games, James is still one of the best players in basketball, and his very existence practically demands that everyone shut up already and accept that “impactful” is a real thing. 3. Kyle Lowry, PG, Toronto Raptors (Fans) RPM 7.45, RPM Wins: +12.0 Compared to: DeMar DeRozan Raptors with both: +2.7 | Lowry alone: +20.7 | DeRozan alone: +1.6 | Neither: -7.5 Two-way WOWY impact: +14.7 points per 100 possessions Lowry has been an absolute force for Toronto, leading the Raptors’ surge to the second-best record in the East. He’s attempting a career-high seven threes per game and making a career-high 39 percent of them. If these numbers are at all representative, however, DeRozan appears to be dragging Lowry down more than anything. This kind of dynamic isn’t uncommon with mediocre shooting guards playing with good scoring point guards — their contributions may range from redundant to net negative. 2. Chris Paul, PG, Los Angeles Clippers (Coaches) RPM 7.2, RPM Wins: +9.6 Compared to: DeAndre Jordan Clippers with both: +10.3 | Paul alone: +14.7 | Jordan alone: +3.4 | Neither: -11.3 Two-way WOWY impact: +16.5 points per 100 possessions Point god Chris Paul has practically perfected the classic point guard skill set on both ends of the floor. Unfortunately, classic basketball can only take you so far these days, as the Clippers are on track for another heartbreaking loss in the conference semifinals. 1. Stephen Curry, PG, Golden State Warriors (Fans) RPM 10.97, RPM Wins: +15.4 Compared to: Klay Thompson, Draymond Green Team with all three: +20.2 | Curry alone: +9.8 | Green and Thompson alone: +1.3 | None: -11.8 Two-way WOWY impact: +20.2 points per 100 possessions Just so all three of these All-Stars get their due, here’s a not-to-scale diagram of the on/off combinations for all three players: As if Curry didn’t have enough ways to shock and amaze NBA fans of the televiewing and stat-crunching variety alike, his on/off court numbers are freaking ridiculous. You can’t read about sports these days without coming across quasi-thinkpieces about how the Warriors have reinvented basketball. Maybe, maybe not. But one thing is clear: Having a point guard who can shoot at a 45 percent rate past 28 feet — often well-defended — completely wrecks the game. CORRECTION (Feb. 14, 3 p.m.): A previous version of this article referred incorrectly to Paul George’s team. It is the Indiana Pacers, not the Indianapolis Pacers. CORRECTION (Feb. 12, 7:55 p.m.): A previous version of this article misidentified Paul Millsap’s team. It is the Atlanta Hawks, not the Atlanta Falcons.
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Review David Wood, one of the founder executives of Symbian - and the one who saw it through to the bitter end - has written a book. A very big book. Smartphones and beyond: Lessons from the remarkable rise and fall of Symbian tells the entire story from Symbian's conception, to world domination, to its rapid demise, and it must be one of the most candid and revealing books a technology executive has ever written. It's currently No.1 in Amazon's mobile and wireless section. Of course, it's popularly considered to be a story of failure. Although Symbian was in hundreds of millions phones, and for years powered the most-bleeding edge mobile tech, Android today is everything Symbian set out to be: creating a rich platform for modern smartphones and tablets, on which other industries built their services. And that's what makes this story interesting - much more interesting than if it had been a roaring success. The mobile industry today today is defined by what Symbian wasn't - or by what it failed to do well. For example, you'll have a much better understanding of Samsung from reading this book. Although Americans today have a very different history of smartphones, in which Symbian doesn't figure, for the rest of the world it looked very different. Symbian dominated it for a very long time, either implicitly (no mass market phone shipped until four years after the venture's foundation) or in reality. With Nokia putting huge resources behind Series 60, Symbian's share of the smartphone business rarely dipped below 60 per cent. It was practically the only game in town for creating rich devices for many years - without it ever being a consumer brand, as Android is today. The the sheer volume of detail in David Wood's book might overwhelm the casual reader. It's a linear narrative drawing on diary entries, business plans, memos, emails, and presentations; entire press releases and news stories are quoted (apparently without permission - naughty). The story is condensed into bullet points on almost every page. It needs an index to the hundreds of codenames (Symbian never refer to licensees or partners by their real name - in a kind of weird Secret Seven code). And some sections could have been radically condensed or snipped entirely without losing anything. It comes to well over 300,000 words, or 800 pages in regular typesetting (it's only an eBook right now). But Wood reflects on many key decisions with completely fascinating digressions on counterfactual histories. "Could we have made a better decision - or done things differently?", he often asks. These counterfactuals probably help give us the most comprehensive account of the real dilemmas players in the mobile industry faced over the past two decades anyone has put to (e-) paper, as they pick out trends that are important but not obvious today. And Wood is so brutally candid and honest, nothing is spared. Reading it, I was often left wondering how Symbian produced anything at all - let alone survived for so long. Such were the delays, political machinations of its shareholders and licensees, and painful mismatches between them all. Hyped as the most important company in the world - a hype it helped stoke, Wood confesses - it didn't power a mass market phone for four years. It over-promised then retrenched. Symbian might have been the best choice for phone makers for years - but it could be a very painful choice too. Symbian was unable to deliver platform software on time for years - delays are the recurring motif of the book. It required device manufacturers to undertake painfully expensive integration, because the parts needed to make a Symbian phone didn't fit nicely - there were multiple UIs. The base ports (code for a specific hardware), Wood writes, were immature or buggy. There should have been nice, off-the-shelf reference implementations - Linux at the time had hundreds. All these things are taken for granted by manufacturers using Android or Windows Phone today. Even when Symbian got its defect count down and speeded up its delivery, Nokia couldn't use the platform release, as integrating its own half of the Symbian proposition was too difficult. This created cost, and for years, the large costs of creating a Symbian smartphone were largely hidden. Boy, were we wrong: confessions corner You would expect the former exec of a colossal failure to self-justifying. Not so. In the "phoney war" between 1998 and 2002 when hardly anything shipped from the much-hyped venture, projects were being cancelled left, right and centre. "We had our handy, blame-defecting explanations" Wood writes. Looking back at emails at another, particularly fraught period when Nokia - which had the biggest bet on Symbian - wanted some clarity from the company, Wood notes: "I see only an intensely pragmatic attitude from the [Nokia] Calypso team, which elicited only faltering responses from the Symbian side." Years later, as Symbian struggles with its eternal dilemma of trying to be a predictable software factory and yet be responsive to customers urgent requests for additions, Wood confesses: "Our approach.. almost guarantees that this misalignment will occur." A cross-department "Matrix Team" approach was tried out, to cut through the bureaucratic turf-wars, but it became a bureaucratic exercise itself - and forgot to include customers. At one point when Ericsson demands a vital piece of connectivity (OBEX) is supported, Symbian's chief of software development Kent Eriksson fumes: "we must convince them they don't need it. They just cannot come like this outside the requirements when we are already have full speed to implement what has been asked for". [sic] We're not spared anything in this tale. The Employee Satisfaction results and exit interviews of key employees ("sausage factory"… "authority without responsibility") are related. The move to open source Symbian and unify it with the UI layers eventually takes place, but it's a flop: it only reminds everyone what a politically tense venture it was in the first place. Nokia distances itself from it. Licensees drop it, and developers who never liked it, fail to contribute substantially to the code base.
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JORHAT: Forest staff at Kaziranga National Park on Saturday averted a rhino poaching bid inside the park when they shot dead two armed poachers in the Burapahar forest range. They seized a .303 rifle and ammunition from the slain poachers.The incident took place near the Rangoli anti-poaching camp in the park's Burapahar forest range at 1.30 am on Saturday. Acting on a tip off, a group of forest staff launched an operation inside the forest range since Friday afternoon. They had carried out operations in all probable locations in search of the poachers.Two armed poachers came face to face with the forest staff and they first opened fire at the foresters. Forest guards also retaliated and the exchange of fire lasted for about half-an-hour. Later, two bodies with severe bullet injuries were found on the spot."Our staff found two bodies after the gunfight. However, they have not been identified yet," said divisional forest officer (Kaziranga) S K Seal Sharma. He added that the duo entered the park to kill a rhino but failed due to strong intelligence and security arrangements.The operation was launched after poachers killed a rhino on Friday morning and took away its horn. The incident took place in the Nahor Kathoni area of the Kohora forest range. The number of rhinos killed by poachers in the park has touched 21 this year.
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More than anything, she just thinks it’s a “shame” that people could be missing out on relationships because of their narrow viewpoints, or insecurities. She tells me that she’s noticed many men choosing to date white, skinny women who are either blonde or brunette: “Some guys want candy on their arm. That’s partly down to a guy’s insecurity because they want approval. They think, if I have got what everyone 'wants' then that’ll make me look good.”
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Six caught in 20kg Phuket kratom bust PHUKET: Six Thai men were arrested after being caught trying to collect nearly 20kg of kratom leaves inside postal boxes at the Narisorn Road post office in Talad Yai, Phuket Town. By Eakkapop Thongtub Wednesday 25 June 2014, 03:38PM The six hide their faces at the press conference.
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Produsele au fost retrase de la consum, iar firma care furniza alimentele pentru grădiniţă a fost amendată cu 20.000 de lei. "În perioada 21 martie - 1 aprilie, echipele mixte de control au verificat 46 de entităţi (şcoli, grădiniţe, licee, firme de catering). În urma controalelor, au fost aplicate nouă sancţiuni contravenţionale cu amendă în valoare de aproximativ 48.000 lei şi 42 de sancţiuni contravenţionale cu avertisment. La Grădiniţa cu Program Prelungit Albeştii Ungureni au fost găsite alimente (45 de ouă, 1 kg pulpe dezosate şi 1 kg fasole) cu termenul de valabilitate expirat, acestea fiind retrase de la consum", a declarat, pentru MEDIAFAX, prefectul judeţului Argeş, Cristian Soare. Şi la alte unităţi de învăţământ au fost constatate nereguli. "Au mai fost constate şi alte deficienţe, printre care amintesc: nu se păstrează probele alimentare din meniurile servite; masa se serveşte în sala de clasă, neexistând o sală de mese; nu se calculează necesarul zilnic de calorii şi substanţe nutritive; nu se avizează meniul de către un cadru medical; lipsa controlului medical periodic pentru personalul care serveşte masa; personalul de deservire nu are cursuri de igienă; nu se face dovada realizării dezinfecţiei, dezinsecţiei, deratizări; lipsă autorizaţie sanitară de funcţionare pentru obiectul de activitate desfăşurat; nu deţine document de înregistrare sanitar – veterinară", a mai precizat aceeaşi sursă. Controalele vor continua şi în săptămânile următoare.
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As if WWE Evolution, the groundbreaking all-women’s pay-per-view, wasn’t already historic enough, Alexa Bliss will face seven-time Women’s Champion Trish Stratus in what is sure to be a match for the ages. WWE announced on Saturday that the “The Goddess” will battle the WWE Hall of Famer for the first time at the pay-per-view event set for Sunday, October 28, at 7 ET/4 PT. Not only will this be Bliss and Stratus’ first match against each other, but it will also mark Stratus’ first match since competing in the first-ever Women’s Royal Rumble Match earlier this year. WWE Evolution could also see another huge return as organization officials have asked AJ Lee to appear at the WWE Network event. A few days after the announcement of WWE Evolution, a poll was put up on WWE.com asking fans which one of 12 former female Superstars they would like to see return to the ring at the show. Lee dominated the poll with 70 percent of the vote. WWE contacted Lee a few months ago and then once again after the poll took place. WWE officials specifically told their website editors that Lee should be in the poll since they were sure she would win. Born and raised in New Jersey, Lee — real name April Jeanette Mendez — began her professional wrestling career on the state’s independent circuit in 2007. She was signed by WWE in 2009 and spent two years in their developmental branch, Florida Championship Wrestling, before she was promoted to the main roster. In 2012, she rose to prominence through storylines with her “mentally unstable” character, such as high-profile relationships and a three-month stint as the General Manager of Raw. In subsequent years, she won the Divas Championship a record-tying three times and held the title for an overall record of 406 days. She also won the Slammy Award for Diva of the Year in 2012 and 2014 and was voted Woman of the Year by readers of Pro Wrestling Illustrated from 2012 to 2014. She retired from wrestling in 2015. Mendez has since focused on writing. Her 2017 memoir, Crazy Is My Superpower: How I Triumphed by Breaking Bones, Breaking Hearts, and Breaking the Rules, was a New York Times Best Seller.
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Lynne Klauer, a spokeswoman for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Greensboro, which is representing federal prison officials, also couldn’t be reached to comment. Beck, 47, is serving 13 years and nine months in the Federal Correctional Institute in Aliceville, Ala., after she pleaded guilty in 2013 to charges of conspiracy to distribute methamphetamine and possession of firearms in connection with a drug-trafficking crime. Beck has served six years and about four months of that sentence. Beck was among 21 people who were indicted on charges of being part of a large-scale methamphetamine operation in Surry County. According to court papers, Beck found a lump in her left breast in August or September 2017 while she was taking a shower at the Federal Correctional Institute in Aliceville. She was examined by a prison doctor in October 2017 and had a mammogram in December 2017. It took eight months, however, before she got a biopsy, according to a lawsuit she filed in U.S. District Court in Greensboro. A cancer specialist with Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center said in court papers that she should have had a biopsy within one to two months after she detected a lump.
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Italy-India row: Rome to send marines back for trial Published duration 21 March 2013 image caption Massimiliano Latorre (R) and Salvatore Girone had returned to Italy before Christmas Two Italian marines accused of murdering two Indian fishermen, in a case that has sparked a diplomatic row, are to be sent back to Delhi for trial. The Indian government had allowed them to return to Italy to vote in last month's election. But when they failed to return, India's Supreme Court ruled Italy's ambassador was barred from leaving the country. The Italian government said it had received assurances about the men's treatment and their human rights. The marines, Massimiliano Latorre and Salvatore Girone, are accused of shooting the fishermen off the Kerala coast in February 2012. The marines had been guarding an Italian oil tanker and said they mistook the fishermen for pirates. The marines, who had been out on bail awaiting trial, were allowed to fly back to Italy for the February 2013 general election on condition that they returned to stand trial by 22 March. Italian ambassador Daniele Mancini gave his personal assurance that they would return within four weeks. But then Rome decided that they would not fly back to Delhi, arguing that India was violating international law by putting them on trial, as the shooting had taken place in international waters. Rome proposed putting them on trial in Italy. The day before the men's licence was due to expire, the office of Prime Minister Mario Monti issued a statement saying that the marines had agreed to return, during a meeting with Mr Monti and other ministers. 'Responsibility' The BBC's Bethany Bell in Rome said the decision was a turnaround by the Italian government. It had received "ample assurances" from Delhi, the statement from Mr Monti's office said. "The marines agreed to this decision," the statement said, adding that it was also in the men's interest. President Giorgio Napolitano said he appreciated their "sense of responsibility" and said Italy would remain by their side. The Italian foreign ministry's decision 10 days ago not to return the two men had prompted a bitter diplomatic row, with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh warning of "consequences" if it was not reversed. Then the Delhi Supreme Court ordered Rome's envoy not to leave the country and airports across India were put on alert to stop him flying out.
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Ghost Expedition Montgomery County, Silver Spring Maryland: Burnt Mills West Special Park/Robert B Morse Water Filtration Plant The Burnt Mills area in Silver Spring, Maryland takes it name from a mill that was said to have burned down there sometime before 1788, possibly circa the 1740′s timeframe From an antique copper stencil, veteran local journalist J. Harry Shannon (aka “The Rambler”) speculated in 1916 the burnt mill may have been known as “Glen Cairn Mills Family Flour” Milling operations in Burnt Mills date to 1745 when then area was surveyed and patented as the “Mill Seat.” The area’s terrain and rapid waterfalls enabled the operations of a series of grist, saw and flour mills. The first mill in Mill Seat was constructed later that year on property owned by Samuel Beall Jr. And this was likely the namesake mill that burned down The earliest records of a grist mill at Burnt Mills date to 1803 when the property known as “Beall’s Industry” was sold by Walter Beall to Peter Kemp and James W. Perry Nathan Lufborough acquired the mill property, described in an 1823 deed as “one hundred acres more or less”. He had intended to sell the mill in 1847 but he died before the sale could be completed, leaving the property to his heirs. The property was listed in 1850 as a “flour and bone” mill The mill at Burnt Mills was owned by James L. Bond from 1858 to 1886. The mill produced three grades of flour and stone-ground corn mill. The technology of the mill improved over time. A roller mill replaced mill stones around 1895. A turbine had replaced the wheel by 1880 Bond sold the property to his sons-in law in 1886. The last owner was Dr. George W. Bready who acquired the flour mill and land in 1906 In 1913, The Rambler rendered the following portrait of the old flour mill in the Sunday Star The shingle roof of the mill is green, dark and old, with moss, but nearly everything else about the mill - the miller, of course, included - is whitened by the flour and meal ground there, and which has been grinding there so long that no man's memory runneth to the contrary Near the mill is the miller’s house, bowered in the shade of numerous close-growing trees and the home of Dr. William T. Brown, surrounded by shrubbery, orchard and vineyard By 1922, the mill had ceased operations. That year, the mill was sold to the Washington Suburban Sanitary Commission (WSSC). The old mill sat idle for years until it was demolished in 1928 In 1879, Burnt Mills (Four Corners) was a farm community with a population of 125 persons. In 1934, the Robert E. Lattimer Land Company developed the area as a community of country estates known as Burnt Mills Hills. The development preserved the area’s topography of rolling hills and streams and farm lanes WSSC began construction of a water filtration facility in 1930. The plant featured a “state of art” design, by WSSC Chief Engineer Robert B. Morse, for rapid sand removal and water treatment The plant had two filter assemblies, two pumping stations and a new concrete dam. Pumping stations were designed in the Georgian Revival style to give the appearance of large colonial houses rather than a public utility The low-lift pumping station moved cleaned (sediment free-water) to filter assemblies where lime and ammonia were added The filter assemblies featured circular rings that were used for each stage of the filtration process, which included coagulation, filtration, and delivery Chlorine was added as the high-lift pumping station moved treated water to WSSC distribution lines The late Robert Brooks Morse (1880-1936) was married to Carrie Emma Ross-Morse (1883-1979). They had two children: Caroline Allen Morse (1903-1905) and Katherine B. Morse-Devereaux (1904-1984) He was trained as a civil engineer at Johns Hopkins University (A.B. 1901) and at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (S.B. 1904). He became Chief engineer at WSSC since its inception in 1918 Unfortunately, he died prematurely at age 55 due to blood poisoning, months before the water filtration plant opened. WSSC named the water filtration plant in his honor The water filtration plant did not have the capacity to meet rising service demands from suburban growth and it was closed in 1962. The Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission acquired the former water plant in 2000. Today they are recreational facilities known as Burnt Mills West Special Park (the high-lift pumping station) and Burnt Mills East Special Park (the low-lift pumping station) There are no haunting legends associated with historical Burnt Mills nor the Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Facility. However, there may be potential for transcommunication experiences owing to area history. The ghost expedition will focus on “drop-in” communications, and not on evidence for a haunting The ghost expedition will also participate in National Ghost Hunting Day (NGHD), an event sponsored by Haunted Journeys magazine. Connectivity and live streaming will be provided by SHINDIG. Digital marketing services for the event are being provided by CyberSpyder. The event will attempt to build a global “consciousness bridge” that will last two hours Data from random event generators (REGs) belonging to the Global Consciousness Project (GCP) that are in proximity to participant locations will be monitored over the event Results from NGHD 2016 noted a marked shift in random walk trending generated by GCP REGs at the outset of last year’s event Similar patterns were also encountered at NGHD start in MPR’s REG experiment in 2017 in Dundalk The film project will not be open to the public but will be livestreamed over the SHINDIG platform. Look for “Site, MD, USA, Burnt Mills West Special Park” REFERENCES: Beall, J.R. (1931). The history and construction of the mill at Burnt Mills, Maryland. Initiation Thesis. Records of Phi Mu Fraternity, Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries. University of Maryland, College Park. Hosted at archive.org Boyd, T.H.S. (1879). The history of Montgomery County, Maryland - From its earliest settlement in 1650 to 1879. Baltimore, W.K. Boyle and Son Bushong, W. (1994, May). Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant. M33-22. Maryland-National Capital Park And Planning Commission. Maryland Historical Trust Cook, E.M.V. (1992, Nov). The Story of Burnt Mills. In The Montgomery County Story, Quarterly Journal of the Montgomery County Historical Society, Vol. 35. No. 4., Rockville, MD. pp 225-235. Find A Grave, database and images. Memorial page for Robert Brooks Morse (13 Sep 1880–31 Jan 1936), Find A Grave Memorial no. 135832899, citing Chebeague Island Cemetery, Chebeague Island, Cumberland County, Maine, USA. Maintained by townsendburial (contributor 47629974) Historic Preservation, Montgomery County, Maryland. (1996, Mar 6). Montgomery County Atlas (MCATLAS) Map Viewer: ROBERT B. MORSE COMPLEX (WSSC). Resource Number: 33/022-000A. Maryland-National Capital Park And Planning Commission. Montgomery County, Maryland Kelly, C.L. (2012). Burnt Mills Hills. M33-29. Maryland-National Capital Park And Planning Commission. Maryland Historical Trust MONTGOMERY COUNTY, MARYLAND HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY. (2018). Maryland State Archives Montgomery Parks. (2016, Aug 15). Burnt Mills West Special Park. Maryland-National Capital Park And Planning Commission Montgomery County Planning Department. Montgomery County Atlas (MCATLAS) Map Viewer: Burnt Mills West Special Park. Montgomery County (MD). Department of Parks. Montgomery County, Maryland National Ghost Hunting Day: The World’s Largest Ghost Hunt. (2018). Haunted Journeys Shannon, J.H. (1913, Jun 22). With the Rambler. Sunday Star, Washington DC. Reprinted in Neighbors of the Northwest Branch Shannon, J.H. (1916, May 14). With the Rambler: Tramping the Northwest Branch. Sunday Star, Washington DC. Reprinted in Neighbors of the Northwest Branch Sutton, R. (2016, Jun 16). Burnt Mills Dam has a long history in Montgomery County. Ross Sutton Blog. Keller Williams Real Estate Williams, B.J. (2017). Exploring Collective Consciousness: Could There Be Some Implications for Paranity?. National Ghost Hunting Day Collective Consciousness Article. Psychical Research Foundation IMAGES: Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). REAR ELEVATION of high-lift pumping station. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). FRONT ELEVATION of high-lift pumping station. Colesville Road (also called U.S.Route 29 or Columbia Pike) is in foreground. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress Burnt Mills Flour Mill prior to its demolition - Figure 1. (c 1928). From Beall, J.R. (1931). The history and construction of the mill at Burnt Mills, Maryland. Initiation Thesis. Records of Phi Mu Fraternity, Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries. University of Maryland, College Park. Hosted at archive.org Burnt Mills Flour Mill prior to its demolition - Figure 2. (c 1928). From Beall, J.R. (1931). The history and construction of the mill at Burnt Mills, Maryland. Initiation Thesis. Records of Phi Mu Fraternity, Special Collections, University of Maryland Libraries. University of Maryland, College Park. Hosted at archive.org Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). GROUND FLOOR of high-lift pumping station. Note the main stairway and columns. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). ATTIC of high-lift pumping station showing steel framing and concrete slab roof units. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). OFFICE SPACE ON SECOND FLOOR of high-lift pumping station. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress Historic American Engineering Record. (1968). BASEMENT of high-lift pumping station. Note steel I-beam and pump foundations. Robert B. Morse Water Filtration Plant, 10700 and 10701 Columbia Pike, Silver Spring, Montgomery County, MD. Library of Congress National Ghost Hunting Day: The World’s Largest Ghost Hunt. (2017). Haunted Journeys Montgomery Parks. (2016, Aug 15). SOUTHEAST ELEVATION. Burnt Mills West Special Park. Maryland-National Capital Park And Planning Commission
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CBS Sports Network has announced the dates and times of the first three MotoAmerica shows – the season preview, the opening round of the series at Circuit of The Americas, and round two at Road Atlanta. The season preview show, which sets the stage for the 2015 MotoAmerica AMA/FIM North American Road Racing Series, is set to air for the first time on Wednesday, April 15 at 8 p.m. (Eastern) with a second airing that night at 11:30 p.m. (Eastern). The show will re-air for a third time on Saturday, April 18 at 11 p.m. (Eastern). The opening round of the series from Texas will air on a one-week delayed basis on Sunday, April 19 at 6:30 p.m. (Eastern) with replays on Wednesday, April 22 at 9:30 p.m. (Eastern) and on Saturday, April 25 at 10 a.m. (Eastern). Round two from Georgia will also air with a one-week delay on Sunday, April 26 at 5 p.m. (Eastern) with a replay set for on Sunday, April 27 at 2 a.m. (Eastern). Check your local listings for more information. Although this weekend’s MotoAmerica races at the Circuit of The Americas won’t be streamed live on the Internet, the issues preventing that from happening are being worked out, according to MotoAmerica CFO Richard Varner. “We’ve been getting a lot of questions regarding live streaming,” Varner said. “At this point I can say that we’ve made the investment, we’ve developed the capability to do the live streaming, and now we’re negotiating to get our product up on the Internet for our fans.”
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The Obamas had rented the estate this past summer and had been longtime summer guests on Martha’s Vineyard, renting homes there for all but one of the years that they occupied the White House. Features in their new mansion include eight baths, vaulted ceilings, a living room with a stone fireplace, a master suite with a fireplace and a private sundeck, an outdoor fireplace, a pool and two guest wings. The L-shaped property also has a private beach and a boathouse on Edgartown Great Pond, which is in the southeast corner of Martha’s Vineyard.
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If your commute took a little longer than usual this morning, it may just have been because somebody decided a good place to abandon their boat would be on the side of the inner loop of the Beltway. Yup, a large boat was left on the left lane of the Beltway just before the Woodrow Wilson Bridge in Prince George’s County this morning, creating a seven-mile backlog of morning commuters. The boat was left on a trailer, complete with a tarp and some cones, and seems to be in good shape. It at least looks like it would probably float. At any rate, Maryland State Police are giving the owner of the boat until Thursday morning to pick it up, or else it will be impounded. Which is their way of saying that they really hope that the owner will come get it, because towing a boat on the back of a squad car would be a real pain in the ass. Given the sheer price of a boat like this, it’s hard to imagine a scenario where somebody would think it was a good idea to leave it on the side of Beltway. Certainly you’d be worried about it being stolen, impounded or wrecked. Until I hear otherwise, I’m going with the completely unsubstantiated theory that the boat belongs to a vicious Mexican drug cartel who quickly dumped it on the side of the road (full of cocaine of course) after it became apparent that authorities were closing in. The moral of the story here is that if you have a boat and you don’t want to pay to park it, Prince George’s County is totally OK with your leaving it on the side of the highway. [image via WTOP]
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Saryn By PineappleGummie Watch 5 Favourites 0 Comments 4K Views Literally just sat down and started a rough drawing of Saryn. I'm just learning to use her so why not give her some love. IMAGE DETAILS Image size 1920x1080px 472.73 KB Show More Published : May 7, 2018
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Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum on Sunday suggested that Susan G. Komen for the Cure shouldn’t provide grants to Planned Parenthood for breast cancer screenings because abortions cause breast cancer, a false claim that has been repeatedly debunked. The candidate told Fox News host Chris Wallace that he didn’t agree with the Komen Foundation reversing itself last week and making Planned Parenthood eligible for future grants. ADVERTISEMENT “I’ve taken the position as a presidential candidate and someone in Congress that Planned Parenthood funds and does abortions,” Santorum explained. “They’re a private organization they stand up and support what ever they want.” “I don’t believe that breast cancer research is advanced by funding an organization where you’ve seen ties to cancer and abortion,” he added. “So, I don’t think it’s a particularly healthy way of contributing money to further cause of breast cancer, but that’s for a private organization like Susan B. Komen to make that decision.” According to the National Cancer Institute (NCI), the several small flawed studies that suggested a link between abortion and breast cancer have been disproven. “Since then, better-designed studies have been conducted,” the institute’s website said. “These newer studies examined large numbers of women, collected data before breast cancer was found, and gathered medical history information from medical records rather than simply from self-reports, thereby generating more reliable findings. The newer studies consistently showed no association between induced and spontaneous abortions and breast cancer risk.” In 2002, the Bush administration temporarily altered NCI’s website to say that scientific evidence supported a possible link between abortion and breast cancer. After an outcry from the scientific community, NCI corrected its website with an accurate fact sheet. ADVERTISEMENT A study released by Rep. Henry Waxman (D-CA) in 2006 found that the Bush administration also used pregnancy resource centers — commonly known as “crisis pregnancy centers” — to falsely inform pregnant teens that the risk of breast cancer increased by 80 percent after an abortion. “This tactic may be effective in frightening pregnant teenagers and women and discouraging abortion,” the study concluded (PDF). “But it denies the teenagers and women vital health information, prevents them from making an informed decision, and is not an accepted public health practice.” Watch this video from Fox’s Fox News Sunday, broadcast Feb. 5, 2012. ADVERTISEMENT
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Visit this blog’s sponsor: https://icagoldcompany.com/ If you’re interested in supporting this blog, check out the Patreon page. Attention Movie Producers! JHK’s screenplay in hard-copy edition Click to order! A Too-Big-To-Fail Bankster… Three Teenagers who bring him down… Gothic doings on a Connecticut Estate. High velocity drama! Now Live on Amazon “Simply the best novel of the 1960s” Now in Paperback ! Only Seven Bucks! JHK’s Three-Act Play A log mansion in the Adirondack Mountains… A big family on the run… A nation in peril… Get your Official JHK swag on Cafe Press The fourth and final book of the World Made By Hand series. Battenkill Books (autographed by the Author) | Northshire Books | Amazon JHK’s lost classic now reprinted as an e-book Kindle edition only
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It’s rare that a long, technical paper in a biology journal turns out to be a page-turner. But it happens. A team of researchers published a thorough review of the science of why we age this week in the journal Cell. It ties together that still-young field’s confusing, sometimes contradictory findings into a single coherent whole and offers the most complete explanation I’ve seen anywhere as to why human beings get old, as well as what we can do to slow the ageing process. As a science writer – and reader – used to incomplete and occasionally absurd claims about staving off old age, I found this paper genuinely difficult to put down. Here are some of its most important takeaways. Ageing is all about your metabolism All told, the authors identified nine key hallmarks of ageing on your metabolism. Let’s be careful about our terms here: your metabolism isn’t some organ or group of organs in your body that determines how many sugary foods you can eat before noticing a bulge on your waistline. Rather, it’s the billions of actions all of your cells take every second of every day to convert fuel into energy and put together the complex compounds necessary for your body to function. As you get old, your metabolism becomes less efficient. Your DNA becomes more damaged, introducing errors and inefficiency to how your cells function. Your body’s process for destroying and eliminating old, exhausted cells ('autophagy') slows down, which has a number of negative effects on your well-being. And all the stress your body has experienced over the course of your lifetime makes it less able to perform the daily quality-control tasks necessary for health. We don’t know how to stop ageing, but we know of some things that can help If ageing is a disease of the metabolism, it shouldn’t surprise anyone that the fuel you put into your body can have a serious impact on your longevity. There’s a strong body of evidence to suggest that what’s known as a Mediterranean diet can extend your life. That’s shorthand for a diet high in healthy fats like olive oil, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, and fish – and with little red meat or sugar. They make a point of noting that replacing proteins with healthy complex carbohydrates seems to offer serious benefits to longevity. Also helpful: calorie restriction. In part, this practice simply refers to not overeating. But perhaps just as important is building periods of fasting into your routine – evidence suggests that doing this for just several hours a day might have a real benefit for some people. Finally, and this should surprise no one, regularly exercise appears to help slow down all nine of the major hallmarks of ageing identified in the paper. Our 'westernised' lifestyles are killing us While improvements in healthcare and public safety have created drastic improvements in lifespans in the 'Western' world, there’s still a lot to worry about. A high-calorie diet heavy in sugar, animal proteins from red meat, and unhealthy fats like margarine stresses our metabolisms and can increase the risks of obesity. Many Americans fail to consume nutritious vegetables, fibres, and whole grains. And most of us simply do not work out enough and spend far too many hours not moving. The problem is serious enough, the study authors write, that they end the paper with a call to action, ostensibly meant to encourage people to adopt healthier lifestyles. There's a lot we still don’t know The most significant part of this paper is that it brings together the dozens of disparate studies on ageing, identifying and highlighting both some of the common threads in the science and some of the major gaps in our knowledge. One of the biggest problems with ageing research that the paper touches on, for example, is the fact that only a fraction of all of our 'ageing science' comes from studies of people. Instead, the vast majority of that research is done in lab animals like flies, worms, and mice. There’s strong evidence for the positive impacts of interventions like caloric restriction on longevity in these animals, but the details are still fuzzy. Hopefully, as more public health and biology research turns toward the question of ageing, we’ll get better at helping people across geographies and social classes live more healthily into their old age. This article was originally published by Business Insider. More from Business Insider:
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The U.S. State Department said on Tuesday it was "mystified" that Gulf Arab states had not released to the public or to Qatar details of the grievances that prompted their boycott of the country. Signaling Washington's mounting frustration at Riyadh's role in the crisis, State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert called on the parties to settle their differences. "The more the time goes by, the more doubt is raised about the actions taken by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. At this point, we are left with one simple question: Were the actions really about their concerns regarding Qatar's alleged support for terrorism or were they about the long-simmering grievances between and among the GCC countries," State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said, referring to the five-nation Gulf Cooperation Council.
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Sinjar, Iraq (CNN) Plumes of smoke blackened the sky above Sinjar as Kurdish forces, backed by intense coalition air support, tried Thursday to take back the northern Iraqi town from ISIS . The operation includes up to 7,500 Peshmergas -- the Kurdish military force -- who are attacking the city from three sides to take control of supply routes, according to the Kurdish Region Security Council. CNN senior international correspondent Nick Paton Walsh is with one of the three fronts of fighters who launched their liberation operation early Thursday morning against a backdrop of airstrikes. The U.S.-backed coalition Operation Inherent Resolve said coalition aircraft have conducted more than 250 airstrikes across northern Iraq in the last month. The strikes have reportedly destroyed ISIS fighting positions, command and control facilities, weapon storage facilities, improvised explosive device factories, and staging areas. "A pitch-black sky was lit up by a lot of coalition airstrikes following days of bombing. At dawn, a large procession of Peshmerga started snaking their way through Sinjar mountain and behind it," Paton Walsh said. The coalition strikes were pounding the strategic city itself, he said, with four different columns of smoke darkening the horizon above: "The strikes on Sinjar almost make the sky over it look black. There's a vast amount of air power -- more intense than the fight for Kobani." JUST WATCHED Liberation from ISIS comes at a cost Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH Liberation from ISIS comes at a cost 02:19 Kobani is a Syrian border town that was wrested back from ISIS militants earlier this year after four months of fierce fighting that left parts of it entirely flattened. According to a Pentagon spokesman, U.S. troops are in the field calling in airstrikes from positions in Sinjar. "The Peshmerga forces are carrying this out with, as you said, the support of coalition advisers. There are U.S. personnel. My understanding is there are coalition advisers from other countries as well participating," Pentagon spokesman Peter Cook told reporters. He added: "Most of those folks as I understand it are behind the front lines advising and working directly with Peshmerga commanders. There are some advisers who are on Sinjar mountain assisting in the selection of airstrike targets." Late Thursday, the Kurdish Region Security Council released a statement detailing the day's operations. It reported that more than 150 square kilometers (60 square miles) had been retaken from ISIS. "Peshmerga units will continue from three fronts to set up defensive positions, allowing engineering teams to clear the heavily mined area. Peshmerga forces have already achieved two of three strategic goals, dealing a significant blow to ISIL morals," it read, using an alternative acronym for ISIS. "The final objective -- to enter and clear the city -- will be underway soon." Peshmerga and coalition unity Reclaiming Sinjar is one big step toward dividing the "caliphate" that ISIS claims it is establishing across the region. The artery that passes through the town links the Iraqi city of Mosul -- ISIS' prized possession -- with cities it holds in Syria. Paton Walsh said the highway was a key goal for the Kurdish fighters, who were equipped with vehicles ranging from pickup trucks to armored Humvees. "One of the targets of this offensive is the highway that runs through Sinjar, known as Route No. 47 to many. Now that's very important, not only of course because of what it does to liberate the population of Sinjar -- those who've not fled ISIS rule having endured it now for over a year -- but also because it is a vital supply route towards Mosul, another key target of any future coalition offensive," he said. About 1.5 million people still live in Mosul, where prices are rising and activists report hunger. The U.S.-backed coalition said "Operation Free Sinjar" was aimed at clearing ISIS from Sinjar and seizing portions of Highway 47. "By controlling Highway 47, which is used by Da'ish to transport weapons, fighters, illicit oil, and other commodities that fund their operations, the Coalition intends to increase pressure on Da'ish and isolate their components from each other," it said in a statement. Da'ish is the Arabic acronym for ISIS. JUST WATCHED ISIS hates this religious group the most Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH ISIS hates this religious group the most 01:57 "This operation will degrade Da'ish's resupply efforts, disrupt funding to the terrorist group's operations, stem the flow of Da'ish fighters into Iraq, and further isolate Mosul from Ar Raqqah," said coalition spokesman Col. Christopher C. Garver. The Syrian city of Ar Raqqah, also spelled Raqqa, is ISIS' de facto capital. By Thursday afternoon, the Kurdish fighters pushing toward Sinjar had taken control of a number of villages near the Iraqi town. "Along that highway there's one village, Kabara, that's been repeatedly hammered by airstrikes in the past hour or so and a lot of Kurdish forces have managed to move into the main road," Paton Walsh said. Tweets by Kurdish fighters showed that almost all the vehicles in the village had been "burned to a crisp." A tough slog Before the push to retake Sinjar began, Kurdish fighters said they knew it wouldn't be easy. Peshmerga commanders estimate some 600 ISIS fighters are inside Sinjar, with recent reinforcements boosting the militants' numbers. The Kurdish fighters believe they will encounter hundreds of landmines and booby traps. Paton Walsh said it was unclear how ISIS would respond to the offensive. "As you've seen in the past, sometimes ISIS have decided that certain fights are not worth them staying for the long haul, and I think there is a certain amount of manpower and mass here -- and also coalition air power, which we heard from the top of Mount Sinjar, during a very dark, cold night yesterday, pound targets consistently around that particular city." Paton Walsh said there had been a "substantial uptick" in airstrikes on Sinjar in the days leading up to the launch of the offensive. Speaking to CNN's Fareed Zakaria, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said he's confident Sinjar will fall, but was reluctant to say when. "But I am convinced that Sinjar will be liberated, as we have liberated Tikrit. And currently the Iraqi forces are moving on Ramadi," he said. Kerry explained the strategy. "President Obama, at the very beginning, said we're going to degrade and defeat ISIL. We're going to stabilize the countries in the region -- Jordan, Lebanon, work with Turkey -- and we are going to seek a political settlement," he said. "That is exactly the strategy today and it is working -- to a degree -- not as fast as we would like, perhaps, but we are making gains." How will ISIS respond? "I think the issue will be for ISIS, given the nature of the offensive -- from three different directions -- quite what their best strategy is: to sit here and try and symbolically hold it as long as they can, or pull out," Paton Walsh said. "ISIS of course may also be feeling pressure on other fronts. There's been a lot of talk about the possibility of a move against Ramadi for the past few months. JUST WATCHED They survived ISIS, but may not survive the winter Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH They survived ISIS, but may not survive the winter 02:47 "We've not seen any evidence of that at this particular stage but there is a genuine feeling that maybe the coalition -- after months of paralysis, months of calm -- might also slowly be beginning to get some kind of harmony or synchronicity here in terms of moving on separate fronts against ISIS and perhaps stretching what resources they have a little bit thinner." A coalition spokesman in Baghdad told reporters later Thursday that Iraqi security forces had begun to encircle Ramadi, with support from coalition air power. ISIS fighters swept into Ramadi in May, tightening control of Iraq's Anbar province and gaining a base of operations about 110 kilometers (70 miles) away from the capital, Baghdad. Paton Walsh said the operation to retake Sinjar was important symbolically. "The Peshmerga here want to show that they can be united with coalition air power, with Western military advisers, who we understand are in their midst here as well, to launch a successful -- and they hope brief -- offensive towards this town, but also strategically, because of what Sinjar could mean in the future, down the line." Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Photos: Agony of the Yazidis A Yazidi woman kisses the hand of a relative before a bus takes women and children who were captives of ISIS to an airport in the Kurdish region of Iraq. From there, they will fly to Germany, where the German government is resettling up to 1,000 former captives of ISIS, giving them housing and psychological treatment. Hide Caption 1 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Sabah Mirza Mahmoud, right, cries next to his uncle Jamil Jato as Mahmoud and his sisters prepare to leave for Germany. Hide Caption 2 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Baba Sheikh, the Yazidi spiritual leader, speaks to Yazidi women and girls who were captives of ISIS before their journey to Germany. Hide Caption 3 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis A Yazidi girl faints while saying goodbye to relatives who are going to Germany. Hide Caption 4 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Jamil Jato shows photos of family members who were murdered by ISIS. Hide Caption 5 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Two older Yazidi men talk under a tree. Hide Caption 6 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis Women and children wave goodbye to relatives before their journey to Germany. Hide Caption 7 of 8 Photos: Agony of the Yazidis A Yazidi man lights a ritual oil candle at sunset. Hide Caption 8 of 8 He said the Kurdish fighters appeared optimistic they would take back Sinjar. "I think the hope amongst the Peshmerga and the coalition is that the level of manpower they have here, their dominance in the skies, means potentially this could be over in days," he said. "But with a town of this size which had tens of thousands living in it before -- which ISIS has had months to prepare for an onslaught against -- this could turn out to be trickier than some are hoping." Retired Lt. Col. Rick Francona, a CNN military analyst, agreed that the fight in Sinjar would be slow going. "They're going to have to slog through this house by house, street by street," he said. "It's going to be very difficult." More than a year under ISIS JUST WATCHED From 2014: Dramatic rescue as Yazidis flee ISIS Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH From 2014: Dramatic rescue as Yazidis flee ISIS 02:10 The world watched in horror last year as some 50,000 Yazidis, who live in the region, scrambled up Mount Sinjar to escape the ISIS onslaught. About 5,000 men and boys in Sinjar and nearby villages were massacred, according to U.N. estimates, while teenage girls and women were sold into slavery Since then, Sinjar has become a chaotic jumble of demolished buildings held by ISIS fighters. "There is no reliable estimate as to how many civilians still live inside of Sinjar," Paton Walsh said. "You can tell how many seem to have fled, from the tents the Yazidis have erected up around Mount Sinjar -- even in this bitter cold -- still enduring a life here, wanting to be near their hometown. But that is the key concern obviously in situations like this. Many will be fearing that the amount of lead-up time has given ISIS adequate ability to ensure the civilian population are in place to assist them in protecting themselves." The Peshmerga said they wanted to establish a buffer zone to protect the civilian population, but it was not entirely clear how that would physically work, Paton Walsh said. Neighbors unite With the operation to retake the town looming, some 5,000 Yazidi fighters were mobilized under the command of the Kurdish Peshmerga. Most are farmers; a very few have military experience. The Yazidis are one of the world's smallest and oldest monotheistic religious minorities. Their religion is considered a pre-Islamic sect that draws from Christianity, Judaism and the ancient monotheistic religion of Zoroastrianism. In ISIS' eyes, they're infidels. The Yazidis and Kurds have lived side by side for thousands of years and are friendly neighbors. The Kurds are Sunni Muslims, who have their own unique language and culture. They occupy an autonomous region in northern Iraq, but the Kurdish homeland also covers portions of Iran, Turkey, Armenia and Syria.
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The Trump administration is rolling back provisions that make family planning services affordable and accessible. This is a mistake. It will damage prospects for women, children, and the economy. Far from cutting back these services, we should be expanding them. Improved access to the most effective forms of contraception has empowered millions of women to control their fertility and, with it, their economic fortunes. Multiple studies have attributed gains in women’s educational attainment and employment to increased access to contraception. Women’s greater workforce participation has fueled economic growth since the 1970s, but female participation rates in the U.S. are now declining. Reversing these recent trends and growing the economy requires building on the incredible progress made on contraceptive access, not rolling back these advances. And while some states have moved to make contraception more widely available, family planning funding cuts in other states and rollbacks at the national level are jeopardizing all of the progress that has already been made for women, children, and the economy at large progression on teen birth rates, thanks to contraception Efforts to increase women’s economic empowerment through improved contraceptive access are not shots in the dark. We know that unintended childbearing is bad for both parents and children, and that almost all unintended pregnancies result either from the failure to use any kind of birth control or from inconsistent and incorrect use. But progress is possible. Just look at the dramatic decline in the teen birth rate in recent decades. In 2016, it was under one-quarter what it was in 1960. While causation is notoriously tricky to tease out, experts agree that this is largely thanks to the improved use of the most effective forms of contraception. The use of LARCs among teens seeking contraceptive services at Title X family planning clinics increased from 0.4 to 7.1 percent between 2005 and 2013. And contrary to the fear among many that contraceptive coverage could “affect risky sexual behavior in a negative way,” expanded access to contraception has not coincided with an increase in risky sexual behavior among teens. In fact, the share of teens who are sexually active has declined since 1991. Contraceptive costs matter While teen birth rates have plummeted, other groups have not witnessed similar progress. Almost half of all pregnancies in the U.S are still unintended. The rate of unintended pregnancy has declined for all women, but much less so for poor and minority women. Why these disparities? For one, birth control is expensive. Without insurance coverage, costs range from $20 to $90 per month for oral contraceptives and up to $1,000 for an IUD. Over an entire year, this represents 1.5 to 7 percent of the income of a full-time minimum wage worker – it’s not pocket change.[1] And when the price is high, it has a notable effect on birth rates. A sharp and unexpected price increase for oral contraceptives in Chile was followed by a rise in the rate of unintended pregnancy and a 4 percent increase in the weekly birth rate, driven by children born to unmarried mothers, mothers in their early twenties, and first-time mothers. But when the price is low, more women are able to use contraception to control their fertility. When the ACA eliminated cost sharing for birth control, more women were able to access prescription contraceptives and choose effective long-term methods. Results from the Colorado Family Planning initiative (CFPI), a $23 million program focused on improving LARC access at Title X clinics, showed that counties receiving funding witnessed an additional 6.4 percent decline in teen birth rates relative to comparable U.S. counties with Title X clinics—with larger effects in high-poverty counties. Seventy percent of participants in the contraceptive CHOICE Project chose a LARC when educated about the benefits and provided their choice of contraception at no cost. Related Content Social Mobility Memos Low-maintenance birth control: Gaining popularity, but barriers remain Social Mobility Memos Three Facts about Birth Control and Social Mobility Report The Promise of birth control These programs have shown that reducing the cost of contraception can have substantial positive impacts. Some states have sought to restrict funding for family planning services, making contraception more expensive or out of reach for certain populations. In Texas, $73 million in funding cuts to family planning services led many facilities to close and the costs for services to increase. Many studies have shown that these funding cuts increased birth rates in affected counties, particularly among young, low-income, and unmarried women, precisely the groups most at risk of being poor and needing government assistance. If we want to reduce unplanned pregnancies, the abortion rate, single parenthood, and government spending, these funding cuts are entirely misguided. Every dollar spent on family planning saves about $7 in spending for Medicaid, welfare, and other social services. Expanding (not retracting) access improves lives and boosts economic growth The many advances in contraception effectiveness and access have enabled millions of women to further their educations, compete in the workforce, and control their futures. And while teen birth rates have plummeted in large part thanks to these advances, other groups have yet to experience comparable progress. Building upon the progress that has already been made means ensuring that more women have access to effective forms of contraception and, likewise, more control over their fertility. Rolling back these advances is not just bad for women and their children, it is bad for the economy. If the administration is serious about targeting high GDP growth, helping women align their behavior with their intentions would be a good place to start. [1] Estimates are calculated using the federal minimum wage of $7.25 and 2,087 annual hours for full-time workers.
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The climate scientists at the centre of a media storm were today cleared of accusations that they fudged their results and silenced critics to bolster the case for man-made global warming. Sir Muir Russell, the senior civil servant who led a six-month inquiry into the affair, said the "rigour and honesty" of the scientists at the world-leading Climatic Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) are not in doubt. They did not subvert the peer review process to censor criticism as alleged, the panel found, while key data needed to reproduce their findings was freely available to any "competent" researcher. The panel did criticise the scientists for not being open enough about their work, and said they were "unhelpful and defensive" when responding to legitimate requests made under freedom of information (FOI) laws. The row was sparked when 13 years of emails from CRU scientists were hacked and released online last year. Climate change sceptics claimed they showed scientists manipulating and suppressing data to back up a theory of man-made climate change. Critics also alleged that the scientists abused their positions to cover up flaws and distort the peer review process that determines which studies are published in journals, and so enter the scientific record. Some alleged that the emails cast doubt on the findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Announcing the findings, Russell said: "Ultimately this has to be about what they did, not what they said." He added: "The honesty and rigour of CRU as scientists are not in doubt ... We have not found any evidence of behaviour that might undermine the conclusions of the IPCC assessments." The review is the third and final inquiry into the email affair, dubbed "climategate", and effectively clears Professor Phil Jones, head of the CRU, and his colleagues of the most serious charges. Questions remain over the way in which they responded to requests for information from people outside the conventional scientific arena, some of whom were long-standing critics of Jones. "We do find that there has been a consistent pattern of failing to display the proper degree of openness, both on the part of CRU scientists and on the part of the UEA," the report, commissioned by UEA, said. It also criticised the CRU scientists for failing to include proper labels on a 1999 graph prepared for the World Meteorological Organisation, which was the subject of an infamous email about Jones using a "trick" to "hide the decline". The panel said the result was misleading, though they accepted this was not deliberate as the necessary caveats had been included in the report text. Separately, it was announced today that Phil Jones has accepted the new post of director of research at CRU. The vice chancellor of UEA, Professor Edward Acton, said this was "not a demotion but a shift in emphasis of role" for Phil Jones. "CRU will be more closely integrated in the bigger school of environmental sciences and a key difference is to place some of the administrative burden that Phil had before this incident on the head of the school," said Prof Acton. Jones will be more free to direct and conduct his own research. Future FOI requests for the CRU will be directed though the head of the school, Professor Jacquie Burgess, and the ultimate responsibility for such requests will lie with the vice-chancellor, as highlighted in the Russell report. • Additional reporting by Christine Ottery
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Secret Girlfriend Description We're not kids anymore... Hide and seek. ♥
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Want more attention? A fake pregnancy should do it. Apparently. "Need a bun in the oven?" says the website Fake a Baby.com. "We can help." Billing itself as the "Home of the $9.95 fake Ultrasound", it purports to sell the "Best Gag Gifts on Earth". But nobody in Wyandotte, Michigan, thinks it's funny that a teenage girl pretended for months that she was pregnant with triplets, using Fake a Baby products, station WJBK reported. The Fake a Baby.com website. Photo: Fake a Baby.com As word of her impending good fortune spread on Facebook - through a group she joined called "Moms of Triplets" - gifts started pouring in, the station said. A church got involved, a nonprofit group in Dearborn chipped in and relatives threw her a baby shower. "She got tonnes of help," Jessica Adams, an aunt, told the station. "The gifts, they couldn't even open at the shower there was so much." The Fake a Baby.com website. Photo: Fake a Baby.com She looked pregnant, too. Her abdomen expanded appropriately. She had ultrasound pictures confirming the triplets. And her 16-year-old boyfriend, when told that he was about to become a father of three, said he was excited, but also a little scared. "I started looking for jobs the best I could," he told the station. However, his mother started to get suspicious when she could not locate the doctor who was supposedly tending to her son's girlfriend. And things got really strange when, even after 10 months, not a single baby - let alone three of them - arrived. "Ten months?" the station's reporter asked the young man. "I mean, she would have had the baby by then." "That's what I thought too," he replied. Asked why he hadn't grown suspicious at that point, the young man said "she gave me the story of micro preemies and how her doctor thought time would be better in there than time in the incubator". It happened that the young woman had posted pictures of her ultrasound on the "Moms of Triplets" Facebook page, where someone discovered the photos were identical to ultrasound images of triplets sold on Fake a Baby.com and got in touch with the family. The story quickly unravelled. Now, the station said, the police are involved. Meanwhile, attention has focused on Fake a Baby.com. Its wares include the "Silicon [sic] Fake Pregnancy Belly-Twins", reduced in price from $299.95 to $149.99; the "Silicon Fake Pregnancy Belly" for the "20 to 25 week stage to the 38 weeks stage" and "Silicone Breast Pushups" in a variety of colours. And, of course, "Fake Ultrasound Sonograms, Personalized" and "personalized fake prescription" bottles. Fake a Baby.com, has been in the news at least once before - in a felony spousal abuse case reported by The Bakersfield Californian in 2013. A local correctional officer was charged with abuse after he discovered his girlfriend lied about being pregnant using an ultrasound from Fake a Baby.com. The judge dismissed the case, noting that the woman "wasn't the most credible of witnesses". The company was mentioned on NPR's Wait Wait ... Don't Tell Me!, in a story about some Chinese women who, in an effort to get seats on crowded Beijing subways, pretended to be pregnant using fake bellies apparently purchased from the company. The ruse came to an end when one of the fake stomachs "fell to the ground" in front of some subway passengers. Neither the company nor the Wyandotte police returned calls requesting comment late on Tuesday night. Head to our Facebook page for more from Stuff Life & Style
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KABUL, Afghanistan — American officials, when looking to quickly illustrate progress in Afghanistan, have in the past few months highlighted a 7 percent drop last year in what they call “enemy-initiated attacks.” Fewer attacks, the reasoning went, meant Afghans were safer and the Taliban were weaker. The problem: There was no decline. The numbers were wrong. The American-led NATO coalition said Tuesday that it had discovered a clerical error in its reporting and that the number of enemy-initiated attacks — defined as attacks with guns, mortars, rockets or improvised explosive devices — remained constant from 2011 to 2012. Though the mistake may be embarrassing, it is not likely to greatly change perspectives about how the war is going. That is in part because, outside of official circles, few analysts have seen the violence statistic as good news. In fact, the same measure, when looked at over a wider sample of years, actually depicts a drastic growth in violence since 2009, when American commanders first began inching toward a counterinsurgency strategy that focused on reducing violence rather than solely on battling militants.
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It’s been rumored for ages, but now it’s official. Peter Jackson and the production team behind the “Lord of the Rings” legacy have tapped Guillermo del Toro to direct “The Hobbit” and its sequel, “The Hobbit 2.” The first film based on J.R.R. Tolkien’s beloved book of the same name was confirmed by Jackson and Fran Walsh, executive producers of the films, as well as New Line Cinema’s Toby Emmerich and Mary Parent, chairperson of MGM. “We have long admired Guillermo’s work and cannot think of a more inspired filmmaker to take the journey back to Middle-earth,” Walsh and Jackson said in a statement. “We are delighted ‘The Hobbit’ is in such trustworthy hands.” As part of the deal, Del Toro will relocate to New Zealand for the next four years to work with Jackson and his production teams at Wingnut and WETA. He will direct the films back to back – telling the story of “The Hobbit,” and its sequel, which will deal with the 60-year period between “The Hobbit” and “The Fellowship of the Ring,” the first book in the “Lord of the Rings” trilogy. Del Toro, who has a long list of fantasy films under his belt including the haunting “Pan’s Labyrinth,” “Hellboy” and “Blade 2,” said contributing to the “Rings” legacy was “an absolute dream come true.” New Line, which produced the “Rings” trilogy, will oversee and manage production of the two films. The project will be co-financed by New Line and MGM. The studio declined to confirm official release dates but word inside the studio is a 2011 release for “The Hobbit” and 2012 for the sequel. This summer Del Toro’s film “Hellboy 2: The Golden Army” hits theaters in July. The Oscar-winning, critically acclaimed “Rings” trilogy grossed nearly $3 billion worldwide at the box office. The receipts from those profits were long a matter of dispute between Jackson and New Line, which eventually put aside their differences in December.
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During the 2016 federal election, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull seemed to treat the contest as a cordial disagreement between gentlemen. Mr Turnbull reportedly resisted ‘going negative’ during the campaign, while Opposition leader Bill Shorten and his election strategists had no such compunction. Thanks in no small part to the ‘Mediscare’ element of its campaign, Labor brought the Turnbull government to within one seat of defeat. And as a result, Mr Turnbull learned an important political truth – negativity is significantly more powerful in politics than positivity can ever hope to be. So as we head towards the upcoming rematch between Mr Turnbull and Mr Shorten, we can at least be sure of one thing – the next federal election will more closely resemble a cage fight than a meeting of your local Rotary club. Another thing that has become even more clear this week is that the election cage fight will be all about tax. Far from being a choice between Tweedledum and Tweedledee, as it was perceived to be during the Howard years, this election will feature a stark policy distinction between Labor and the Coalition. While both claim to want to improve the lives of everyday Australians, they aim to do so in vastly difference ways. The Opposition has promised to raise some taxes and cut or abolish other tax breaks so that it can increase spending on health, education and welfare. The Coalition has claimed its plan to reduce taxes for business will boost the economy, thereby creating jobs and raising wages. Both will probably offer personal tax cuts. However, most voters are unlikely to ever read or hear such a polite explanation of those policies. Instead they’ll be treated to a never-ending slanging match in which the main contenders will use whatever rhetoric and false “facts” are available to politically kick, punch and gouge the eyes of their opponents. We’ve had a preview of the grudge match this week in Canberra, where the government’s fact-lite scaremongering over the Opposition’s new dividend imputation policy – or “pensioner tax” – caused Labor to quickly exempt pensioners from the proposed abolition of cash refunds. In response, the Coalition simply shifted gear to berate it as a “retiree tax” instead. The government’s attack on Labor has two elements – the Opposition’s trustworthiness and its economic credibility. The Coalition claims Labor’s ‘backflip’ on dividend imputation shows the Opposition is inconsistent and undependable, and that it doesn’t adequately think through its policies. And it points to Labor’s ‘tax and spend’ approach as confirmation of the Opposition’s economic ‘irresponsibility’. Labor also continued to play dirty this week, using every opportunity to falsely claim the entire $65 billion company tax cut package is a handout to the ‘top end of town’ or ‘multinationals’ or ‘the banks’, when it includes cuts for all businesses including family small businesses with turnovers as low as $2 million. Neither side seems particularly concerned with letting the facts get in the way of a fierce political stoush. The PM committed this week to taking the second round of company tax cuts (for businesses with more than $50 million in turnover) to the election if they are not passed by the Senate before then. The tax cuts for businesses under that threshold have already been passed and implemented. Labor in turn committed this week to scrap the tax cuts for bigger businesses, and there are media reports it may also reverse tax cuts (that is, increase taxes) for businesses with turnovers between $10 million and $50 million. Labor says it will make a decision on this after the May budget. And so the scene has been set for the tax cage-fight election, which can occur any time from August this year. If this past week is anything to go by, that fight will be down and dirty. But there’s another important lesson that neither leader should forget: as we learned in 2013, a successful cage fighter doesn’t necessarily make a good prime minister.
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“The ones that really hurt are from people who took me as something of a role model and are saying: ‘What a disappointment. Why are you selling out to the coal indu stry? Don’t you care about your grandchildren’s future?’” Et Tu, Tribe? laurence tribe, the president’s longtime confidant, is fighting the White House climate plan on behalf of Big Coal. His friends are furious at him, which breaks his heart. Photograph by Nigel Parry Just after noon on June 18, Laurence H. Tribe, the nation’s foremost scholar of constitutional law, fired off an angry and anguished self-defense. “I just finished my roughly half-hour interview on WNYC with Brian Lehrer,” he wrote in an email to the publishers of his most recent book about the Supreme Court, Uncertain Justice. “I suppose I did well enough, but the interview was a complete disaster. Please let the Brian Lehrer Show know that I felt totally sandbagged.” Related Stories Why Is a Liberal Professor Helping Mitch McConnell Fight for Coal Companies? The appearance had begun innocuously, with a discussion of the most recent Supreme Court decisions — what the Harvard Law professor later called June’s “series of thunderclaps.” Tribe’s credentials as a liberal legal activist are the stuff of legend — counsel in Bush v. Gore, slayer of archconservative Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork — and he is as informed about the Court’s opaque inner workings as any outsider can be. He taught Elena Kagan and John Roberts at Harvard and played an unusually involved role in Barack Obama’s education in the law; for a brief time during Obama’s first term, he served at the Justice Department. At 73, Tribe is accustomed to his preeminence. So he bristled when Lehrer courteously but insistently turned the conversation to his other role, as a highly compensated litigator for a coal company fighting Obama’s climate-change initiative. “Can a scholar take a client like that and maintain an appearance of independence?” “Well, I’ve been doing this kind of thing for decades,” Tribe replied, the ice creeping into his voice. “And I’m just not for sale.” He had the urge to hang up the phone then and there. But he fought it off and handled another 90 seconds of questioning with superficial aplomb. “I have had a career that I’m proud of. I’ve represented causes that I believe in,” he said. “And whether I believe in the cause or not is not a function of whether the client is corporate or noncorporate.” Inside, though, Tribe was churning. “It was an inexcusable ambush,” he wrote immediately afterward, an “awful caricature.” He was flummoxed that people involved with a friendly NPR show would prove to be “such venomous snakes.” Tribe’s emotions might seem extreme in light of the tenor of the conversation and the fact that he should have known the questions were inevitable. But the controversy over his role in the climate case had upended his place in the world, setting friends and colleagues against him and shaking two pillars of his reputation: his liberal idealism and his legal brilliance. The reversal dates to last year, when Tribe got involved in a constitutional challenge to Obama’s plan to curtail power-plant carbon emissions. His client, Peabody Energy, is the world’s largest private-sector coal company. The bare facts of the case concern dueling interpretations of an arcane passage of the Clean Air Act, but the political ramifications are monumental. Enemies of the climate initiative, which aims to cut emissions from the power sector by 30 percent from 2005 levels, see it as a naked abuse of executive power intended to put companies like Peabody out of business. Proponents say the new regulations fall well within the Environmental Protection Agency’s authority, and that the coal industry is destroying the planet. “For most environmental-law scholars, climate change is the challenge of our lifetime, it is an existential threat to life as we know it,” says the UCLA law professor Ann Carlson, who has written that Tribe is “destroying his reputation” as a constitutional theorist. “I think the question is, how can Larry Tribe be attacking the president’s climate-change policy in this way?” Both sides of the carbon-regulation battle recognize that Tribe’s name has currency. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has taken to citing the “iconic left-leaning law professor.” A pair of Harvard environmental-law experts, Jody Freeman and Richard Lazarus, singled out Tribe in a blog post on the university’s own website, attacking his “sweeping assertions of unconstitutionality” as “ridiculous.” “Were Professor Tribe’s name not attached to them,” they wrote, “no one would take them seriously.” The spectacle of a Harvard-faculty feud, along with reports of “particularly fierce” anger emanating from the administration of Tribe’s former student, served to escalate a dry dispute into political drama. Tribe has been fielding a deluge of emails from old friends and former students. “The ones that really hurt,” Tribe told me, “are from people who, for whatever reason, took me as something of a role model, who are saying: ‘What a disappointment. Why are you selling out to the coal industry? Don’t you care about your grandchildren’s future? You’re helping to ruin the planet, and I’m losing faith in you.’ ” He has poured his lawyerly vehemence into long justifications sometimes punctuated by hopeful emoji: . In early July, Tribe traveled to the Chautauqua Institution, a lakeside retreat in western New York that hosts a summer cultural festival, to give a lecture on the Supreme Court. “The Constitution is a great teacher,” Tribe told the audience. “It expands our field of vision.” He was especially invigorated by the recent Obergefell v. Hodges decision, which enshrined a constitutional right to marriage. Tribe defended gay rights before the cause was popular and took justifiable pride in the victory. “As I sat at home watching these events unfold,” he said in his speech, “I took out my small copy of the U.S. Constitution. Its words hadn’t changed, but somehow it looked bigger.” Then one audience member asked Tribe to defend his representation of “corporations in opposing provisions of the Clean Air Act.” Another brought up the Koch brothers. (They are tangentially connected to another Tribe client, an organization fighting a wind-power plant.) “Is there any constitutional basis,” Tribe was asked, “for protecting our democracy and our environment from that kind of corruption?” Tribe dutifully ticked off his defenses. He claims he only makes legal arguments he believes in, that more than half his cases are pro bono, that his quarrels with Obama are limited to this one policy, which he says is an unconstitutional power grab. Finally, sounding exasperated, he reprised an incendiary line: “As I’ve said — some people said I was being a little melodramatic — I don’t think burning the Constitution instead of coal will really be a way of saving the environment.” Tribe in the Oval Office, 2010. Photo: Courtesy of Laurence Tribe A few months before, on a steamy spring afternoon in Washington, I met Tribe at the Georgetown Ritz-Carlton. That morning, he had argued Peabody’s case before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. He had just awoken from a nap, refreshed after his morning in court and a customary post-argument martini, which he’d consumed over a lunchtime debriefing session with his clients at the Capital Grille. Now, amid a swirl of bankers and dignitaries in town for a global IMF summit, he told me that he bore Obama no ill will and even sympathized with his desire to act as his time in office ran short. “Presidents have very limited power, even as commander-in-chief, and they all realize that, and therefore they champ at the bit,” he said. “I’m sure this climate initiative, at least as much as health care, is part of immortality for him. This is what he can do that can make a huge difference for generations. And I wish him well. I just wish he could find a constitutional way to do it.” Tribe has spent his career divining the entrails of the Supreme Court’s opinions, parsing the signals it sends via asides and footnotes, and developing an understanding of each justice’s view of the Constitution. He knows all of them personally, apart from Samuel Alito. That deep knowledge, in turn, has made him a fortune as an appellate attorney. Tribe sees no conflict between these roles, only a lucrative symbiosis. Like many liberal constitutional-law scholars, he is intellectually skeptical of the ways in which Obama — himself a liberal constitutional-law scholar — has sought to expand executive power. Some of his peers are dismayed by the president’s assertion of the authority to summarily execute American-born terrorists with drones, his sweeping up of phone data, and his continued detention of prisoners at Guantánamo. Tribe has picked a much more unpopular place to make a stand, but he says that the truth, however unpleasant, is that the Constitution contains rights for coal companies, too. Tribe has argued 35 cases before the Supreme Court, winning well over half of them, and is frequently hired to handle appeals in lower courts. Once a champion collegiate debater, he relishes the rush of oral arguments. He doesn’t like rehearsing — he eschewed moot courts for years, thinking they would dull his edge of anxiety. Before a case, he often lies awake at night, testing out inventive lines of argument in his head. “His recall and understanding of the relationship between things in constitutional law is almost beyond comprehension,” says Tom Goldstein, publisher of SCOTUSblog, who collaborated on appellate cases with Tribe for years. Sometimes connections come to him in a flash. One night, shortly before he was to appear before the appeals court on Peabody’s behalf, he thought up an answer to the government’s strongest argument, the contention that it was not yet possible to judge the EPA’s rule because it was not finalized. Sure enough, at the hearing, it took less than a minute for Judge Thomas Griffith to pose the question: “Do you know of any case in which we have halted a proposed rulemaking?” When it came time for Tribe to offer his answer, he reached back four decades to cite U.S. v. Jackson, a decision about guilty pleas and the death penalty, which he had helped to craft as clerk to Justice Potter Stewart. “One needn’t wait to see if the guillotine drops,” Tribe said. The metaphor might seem histrionic, but Tribe argues that the mere threat of regulation poses catastrophic risks to the coal industry. The U.S. energy market’s reliance on coal-fired power plants has been shrinking because of cheap natural gas from fracking and pressure from environmental groups. Peabody’s stock price has plunged by 97 percent over the past four years, and many smaller coal companies have gone bankrupt. The industry argues that the new carbon-emissions standards will cause more plants to close, raising rates for consumers and disproportionately harming the more coal-dependent states. In filings on behalf of Peabody, Tribe argues that the EPA’s action is “aimed squarely at stamping out coal.” Environmental advocates say he’s exactly right. For this reason, the courtroom was packed with energy and environmental lobbyists. Lazarus and Freeman sat side by side in a reserved row, scribbling notes. Everyone involved recognized that this particular lawsuit was a long shot. (Ultimately, the court would end up rejecting it on the narrow grounds of its being premature.) But the antagonists were treating the argument like the first round in a prizefight — a chance to throw a few jabs, probe weaknesses, and test lines of attack. The dispute will almost certainly end up before the Supreme Court, soon. The panel of three Republican-appointed judges sounded unsympathetic to the EPA. They were constrained, however, by a key precedent, derived from Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council, which holds that agencies are entitled to deference when it comes to interpreting laws. “If I saw two absolutely conflicting positions,” Griffith said, “then it is Chevron, right?” “I would try to look at that decision and read it more narrowly,” Tribe replied, “in order to avoid accusing the Supreme Court of not knowing how to read the Constitution.” Tribe has made some sweeping constitutional claims, accusing the EPA of violating the Fifth and Tenth Amendments by bullying private businesses and state regulators. But much of the argument in court focused on an esoteric issue involving the wording of the Clean Air Act as it was amended during the first Bush administration. In a situation reminiscent of the most recent Obamacare fight, King v. Burwell, the 1990 amendments had never been properly reconciled by Congress and thus contained two versions of Section 111(d). The bizarre mistake had taken on importance only decades later, when the EPA decided to use the provision to regulate carbon from power plants. Tribe argued that Congress never intended to slip a massive expansion of federal regulation into what might be viewed as the legislative equivalent of a typo. Even defenders of the EPA recognized that the wording presented a problem: Though the version they preferred appeared to give the agency clear authority, the other was more ambiguous. The Clean Air Act is a clunky device for regulating carbon — that’s the reason Obama had first pressed for his cap-and-trade plan, which would have established a market-based system through congressional legislation. Still, a 2007 Supreme Court decision expressly allowed the EPA to treat carbon as a pollutant, and Tribe’s opponents couldn’t fathom how he had managed to escalate a statutory quibble into a crisis on a par with notorious abuses of executive power, like Harry Truman’s seizure of the steel mills. Freeman says she felt “awkward” criticizing a colleague she otherwise respects but that she was obliged to speak out against what she sees as misleading rhetoric. “The worst of it is no one will stop and ask about the quality of his arguments,” Freeman says. “They just hear Larry Tribe say that the Constitution is ‘burning,’ and they take it on faith. It’s like Yoda has spoken. I’m not saying the EPA’s power-plant rule is perfect — it’s not. But ask anyone with any real expertise in this area, and they will tell you that the constitutional claims are fictions of the coal industry’s imagination.” In 1977, when he was 36 years old, Tribe took on the gargantuan project that established his reputation: a treatise that sought to synthesize everything there was to know about the Constitution. He wrote in a manic frenzy of productivity, an eight-month flurry of all-nighters. Harvard set up a bank of 11 typewriters for him, because he couldn’t manage to change a ribbon. Tribe was a Ph.D. student in mathematics before he turned to the law, and his method in analyzing the law was Newtonian, reducing its workings to seven “models.” In his scholarship, he often seeks to apply abstruse principles from physics. His 2008 book The Invisible Constitution explores the unstated principles that “animate and undergird” the written text like “dark matter.” In the 1980s, he wrote an article called “The Curvature of Constitutional Space” with assistance from Barack Obama, seeking to investigate what the law’s “contours mean for those who might be trapped or excluded by them.” Tribe has devoted his studies to probing what he has called “constitutional silences,” in part through an expansive reading of the Ninth Amendment, which says that the rights provided by the Constitution are not limited to the ones it specifically enumerates. In 1987, he faced down his ideological opposite in the figure of Robert Bork, who likened the Ninth Amendment to a mere “inkblot.” Tribe had been laying the groundwork for opposition to Ronald Reagan’s Supreme Court nominees — before Bork was selected, he published a book arguing that judicial selection was “too important a task to be left to any president” — and he played a starring role at Bork’s confirmation hearings, offering damning testimony. At the time, Tribe was widely seen as destined for the Supreme Court one day himself, and the conventional wisdom, perhaps oversimplified, is that in helping to foil Bork, he sacrificed his own chances of ever being nominated. “That’s the reason why he’s an iconic figure,” says Bob Shrum, Tribe’s friend and a political consultant to Senator Ted Kennedy, who helped to rally Senate opposition to Bork. “I said to him, look, you have to make this decision yourself, but if you do this, you have to be aware that a lot of Republicans who don’t agree with you, but kind of respect you, will never, ever, agree to put you on the Supreme Court.” Tribe’s admirers wonder how history might have unfolded if he had heeded his friend’s warning. “It’s very counterfactual,” Tribe told me. “Because had I not testified against Bork, I might not have been as fervently embraced by liberals as I came to be. Until recently.” Instead of serving on the Court, Tribe continued to serve as its interpreter from his lofty perch in Cambridge. He is one of two dozen Harvard faculty members who hold the title “university professor.” Generations of students have competed for precious slots in Tribe’s classes and the beneficence of his attention. “I think I have thousands of children,” Tribe says. (His two biological children are both artists.) He told me he sees that patrimonial influence as one of the two most important components of his legacy. The other is his advocacy for expanded rights. Tribe’s most historically meaningful argument may be one he lost. In 1986, in the case Bowers v. Hardwick, he represented an Atlanta bartender named Michael Hardwick before the Court. Hardwick had been charged with sodomy after police came to serve him with an unrelated warrant and discovered him in his bedroom with another man. Tribe hoped to convince the swing vote, Justice Lewis Powell, that the sodomy law violated the unenumerated right to privacy. After some vacillation, though, Powell sided against him, writing in an internal memo that the assertion that there was no difference between gay and heterosexual relationships was typical of “Professor Tribe, with his usual overblown rhetoric.” The next year, Powell announced his retirement, and Reagan picked Bork to replace him. After Bork’s rejection, Reagan appointed Anthony Kennedy instead; Tribe testified in favor. Kennedy wrote this year’s gay-marriage opinion, as well as the 2013 opinion that paved the way for it and the 2003 opinion that declared sodomy laws unconstitutional. He also wrote the 1996 opinion in a pivotal case that struck down an anti-gay Colorado initiative, holding that a state cannot “deem a class of persons a stranger to its laws.” The opinion’s wording closely resembled that of an amicus brief written by Tribe. Today, Tribe calls Kennedy one of the Court’s greatest justices — an assessment not entirely free of self-identification. All along, though, Tribe also took highly lucrative cases representing corporate clients. “I did decide that I would never do something just for the money, and I would turn down lots of offers,” Tribe says. Tobacco companies, for instance. “I mean, if I had all the money from all the cases that I turned down, I’d have ten times as much as I have now.” As the Columbia University law professor Tim Wu recounted in a recent New Yorker blog post, Tribe has made the case against net neutrality on behalf of his client Time Warner and has challenged aspects of hazardous-waste-cleanup laws on behalf of General Electric. He has represented Nike in a case related to overseas sweatshops. In the 1980s, he represented criminal defendants like Michael Milken and the Reverend Sun Myung Moon. Tribe says that he took these cases because, to him, each raised important legal issues, such as a corporation’s right to a fair hearing in the case of G.E., or prosecutorial abuses in the case of Milken. In 1994, an American Lawyer article titled “The Croesus of Cambridge” described how Tribe had built an informal but thriving law practice, charging as much as $1,200 an hour. One Supreme Court argument alone, in the 1987 case Pennzoil v. Texaco — involving what was then the largest civil judgment in history — earned him a reported fee of $3 million. “In general, it was like, ‘Hey, we love practicing the law, that’s what we do, and they pay us for that, handsomely,’ ” says Brian Koukoutchos, who was a research assistant to Tribe and continued to work with him as a lawyer after he graduated. “Having paying clients,” he says, “allows you the luxury of being able to take on clients that can’t pay.” Today, Tribe works mainly with another former research assistant, Jonathan Massey, who has a boutique appellate-law firm in Washington, which touts Tribe’s corporate work on its website. Massey is co-counsel with Tribe on the Peabody case. The largeness of Tribe’s reputation, and fortune, made him an equally large target when he came out in opposition to Obama’s climate plan. “There’s an enormous amount of jealousy in the Harvard faculty,” says his longtime colleague Alan Dershowitz, who helped to rally a group of legal luminaries to write in Tribe’s defense in the Boston Globe. “He’s a university professor, he’s made a lot of money, he’s very well known.” In 2005, the law school’s Drama Society put on a satirical musical skit, “I’m Larry Tribe,” set to the tune of “I Will Survive.” An actress playing Elena Kagan, then the school’s dean, sang: He’s ten feet tall! He learned to fly! And though he’ll never be a Justice He’s never gonna die He is the sultan of Sudan He is the closer for the Sox And the legal fees he charges Make him richer than Fort Knox! The affection between Tribe and Kagan is real and long-standing. For a time after her graduation, she lived in the finished basement of his family’s 19th-century frame house off Brattle Street. But Tribe has said that among all his students, none was finer than Barack Obama. It is a measure of Obama’s easygoing ambition that soon after he arrived at Harvard Law, he sought out its most prominent faculty member. Tribe marked the day of their first meeting on his calendar with an exclamation point. Obama helped him to write the physics article and a book about abortion. They would talk through case law while taking long walks along the Charles River. Tribe remained in touch with Obama after he graduated and was one of his early political champions. He introduced his “inspiring” former student to the people of Iowa in a 2007 campaign ad. On the night of the 2008 election, Tribe emotionally embraced Obama in Grant Park. “As a nation,” he wrote in a blog post the next morning, “we have come of age.” In anticipation of an influential role in the new administration, Tribe prepared to move to Washington. When he got there, however, he discovered that Obama hadn’t changed politics. “It’s not just all the terrible things that people say behind each other’s backs,” Tribe says. “It’s how jealous people are of their turf, even when you are part of the same administration.” Tribe was offered assurances of a high-level job. In 2009, he wrote a private letter to Obama suggesting a “newly created DOJ position dealing with the rule of law.” He seemed like an ideal candidate to sort out dilemmas like Guantánamo. “I thought that for me to be giving broader advice on constitutional issues would make sense,” Tribe says. “But it was clear that was stepping on people’s toes.” He instead took a nebulous Justice Department job, “senior counselor for access to justice,” and did grassroots work like aiding homeowners facing foreclosure. Still, some colleagues remained resentful of his relationship with the president. Obama occasionally summoned him to the Oval Office to talk about abstract issues of law, but even those rare interactions created friction. “Rahm Emanuel pulled me aside at a party at the W Hotel,” Tribe recalls. “He said, ‘I heard you went to the Big Guy behind my back.’ ” Tribe was dealing with health problems, complications from an earlier surgery to treat a benign brain tumor, as well as the emotion and expense of what he described in the Washington Post as “a very contentious divorce” from his wife of four decades. (He told the Post that Kagan was one of his few confidantes.) But the low point came in the form of a leak. A blog obtained that 2009 letter to the president in which Tribe had mainly addressed the subject of future Supreme Court appointments, offering praise for Kagan and an uncharacteristically harsh assessment of another leading candidate, Sonia Sotomayor. “Bluntly put, she’s not nearly as smart as she seems to think she is,” he wrote, “and her reputation for being something of a bully could well make her liberal impulses backfire.” “I could hardly have been more wrong, and it was foolish of me,” Tribe told me. (In Uncertain Justice, he is conspicuously complimentary of Sotomayor, calling her a “judge’s judge” and comparing her to Earl Warren.) Kagan and Sotomayor were both on the Court by the time the letter emerged in late 2010, so it only served to damage its author. Citing his health, Tribe soon resigned. “I assume someone in the administration leaked it to injure Larry,” Tom Goldstein says. He believes the letter had to be understood in the context of Tribe’s relationship to Kagan. “It’s just Larry being unbelievably loyal, and somewhat tone-deaf to the prospect that someone could use it to hurt him later on,” he says. “He is a thinker, not a maneuverer, and that means he can very easily be outmaneuvered.” Tribe told me he hasn’t spoken to the president in almost four years and hasn’t had any direct communication with the White House about the EPA case. “It’s all mean anonymous quotes,” he says. But he would very much like to know how Obama regards him today. “Do you really think that Barack or people close to him are pissed at me?” Tribe recalls asking his former research assistant Ron Klain, who was Vice-President Biden’s chief of staff. “He said, ‘No, I think they realize that your credibility when you’re on their side is enhanced by the fact that you’re not always on their side.’ ” “He’s assuming a largeness of spirit,” he says, “that may or may not be there.” While representing the coal industry had caused Tribe personal pain, it has been good for his personal business. Lately, he’s been getting many calls about regulation cases. One new client is a New York real-estate investor who wants to challenge the city’s plan to rezone part of midtown, arguing it would devalue his air rights. Another is the American Clinical Laboratory Association, which is fighting a Food and Drug Administration effort to expand its regulatory power over certain types of medical tests. “Some of my best friends have severe, metastatic cancer, and they’re depending on rapidly evolving lab tests, and they’re going to be killed by what the FDA wants to do,” Tribe told me over lunch one day in Washington, where he was to speak to the laboratory association’s annual convention. He later shared the dais with Paul Clement, probably the foremost conservative Supreme Court advocate. “If Larry and I agree,” Clement told the audience, “that right there ought to give you some comfort.” Tribe called the FDA’s case for regulation a “fairy tale” and issued a dire warning about its import. “What I fear down the line, if the FDA succeeds in getting the camel’s nose under the tent here, is a federalization of the practice of medicine.” There has always been an anti-regulatory component to Tribe’s thinking. As far back as the 1980s, he was decrying the “trend toward granting bureaucrats and professionals ever-increasing power over our lives and liberties.” For decades, this strand of consistency has allowed Tribe to balance the roles of liberal and litigator without internal conflicts or much public criticism. And though Harvard is one of the country’s highest-paying universities, Tribe has always felt the need to supplement his income. “I wasn’t in a position to turn down money when I believed in the case,” he told me. Like many people who grew up without money, he has always worried about it. Tribe entered Harvard at 16 as a scholarship student, worked in the kitchens, and was tormented by his older roommates, who had gone to schools like Andover and Exeter. His father, born George Israel Tribuch, never made more than $15,000 a year as a car salesman. The family immigrated to San Francisco, when Tribe was 5. They came from Shanghai, which had a beleaguered little community of Jews who had moved east to escape pogroms and, later, Hitler. Tribe claims that he has a vivid memory of a day when he was about 2 and his father was taken away to an internment camp by the occupying Japanese. “That imprinted the feeling,” he says, “that there must be something wrong when people can be hurt for no reason.” As Tribe would be the first to say, though, originalism has its explanatory limits. Why, of all the injustices in the world, would he expend his own valuable energy fighting rules on carbon emissions? Even many of Tribe’s friends have trouble answering that question. “Maybe some people are willing to embrace the idea that the end justifies the means in constitutional law,” Tribe said one morning over breakfast in Chautauqua. But he says he thinks in terms of rights, not outcomes. When he wrote about environmental protection early in his career, he proposed creating “rights for natural objects.” He has argued that laboratory chimpanzees should have the right to sue for habeas corpus. He has come to the conclusion, reluctantly, that the Second Amendment protects the rights of individual gun owners, within reason. He does not discount the idea that corporations have a right to political speech and takes a measured view of the Citizens United decision. “Larry believes in a big Constitution,” Goldstein says. “A big Constitution can protect a lot of little guys, and it can protect a lot of big companies.” Tribe’s relationship to the Constitution can seem sentimental — even empathic. He once wrote that before his first Supreme Court argument, shortly after his father’s sudden death, he saw a shooting star, which he took to be his father’s spirit, and he began to associate the apparition with the Constitution’s “affirmation of rights unwritten and unseen.” In March, when Tribe testified against the EPA plan at a House subcommittee hearing, he staked out his position in romantic terms. “A lot of my friends tell me, ‘Look, don’t be an idealist, don’t be utopian,’ ” he said. “ ‘Congress isn’t going to do anything, so why are you so hot about the EPA violating the law and the Constitution?’ Well, it is just, I guess, the way I was brought up. I think the law and the Constitution matter.” The Republicans on the subcommittee fawned over the esteemed Professor Tribe. Environmental advocates suggest that he really has no case, that the coal industry is trying to stall, spreading doubt that might cast a pall over an important round of international climate negotiations this fall. Over the horizon looms the possibility of a Republican president. “The constitutional arguments that Tribe is making are not serious arguments,” says Richard Revesz, a New York University professor who sparred with Tribe at the hearing, pointing out that the EPA has been regulating air quality for 45 years. “They are weak arguments, and they are not being made to win this case. They’re basically being made to mislead the public and weaken the president.” C. Boyden Gray, who helped to draw up the 1990 Clean Air Act amendments as counsel to the first President Bush, and now represents many energy-industry clients as an attorney in private practice, told me in June, after the initial case was dismissed, that there were many legal arguments to be made against the EPA carbon regulations — but he wasn’t convinced by Tribe’s. “You look at Revesz,” he says, “and you say, ‘My God, that is pretty persuasive.” (On behalf of a client, however, Gray has since filed a federal appeals court brief endorsing Tribe’s position.) Why would someone as acclaimed and intelligent as Tribe advance a case that even some serious Republicans have treated skeptically? One possibility is that he is doing it for the money alone, but those who have worked with him say that’s not how he operates. “Larry doesn’t take cases out of a sense that they are fashionable,” says Kathleen Sullivan, a former student who collaborated with him on the Bowers case as a Harvard professor and went on to become dean of Stanford’s law school. “He takes them because he profoundly believes in the essence of the argument.” Some critics suggest that Tribe’s problems emanate from this stubborn insistence on sincerity. Why could he not just admit what seems obvious to them: that, after all, he is just a lawyer? “They would like that, because they think that would reduce the academic patina,” Tribe says. “But it would also be false.” Another potential explanation was set forth by Tim Wu, who was willing to accept that Tribe genuinely held his opinions but articulated “the suspicion that Tribe might well hold different, if equally sincere, beliefs had he not been loyally representing so many corporate defendants for so long.” The problem, Wu suggested, was not that Tribe didn’t believe his arguments but that he really did. From Tribe’s perspective, this accusation is the most infuriating — he can’t refute the claim that his own mind is captured. There’s also the possibility that Tribe simply understands the Constitution better than his adversaries. In the end, he only has to win over one audience, and he thinks the Supreme Court is ready to listen to his opinion. Roberts, who has called bureaucracy “the headless fourth branch of government,” seems eager to mount an offensive against the regulatory state. Though Roberts voted against the plaintiffs in King v. Burwell, his opinion included a sharp rejection of the Chevron deference principle — a seed of reasoning that could eventually blossom into anti-regulatory doctrine. “There are strategic justices who play four-dimensional chess,” Tribe says. “Roberts is clearly like that.” Though Tribe calls Roberts “canny,” he has been sharply critical of his Court’s conservative direction on many issues. He says that some of the chief justice’s colleagues complain about his style. (“They all loved Rehnquist, and they don’t all love Roberts.”) He sometimes jokes that, in contrast to other students, Roberts seems not to have absorbed all of his class material. So it is a bit ironic that Tribe is now pinning his hopes for vindication on the Court’s right wing. But life, like the Constitution, is always evolving in interesting new directions, and Tribe thinks that the wind of the Court’s opinion is at his back. In June, after the Obamacare decision, I forwarded Tribe the link to an article in the publication Greenwire that raised the possibility that the same reasoning that benefited Obama on health care might serve to foil his climate policy. He replied: *This article appears in the July 27, 2015 issue of New York Magazine.
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Previous Next Periodic explosions provided sufficient light to see the silhouettes of the Mercies. The light got muddier as the smoke, dust, and gas spread around the perimeter. “Don’t be crazy!” Jessie called out. “We’re friendlies! Academy uniforms!” The Mercies made their approach, and I saw the blades. Several were drawing their weapons. I didn’t see any putting weapons away in light of Jessie’s statement. “I think that card is played out,” I said. “That would be my fault,” Berger said. “I spread the word about your little ruse twice, after I brought Sylvester to them and when we went looking for Florence and Charles.” One of the Mercies whooped, as if he was amping himself up, working up the courage to come after us. “As soon as the smoke clears, we’ll make a break for the gap,” I said. I wanted to provide a kind of direction. I’d been on the opposite side of too many squadrons and armies, sowing discord. In war and in simple skirmishes, it was too easy for the seeds of doubt to find root. The counter was simple instructions, clear goals, and trust. “We deal with the Mercies in the short term, by fighting if we have to, but with running and maneuvering as the better options.” “Stick together,” Jessie said. “For what it’s worth, the ones with more skin and more deformed facial features are slower.” “Are they?” I asked. “It seems to be the case, going by what I’ve seen. I don’t think anyone but you and me really have the ability or experience to properly leverage that, but knowing might make the difference for someone else. I don’t know.” “Yeah,” I said. I watched the silhouettes approaching. They ranged from children to thirty or so, but the odd folds and wrinkles made some look older. “They’re strong, so try not to fight them. You have to be able to tear off your own skin.” “They tear off their own skin?” Shirley asked, behind me. Maybe it was a mistake to bring that up, giving our side more reason to be afraid. “I’ll tear off your skin!” one of the Mercies called out. It was a man, tall, and I could only see glimpses of him when the flares in the background provided light. His skull or his skin were misshapen, leading to a too-pronounced brow, cheekbones, and chin. He was close enough to hear us and be heard. “We’ve gotten good at it!” another man jumped in. His voice had a tremulous note to it. Unhinged. Something about his tone of voice was almost childish. “We’re really, really good at tearing skin!” Others picked up the calls. I could hear one woman apologizing in the group. The unrest of my friends, allies, and Berger was very apparent. They were retreating a bit, now. I lowered my voice, aware that I was almost being drowned out by the taunting and shouts of the Mercies, “If you have any experience in a fight or spat, move up to the front of the group. If it comes down to it, go down. Drop to the ground. Let the people behind you step in or take a shot. People behind? Your reaction to fear and surprise should be to pull the damn trigger, swing whatever you’re holding. Conventional instincts do not apply, except for the part where you’re not supposed to shoot friendlies.” “Maybe not the best advice, Sy,” Jessie said. “It’s great advice,” I said. “The worst thing that can happen at this point is one of us panicking and things spiraling out of control, or a moment of hesitation becoming a minute of hesitation or outright nonaction. If you can’t stand firm, fall, and then get right back up again. If you have someone else’s back, protect that back.” “Can I just say that I don’t think the worst thing that happen is panic?” Gordon Two said. “I feel like getting my skin torn off by those guys might be the worst thing.” There were a couple of murmurs of agreement. “Then don’t wimp out when it counts. Panic, wimp out, and that skin thing might happen. Otis, Archie, back me up? And, assuming you can see my hand, Rudy… I gestured. Simple gestures, ending in me pointing at Berger. Rudy didn’t hesitate, reaching out and seizing Berger by the upper arm. “What’s this?” Berger asked. Jessie was already bringing out the chain. Berger only resisted a little as she slapped the shackle onto his wrist. After a moment of hesitation, she affixed the other end of the shackle onto Shirley’s offered wrist. “I’m not good in a fight, so it might as well be me,” Shirley said. “That’s good thinking,” I said, my eyes not leaving the Mercies that were drawing nearer. I gestured for Rudy to come, and made room for him at the front of the group. The smoke was still so thick. We’d told our junior rebels to fire only a few rounds and then be sure to let the smoke clear. The problem was that they were taking their time between rounds, and the smoke was taking its time in dispersing, too. We had some guns, and it looked like the Mercies only had cutting tools; mostly knives. There were a few swords in the mix, and one or two axes. On the other hand, they outnumbered us three to one, they were fitter, and they weren’t nearly so bothered about the growths of plague here and there on the street and nearby houses. “I’m terribly sorry about what’s about to happen,” one of the lady Mercies said, her voice easy to pick out amid other hollers and taunts because of the melancholy tone. “If we got to you sooner, then you wouldn’t have to suffer now.” “You’re gonna suffer,” another Mercy said, her voice barely holding anything back. “They’re acting weird,” I said, my voice low. “That would be the combat drugs,” Berger said. “It’s hard to get even a half day of work out of the Mercies without giving them something. High click rate, for those of you who’ve done work with chimeras and genesis projects.” “Metabolism, for lack of a better word,” Gordon Two supplied. “They eat fast, heal fast, get tired fast.” “See, he gets it. Easy explanation. Are you trying to sound pretentious, doc?” Otis asked. “Professor,” Berger said. “I’m not going to expect much, but call me by the title I earned.” “Will do, doc,” Otis said. A few of Otis’ thugs snorted in amusement and laughed. A fresh set of explosions hit. Not the same place. It looked like most of what was going on was off to the side. Our people were drawing them off to a point, which made the perimeter here a little thinner. The problem was wind direction. Tinted smoke was blowing across our escape route. “I see that Sylvester surrounds himself with top quality hires,” Berger said, unimpressed. “A little less bickering?” Jessie asked. “Focus.” “I like bickering,” I said. “Bickering means we’re aware the rest of the group exists. You don’t focus on the enemy, break ranks, or lose sight of where your allies are when you’re busy calling those allies fatheads.” “You seem determined to be contrary tonight,” Jessie said. “What happened to you and I being on the same page?” “That’s the bickering spirit I was talking about,” I said. “Just wait a second, Sy,” Jessie said. “I need to change position so I can shoot by instinct and ‘accidentally’ put a bullet in your ass.” “Now you’re just being lewd,” I said. “And you’re not changing position, either. You’re lacking in follow-through.” “How can you guys joke around in a situation like this?” Fang asked. “I’m not so sure I’m joking,” Jessie said. “Back up,” I said. “Back up a bit. They’re grouping up.” “We want to get closer to the perimeter,” Otis said. “There’s an alley,” Jessie said. “Fifteen paces back. If we can get back there, we can potentially cut around and maybe come out behind them. There’s a chance it’s blocked, and there’s a chance it’s blocked with plague in particular, but with wind direction, the trends of the plague…” “You’re doing that a lot,” I said. “Extrapolating.” “I’m trying,” Jessie said. “Let’s not comment too much on it and we can just hope I’m right.” “Right,” I said. “Alley then.” We backed up rather than turn around and do anything. I kept my revolver trained on the largest collections of Mercies to give them reason to hang back, while holding a knife in my other hand. “Gonna put my hands under your skin!” one of the Mercies crooned, drawing out the words. “Reach all the way inside you!” “I used to hang out with someone who talked like that over tea!” I called back. “It’s not that creepy!” “It’s a lot creepy,” Gordon Two said. “Shh,” I said. “Appearing strong is key here,” Jessie said, her voice quiet. “Confidence. I’m going to be generous and say that was probably what Sy had in mind when he played up the banter.” “Sure,” I said. “We can go with that.” Shirley and Berger led the way into the alleyway, with the offensive front line leading the way. Jessie and I were closer to the leftmost and rightmost flanks of the more offensive group of Otis, Archie, Fang, Rudy and a number of Otis and Archie’s thugs, while other thugs, Bea, and Gordon Two formed a kind of protective semi circle around Berger and Shirley. As we filtered in, Jessie and I were closer to the front. What followed looked, sounded, and felt like a half-ton of bricks falling on the central group. Being closer to the front, Jessie, Otis and I weren’t in the line of fire. Everyone else, it seemed, was caught in the collapse. I couldn’t be sure what had actually happened, but I heard Mercies jeering and calling out from the rooftop, I was aware that people that had been standing behind me were amid a mess of wood, stone, and trash in an unrecognizable, shadowy heap, and with the trap sprung and our group reduced to a fifth of what it should be, the Mercies in front of us now felt brave enough to attack. They’d attacked from the roof. Dropped something on us. It might have been a chimney, tipped over. That didn’t explain the trash I smelled. “Focus!” Jessie urged me. I focused. One was already running straight at me with scissors in each hand. I aimed and fired. My first instinct was that they were being smart about this. Three of them were approaching Otis at once. They used teamwork, they were wary of the guns, and they wanted to catch us off guard. Lying in wait on the rooftop was the sort of thing the Lambs liked to do. Standing at the entrance to the alleyway, I turned, aiming at an attacker I hadn’t yet heard or seen. She approached with her right arm brushing the wall, ducking low, to present a small profile, and she carried a knife so large it might as well have been a sword. As I saw her, she lunged, closing the rest of the distance at a sprint. It was smart, in a way. She had nowhere to go if she ran off to the side or away from me. I would have had a clear shot. As it was, I shot, the report of my gun enough to break my focus, and she stumbled but kept running at me. I shot twice more, and she staggered into me, both hands on the knife, which she held overhead. She tried to bring the knife down on my neck or shoulder as she collapsed against me. I swung the knife, driving it into the side of her neck, while my gun-arm went up, blocking her forearms as I struggled to keep the knife from coming down. The weight of her collapsing against me made me fall. The entirety of my focus went into keeping my arm out, firmly bent, and keeping that knife from hitting anything vital. Her skin was loose, making the sensation of her pressing against me disorienting, my sense of her body and where she was badly distorted in the chaos of the moment. She had the wherewithal to bite my chest where her face had smushed up against it, teeth digging past sweater and shirt. Had I zipped up my jacket to the chin, I might have been safe, but I hadn’t. I had a muddy or slushy puddle under me, and a loose-skinned woman above me. She had been shot three times and stabbed in the neck, but drugs gave her zeal. She was badly injured, couldn’t weigh much more than I did, and she was still slowly winning the struggle to bring that knife down and into my face. Two more silhouettes were briefly lit up by explosions elsewhere. In the moment, a train of thought went to the gap we needed to break for, the hope that our allies weren’t shooting there again, making us have to endure for even longer before we found our way through. At a glimpse of Gordon, golden haired and dressed in black jacket and slacks, looking very grim, I returned my focus to the death-and-death struggle of the woman that was on top of me, and the man with the wood axe who was approaching the two of us, drawing his weapon back with clear intent to bring it down on my head with both hands. Otis stepped in to rescue me, kicking the woman hard where her neck met the shoulder. Whether by accident or design, it drove her further into the knife that was embedded in the other side of her neck. I lost my grip on my weapon as she rolled off of me. Otis swung his club as the axe man brought his weapon down toward me. The club met the axeman’s forearms as they were brought down. The wood axe came free of the man’s hands, and I had a momentary visualization of the weapon flying free, end over end, to embed itself in me. It bounced off of the wall above me and the blunt part of the weapon’s head punched me in the stomach, the thing landing practically in my hands, albeit the wrong end. Otis outright turned his back on the man he’d just disarmed to help Jessie. It was a scene of me on the ground, the Mercy hunched there hollering as he held his arms almost straight out in front of him, in clear agony at what might have been two fractured forearms, and one more Mercy making his approach, somewhat more warily than the axeman Mercy had. “Get up!” Gordon shouted. I was already getting up as Otis echoed Gordon, “Up, you fool!” I scrambled to my feet, shifting my grip so I had a one-handed hold on the axe. It really needed two hands, and I would’ve preferred using my right hand if I had to use any one hand, but I had reasons. I’d trained my brain to use my left hand almost as well as my right, and if I was going to use my right hand for anything, I liked using it to shoot. As I aimed my gun, the wary Mercy turned skittish, eyes widening as he changed direction. I missed with my first shot, and caught him with the second. I aimed at the axeman with the fractured arms, and he stepped back, stumbled, and fell on his ass. Going by instinct or pure reaction, he put his arms back to catch himself as he fell. His face contorted in what looked like it should have been a scream, but only a strangled screech came out of his mouth, his back arching and one leg kicking. I immediately turned and focused on the others. Jessie and Otis were overwhelmed, Jessie with blood running down one arm and off of her elbow. Two of them and three Mercies. I aimed and fired at the only available target – the one Otis was fighting. The Mercy had a sword, and the sword was biting into and through Otis’ club- a sports bat for a sport I’d never seen, or a long, heavy truncheon. The bullet gave Otis the chance to win the struggle. He forced his opponent to the ground and snatched up the sword and summarily held it like someone who had never used a sword before. It was a cavalry saber, and he held it like it was a heavier weapon. He swung it like it was a heavier weapon, too. I could see the blade turn up on impact – not a straight cut. “Focus!” Gordon barked. I focused. I scanned the Mercies nearest us, and I shot twice, targeting the ones that struck me as most dangerous, going only off instinct. The summary reaction suggested my instincts were right, because making one of the two collapse and making the other stop in his tracks seemed to give the rest pause. If I’d had breath and if I wasn’t worried it would distract Jessie in the moment, I would have used that moment to crow about how I’d been right about the importance of trusting instinct. But nooo, she’d been so bent on the notion of friendly fire. “How in the goddamn hell do you not know how to fight?” Otis asked. Veins were standing out in his forehead, and his teeth were bared as he panted, eyes wide. “You killed people for a living!” “I do fine,” I said. “If they don’t see me coming.” “Figure out how to do it when they see you and figure it fast!” Otis said. “I keep figuring,” I said. “And I keep forgetting.” “Fucking hell,” Otis said. We closed ranks, weapons at the ready. I glanced at Jessie at the same time she glanced at me. She was struggling to reload with one hand not cooperating as well as it should. It didn’t help that she wore the quarantine suit, with its thick fabric gloves. Blood still trickled in a steady stream out of the elbow of the suit. I wished I could have seen her face and body language, to get a better sense. I was dancing in the dark here, when it came to her. I should have reloaded, but the gun I held wasn’t one I’d brought with me, the pants I wore weren’t the ones I’d worn into the quarantine zone, so I didn’t even have ammunition, and I didn’t want to give up my grip on the wood axe. The threat of the gun would have to do. Looking back at the rest of the group, I could see some movement. It was agonizingly slow, and it involved pushing debris off of them. I wasn’t sure that everyone involved was moving. “Otis,” I said. “Quick, give me the sword.” It took him half a second to snap to what I wanted, but he did, taking the wood axe while he passed the saber to me, handle-first. “You know how to use that?” he asked. “That’s something at least.” I didn’t, but I knew enough about things to know that he’d break the saber or get himself killed if he kept using it the way he had been. The wood axe seemed more his style. I wasn’t sure if I was seeing better in the dark or if my imagination was filling in blanks. I imagined I could see the faint reflections of fires in the eyes of the Mercies closest to me. I imagined I recognized one of them. “Hello again,” I said. “Hello,” the Small Mercy said, from the darkness. The runt of her litter. “I don’t suppose we can all go our separate ways?” I suggested. “You’ve done what you’re supposed to. You tried to stop us. The dead and wounded will speak to that.” I saw her head move. The imagining of her eyes and that glimmer of light didn’t quite match the movement. She was looking at the ones who had already fallen. “They give us drugs,” she said. “I know all about the drugs,” I replied. “The drugs make us… eager. Angry. Hungry. I want to eat you as much as I’ve ever wanted anything.” “But you don’t want a bullet in your head,” I said. I cocked the hammer of my little revolver with my thumb. She didn’t reply to that. “You have better, safer chances of a meal if you run off to that battlefield over there and go looking for the dead, or ask politely for your dinner. You know they’ll have something prepared.” “When I shuck off my skin, I get a release. There’s pain, but there’s a rush…” “Sure,” I said. “Satisfaction, as sure as anything.” “I believe it,” I said. I barely knew what I was saying. I was only speaking because I worried that if I didn’t keep this up as an interplay, me and her, she would monologue and convince herself to attack. “When I go after someone else, when I hurt other people, I get a rush like that. The drugs make me so restless. Maybe if I take your skin off, with my teeth and my fingernails, it’ll be that kind of satisfying. I won’t feel so restless anymore, I think.” “Counterpoint: You won’t feel restless anymore because you’ll have a bullet in your skull,” I said. “I’ll have to break your arms and legs before I start,” she said, her head turning as she looked in the general direction of the one Otis had disarmed. She wasn’t listening to me. She was convincing herself. “Hey, Small Mercy,” I said. I clacked the end of my sword against the wall. “Hey! Hey, listen, listen. Pay attention.” She turned her head back to me. “Look at your dress,” I said. “Look down, look at it.” She did. “We helped you get that dress,” I said. “We-” “Fucken’ die!” one of the other Mercies called out. “I’ll fucken’ eat your skin!” “Shut up!” I called back, pointing my gun at him. I was glad that he listened. I turned back to the Small Mercy. “We got you that dress, didn’t we?” “Doesn’t have anything to do with anything,” the Small Mercy said. “But it’s something that happened, isn’t it?” “Huh?” “It’s a part of your story. The story of you. You started off weak, runt of the litter, and that makes you special. You were left behind. That makes you special too. You need a story, or you’re just one face in the crowd. You don’t eat the characters in your stories.” “I don’t care about any of that,” the Small Mercy said. “Well you’ve got to do something different than you’re doing. Otherwise you’re going to get left behind again. You need to remember how you got there so you can’t let it happen again. You need to remember how you fixed it. We’re how you fixed it.” “No,” she said. “Yes we are,” I said. “I’m saying I don’t care about that,” she said. She took a step closer to us, brandishing her knife. Others stirred, pacing. Some moved closer, others moved from left to right or right to left. My heart sank. I’d failed. I’d hoped to find a crack and wriggle my way into it before tearing it open wider. She went on, “If I go, you’re just going to get torn up by the others.” I hadn’t failed. “I’ll do worse than tear ’em up,” one of the woman Mercies taunted. “You can walk away, or you can run at us and get a bullet in your skull for good measure. It probably won’t kill you right away. It’ll just hurt, and you’ll feel horribly, horribly restless while you die. This feeling you’re experiencing now? Like you’re supposed to do something? Imagine that feeling, larger than anything, yawning wide open inside you, as your life ends and you realize you had more to do.” The Small Mercy shook her head. Another edged closer. I moved my gun, aiming at him. He stopped. The others were getting restless. I’d found my crack. I knew the language they spoke, the sensations that dominated their lives. “That’s what it’s like. All the worst restlessness you’ve ever felt, with no ability to do anything about it. Haven’t you ever heard about your life flashing behind your eyes? It’s because the moment stretches out as the brain dies. Imagine that moment, imagine that horrible restlessness you feel right now, going on for a whole lifetime.” She shook her head again. Others were looking restless now. “If you go, you can go eat. You can tear off your own skin and feel that rush, and you can do it many, many more times.” “No,” she said. She didn’t have the articulation or presence of mind to really argue against me. The range of emotions I’d seen from the others suggested that they tended toward hostility, but other emotions were present, and those other emotions were heightened too. I remembered the apologetic one. “Which do you want? The horrible restless yearning for a whole lifetime, or do you want to go, eat, and live the rest of your life, with all the good feelings you’ve got waiting for you?” She raised her head, looking up, probably glaring at me. I could only just barely make up her shoulders rising and falling. I was dimly aware that the explosions in the background were less frequent than before. I had no way of verifying the feeling, but somehow it felt like the rebels were pacing out the remainder of their shells and shots. I imagined them anxiously waiting, wondering why we hadn’t yet turned up. The Small Mercy started toward me. “You want that horrible restlessness?” I asked. “No,” she said. This time it was an answer to my question, not a frustrated rejection of a negative thought process. “No you don’t,” I said. “Go. There’s food waiting for you, safer prey.” “If I go, the others will eat you.” “If you go, others will follow you,” I said. I left out the ‘I hope’ at the tail end of that statement. “You’ll think about this a lot. You might even see me again, and you can try to eat me then.” “It feels like such a long way to walk, back to the camp,” she said. “If it starts to feel like too long a walk, then run,” I said. “But I’m going to tell you this. If you try to walk or run to me? You’re going to get a bullet in your head.” “Might not,” another Tender Mercy called out. Great. Disturbing my two-path process here. “Fine. Let’s pretend you won’t get shot. What happens? You think all the others near here are just going to sit back and let you have your fun? They’ll tear into us too. You’ll get a morsel. You’ll feel more frustrated. More restless. You’ll be angry at each other. That’s no good.” I could see heads turn. The Mercies considering one another. “But if you go? Food waiting for you. They’ll be all ready to feed you. They have to be, if they’re using you as guards like this.” “They are,” the Small Mercy said. “They said it when I got my shot.” “Then what are you waiting for?” I asked, trying to sound as incredulous as possible. “That sounds great. A lot better than a bullet in the brain. If you go now, you might even be one of the first. More food.” She shifted position, moving her feet, hesitant. Then she strode off, looking over her shoulder at others. Other Tender Mercies that had been listening moved in her direction. Not enough. Not enthusiastically enough. I felt as though the ones that were remaining still had more gravity than the Small Mercy did alone. Jessie fired her gun at the closest Tender Mercy. It was, as far as I could tell, a perfectly placed bullet in the brain. As arguments went, it was a good complement to my own. Others started to back off. The remainder tensed, as if waiting for Jessie to move again or fire a second shot. I suspected they would rush us en-masse. I watched, breathing shallowly, waiting to see what might follow. They were a bloodthirsty kind of species, and the fear of death hadn’t been set all that deep in them. I’d tried to taint this seemingly easy meal with other fears and bad sentiments, but… No. Too many weren’t budging, still. They had a kind of gravity. “There’s no meal for you here,” I said. “The others are going to snatch up everything.” “I’m big,” a heavyset, woman Mercy said. I could see the bright red of her coat in the gloom. “I’m strong. I’ll get enough.” “You’ll get a bullet in your skull,” I said, driving the point home. “No matter how big or strong you are, you’re going to die. Slow. Even if it takes only a moment to die, you’ll live a restless lifetime in that moment.” The Small Mercy watched from the fringes, clearly antsy, fidgeting. The Matron Mercy didn’t budge. She hesitated, weighing her options, and it was clear that restlessness was winning. Twin explosions sounded in the background, off in the distance. “It’s not worth it,” I said. “It doesn’t make sense.” I desperately wanted the others behind me to pick themselves up and come to stand beside me, tall, intact, and proud. To make the odds look worse. It was why I was so desperately stalling. I needed something. I hated the sinking-gut feeling that came with the others not stepping forward or adding their numbers to ours. It meant the others were hurt. Or, worse, they were dead. “No,” the Matron Mercy said. “It doesn’t make sense.” I could tell from her tone that she was planning to attack. She was planning on being nonsensical, letting hunger and restless, drug-induced bloodlust win over sense and rationality. I could tell from the fact that Jessie wasn’t shooting that Jessie was probably out of bullets, or the injury to Jessie’s arm was keeping her from aiming and firing again. In the distance, a horn sounded. Collectively, the Mercies turned their heads. Light from burning wagons at the perimeter of the city caught a half-dozen faces, highlighting the imperfections, extra skin and thick skin at key places. I stood a little straighter. I waited, holding my sword in one hand and the gun in the other, and I looked confident. She turned, and she left. With her leading, the rest followed. I remained where I was, looking confident, not turning my back, as the last stragglers followed. The one with the broken arms. One Jessie might have shot, who limped. I waited and watched for the ones on the rooftop, and there was no sign of them. They might have dropped something on us and hurried to the ground for their meal. Maybe the Small Mercy had been one of them. While I waited, checking to see that the coast was really clear, I asked. “How’s your arm, Jessie?” “I’ll live.” “You did good. You too, Otis.” “You did terrible,” Otis said. “Up until you started talking. Then you did good.” “It was stalling and shooting in the dark,” I said. “And a bit of knowing how experiments like them think.” “Well alright then,” Otis said, in his rough voice. “You did terrible. Then you did mediocre.” “Yeah,” I said. Now free to check, I hurried to the sides of the others. A few thugs, hurt, were working with the others. The debris had been a pair of crates loaded down with garbage. They’d shattered and scattered their contents in our midst as they’d landed. A few had only been clipped by the crates, or by flying debris. One thug sat with his hand over his eyes, blood trickling down one cheek. Blinded or partially by something. Archie had an injured leg and a head wound, but he wasn’t complaining. Others demanded more attention. Fang and Gordon Two were mostly alright. Bea was hurt but sitting off to one side. The Treasurer was coming to. Rudy was still out cold, if he wasn’t dead. At the far end of the alley, Shirley and Berger stood beside two dead Mercies. Berger still held his improvised weapon – one of the fallen pieces of trash, it looked like, a curtain rod or pole with a ragged end. They’d been far enough down the alley that they hadn’t been hit by the debris. I knelt beside Rudy. “Mercies on the roof above us dropped it on us. Two came down, I don’t know what the rest did,” Bea said, from where she sat. “Rudy?” I asked. Not asking Bea in particular. “Fang said half of Rudy’s ribcage is shattered,” Bea said. “He’s not waking up.” “Well, it’s a good thing we’ve got a lot of talented doctors,” I said. “We’ll improvise a stretcher. And we’ve got to hurry. The place we need to run through is going to close, if it isn’t already.” “Sy,” Bea said. “It’s bad enough we should maybe leave him behind.” “Improvise. Berger’s pole there will work for one half of the stretcher. We can use some jackets.” “Sy, I like Rudy too, he’s a good fellow, he’s loyal to you, but-” “Improvise!” I said, raising my voice. “Improvise,” Jessie said. “We’re here because we don’t leave our own behind. It goes for Rudy too.” “Okay,” Bea said. I walked over to Berger, extending a hand for the pole. He hesitated a moment, then handed it over. “I’m surprised you didn’t take her hostage and run,” I said. “Miss Shirley said she wouldn’t allow it,” Berger said. In the meager light we had, I could only see the light and shadow of one side of Shirley’s face. I imagined her jaw was set firm. “And,” Berger said, “I was concerned the Tender Mercies would have eaten me alive.” “Of course,” I said, turning my back on him. I set to work helping with the stretcher. It was a shoddy contraption, pieced together in two minutes. Simply holding it was a chore, given the size of the piece of wood we’d used for the one side. I was fortunate that I was deemed too tired and weak to do the heavy work. Otis took one end. A thug took the other. We exited the alley, using the street now that it was clear, and we hurried toward the perimeter. Already, the gap was closing. Soldiers were taking position, returning from conflicts elsewhere on the perimeter. Only a trickling, but it was a trickling of a score or so of soldiers with guns and defensive positions behind sandbags and atop wagons. They had stitched, they had a scattered few Tender Mercies with them, and they had warbeasts. We weren’t moving all that fast, all considered, and our momentum fell even more as we realized the nature of the wall ahead of us. The warbeasts started barking and howling, picking up. I looked at Jessie, and I saw Jessie blowing on the rabbit whistle, hard. She took a deep breath, then blew again. The process repeated until I thought she would pass out. The answer wasn’t immediate, but it did come. The distant warbeasts barked and howled, and they nearly drowned out the distant punching sound of mortars firing. The soldiers at the perimeter turned to answer the threat, preparing to scatter as explosions and gas erupted around them- But there was no gas, there were no explosions. There was only gunfire and a concentrated attack as our people mounted an outright, direct attack on this isolated part of the perimeter. We rushed the perimeter, moving into and through the enemy. We transitioned from gloom and darkness into lanterns and movement and the occasional person, in plain, detailed, clear view. It was dazzling and dreamlike and alarming. This was the kind of fighting I could do. Springing the attack, attacking from the flanks and the rear. We fought past what might have been eight or ten people, catching them from behind, stabbing, shooting only a couple of times, and claiming weapons as we went. Archie, I think it was, kicked over a lantern, setting a fire behind us. The fighting was happening all the way to our left. All heads were turned, all attention elsewhere. Soldiers fired into the trees and innumerable gunshots sounded in return. I had no idea if our people were even aiming into enemy ranks, or if they were shooting just to draw attention. We moved past the erected defense, six people working to move the stretcher with. From there, it was a nerve-wracking run across lantern-lit dirt road. Darkness was safer – and the cover of trees, a dozen paces away, was safer still. I lagged behind, making sure the group was managing. Too many of us were limping. We were hurt, tired, and frazzled. I was the last one to disappear into the trees, home free. Previous Next
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Tras la ruptura de IU en Madrid, la coalición de izquierdas se enfrenta a una crisis en Andalucía a cuenta de las primarias para las candidaturas de Ahora en Común por Sevilla de cara a las elecciones generales, cuyos resultados están todavía pendientes de la decisión del comité electoral, tras diversas impugnaciones por "múltiples incidencias" que ha reconocido la organización. De este modo, Iniciativa por Andalucía ha acusado al Partido Comunista de Andalucía (PCA) de "pucherazo" en estas primarias, donde IU ha confluido con otras fuerzas para construir una candidatura de unidad popular. Ahora en Común retrasa la proclamación de su candidatura por Sevilla debido a impugnaciones Saber más Iniciativa por Andalucía ha asegurado que "si se confirma" esta situación, se plantearía abandonar la coalición de izquierdas. En ese caso, Iniciativa por Andalucía optaría por construir por su cuenta "un espacio de izquierda moderna y democrática del siglo XXI, ecologista, feminista y amable". La cuestión de fondo está en el interés que tenía el PCA por una lista para el Congreso de los Diputados encabezada por un referente del feminismo a nivel nacional como es Lidia Falcón, y secundada por Miguel Ángel Bustamente, procedente del nodo comarcal de Écija-Fuentes de Andalucía y La Luisana-El Campillo, con los que competían Granada Santos (exdelegada provincial de la Consejería de Fomento y Vivienda y de la corriente Iniciativa por Andalucía) y Álvaro García Mancheño (exdiputado en el Parlamento de Andalucía e integrante de la Corriente Unitaria de Trabajadores, CUT, pero a título individual, toda vez que esta formación se salió de IU en febrero de 2015). Iniciativa por Andalucía y el candidato de la CUT sostienen que, según sus cálculos, "son los ganadores de las primarias", pese a que "se niegan a hacer públicos los datos desde el comité electoral que ha dirigido el proceso, compuesto en su mayoría por miembros del PCA". De hecho, mientras que en el resto de provincias de Andalucía y del país ya se conocen los resultados de las votaciones, en Sevilla se mantiene la incógnita a la espera de la decisión del comité electoral de la plataforma de confluencia, que, según apuntan los denunciantes "está copada por miembros del PCA". Dicho comité electoral se niega, continúan, a contabilizar los votos introducidos -unos 300- en urnas físicas en Pedrera, El Viso del Alcor, Villanueva del Río y Minas, Carmona, Estepa y Herrera. El caso de Pedrera y El Viso del Alcor es especialmente relevante por ser los municipios de origen de Álvaro García Macheño y Granada Santos, respectivamente, y donde se les presumen más votos. En este sentido, Juan Holgado, el único miembro del comité electoral de Ahora en Común que no pertenece al PCA, denuncia que "el escrutinio se ha hecho incumpliendo los reglamentos de esta plataforma de confluencia de la izquierda (...) que decía que debía hacerse en presencia de los candidatos o de representantes de ellos". Este jueves se ha traslado hasta Madrid junto a Manolo Lay, militante del PCA pero elegido como coordinador provincial de IU en Sevilla a propuesta de Iniciativa por Andalucía, para presentar la documentación que acreditaría esta irregularidad y los datos que darían como ganadores del proceso a Álvaro García Mancheño y a Granada Santos. "Nos consta que las personas que han ganado con diferencia estas primarias", ha reiterado. En la misma línea, ha reprochado que la dirección del PCA "pretende subvertir el resultado electoral de un proceso participativo e ilusionante que muchos nos habíamos creído, con la única finalidad de que los candidatos al Congreso de los Diputados por Sevilla sean Lidia Falcón y Miguel Ángel Bustamante", candidatos apoyados por la cúpula del PCA, que precisamente en Sevilla -a diferencia de lo que ocurre en el resto- es la parte minoritaria de la coalición de izquierdas tanto entre las bases como en la dirección provincial. De hecho, en el resto de las provincias se han impuesto mayoritariamente los candidatos del PCA en las primarias.
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The year 1853 heralded the arrival of railway in India. Check out information on history and origin of Indian Railways. The novel plan for the introduction of a rail system, transformed the whole history of India. This innovative plan was first proposed in 1832; however no auxiliary actions were taken for over a decade. In the year 1844, private entrepreneurs were allowed to launch a rail system by Lord Hardinge, who was the Governor-General of India. By the year 1845, two companies were formed and the East India Company was requested to support them in the matter.The credit from the UK investors led to the hasty construction of a rail system over the next few years. On 22nd Dec' 1851, the first train came on the track to carry the construction material at Roorkee in India. With a passage of one and a half years, the first passenger train service was introduced between Bori Bunder, Bombay and Thana on the providential date 16th Apr' 1853. This rail track covered a distance of 34 kms (21 miles). Ever since its origin, the rail service in India never turned back.The British Government approached private investors and persuaded them to join the race with a system that would promise an annual return of 5% during the early years of operation. Once finished, the company would be transferred under the Government ownership, yet the operational control will be enjoyed by the original company. In 1880, the rail network acquired a route mileage of about 14,500 km (9,000 miles), mostly working through Bombay, Madras and Calcutta (three major port cities).By 1895, India had started manufacturing its own locomotives. In no time, different kingdoms assembled their independent rail systems and the network extended to the regions including Assam, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh. In 1901, a Railway Board was formed though the administrative power was reserved for the Viceroy, Lord Curzon. The Railway Board worked under the guidance of the Deptt of Commerce and Industry. It was comprised of three members - a Chairman, a Railway Manager and an Agent respectively.For the very first time in its history, the Railways instigated to draw a neat profit. In 1907, most of the rail companies were came under the government control. Subsequently, the first electric locomotive emerged in the next year. During the First World War, the railways were exclusively used by the British. In view of the War, the condition of railways became miserable. In 1920, the Government captured the administration of the Railways and the linkage between the funding of the Railways and other governmental revenues was detached.With the Second World War, the railways got incapacitated since the trains were diverted to the Middle East. On the occasion of India's Independence in 1947, the maximum share of the railways went under the terrain of Pakistan. On the whole, 42 independent railway systems with thirty-two lines were merged in a single unit and were acknowledged as Indian Railways. The existing rail networks were forfeited for zones in 1951 and 6 zones were formed in 1952. With 1985, the diesel and electric locomotives took the place of steam locomotives. In 1995, the whole railway reservation system was rationalized with computerization.
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As daily virus case increases have settled into a fairly narrow and consistent range, Gov. Mike DeWine said Thursday that "We must get people back to work." Yet he cautioned that the reopening will be cautious and still change everyday life. Gov. Mike DeWine wants Ohio to gradually and carefully get back to work, with some companies and businesses likely to reopen on May 1 as the coronavirus pandemic flatlines. "We are about to enter a new phase. ... We must get the Ohio economy moving again. We must get people back to work," DeWine said Thursday. "It must be done the right way." He did not commit to allowing the stay-at-home order to expire as scheduled May 1, nor did he identify what specific virus precautions businesses might have to take. >> This story is being provided free as a public service to our readers during the coronavirus pandemic. You can find more stories on coronavirus here. Please support local journalism by subscribing to The Columbus Dispatch at subscribe.dispatch.com. DeWine also did not say when K-12 schools — first closed March 17 and then shuttered through May 1 — would reopen to nearly 1.7 million students. "We’ll deal with the schools shortly," he said. The governor’s administration is under increasing pressure from some Republican lawmakers and others to begin scaling back public health and social-distancing orders that have cratered Ohio’s economy. "I fully understand it. I get it. People are paying consequences, people are losing their jobs," DeWine said of the 855,000 Ohioans who have lost their jobs following forced closures of nonessential businesses. But the reopening will be cautious and change everyday life, DeWine said. "We don’t want to get back and then have a disaster, a huge spike in the number of people who have tested positive and in the hospital. That would be disastrous. "We have an obligation ... to keep our employees safe and for businesses to keep their customers safe," the Republican said. The governor noted daily virus-case increases have settled into a fairly narrow and consistent range and credited Ohioans’ enforced isolation with flattening the curve of cases and reducing a feared spike to a bump. However, another near-80% increase in the number of virus cases sweeping state prisons and a fourth inmate death went unacknowledged by DeWine on Thursday during an abbreviated news conference. DeWine said companies and businesses that can demonstrate they can safely reopen with virus precautions could start opening May 1 and recall employees. Questions still to be answered: Will employers be required to take employees’ temperatures and ensure desks are 6 feet apart? Will restaurants have to remove tables to ensure social distancing? Will mass gatherings, such as sporting events, be permitted with the admission of smaller numbers of people? What kind of widespread testing for the virus will be required — or even available — to accompany the reopening of Ohio? More than a month after the pandemic started, Ohio only has tested about 75,000 of its 11.7 million residents. "I am an optimist and am confident that Ohioans will also live up to the challenge of doing things differently as we open back up, beginning on May 1," DeWine said. In a statement, Ohio Chamber of Commerce President Andrew Doehrel said, "We are highly encouraged that today, Gov. DeWine answered the critical question on everyone’s mind: When will we get Ohio’s economy moving again? "We know the COVID-19 crisis is not over, and that health and safety protocols are going to remain a fact of life for the foreseeable future," he said, adding businesses now have two weeks’ lead time to plan reopenings. In a statement, Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder, R-Glenford, said of DeWine’s announcement, "It’s in line with what most states that did not see the purported surge in cases are doing. It’s time to get Ohioans back to what we do best, work hard and take care of our families." DeWine made the open-up-Ohio announcement less than an hour before he and other governors spoke with President Donald Trump about federal reopening guidance. Trump pushed for reopenings by May 1 but told the governors: "You’re going to call your own shots," according to the New York Times. The governor said he will continue to follow the science and the coronavirus case numbers in gradually reopening the state. "As we reopen up, we are going to be very, very careful." State Health Director Dr. Amy Acton said, "We’re fighting hard every day for your well-being, your health, your lives and your livelihood, as well." DeWine previously said the reopening of the state must be accompanied by measures such as the ongoing wearing of masks and businesses implementing plans to protect employees and customers from the virus. He and Acton do not envision a full return to normalcy until a coronavirus vaccine is developed — which could take more than a year. Lt. Gov. Jon Husted is working with business groups and experts to craft the recovery and reopening plan, DeWine said. Husted missed Thursday’s news conference while he worked to develop the back-to-work blueprint. Also Thursday, an organization called the 1851 Center for Constitutional Law in Columbus is backing a lawsuit filed in U.S District Court by a bridal shop owner in Columbus against the state’s stay-at-home order. Tanya Rutner Hartman, owner of Gilded Social LLC, is seeking a preliminary and permanent injunction, noting that Acton's orders deeming businesses like hers to be "nonessential" is a violation of due process. Meanwhile, coronavirus cases increased for the second straight day in Ohio on Thursday, although below levels seen in recent weeks The state reported 611 more confirmed cases of COVID-19 on Thursday -- a nearly 29% increase from the 475 recorded the prior day -- to boost the overall caseload to 8,239. Acton said there would be variations -- "good days and bad days." Another 27 confirmed deaths also were disclosed, increasing the pandemic’s fatality toll to 373. Five-day averages through Wednesday had totaled 385 confirmed and probable cases and 29 deaths (with some occurring days or weeks ago). There were 361 probable cases of COVID-19 and an additional 16 probable deaths. Franklin County, with the second-most cases in Ohio, reported 110 additional infections, raising its total since March 9 to 1,212. The home to Columbus now only rests 119 cases behind Cuyahoga County’s leading 1,331. Franklin County’s death toll remained at 20, which ranks eighth among the 88 counties. Licking (four total) Delaware (three) and Fairfield (two) counties each reported one additional death on Thursday. State officials have described a general plateau in new cases as "good news," but caution a long fight lies ahead to beat down the virus, which causes COVID-19, a potentially deadly infectious respiratory disease. The stay-at-home order and its mandated business closures that have choked off Ohio’s economy were implemented March 23 and then extended through May 1 — two weeks from Friday. DeWine and Acton previously raised the possibility that the stay-at-home order, restricting most Ohioans to only essential travel, could be extended unless coronavirus cases began a steady fall and remain low. They credit enforced isolation with undercutting the virus’ spread and lessening demand for hospital beds while giving the health care system time to prepare for any larger influx of cases. Increased testing has confirmed a spiral of coronavirus cases among state prison inmates, with the statewide number increasing by 79% on Thursday to 489, with 184 prison employees also infected. Pickaway Correctional Institution, south of Columbus, had seen the worst outbreak, with its ill-inmate count jumping by 17 to 149 on Thursday and a fourth prisoner dying from suspected COVID-19. Forty-eight Pickaway prison employees also have contracted the virus, leading DeWine to dispatch Ohio National Guard medics to replace health care workers affected by coronavirus. However, Pickaway was surpassed Thursday when inmate infection numbers at Marion Correctional Institution more than doubled from 92 to 217 cases. Most of the prison-system cases among workers (95) and the lone employee fatality stem also from the Marion Correctional Institution. Cases exploded at the Franklin Medical Center, the inmate health-care center in Columbus. Prison officials reported positive tests of inmates increased from 13 to 78 on Thursday. Nineteen staff members also have contracted the virus. Prisons-system spokeswoman JoEllen Smith said "aggressive testing" of all staff and inmates, even without symptoms, at Marion, Pickaway and the medical center increased the numbers. DeWine announced Thursday that hundreds of nonviolent offenders within 90 days of their scheduled release likely will be freed early in coming weeks to help lessen overcrowding among the 48,000-plus inmates. Critics portray the releases as a token effort in fighting coronavirus. In a tweet, the American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio wrote: "We need to release MORE than a couple hundred people in order to stop the spread of this deadly virus for Ohioans behind bars." We now have two more sate prisoners who've died at Pickaway Correctional Institution as a (very likely) result of #COVID19. We need to release MORE than a couple hundred people in order to stop the spread of this deadly virus for Ohioans behind bars. @GovMikeDeWine star here: pic.twitter.com/DPDLa5aHWT — ACLU of Ohio (@acluohio) April 15, 2020 A record 855,197 Ohioans have filed unemployment claims during the past four weeks amid forced business closures during the pandemic, representing the loss of 15% of the state’s jobs. The state’s benefits fund is projected to run out of money in June and requires a bailout from a federal loan, higher employer premiums or benefit reductions. The broad-based Ohio Voter Rights Coalition wrote legislative leaders and Secretary of State Frank LaRose on Thursday to seek pandemic precautions for the Aug. 4 special election and Nov. 3 general election. "Voters and poll workers should not ever have to choose between participating in democracy and risking their health and safety," the group wrote. Every registered voter should receive a postage-paid absentee ballot to return in the mail without having to request a ballot, the coalition said. And multiple early voting centers should be opened in each county, while employing social distancing, for those who want to vote in person, it said. Ohio’s primary election, scheduled for March 17 but postponed due to the pandemic, now is a mail-ballot-only affair with an April 28 deadline to return votes. Dispatch Reporter Jim Woods contributed to this story. [email protected] @RandyLudlow
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Improper use of antibiotics, through bad medical and farming practices, has put us on the precipice of a great human tragedy. More will die, and more quickly than from any worries about global warming! We are on the cusp of a worldwide emergency, with very little time to act, and cannot afford to be like "deer in headlights". The threat and need for action on this now is more pressing than perhaps any other issue on earth. Simply raise your hand and make your voice heard, and perhaps we can move the world to act, and now!
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Jan 15, 2014 What model best fits heliospheric behavior? “How now, wit! Whither wander you?” — William Shakespeare: As You Like it, Act 1, Scene 2 Space, it is said, is a vacuum. Since the best pumped vacuum on Earth reaches a 0.1 millimeter spacing between individual atoms, while, in comparison there is about one atom per cubic centimeter between stars, the label is not far off the mark The Interstellar Medium (ISM), through which all stars move, consists of gas and dust composed of hydrogen and helium, with one-tenth of a micron dust grains. One micron equals one-millionth of a meter, so the dust is smaller than the wavelength of blue light (0.450 microns). The ISM contains ionized particles, as well as neutral molecules. It is those electrons and positive ions that are critical to understanding the behavior of the ISM and how stars interact with it. Even though the ISM is extremely diffuse, since charge separation takes place in different regions weak electric fields can develop. Electric fields, no matter how weak, initiate electric currents. Astronomers using the Wide-field Infrared Survey Explorer (WISE) have located a star whose “…powerful winds push gas and dust out of its way and into what is called a bow shock.” It is assumed that the star’s velocity compresses gas and dust in front of it as it flies through space because its “stellar wind” shoves gas and dust out of the way. The so-called “bow shock” heats up the ISM until it glows in the infrared frequencies WISE can see. However, instead of treating the ISM like an inert medium, the Electric Universe model sees it as a magnetic, electrically charged material that is affected by the plasma sheaths around stars known as magnetospheres. Stellar plasma and the ISM are different plasmas, so they develop Langmuir plasma sheaths, or “double layers,” between them. Stars are where galactic electric discharges are focused, so the double layers form “virtual cathodes.” Whenever electric discharges take place in plasma, the current flow is compressed inward by induced magnetic fields. This effect is known as a “z-pinch,” and is a foundational principle of Electric Universe theory. The compression can be so intense that plasma is squeezed down into solid particles. Indeed, stars and galaxies are thought to owe their existence to massive electric currents forming cosmic z-pinches in the vast clouds of plasma propelled through the Universe by larger electromagnetic fields. When Voyager 1 experienced “events unlike any encountered before in the mission’s then 26-year history” as it approached the boundary between our own Sun and the ISM, physicist Wal Thornhill wrote that the spacecraft was penetrating a Langmuir plasma sheath that insulates the solar plasma from that in the ISM. Since electric currents generate magnetic fields, and magnetic fields strong enough to hold tenuous clouds of gas and dust together have been found in the ISM, then electric currents must be flowing through it in order to create those fields. Magnetic fields cause filamentation of space plasma. The filamentary nature of the “bow shock” around Zeta Ophiuchi points to electric currents and not kinetics as the more likely explanation for its appearance. Stephen Smith Click here for a Spanish translation
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Meta de relacionamento Casal de idosos joga Mario Kart diariamente desde 2001 para ver quem fará o chá Hábito do casal já dura há 18 anos
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The decline in the quality of life in leading Indian cities is the result of two linked factors. While the task on hand (result of in-migration) gets bigger by the day, in the last three years (2015-17) 20-odd leading Indian cities have progressed at a snail’s pace in improving their level of governance. Because of this they remain far behind not just leading global cities like London and New York but also a city in a developing country, such as Johannesburg. This is the foremost takeaway from Janaagraha’s fifth and latest Annual Survey of Indian City Systems (ASICS), 2017. What the scores tell The ASICS score (on a scale of 0 to 10) gives a measure of the health of a city’s governance and ability to deliver on quality of life. The scores for Indian cities come in the 3.0 to 5.1 range, whereas both London and New York score 8.8, and Johannesburg 7.6. In the last three years, the average score of Indian cities has barely moved from 3.4 to 3.9. The survey notes that a large part of the missing policy initiative to set things right must come from State governments. Unfortunately, the Centre has not been able to make much of an impact. According to Srikanth Viswanathan who led the survey team, the “smart cities” initiative has made hardly any impact and the AMRUT programme just about a little. There’s been little change at the top in the last three years. Pune, Kolkata and Thiruvananthapuram, which appear in that order, occupied the top three positions in 2016 and were in the top four, with Mumbai in second position, in 2015. A big change is the way Mumbai has gone down the pecking order, to number nine in 2017! Why? One, it has not carried out many of the urban reforms envisaged in AMRUT. Two, Mumbai’s average per capita capital expenditure for the last three years has gone down despite its robust revenue stream, being the only city whose own revenue exceeds its total expenditure. Three, despite carrying a gargantuan commuter load, it has no comprehensive mobility plan. A key deficiency remains. Its mayor is still indirectly elected and for a 2.5-year term, when the norm is five. On the other hand, how has Pune gone from fourth to first position in the last three years? One, it has undertaken some AMRUT reforms. Two, it has improved the share of its own revenue in total expenditure and raised the average per capita capital expenditure for the last three years. Three, it has made available online municipal staff data and a roadmap for digital governance. Right at the bottom of the list comes Bengaluru, the country’s information technology, innovations and startup capital, declining from rank 12 in 2015 to 23 in 2017. Being a city of job opportunities, it is growing rapidly but (deficiency one) does not have a resilience strategy. Two and three: it lacks a sanitation and mobility plan. Four: the Town Hall lacks autonomy for approval of its budgetary process. Five: the mayor is indirectly elected and that too for only a year. Expectedly, it has not carried out several AMRUT reforms. Another leading Indian city, Chennai, has gone from rank eight to 19. It has three key shortcomings: it lacks resilience and sanitation plans and a land titling law. Proper titles for property owners create an incentive to pay property taxes, raising revenue. Expectedly, the share of its own revenue in its total expenditure has gone down. Perhaps the most damaging is its record of not having held municipal elections since 2011. Most intriguing is the case of Chandigarh, which occupies the second lowest rank of 22 (one down from 21 in 2015). This is because it has hardly any urban local government worth the name. The share of its own revenue in its total expenditure is next to zero. Only nine of the 18 functions listed in the 74th amendment to the Constitution empowering urban local government have been devolved to the municipal body. Stark realities This is what a structured yearly survey throws up. Bengaluru is rapidly running out of water and has some of the worst traffic jams imaginable. Yet, it is still a lovely city to live in, not least because of the innate civility of the native Bangalorean and the city’s unique weather. There are more slum-dwellers in Mumbai than its proud long-term residents would like to admit. Property prices make people commute for up to a third of their waking hours. Yet, it remains the most professional city in the country. Delhi vibrates with life and growth but is dying by the minute in its polluted air. Successive ASICS surveys have highlighted what needs doing for India to have a sustainable urban growth engine. Urban local government has to be empowered, professionally run and have a mechanism whereby an involved citizenry can claim ownership and demand answers. The rest will follow, with or without smart solutions. The writer is a senior journalist
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「昨日ネットで話題になった番組、どこで見れるんだろう…」 「あの番組の録画、忘れちゃった…」 そんな今までの概念をなくしませんか? 最近ではテレビ番組が突然ネットで話題になり、トレンドになることが多くなりました。話題になった後でも、その番組を知りたいと思うことがあると思います。 そこで今回ご紹介するのはMiyouTunerというテレビチューナーボードです。 MiyouTunerは、 地上波8チャンネル + BS/CS放送波2チャンネルの放送波を同時受信、同時保存する ことができるテレビチューナーボードです。 ①地上波8チャンネル + BS/CS放送波2チャンネルの放送波を同時受信、同時保存することができます 色々なテレビチューナーボードが出る中、8チャンネルより多くの放送波を同時に受信することができる高スペックなテレビチューナーボードは少ないです。 MiyouTunerでは、地上波8チャンネル・BS/ CS放送波2チャンネルの合計10チャンネルの放送波を同時に受信することができる性能を低価格で実現しました。 ②テレビ番組の検索機能や、テレビの視聴者が注目するテレビ番組を瞬時に分かる機能を搭載した、MiyouTVソフトウェアと組み合わせることで簡単にテレビ放送を操作いただくことが出来ます。 (番組表と検索窓) (番組の勢いを数値化したもの) MiyouTVではテレビ番組を簡単に検索することができます。また、番組に関連するネットの反応を計測し、どれほど注目されているのかが一目で分かるようになっています。 MiyouTVというソフトウェアと組み合わせることで簡単にテレビ放送を操作いただくことが出来ます。(セットPCにはデフォルトでMiyouTVが組み込まれています。) ③動画をネットの反応を見ながら楽しむことができます MiyouTVでは、動画に関するネットでの反応を収集し、それを動画にオーバーレイする形で動画を視聴しながらネットの反応も同時に楽しむことができます。 お一人で視聴していても、たくさんの人と見ているような楽しみ方ができます。 ④テレビ番組の特定の部分をSNSで共有する機能を実装予定です MiyouTVを使っている人同士で、テレビ番組で面白かった部分や、ネットで話題になった部分をクリップしてSNSなどでシェアすることができるような取り組みをしています。 MiyouTunerは色々な活用シーンを想定しています。 ①国民的な番組 今後も多く開催される国際大会やスポーツの試合、また年末年始のたくさんの番組を漏れなく同時に受信することができます。 ②アニメ アニメは深夜の放送であることがほとんどです。また、アニメのネットの反応が気になるということもあると思います。時間を気にせず、ネットの反応も楽しむことができるMiyouTunerが一番活躍する活用シーンになります。 ③広報などの仕事をしている 広報に関わるお仕事をされている方は、常にあらゆるメディアにアンテナを張っている方が多いと思います。MiyouTunerでは多くのテレビ番組の放送波を受信することができるので、漏らさず情報をキャッチすることができます。 また、テレビ番組の勢いもMiyouTVですぐに確認できるため、注目度の高いテレビ番組を知ることができます。 MiyouTunerのように、たくさんの放送波を受信することができる高機能なテレビチューナーボードは、価格も高く、希少性も高いため、入手が難しくなっています。 しかし今回はクラウドファンディングでの特別価格で、 一枚あたり 17,500円 , 二枚セットで 34,000円 でのご提供を実現いたしました。 ※本商品をより世の中に広めていく活動にご協力いただいたお礼として特別価格を設定しております。今後の製品改善のため、ご感想やご意見などございましたら、応援コメントやメッセージにてご投稿ください。 また、テレビチューナーボードの機能を使用するにはPCへの組み込みが必須です。 「PCへの組み込みとか難しそう」 確かにPCへのテレビチューナーの導入は、知識のある方でさえ難しいのが現実です。 インターネットではテレビチューナーボードの導入について、たくさんの方によって有志で導入マニュアルの共有やバグの報告が行われているほどです。 そこで今回はテレビチューナーボードを組み込んだPCのセットをご用意いたしました。 導入作業なく、すぐにご使用いただけます。 (有線/無線LANなどのインターネットの環境のみご自身でご用意ください) テレビを自分で管理できる喜びや楽しみを知っていただきたく、一つ一つ弊社で組み込み作業を行います。 ぜひ、ご自身の手でテレビを管理できる楽しみを味わってみてください! また、今回MiyouTVという、テレビ番組情報やテレビ番組の検索をするためのソフトウェアをデフォルトで組み込んでいます。 ですので、ご視聴も簡単です。 さらに、インターネットでの番組に関する投稿数を計測しているので、どの番組が勢いのある番組なのかも一目でわかります。 MiyouTVについて詳しくはこちらを参照ください。 MiyouTunerを使う意義について、未来検索ブラジルの西村 博之(ひろゆき)さんにお話しを伺いました。 私 「今ひろゆきさんがMiyouTunerを推す理由について教えてください。」 ひろゆきさん 『テレビ番組をリアルタイムにみるとか、面白くなかったら時間の無駄なので、「面白い」という評価がされたものだけを見たいんですよね。 そして、空いてる時間にどこでも見られるのが理想なわけです。 令和の時代になって、それが実現出来る仕組みがようやく出来たんだなぁ、、、と。』 テレビの時間という制約から解放され、自分でテレビを管理することができる良さをMiyouTunerを通して実感して頂けました。 また、今回はMiyouTunerを通して、新しいテレビのあり方、MiyouTunerの良さについて数々の企業でソフトウェアエンジニアをされてきた山中勇成さんにもお話を伺いました。 山中さんはテレビチューナーボードの愛用者でもあり、テレビ放送波を受信するためのソフトウェア開発者でもあります。 ・MiyouTunerがたくさん放送波を受信できるスペックの高さ ・テレビチューナーボードの導入の難しさのハードルを下がったこと ・動画とそのネットの反応が同時に見れることで、大勢で楽しんでいるような感覚になること ・場所や時間という制約からの解放にMiyouTunerが貢献する可能性があること ・MiyouTVのユーザーならテレビ番組で好きな部分をSNSで共有できるようになる予定であることの良さ というお言葉を頂けました。 私たちがこの製品を製造するためには、 皆様に最低でも777枚を注文していただかなくてはならず、 そうでないと頓挫してしまいます。 皆様のお力でこの ” 777 ” に到達したく、目標金額を設定させていただきました。 今回の機会を通じて、テレビの時代を時間という拘束から解き放ちませんか? リターン内容について ※画像のボードはサンプルです ※画像のボードはサンプルです ※画像のボードはサンプルです ※画像のボードはサンプルです ※画像のボードはサンプルです ※画像のボードはサンプルです 詳細はリターン内容を参照ください。 ※本テレビボードチューナーボードのみでは放送波を復調することしかできません。 ※本テレビボードチューナーボードのみではテレビ放送を視聴することはできません。 リスク&チャレンジ ※BCASカードは付属いたしません。 ※本リターンの購入を利用としてのB-CASカードの再発行はできません。 ※Windowsドライバ / Linuxドライバ &ソフトウェア群は製品お届け時にダウンロード先を同封させていただきます ※本テレビボードチューナーボードのみでは放送波を復調することしかできません。 ※本テレビボードチューナーボードのみではテレビ放送を視聴することはできません。 ※本プロジェクトを通して想定を上回る皆様からご支援を頂き、現在進めている環境から量産体制を更に整えることができた場合、正規販売価格が販売予定価格より下がる可能性もございます。 ※開発中の製品につきましては、デザイン・仕様が一部変更になる可能性もございます。 ※ご注文状況、使用部材の供給状況、製造工程上の都合等により出荷時期が遅れる場合があります。 クラウドファンディングの性質上、以上の注意点につきましてあらかじめご理解とご了承いただいた上でご支援くださいますよう、よろしくお願い申し上げます。
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La France célèbre cette année le 60e anniversaire de la promulgation de sa Constitution du 4 octobre 1958, qui continue de régir la vie politique et institutionnelle de la Ve République en vigueur. Cette Constitution a-t-elle servi de modèle aux pays africains francophones, comme nombre de juristes l’affirment ? Pour le professeur Alioune Badara Fall, spécialiste des questions constitutionnelles, l’influence de la Ve République française n’a pas été aussi évidente qu’on le croit, avec dès les premières années de l’indépendance, des dirigeants africains aménageant le modèle constitutionnel français pour mieux asseoir leur pouvoir. Entretien. Publicité Lire la suite RFI : Quelle influence le droit français a-t-il eue sur les textes fondateurs des Républiques africaines francophones ? Alioune Badara Fall (1) : Beaucoup de juristes français estiment qu’il n’y a pas véritablement de droit constitutionnel en Afrique francophone et que le droit en vigueur dans ces pays émanerait des dispositions de la Constitution française de 1958, et voire même de celle de 1946, transposées quasiment mot pour mot dans le droit des ex-colonies françaises d’Afrique lors de l’accession de celles-ci à l’indépendance. Ce n’est pas faux, car quand on regarde de près les premiers textes constitutionnels africains, on y retrouve les grands principes du droit politique français tels que « démocratie », « République », « équilibre des pouvoirs ». Des principes repris dans les préambules des Lois fondamentales des Etats africains francophones. Cela pouvait difficilement être autrement. Pourquoi ? Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela. Tout d’abord, n’oublions pas que la culture politique et juridique des dirigeants africains appelés à prendre les rênes du pouvoir était avant tout française, la plupart d’entre eux ayant siégé à l’Assemblée nationale, à Paris, en tant que représentant de leurs pays. Certains furent même ministres dans les gouvernements français. Je cite toujours l’exemple de Senghor et de Houphouët-Boigny, qui furent ministres dans les gouvernements de la IVe République et après le retour aux affaires du Général de Gaulle, ils furent appelés par Michel Debré à participer à la rédaction du projet constitutionnel de la Ve République. Il ne faut donc pas s’étonner que ces dirigeants africains, lorsqu’ils se sont retrouvés à la tête de leur pays, aient voulu transposer le modèle constitutionnel français établi par les Constitutions de 1946 et de 1958. Quelles sont les autres raisons qui expliquent les échanges constitutionnels entre la France et ses ex-colonies africaines ? Dans les faits, ce sont les circonstances du moment qui ont bien plus imprégné les institutions politiques africaines que tout désir de reproduire purement et simplement le modèle français. Le calendrier politique des anciens Territoires d’outre-mer (TOM) de l’Afrique noire s’est accéléré à la fin des années 1950 avec l’échec de la Communauté française qui proposait de transformer l’ex-Empire en un ensemble fédéral. Pris au dépourvu par l’indépendance, les dirigeants africains n’ont guère eu le temps de préparer les textes constitutionnels de leurs Etats balbutiants. Faute de sources juridiques traditionnelles sur lesquelles ils pouvaient se fonder, ils avaient le choix entre l’adoption des textes constitutionnels de leur ancienne métropole ou le vide juridique qui aurait conduit les Etats africains nouvellement créés à la paralysie totale. Par conséquent, les règles constitutionnelles de l’ancienne puissance se sont imposées, mais cela n’a été vrai que pour une brève période avant que les dirigeants africains ne prennent les choses en main, récupérant dans le modèle français ce qui leur semblait nécessaire pour asseoir leur pouvoir. Vous avez qualifié cette démarche des premiers dirigeants africains d’ « ingénieuse » et de « pragmatique » dans un discours au titre provocateur « Echec du constitutionnalisme français en Afrique et autonomie du droit constitutionnel africain », prononcé lors du cinquantième anniversaire de la Constitution française de 1958. En effet. Selon l’idée généralement admise, si les Constitutions africaines ont évolué après l’indépendance, l’esprit en est resté le même, c’est-à-dire « gaulois ». Aux yeux de nombreux juristes, toute évolution du droit africain est considérée comme « écart » ou « erreur » par rapport au modèle initial français. Pour moi, au contraire, ces écarts démontrent le pragmatisme des premiers dirigeants africains qui ont combiné les différents éléments du droit politique occidental, dans la mesure où cela leur permettait d’accéder au pouvoir et/ou de s’y maintenir. Quels sont ces écarts auxquels vous faites référence ? En réalité, s’il est vrai que les premiers constituants africains se sont inspirés de la Constitution française de 1958, il conviendra aussi de reconnaître que cette dernière n’a pas été le modèle dans tous les sens du terme. La Constitution de l’ex-métropole a été dès le départ un cadre institutionnel dans lequel les hommes politiques africains ont puisé les éléments qui leur semblaient les plus appropriés dans leur situation. J’en veux pour preuve le choix ou le rejet du régime parlementaire par les pays africains francophones. Au sortir de la colonisation, seuls le Sénégal et le Togo ont conservé le format du régime parlementaire hérité de la Ve République française, alors que les autres pays de la sphère francophone ont clairement opté pour un régime présidentiel à l’Américaine. Le Sénégal est d’ailleurs revenu sur son choix après la crise de 1963 opposant le président Senghor à son Premier ministre, Mamadou Dia. Senghor a fait remanier la Constitution dans le sens de la présidentialisation en affirmant qu’il ne pouvait y avoir deux crocodiles dans le même marigot. Cette phrase est entrée dans les annales de la vie politique africaine. Lors de votre intervention au colloque du cinquantenaire de la Constitution de la Ve République française, vous parliez de la revendication par les constituants africains du « droit à la différence ». Pourriez-vous nous rappeler quelles ont été les principales manifestations de cette différence en termes d’organisation concrète de la vie politique dans l’Afrique francophone indépendante ? Dès les premières années de l’indépendance, une fois le problème technique du « vide juridique » réglé, les dirigeants africains se sont détournés des institutions empruntées à l’ancienne métropole pour asseoir une conception plus personnelle et peut-être plus africaine de l’exercice du pouvoir. Ils n’hésitent pas à réécrire la Constitution pour l’adapter à leurs préoccupations propres à l’exercice du pouvoir dans des pays sous-développés, inégalitaires et atomisés en communautés ethniques qui n’ont pas l’habitude de vivre ensemble. Dès lors, on peut véritablement parler de l’échec du constitutionnalisme libéral d’inspiration occidentale et l’émergence d’un constitutionnalisme africain caractérisé par des normes destinées à renforcer le pouvoir exécutif. Plus précisément celui du chef de l’Etat au détriment du poids et de l’influence des autres organes constitutionnels. Ce détournement de la Constitution libérale parvient à son aboutissement logique avec la mise en place des partis uniques à travers le continent, ce qui favorisa la concentration des pouvoirs entre les mains des autorités centrales. Ainsi, le rôle prépondérant du chef de l’Etat et le monopartisme deviendront les données les plus marquantes des régimes politiques des Etats indépendants d’Afrique noire francophone. Pour autant, peut-on dire que l’omnipotence du chef de l’Etat et le rejet de la pluralité politique qu’implique l’entrée en scène des partis uniques soient propres au génie politique africain ? Evidemment, non. L’Afrique n’a pas découvert la démocratie avec l’implantation sur son sol des Constitutions d’inspiration occidentale dans les années 1960. Au Sénégal, tout comme dans beaucoup d’autres régions africaines, la démocratie existait dans les temps précoloniaux. Dans les royaumes sénégalais de Kayor et de Baol, par exemple, la monarchie n’était pas héréditaire, contrairement à ce qui se passait ailleurs dans le monde. Le roi y était élu par ses pairs, qui avaient également le pouvoir de le destituer en cas de manquement à ses engagements. De même, l’Afrique a également connu le multipartisme pendant les dernières décennies de l’époque coloniale. La vie politique était alors riche et tumultueuse avec les partis politiques défendant dans les assemblées régionales leurs positions ou au Parlement métropolitain. Pendant ces périodes, les Africains participaient à des élections pour choisir leurs députés en fonction de sa couleur politique. Tout cela va changer avec l’accession des pays africains à l’indépendance, lorsqu’on assiste à l’élimination progressive des autres partis par un seul. Le parti unique servira de socle à la suprématie présidentielle, le monocentrisme et la pérennisation du chef de l’Etat. Quelle était la raison d’être politique de ces partis uniques qui s’imposent à travers le continent à partir de la fin des années 1960 ? Les dirigeants africains de l’époque ont expliqué l’instauration du parti unique par la nécessité de regrouper les forces vives du pays autour d’un même parti en vue d’un prompt développement économique et la nécessité également de construire une nation homogène. L’intangibilité des frontières héritées de la colonisation décrétée par l’Organisation de l’unité africaine née en 1963, fait que les pays africains sont divisés en groupes ethniques et communautés qui ne partagent pas la même langue, les mêmes pratiques sociales. Leurs populations n’ont pas l’habitude de vivre ensemble. Dans ces conditions, le multipartisme est perçu comme facteur de division des populations déjà divisées. Dans ces conditions, le parti unique devient, selon les élites dirigeantes de la première période d’indépendance, l’instrument privilégié pour assurer le développement et l’égalité, sous l’égide d’un chef d’Etat qui incarne l’unité nationale. Les Constitutions sont alors réécrites dans ce sens. Dans l’esprit des constituants africains, ce système devait perdurer jusqu’au moment où les populations auront acquis le niveau de maturité politique nécessaire pour l’instauration du pluralisme politique qu’on connaissait dans les décennies avant l’indépendance. Or, malheureusement, les choses ne se sont pas déroulées comme prévu, car les dirigeants africains ont instrumentalisé le parti unique pour asseoir leur pouvoir personnel et pérenniser leur domination sur la vie politique plutôt que de promouvoir la marche de leur pays vers une démocratie libérale à l’occidentale. Avec le virage des années 1990, marqué par le retour du multipartisme en Afrique, peut-on dire que les pays africains se sont rapprochés du modèle français de la Ve République et des institutions libérales et démocratiques de celle-ci ? Les années 1990 ont été un tournant majeur dans la vie politique en Afrique francophone, avec le retour vers le multipartisme et l’acceptation du pluralisme. Si la démocratisation des mœurs politiques est réelle, il me semble que les résultats ne sont pas à la hauteur des espérances suscitées par les événements des années 1990, lorsqu’on avait cru au retour tous azimuts des pays africains au modèle libéral occidental. La responsabilité en incombe principalement à mon avis à la classe politique africaine. Faut-il rappeler que ce processus de démocratisation n’a pas été provoqué par des dirigeants avides de démocratie et prompts à défendre les libertés et les droits de l’homme ? C’est une combinaison des facteurs externes et internes tels que l’implosion du bloc soviétique, le conditionnement de l’aide économique occidentale d’une part et d’autre part des soulèvements populaires qui ont poussé les élites politiques à engager leurs pays sur la voie des réformes. Mais au fur et à mesure que ces pressions se relâchent avec le temps, on voit ressurgir des méthodes utilisées par la classe politique à l’époque des partis uniques pour se maintenir au pouvoir. Ces survivances du passé apparaissent surtout à travers l’organisation des élections marquées par des reports, des manipulations des listes électorales, des fraudes sur les résultats pour éviter que l’opposition puisse arriver au pouvoir. Les élections constituent le point faible de l’Afrique en pleine mutation constitutionnelle. Sur le continent noir, comme ailleurs, la démocratisation demeure un processus qu’il faut surveiller comme le lait sur le feu. Alioune Badara Fall est professeur agrégé de droit public à l’université de Bordeaux, et ancien directeur du Centre d'études et de recherches sur les droits africains et sur le développement institutionnel des pays en développement (CERDRADI), membre du LAM (Les Afriques dans le monde), Science Po Bordeaux. NewsletterRecevez toute l'actualité internationale directement dans votre boite mail Je m'abonne
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Amid a coronavirus outbreak that has hit Washington state particularly hard, the chief of the Seattle police department on Monday urged residents to contact law enforcement to report “racist name calling.” During a “chief’s brief” video segment, Police Chief Carmen Best and local journalist Lori Matsukawa issued a public service announcement about hate crimes in the age of coronavirus. “Hate crimes have no place in our community,” Matsukawa said. “We are all trying to deal with the COVID-19 public health crisis together. If you are a victim of a hate crime or hate-based harassment, please call 911.” MORE: Pelosi Refuses to Get Tested for Coronavirus After Being Exposed to Infected Lawmaker Best chimed into assure the public that her department would “document and investigate every reported hate crime.” “Even racist name-calling should be reported to police. If you aren’t sure if a hate crime occurred, call 911. We are here to help,” the city’s top law enforcement official said. Reason senior editor Robby Soave criticized Best in a report published on Tuesday, saying she may need to get her “priorities straightened out” and noting that “engaging in racist speech is not itself a criminal action.” Washington experienced the first major U.S. outbreak of COVID-19 and has been among the hardest-hit states. As of Monday, there have been at least 217 coronavirus deaths in Washington. Many of those deaths have come in the Seattle area, clustered around a long-term nursing care facility in the suburb of Kirkland where the respiratory illness first surfaced in the United States. MORE: Maddow Called Trump’s Promise to Send Coronavirus Aid Ships ‘Nonsense’ — They Just Arrived At least 3,883 people have died from coronavirus in the United States, where the number of confirmed cases has surged past 187,000.
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Please support us by disabling your ad blocker on our site. Deans at Penn's graduate schools have emailed students urging them to vote against a union File Photo As Penn's graduate students move closer to a vote on whether student workers can unionize, the University has increased its efforts to prevent the union from forming. Graduate students, led by the pro-union organization Graduate Employees Together — University of Pennsylvania, received permission in December 2017 from the Philadelphia National Labor Relations Board to hold an election deciding whether or not they will form a union. While Penn has not been shy about its opposition to graduate students unionizing in the past, administrators now have been taking a more active role in the past week in reminding students of what they see as the possible negative consequences associated with a unionization vote. Provost Wendell Pritchett and Vice Provost for Education Beth Winkelstein sent out an email to all graduate and professional students concerning the upcoming election. Screenshot Pritchett and Winkelstein wrote that the location and date of the vote had yet to be determined, but that "any graduate student in Annenberg, SAS, BGS, Design, GSE, SEAS, Nursing, SP2, or Wharton who is providing instructional services and/or performing research this term (Spring 2018) or who did so in the Spring, Summer, or Fall term of 2017 is eligible to vote." They reminded the students that all graduate students would be subject to the decision and directed them to a recently created FAQ page on the Provost's Office's website. The site explains the details of the upcoming election, the possible effects of unionization, and the support the University provides for graduate students. It also provides links for further reading regarding unionization attempts at other schools. To explain what a union would do for students, the website emphasized a lack of clarity regarding the possible benefits of a union, stating that collective bargaining will determine the possible effects. "[T]here is no guarantee that collective bargaining would result in any increase to stipends or benefits. In fact, students could be worse off in the long run under collective bargaining," the website read. Dean of Engineering Vijay Kumar and Deputy Engineering Dean for Research and Innovation Kathleen Stebe co-authored an email sent out last week on Feb. 7 to Engineering doctoral students warning them about the possible negatives associated with unionization. Screenshot Kumar and Stebe cautioned that a vote for unionization could result in a loss of academic flexibility, a financial burden in terms of union dues, and a possible change in students' relationships with their academic advisors. "This vote is very important for several reasons. If the union wins, you will lose your own voice and the right to advocate for yourself with respect to any item covered by the union contract," the email read. "Please give this vote the attention that it deserves and engage with your colleagues and the faculty in a serious discussion." Kelly Jordan-Sciutto, director of the Biomedical Graduate Studies and associate dean for Graduate Education at the Perelman School of Medicine, co-authored another email along with more than 20 other colleagues in Biomedical Graduate Studies. Sent out around 11:46 a.m. on Feb. 7, Jordan-Sciutto and other leaders of the department encouraged students to vote in the election. "Under current National Labor Relations Board law, graduate students may unionize based on their teaching and research roles," the BGS email read. "To us, the primary question at stake is this: Are you students or employees?" The writers argued that the graduate students are fundamentally students due to the fact that their work in the program is "designed to foster your personal and intellectual growth." They warned that the formation of a union could jeopardize the financial stipends and research training of BGS graduate students. Sign up for our newsletter Get our newsletter, Dear Penn, delivered to your inbox every weekday morning. Sign Up "We are concerned that GET-UP will not be able to adequately serve the unique needs of BGS students, which are different from the needs of other students in the many diverse programs the union seeks to represent," the email concluded. "Union contracts are often one-size-fits-all, and we are concerned that this means Penn’s graduate students will end up with a one-size-fits-none contract." The date for the election has yet to be established. PennConnects Most Read
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You couldn’t make this one up. A 12-year-old girl goes on a hit Russian matchmaking program to help her divorced father find a new wife, but ends up being bullied by the show’s hosts. When she stands up for herself online, the teenager finds herself battling not only Russia’s largest state TV network, but YouTube. This is what happened to Anastasia (she didn’t want her last name broadcast) when she appeared on “Let’s Get Married,” triggering a David vs. Goliath-style struggle over how rules designed to protect content producers are increasingly being abused to silence free expression. The popular dating show, broadcast on Russia’s Channel One, employs tricks familiar to daytime TV viewers in the West: intimidating speed rounds of questioning, dramatic reveals of exes and estranged family members, and tearful confessions, in front of a live studio audience. After filming was over, producers released a social media trailer for the program, with one host calling Anastasia “hooorrible” in the comments below Three female hosts — one of them an astrologer — grill each contestant after they’ve been introduced to the potential spouses selected for them, on a set ringed with mock Greek columns. It’s not unusual for the children of the romantic hopefuls to be included in the mix too. But when Anastasia appeared on the show, she was the first to face off with the hosts, with her father left waiting backstage. Wearing a white dress approved by the producers, she arrived on set carrying a bouquet of roses for each host, as they had rehearsed beforehand. But the teenager says after that, things went totally off script. Instead of asking the questions she had practiced with producers, the hosts gave Anastasia a verbal roughing up. They interrogated her about her father’s “sea of girlfriends,” ridiculed her for declining to share her birth month with the astrologist, and lectured her on how to be respectful — after repeatedly interrupting her. In the version that was broadcast, the 12-year-old was on her own for more than 10 minutes before her father was finally brought on. And even then, the bullying continued. One host, Larisa Guzeeva, told Anastasia she was “ten times more frightening than any mother-in-law,” before telling her father that his daughter was “totally insincere.” It was an experience that would have reduced many people to tears, but she kept her cool on set — a sign of the determination she would show later on. But the producers hadn’t finished with her. After filming was over, they released a social media trailer for the program, with the host Guzeeva calling Anastasia “hooorrible” in the comments below. When the show aired, she saw that they added a soundtrack called “Twisted Horror” to the sections when she appears, as if “I’m some kind of monster.” And the teenager then started attracting bullying posts online. “They wanted to silence my voice,” 12-year-old Anastasia But Anastasia tore up the script once more, surprising the program makers by fighting back. They “assured me that everything would go well,” she said in an interview. “I didn’t sign up to be abused or humiliated.” With her father’s help, she launched a video campaign on YouTube and social media, calling for an end to hate speech on Russian television. And she gave as good as she had gotten in the studio. “Advocating physical assault against children on Russia’s main government TV channel — is this normal?” read one of her tweets, tagging the Russian government, parliament and state prosecutor’s office, and demanding that they shut down “Let’s Get Married.” Clearly rattled by the teenager’s campaign, the Russian state broadcasting giant responded by accusing her of violating its copyright, because she had used clips from “Let’s Get Married” in her videos. That led YouTube to take her videos down, and give her “two strikes,” according to its rules. One more, and her newly-minted “Respect on TV” channel would be deleted entirely. “The fact that they blocked my video and tried to silence my voice of course shows that I hit them where it hurts,” said Anastasia, saying that she was sure she had complied with YouTube’s “fair use” terms after studying them online. “I wanted to show them the power of the internet,” she added. And after weeks of dispute with the video-sharing giant, her material was restored last week. The program has not made clear why it decided to target the teenager in this way. The producers did not respond to requests for comment. But host Larissa Guzeeva was recently quoted attacking Anastasia’s motives. “The girl wants to become famous in any way,” she told Russia’s state news agency, before suggesting that the authorities “find out what’s wrong with the father and mother.” In Anastasia, though, Russia’s state broadcasting behemoth may have met its match.
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Sign up for “THE CITY Scoop,” our daily newsletter where we send you stories like this first thing in the morning. City Councilmember Ritchie Torres’ bid to represent the South Bronx in Congress is raking in real estate cash, campaign finance records show. Torres leads a crowded pack of Democrats seeking to replace retiring Rep. José Serrano, pulling in a top $878,000 since declaring his candidacy in July. At least $110,000 of that came from people with ties to the real estate industry, according to THE CITY’s analysis of the latest filings with the Federal Election Commission. The vast majority of donations to Torres’ campaign — 96.3% or about $845,000 — came from outside the 15th Congressional District, which is among the poorest in the nation. Overall, about 93.5% of the contributions came from addresses outside The Bronx. Torres defended his real estate industry bounty, and pointed to the number of small donations he’s received. “In the latest quarter, two-thirds of our contributors are small donors who gave less than $100,” he told THE CITY in a text. “We have a diversified donor base with contributors big and small.” The ‘Next Williamsburg’ The real estate sector donations have flowed in during a development boom in the South Bronx — and follow pledges from some in the race to forgo money from developers. Some donors to Torres’ campaign have big real estate projects in progress in the South Bronx, including a residential complex being built on “the most expensive development site” in the borough. William Cote, the founder and chief executive of Hudson Meridian Construction Group, which is building on the property, gave $8,400 to Torres’ bid individually and through an LLC, federal campaign finance records show. That development is planned for Mott Haven, a neighborhood some eager brokers already are calling the “next Williamsburg.” And as new buildings go up, the price per square foot for home sales in Mott Haven and in nearby Melrose is rising — shooting up close to 60% between 2016 and 2018, according to the nonprofit Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development. Another one of Torres’ top donors is the president of real estate at Cactus Holdings — the holding company for the Western Beef supermarket chain — which filed plans with the city this summer for a mixed-use development within the 15th Congressional District. Cactus Holdings’ Joshua Agus and a limited liability company associated with the project contributed a total of $7,200 to Torres’ campaign, according to federal financial disclosures. Several individuals at the Kraus Organization, which either owns or manages several buildings in The Bronx, including New York City Housing Authority complexes, donated a combined $8,400 to Torres. The company recently came under fire for reportedly owing the city $148 million in unpaid property taxes. Some New York real estate mainstays also have chipped in to Torres’ campaign. Among them are Jed and David Walentas of Two Trees, who donated a total of $10,000 and have been largely credited with the “renaissance of Dumbo” in Brooklyn. Douglas Durst — the head of the Durst Organization, which owns multiple buildings in Manhattan and Queens — and several individuals associated with the company have given a combined $10,000 to Torres’ campaign. Donors contacted by THE CITY either didn’t respond to requests for comment or declined comment. ’A Trump Republican’ Torres was the only candidate in the race to itemize all of his campaign donations. The names, addresses and occupations of those who make contributions under $250, classified by the FEC as small donations, do not need to be fully detailed and can be pooled together as “unitemized.” He is far from the only candidate to reap donations from outside The Bronx. That trend has played out to varying degrees among most of the other nine declared Democratic contenders — among them City Councilmember Ruben Diaz Sr., Assemblymember Michael Blake and former Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito. In his statement to THE CITY, Torres portrayed his run as a two-person race with the 76-year-old Diaz, a controversial longtime Bronx elected official. “I am the only candidate who has enough resources to defeat Ruben Diaz Sr. — a Trump Republican who, were the race held today, would win on the sheer strength of name recognition,” Torres said. Diaz, who has amassed $126,654 this cycle, said he’s collected the most donations from within the district and the borough. He’s raised at least $29,700 in the district and $47,000 in the borough, though that doesn’t count unitemized contributions. “They come from The Bronx,” he said of his donors. Blake, who is a distant second in the fundraising sweepstakes with about $360,000, said he has “incredible support locally.” “We clearly are the campaign with the momentum right now,” he told THE CITY. Meanwhile, Torres’ real estate donations alone outpace the total fundraising of several candidates: Marlene Cintron; Samelys Lopez; Jonathan Ortiz; Tomas Ramos and Councilmember Ydanis Rodriguez. Candidate Chivona Newsome didn’t file a campaign disclosure form. Want to republish this story? See our republication guidelines.
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Wahre Identität des Gauß-Gehirns aufgeklärt Forscher enthüllen wahre Identität der Gehirne des Mathematikers Carl Friedrich Gauß und des Mediziners Conrad Heinrich Fuchs Die über 150 Jahre alten Gehirnpräparate des Mathematikers Carl Friedrich Gauß und des Göttinger Mediziners Conrad Heinrich Fuchs sind vertauscht worden, und das vermutlich bereits bald nach beider Tod im Jahr 1855: Zu diesem überraschenden Schluss ist Renate Schweizer, Neurowissenschaftlerin an der Biomedizinischen NMR Forschungs GmbH am Göttinger Max-Planck-Institut für biophysikalische Chemie, gekommen. Die zu Forschungszwecken in einer Sammlung der Universitätsmedizin Göttingen archivierten Gehirne hat sie jetzt korrekt identifiziert und im Magnetresonanz-Tomografen mit Experten anderer Fachdisziplinen umfassend dokumentiert. Die Gehirne von Carl Friedrich Gauß und Conrad Heinrich Fuchs im Vergleich. Wagners Lithografie des Fuchs-Gehirns aus dem Jahr 1862 (links) und sein Kupferstich des Gauß-Gehirns von 1860 (rechts) zeigen deutliche Unterschiede. Das mittlere Bild ist eine aktuelle MRT-Oberflächenrekonstruktion von Gaußʼ Gehirn. Die Zentralfurche ist in der linken Gehirnhälfte jeweils gelb eingefärbt. © Mitte: Jens Frahm und Sabine Hofer / Biomedizinische NMR Forschungs GmbH 2013 Die Gehirne von Carl Friedrich Gauß und Conrad Heinrich Fuchs im Vergleich. Wagners Lithografie des Fuchs-Gehirns aus dem Jahr 1862 (links) und sein Kupferstich des Gauß-Gehirns von 1860 (rechts) zeigen deutliche Unterschiede. Das mittlere Bild ist eine aktuelle MRT-Oberflächenrekonstruktion von Gaußʼ Gehirn. Die Zentralfurche ist in der linken Gehirnhälfte jeweils gelb eingefärbt. © Mitte: Jens Frahm und Sabine Hofer / Biomedizinische NMR Forschungs GmbH 2013 Walnussartige Strukturen erscheinen auf dem Computermonitor. Sie offenbaren, was sich im Inneren des Magnetresonanztomografen in der Biomedizinischen NMR Forschungs GmbH verbirgt: Es ist das über 150 Jahre alte Gehirnpräparat des Mathematikers Carl Friedrich Gauß. Renate Schweizer überwacht die Messungen, die Schicht für Schicht das innenliegende Gewebe sichtbar machen. Danach platziert sie vorsichtig ein weiteres Gehirn auf den Untersuchungstisch, mit dem normalerweise Probanden in die „Röhre“ gefahren werden. Es stammt von dem Mediziner und Begründer der pathologisch-anatomischen Sammlung der Universität Göttingen, Conrad Heinrich Fuchs – verstorben wie Gauß im Jahr 1855. Die aktuelle Untersuchung der historischen Gehirne, die aus der Sammlung im Institut für Ethik und Geschichte der Medizin der Universitätsmedizin Göttingen stammen, haben einen konkreten Anlass: „Was Forscher bisher als Gauß-Gehirn untersucht hatten, war gar nicht sein Gehirn – es gehörte dem Mediziner Fuchs. Die Gehirne der beiden Wissenschaftler sind vor vielen Jahren vertauscht worden und müssen daher neu dokumentiert werden“, schildert die Biologin und Psychologin die überraschende Erkenntnis aus ihren Nachforschungen. Diese unerwartete Entdeckung machte die Wissenschaftlerin während Recherchen zu ihrem Forschungsgebiet – der Gehirnregion um die sogenannte Zentralfurche. In den Windungen entlang der Zentralfurche verarbeitet das Gehirn Reize wie Berührungen, Wärme oder Schmerz und steuert Bewegungen. Am Gauß-Gehirn vermutete Renate Schweizer eine seltene anatomische Variation: eine sichtbare Zweiteilung der Zentralfurche. Sie tritt bei weniger als einem Prozent der Menschen auf. Für die betroffenen Personen ist sie normalerweise unbedeutend, in Einzelfällen kann sie zu minimalen Veränderungen der Motorik und Sensorik führen. Auf Magnetresonanztomografie (MRT)-Bildern des vermeintlichen Gauß-Gehirns aus der Universitätssammlung, die 1998 von Jens Frahm und seinem Team an der Biomedizinischen NMR Forschungs GmbH aufgenommen wurden, hatte Schweizer eine solche Zweiteilung der Zentralfurche entdeckt. Um ihren Befund zu überprüfen, forscht sie in der Primärliteratur nach. Rudolf Wagner, ein Göttinger Anatom und Freund von Gauß, hatte seinerzeit die Gehirne von Gauß und Fuchs präpariert, untersucht und in Veröffentlichungen von 1860 und 1862 bildlich dokumentiert. Doch auf seinen Abbildungen findet Schweizer die zweigeteilte Zentralfurche – anders als erwartet – nicht etwa am Gauß-Gehirn wieder. Stattdessen passen die MRT-Bilder haargenau auf Wagners Abbildung von Fuchs’ Gehirn. Falsche Beschriftung: Etikette auf den Aufbewahrungsgläsern mit den Gehirnen von Gauss (links) und Fuchs (rechts). © Böttcher-Gajewski / MPI f. biophysikalische Chemie Falsche Beschriftung: Etikette auf den Aufbewahrungsgläsern mit den Gehirnen von Gauss (links) und Fuchs (rechts). © Böttcher-Gajewski / MPI f. biophysikalische Chemie Schweizers Besuch in der Sammlung im Institut für Ethik und Geschichte der Medizin bestätigt ihren ersten Verdacht: Das Originalgehirn von Gauß befindet sich tatsächlich im Glasgefäß mit der Aufschrift „C. H. Fuchs“. Das Fuchs-Gehirn wiederum ist etikettiert mit „C. F. Gauss“. „Meine These nach den momentan vorliegenden Informationen ist, dass die Gehirne wahrscheinlich schon relativ bald nach Wagners Untersuchungen in die falschen Gefäße gelangten, als die Oberfläche der Hirnrinde nochmals vermessen wurde“, so die Neurowissenschaftlerin. Weitere vergleichende Arbeiten zu den Gehirnen von Gauß und Fuchs gab es nicht. Und so fiel die Verwechslung später niemandem auf. Dass die Gehirne von Gauß und Fuchs jetzt korrekt zugeordnet sind, ist auch eine wichtige Information für die Göttinger Gauß-Gesellschaft. „Ihr Geschäftsführer Axel Wittmann hat das Projekt von Anfang an aktiv unterstützt und begleitet, sein umfangreiches Wissen war extrem hilfreich, um die Verwechslung aufzudecken“, berichtet Schweizer. Ihre Entdeckung zeigt, wie wichtig historische Sammlungen für die aktuelle Forschung sind. Schweizer bekräftigt: „Es ist ein Glücksfall für uns Forscher, dass die Gehirne in der Sammlung auch nach über 150 Jahren in einem einwandfreien Zustand der Wissenschaft zugänglich sind.“ So konnte sie die Verwechslung eindeutig feststellen und die historischen Gehirne im Magnetresonanztomografen untersuchen. Dafür arbeitete sie eng mit ihrem ehemaligen Teamkollegen Gunther Helms zusammen, der sich in der Serviceeinheit MR-Forschung der Abteilung Kognitive Neurologie an der Universitätsmedizin Göttingen mit der MRT von Hirnpräparaten befasst. Der Leiter der Biomedizinischen NMR Forschungs GmbH Jens Frahm betont: „Wir suchen nicht nach dem Genie in den Hirnwindungen. Für uns steht die langfristige Dokumentation im Vordergrund, um eine Basis für weitergehende Grundlagenforschung zu schaffen.“ Alle MRT-Bilder und Fotografien der historischen Gehirne werden daher digital archiviert und so langfristig für die Wissenschaft gesichert. Für neue Forschungsprojekte sind diese ein wichtiger Impuls. So untersucht Schweizer derzeit anhand der MRT-Bilder die zweigeteilte Zentralfurche in Fuchs‘ Gehirn auch unter der Oberfläche der Hirnrinde. Mithilfe der MRT-Bilder konnten die Forscher auch nachweisen, dass frühere Veröffentlichungen über das vermeintliche Gauß-Gehirn keine falschen Informationen lieferten. In diesen wurde das Denkorgan des Mathematikers als normal beschrieben. Walter Schulz-Schaeffer, Leiter des Schwerpunkts Prion- und Demenzforschung des Instituts für Neuropathologie an der Universitätsmedizin Göttingen, bestätigt nach einer ersten Begutachtung der aktuellen MRT-Bilder: Das Gehirn des genialen Mathematikers und Astronomen Gauß ist ebenso wie das des Mediziners Fuchs anatomisch weitgehend unauffällig. Beide ähneln sich zudem in Größe und Gewicht. „Die altersbedingten Veränderungen an Gauß’ Gehirn sind für einen 78-jährigen Mann normal. Veränderungen in den Basalganglien lassen auf einen Bluthochdruck schließen“, so der Neuropathologe. Nicht jede MRT-Untersuchung eines historischen Präparats lässt eine solch klare Aussage zu. Neuropathologen und MRT-Wissenschaftler erforschen daher derzeit gemeinsam, wie sich Gewebe und Organe bei jahrzehnte- oder jahrhundertelanger Aufbewahrung in Alkohol verändern und wie sich mit angepassten MRT-Methoden die Interpretation der erhaltenen Bilder verbessern lässt. Die historischen Gehirne haben indes nach den Untersuchungen wieder ihre wohlverdiente Ruhe in der Universitätssammlung gefunden. Eine Verwechslung ist künftig ausgeschlossen. cr/es/HR
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NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rightwing Hindu nationalist government has ordered India’s armed forces to organise a ‘carnival’ to mark 50 years of a war with Pakistan in 1965, The Telegraph reported on Tuesday. The Kolkata-based paper said the three-week long event is set to reignite a debate on whether India lost on the negotiating table what it won on the battlefield. “From September 1 to September 23 this year, on days coinciding with the duration of the war, the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force have been directed to organise tableaux, exhibitions, processions, public lectures and film shows. The venues would be in the heart of the national capital, on Rajpath, Janpath and around India Gate,” the paper said. Also read: No engagement with Pakistan planned, says Indian minister The proposed celebration appears to be part of a nationalist distraction Mr Modi’s government uses to change discussion away from the main theatre of politics where he has been criticised roundly at home and abroad for policy failures. True enough, according to the paper, the war events are set to trigger public discourse on the legacy of the Congress government of the time headed by Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri with Yashwant Rao Chavan as defence minister. The government’s objectives need not entirely be confined to pumping up national pride. There could be a political goal too, the paper said. “Shastri has been identified with the slogan Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan — sections that are now perceived to be miffed with the Modi government because of the delay over one rank, one pension, farm distress and the land acquisition legislation. The government is unlikely to complain if the war carnival gives it an opportunity to ingratiate itself with farmers and soldiers.” A major portion of the events planned during the ‘carnival’ are discussions on the post-war negotiations in Tashkent. Shastri died during the meetings in Tashkent. An official account called The India-Pakistan War of 1965, a history (editor S.N. Prasad; general editor U.P. Thapliyal) issued by the ministry of defence’s history division — parts of which are not yet public — may be reviewed. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar is personally supervising preparations for the events to mark the war, the Telegraph said. In the Indian Army, there are many who believe that Shastri had surrendered at the talks in Tashkent in January 1966 the strategic Haji Pir pass that the army had captured. The pass links Uri and Poonch on the Indian side but is today in Pakistan. Sources in the army say the pass is even today used by the Pakistani establishment to “push terrorists into India”. In official records, India captured 1,920 sq km of Pakistani territory while Pakistan captured 550 sq km of Indian territory. An official history by the government insinuates that Pakistan’s president during the 1965 war, General Ayub Khan, perceived India to be weak after its defeat by China in 1962, three years earlier. He wanted to take advantage of that and forcibly acquire Kashmir, the Telegraph report said. Published in Dawn, June 3rd, 2015 On a mobile phone? Get the Dawn Mobile App: Apple Store | Google Play
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CNBC's Meg Tirrell reports the White House has acknowledged shortcomings in the response to Ebola and is considering an Ebola czar.
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Jones had her license suspended and then revoked by the Department of Social Services. In April 2018, NBC12 uncovered that Jones had allegedly used funds she received as social security payee on behalf of residents to pay for personal expenses such as restaurant outings, casino gambling, vacations as well as credit cards bills in another individuals name.
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Story highlights Singapore government wants to increase population by allowing more immigrants Protesters say they worry about losing jobs, overcrowding Government says foreigners are needed to take care of rapidly aging population "Imagine a place where you can be a stranger in your own home," protester says Singaporeans don't normally gather in public protest. Decades of single party rule and an iron hand when it comes to dissent has shaped a somewhat meek public. But a proposal by the government to allow more immigrants to come to Singapore in the next few decades to make up for a population shortfall has emboldened citizens to go public. On Saturday, several thousand Singaporeans gathered in a small downtown park near an area known as "Speaker's Corner" to vent their anger. Organizers estimated the crowd to between 3,000 and 4,000 and said it was the largest gathering since post-independence Singapore in 1965. Singapore police told CNN they don't give crowd estimates. At the heart of the issue is a so-called "White Paper on Population" recently issued by the government that proposes allowing the population to rise from 5.3 million to as high as 6.9 million by 2030 in order to keep the economy growing and to keep it a magnet country for business. The government also says foreigners are needed to take care of the country's own rapidly aging population. Protesters on Saturday insisted they didn't fear foreigners but worry about the loss of Singaporean jobs to foreigners, depressed wages and overcrowding that has taxed Singapore's infrastructure, including housing and transportation. Protesters also say the government's plans will make them a minority in their own country. "Imagine a place where you can be a stranger in your own home," a protester said. Like many developed nations, not enough people are having babies. For more than three decades, the country's fertility rate has been below replacement level, meaning Singaporeans aren't having enough babies to replace themselves. This has had a huge impact on a tiny country striving to be a booming economy. The government has relied on foreigners to fill executive ranks, as well as to perform low-wage jobs from construction to cleaning. While the country is one of the world's wealthiest, it also has an enormous income disparity between rich and poor. Protesters say Singaporeans would have more babies if they were more confident of their economic prospects, and that the government should rely less on cheaper foreign labor and improve the wages of Singaporeans.
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The industry minister, Ian Macfarlane, announces $900m in cuts would now not go ahead – but then the good news turned to bad It’s a curious day in politics when you open proceedings with an apparent $900m bonanza – and end in a finger-pointing muddle. The Abbott government began barnacle removal on Tuesday by briefing various news outlets that $900m worth of cuts to automotive industry assistance would now not proceed. Last May the government had announced in the budget that it would terminate one of the car industry programs, the Automotive Transformation Scheme, on 1 January, 2018, “to reflect announcements by vehicle manufacturers that they will cease vehicle manufacturing in Australia by the end of 2017”. But the Senate begged to differ. Having already lost the major Australian car manufacturers, Labor, the Greens and key crossbenchers were concerned that the withdrawal of taxpayer support would send the Australian components industry to the wall – compounding the job losses associated with the end of local car assembly. The Coalition is in significant political trouble in the manufacturing states, particularly South Australia, where a row over the future purchase of submarines has added to the car industry woes. So stuck in the Senate, in a political jam in the manufacturing belt, and with the prime minister, Tony Abbott, due to visit Adelaide on Wednesday, the industry minister, Ian Macfarlane, was the designated bearer of glad tidings. Coalition reverses planned $500m cut to automotive industry assistance Read more The planned cuts to the ATS scheme would now not proceed, delivering certainty to the carmakers, who were complaining to the government that they needed a reliable supply of various components until the assembly lines were finally closed in 2017 – and delivering a fillip to the components makers supplying Holden and Toyota. A bout of generalised hooray-ness was meant to ensue. Except it became clear from the moment that Macfarlane opened his mouth that the $900m was actually $500m – the money allocated to the ATS scheme between now and 2017. (Another $400m budgeted for the ATS for the period beyond 2017 was entirely theoretical, because there will be no carmakers operating in Australia beyond 2017.) And closer examination confirmed the $500m was fairly theoretical as well, because the industry is winding down in anticipation of exit in two years. There’s not much activity going on, therefore the draw on the funds on offer is expected to be quite limited. As Abbott put it on Tuesday: “How much is spent under the scheme will depend entirely upon applications that are made to the scheme, and the ordinary operation of the scheme.” Macfarlane was asked on Sky News what the actual figure was, and he declined to furnish a specific answer. He thought “hundreds of millions”. Others thought a deal less. In fact, Macfarlane in a press release issued separately on Tuesday actually seemed to think a great deal less. “Most of the savings from the program will still be realised, based on production volumes as Ford, Holden and Toyota wind down production based on their independent decisions to end domestic car manufacturing,” the statement said. Then there was a fracas over process. The great shrinking pool of money had been reinstated not by a cabinet decision, which would have been conventional in the circumstances, but by the Expenditure Review Committee subcommittee “originally” (whatever that qualification from the prime minister means). Tuesday’s about-face had not been flagged with the Coalition party room either. Macfarlane noted with typical candour it would have been a disaster if the announcement had leaked before its intended release, although given the various miscommunications of the day perhaps an unsanctioned leak might have translated the essential facts more effectively. It became clear almost immediately why the internal consultation was so limited. Economic dries were quick to background various journalists about how bad this all was, given five minutes ago the government had been dead set against chasing businesses down the road with cheque books – not to mention the mild inconvenience of last week’s intergenerational report making the compelling case for why belts needed tightening. Good government in Canberra rolls on.
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Dow closes at a record high of 27,693.55 The Dow closed at a record high and the S&P 500 snapped a 3-day winning streak. Nancy Tengler from Tengler Wealth Management, Ian Winer from Drexel Hamilton and Andrew Slimmon, managing director at Morgan Stanley Investment Management, joined CNBC's "Closing Bell" to discuss the market after the bell.
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| By Here is a list of 4 of my favorite camping shirts that have to do with drinking. Sure to make any camper/drinker smile. Have you seen the weather? Weekend Forecast: Camping with a chance of drinking! We all know that person that loves to camp, relax and of course, enjoys a couple drinks. What better gift than a t-shirt that is not only stylish but funny as well. Get yours now to get ready for camping season. No Longer Availible This camping t-shirt says “I don’t always drink when camping, Oh wait, yes I do! created for that special someone in your life. I mean what is camping without drinking? It’s hard to not agree with everything on this shirt. This camping t-shirt reads “Life is better with a beer and a campfire”. Yes, I agree! This shirt is probably my favorite. It reads “Take me camping, get me drunk and watch the show”! We all know someone like this, it just happens to be me in my group of friends!
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Retired Maj. Gen. Paul Eaton, who commanded the Army's Infantry Center and was later responsible for the training of Iraqi forces, railed against Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. "Disgusting performance by @SecPompeo," Eaton said on Twitter. Pompeo graduated from the US Military Academy at West Point in 1986 — a fact that was not lost on Eaton, who graduated from the college in 1972. "What is wrong with West Point class of 86? Who mentored you?" Eaton added. "What happened to the West Point Honor Code in your class? America is very badly served by these men." Visit Business Insider's homepage for more stories. A retired two-star US Army general rated Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's performance as "disgusting" and described Defense Secretary Mark Esper as a "lightweight coward." Retired Maj. Gen. Paul Eaton, who commanded the Army's Infantry Center and was later responsible for the training of Iraqi forces, railed against the two cabinet officials in the Trump administration amid some heavy criticism in recent days. Eaton now works as an adviser to the progressive VoteVets political action committee. "Disgusting performance by @SecPompeo," Eaton said on Twitter. "Lightweight coward @EsperDoD." Both Esper and Pompeo graduated from the US Military Academy at West Point in 1986 — a fact that was not lost on Eaton, who graduated from the college in 1972. Some graduates of the class of '86 call themselves the "West Point Mafia" because of their senior positions in the Trump administration, according to Politico. "What is wrong with West Point class of 86? Who mentored you?" Eaton added in his tweet. "What happened to the West Point Honor Code in your class? America is very badly served by these men." Cadets at Michie Stadium for their graduation ceremony at West Point. Michelle Eberhart/US Army The military academy's honor code, which reads, "A cadet will not lie, cheat, steal, or tolerate those who do," is known as the "bedrock of character development" and drilled into the cadets during their four years of training. Pompeo has recently come under scrutiny after a contentious interview with a reporter on Friday. In an interview with NPR's "All Things Considered" cohost Mary Louise Kelly, Pompeo evaded a series of questions about former US Ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch and ended up cutting the conversation short. Pompeo later "shouted at me for about the same amount of time as the [9-minute] interview itself had lasted," Kelly told NPR, adding that "he was not happy to have been questioned about Ukraine." "He asked, 'Do you think Americans care about Ukraine?' He used the F-word in that sentence and many others," Kelly said. In an official statement from the State Department, Pompeo said Kelly had "lied to me, twice ... in setting up our interview and, then again yesterday, in agreeing to have our post-interview conversation off the record." Kelly said she did not agree to an off-the-record stipulation and provided email exchanges setting up the interview to support her claims. Pompeo has been accused of obfuscating his dealings with President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, one of the political figures embroiled in the Senate impeachment trial. Pompeo previously downplayed his association with a damning whistleblower complaint, in which Trump was accused of conditioning US military aid to Ukraine on a state-sponsored investigation into his political rivals. Pompeo later confirmed he was one of the participants of the phone call between the two leaders. "Most politicians can be evasive; it's part of the parlance of politics," NPR host Scott Simon wrote in an opinion column in October. "But Mike Pompeo is a trained soldier who conducts the foreign policy of the United States." "In the weeks ahead, Secretary Pompeo will be asked to comply with subpoenas and requests for records," Simon added. "You may wonder if he will use his skills to dance, slide and misdirect, or be as honest and direct as the West Point honor code he knows by heart."
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De WikiQuébec Bienvenue dans WikiQuébec Objectifs de WikiQuébec est un espace collaboratif de construction des connaissances WikiQuébec a pour but de développer une vision rigoureuse et approfondie des arguments en faveur de l’indépendance du Québec. WikiQuébec n'est pas un site partisan. Il n'est contrôlé par aucun parti politique. Il ne vise pas à faire la critique des gestes particuliers des hommes et des femmes politiques qui siègent au parlement canadien ou à l'Assemblée nationale. Il vise à faire la critique du régime politique canadien, à en identifier les blocages au développement du Québec et à présenter des projets collectifs qui deviendront possibles grâce à l'indépendance du Québec. Politique éditoriale La Politique éditoriale décrit les objectifs du projet, la description des utilisateurs, les catégories de contenu thématique et les principes quant à l'édition des documents. Accès au contenu. Le contenu thématique de WikiQuébec est distribué en cinq grands thèmes ou sections. Les documents de WikiQuébec ont plusieurs fonctions et s'adressent à différents types d'utilisateurs, à différents rôles dans la promotion de l'indépendance. Nous identifions cinq catégories de pages. Les arguments, les blocages, les analyses, les projets ainsi que les concepts. Voir la définition de ces termes dans la politique éditoriale.
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In the previous blog we went over kick-starting the AirConsole port using Unity3D. In this blog we’ll start looking into creating our own controller. I won’t be able to provide the complete code that we used but I’ll explain the general concepts with explanatory code. 1. Creating custom HTML Even though the tools provided by AirConsole are very nice to kick-start the project with, it can be hard to customize that to the specific needs of your game. The goal is to create our own custom controller and for that we need to create our own HTML. For the ease of fast testing the below controller is the first version that I made, the inline CSS and % based layout should not be used for production, but it does give us fast results to start working with! This is a simple recreation of the controller that we made in part 1 of this series: <html> <head> <meta name="viewport" content="user-scalable=no, width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0, maximum-scale=1.0"/> </head> <body> <div id="joystick_container" style="float:left;width:40%;background-color:white;height:100%"></div> <div id="start_container" style="float:left;width:19%;background-color:red;height:40%"></div> <div style="float:right;width:40%;background-color:black;height:100%"> <div id="grab_container" style="height: 50%"> Grab</div> <div id="jump_container" style="height: 50%; background-color:green"> Jump</div> </div> </body> </html> 2. Creating the Javascript: Sending our first data The first thing I wanted to achieve at this point was sending my own data from the controller to Unity, creating this in these small steps ensures you always have something ready to test and play. So without saying too much, lets send the input of the jump button to Unity: <!-- including the AirConsole API ---> <script type="text/javascript" src="https://www.airconsole.com/api/airconsole-1.6.0.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript"> /* starting the AirConsole object with landscape orientation */ var airconsole = new AirConsole({orientation: AirConsole.ORIENTATION_LANDSCAPE}); /* getting the jump element */ var jumpElement = document.getElementById("jump_container"); /* adding an eventListener */ jumpElement.addEventListener("click", jumpHandler, false); /* the jump event callback */ function jumpHandler(event) { /* sending a message to device 0 (the screen) */ airconsole.message(0, {"jump": true}); } </script> That’s all we need! Although not being a pretty solution yet, we can send data to Unity! Including this javascript joystick here’s the HTML/Javascript that was used in the first custom controller of Basher Beatdown! <html> <head> <meta name="viewport" content="user-scalable=no, width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0, maximum-scale=1.0"/> </head> <body> <div id="joystick_container" style="float:left;width:40%;background-color:white;height:100%"></div> <div id="start_container" style="float:left;width:19%;background-color:red;height:40%"></div> <div style="float:right;width:40%;background-color:black;height:100%"> <div id="grab_container" style="height: 50%"> Grab</div> <div id="jump_container" style="height: 50%; background-color:green"> Jump</div> </div> <!-- including the AirConsole API ---> <script type="text/javascript" src="https://www.airconsole.com/api/airconsole-1.3.0.js"></script> <!-- including the joystic ---> <script src="virtualjoystick.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript"> /* starting the AirConsole object with landscape orientation */ var airconsole = new AirConsole({orientation: AirConsole.ORIENTATION_LANDSCAPE}); /* initiating the joystick */ var joystick = new VirtualJoystick({ container : document.getElementById('joystick_container'), mouseSupport : true, limitStickTravel: true, stickRadius : 50 }) /**** JUMP ****/ var jumpElement = document.getElementById("jump_container"); jumpElement.addEventListener("click", jumpHandler, false); var jump = false; function jumpHandler(event) { jump = true; } /**** GRAB ****/ var grabElement = document.getElementById("grab_container"); grabElement.addEventListener("click", grabHandler, false); var grab = false; function grabHandler(event) { grab = true; } /**** START ****/ var startElement = document.getElementById("start_container"); startElement.addEventListener("click", startHandler, false); var start = false; function startHandler(event) { start = true; } /**** Run this code every 100ms (10fps) ****/ setInterval(function(){ var message = { "joystick": { "message": { "x": joystick.deltaX(), "y": joystick.deltaY() } }, "jump": jump, "grab": grab, "start": start }; airconsole.message(0, message); jump = false; grab = false; start = false; }, 1/10 * 1000); </script> </body> </html> 3. Creating the Javascript: Advanced concepts To be able to create a maintainable controller I had a couple of demands: No javascript within the HTML file No new javascript needed for every button/page The controller doesn’t decide on anything Every page/view should be visible without running AirConsole In order to achieve this I came up with the idea to create the following html tags: air-page, air-btn & air-joystick. Using this the below HTML are 4 different controller views that are being used in the game. That look maintainable right? <div id="Join" air-page="Join" class="page"> <img id="join_btn" air-btn="claim" class="join" src="images/Join_Button.png"> </div> <div id="MaxPlayers" air-page="MaxPlayers" class="page"> <img class="max-players" src="images/MaxPlayers.png"> </div> <div id="Loading" air-page="Loading" class="page"> <h1>Loading</h1> </div> <div id="Init" air-page="Init" class="page" style="background-image: url('loading_background.png');"> </div> All the javascript needed to init the code: var controller = new AirConsoleController(); controller.init("Init"); Since I don’t want to turn this series into a Javascript tutorial I won’t go through creating the actual javascript, but below is the basic setup that we used in pseudocode. class AirConsoleController { Init (page) { // search for all air-page tags FindAllPages(); } ShowPage (page) { page.Register(); } } class Page { Init () { // search for all air-btn tags FindAllButtons(); // search for all air-joystick tags FindAllJoysticks(); // set display:hidden HidePage(); } Register () { // register all child buttons and joysticks } Unregister () { // unregister all child buttons an joystics } } class Button { Register () { // register for callbacks } Unregister () { // remove callbacks } } class Joystick { Register () { // register for callbacks } Unregister () { // remove callbacks } } 4. Extra notes Don’t let the controller decide anything The reason for this is that the controller isn’t directly connected and isn’t aware of the current gamestate in realtime. To minimize ‘desyncs’ and sending the wrong data to your game always let unity decide what can happen next, just use the controller as a general controller (only send input). Send a class from Unity to the controller The easiest way I found of being able to create a custom controller for each player, as well as changing 1 or 2 buttons on different game states is to send a variable from Unity to each controller containing different CSS classes. If you apply these classes to the root HTML you can easily use CSS to change the controller. Withing Basher Beatdown we always send a class for the color of the player (color0, color1, color2 etc) after which you can do this: .color0 .hexagon-character-gradient { background-color: #00AAFF; } .color1 .hexagon-character-gradient { background-color: #FF0000; } Doing it like this is the most flexible way and makes it a lot easier to adjust multiple objects at the same time. click vs touchstart Within this blog you might have noticed that I used “click” as the registered event, the reason being that this works on both a computer during AirConsole development with virtual test devices as well as on mobile devices. There are reasons that you don’t want to use the click event on a mobile device, so it might be worth using code like this: var isEventSupported = (function(){ var TAGNAMES = { 'select':'input','change':'input', 'submit':'form','reset':'form', 'error':'img','load':'img','abort':'img' } function isEventSupported(eventName) { var el = document.createElement(TAGNAMES[eventName] || 'div'); eventName = 'on' + eventName; var isSupported = (eventName in el); if (!isSupported) { el.setAttribute(eventName, 'return;'); isSupported = typeof el[eventName] == 'function'; } el = null; return isSupported; } return isEventSupported; })(); Which can then be used like this: this.register = function register() { if (isEventSupported('touchstart')) { this.eventType = "touchstart"; } else { this.eventType = "click"; } document.getElementById(this.elementId).addEventListener(this.eventType, this.eventHandler.bind(this), false); } Extra resources AirConsole blog on using smartphones as controller AirConsole API AirConsole Libs, containing many usefull libraries
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It’s an odd thing to say about a team with the most high-profile playing personnel in the league, but as the opening weekend approaches Pacific FC remain somewhat of a mystery. While the other six CanPL clubs were facing off against each other (and local outfit Inter DR) in the Dominican Republic, the Bastard Sons of Barney the Dinosaur spent their time furtively tiptoeing around, desperate to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Not that I can blame them. I’d be a little sheepish about going out in public if I looked like a bar of Mint Oreo Dairy Milk, too. Nonetheless, it was slightly strange of them to fly so purposefully under the radar. Unless Danish head-coach Michael Silberbauer has created a never-before-seen formation that will change the future of football, there doesn’t appear to be much benefit in hiding his team away so diligently. As it is, what we do know about Pacific FC suggests they have a belief in having 3-4 high-profile, well-paid stars that can carry the more inexperienced members of the squad on their shoulders. While I’m generally indifferent towards any discussion of salary caps, Pacific’s recruitment methods do stir up some interesting questions, namely: if you spend a large portion of your wage bill on MLS'ers and ex-Canadian internationals, how much is left for the rest of the squad? On paper at least, this has led to Pacific having a fairly unbalanced roster. Their attack looks to be among the best in the league, but there are some major question marks further back. The biggest task facing Michael Silberbauer this season will be developing a style of play that protects the more vulnerable areas of the pitch, of which there are several, while also emphasizing their attacking strengths. These strengths come in the form of Marcus Haber, Issey Nakajima-Farran and Ben Fisk. AKA The Diet Galaticos. AKA The 1%. Leading the line will be Marcus Haber, arguably the most high-profile attacking signing made so far. The Canadian international, who never, ever skips neck day at the gym, is a burly, physical presence up-front. It wouldn’t be a surprise to see Stephen Hart deploy Andre Bona at right-back for this game to counter Haber’s strength and reduce the risk of Pacific targeting our smaller full-backs with long balls from deep. Despite his pedigree, the heavily promoted narrative of 'Marcus Haber: Goalscorer' is an unconvincing one. While playing over 300 professional games is nothing to be sniffed at, a return of 56 goals is underwhelming to say the least. It may be that Haber’s main attribute is the work he does for the attackers playing alongside him. This will be the hope of Issey Nakajima-Farran and Ben Fisk, at least. Issey, apparently The Most Interesting Man in the CanPL because he owns a paintbrush, has 38 caps for the Canadian national team. With the league in its infancy, any player with international caps should be valued, but at 34 there will be question marks over how far his legs can take him this season, particularly given the amount of traveling Pacific will do. Ben Fisk, on the other hand, has time on his side. Still only 26, the Vancouver-native is one of a dozen or so CanPL players that can realistically entertain aspirations of a call-up to the national team. Fresh from a spell with Derry City FC in Northern Ireland, Fisk could well emerge as one of the most important players in this league, not just for Pacific but for the CanPL as a whole. If a prime-years Ben Fisk succeeds, it will likely encourage some of the more apprehensive Canadians playing abroad to trust the league with their careers, too. One area in which Pacific aren't so impressive is in central midfield. Fighting for a starting place in the middle of the park will be Noah Verhoeven, Matthew Baldisimo and… who else? Thomas Gardner? He hasn’t even signed yet. Ben Fisk? At a stretch he could drop in as a no.10 or no.8, but what a waste of attacking talent that would be. Victor Blasco? Another winger who’d be playing out of position. With these misgivings in mind, you have to suspect it’ll be an area that Stephen Hart targets on Sunday. It’s a very winnable battle, too. The tempo-setting Elliot Simmons, the experienced Elton John, and the G.O.A.T Juan Diego Gutierrez should be more than enough to dominate the midfield. That’s not to say these three will start (more on that later in the week), but whichever twosome or threesome Wanderers go with, you’d expect them to control things centrally. In defence, Pacific look likely to line up with a back-four featuring Blake Smith at left-back, Hendrick Starostvik and Lukas Macnaughton at centre-back, and Kadin Chung at right-back. It’s a fairly experienced back-line. Both full-backs have starred in the USL, with Smith also making 14 MLS appearances back in 2013/14. Starostvik (or A Poor Man’s Peter Schaale as he should be known) has played in the second and third tiers of German football, and at 28 will be expected to be a leader for Silberbauer’s side. Lukas MacNaughton is the least established of the group with only L10 and university experience under his belt, but with Starostvik by his side he should be fine. It is an area Wanderers may get some joy from, though. Luis Perea has the attributes to occupy the two centre-backs, leaving room for a combination of Guti, Garcia, Iida, Kourouma, Lamy and Aziz to buzz around their full-backs, prompting and probing until they find a way through. Another concern for Pacific will be the lack of positional depth available to them. On the eve of the season opener their official squad size stands at 17 - and that's including Marcel de Jong who is unlikely to feature this season. More bodies will be added over the coming days (and the likelihood is that others have already signed) but it still remains a worryingly low number. Maybe I’m drunk and dizzy on the fumes of new season optimism, but I feel very confident going into the opening weekend. Wanderers - as I’ll write about later in the week - seem a much more settled group than Pacific, a team who at this stage appear to be a mirror image of their stadium: under construction and in a race against time to be ready. The clock is ticking. There's one week left. Gary is an Arsenal supporting, Halifax-based Brit who moved to Canada in 2016 unaware that he was about to fall in love with another football team. He can be found on on Twitter in the following places: @FromAwaysHFX @GaryG86
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Het is alweer ruim vier jaar gelden dat ik met Dirk-Jan Keijser het boek De Puinhopen van Rechts schreef. Het was een verhaal over mislukte partijen op de rechts-populistische flank van het politieke spectrum waarvan de LPF en Trots op Nederland de bekendste zijn. Organisatorische chaos, slecht leiderschap en verstoorde verhoudingen waren vaak de ingrediënten.
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The credits have barely rolled on Game of Thrones Season 7, but already fans are champing at the bit for more. We’re nearing the final season, so there’s a lot at stake. Will Beric and Tormund survive the show’s show-stopping climax? Will Jon and Daenerys survive theirs? Here’s everything we know so far about when and what to expect from the eighth and final season. When Will the Scripts Be Done? Great news! They already are. HBO executive Casey Bloys confirmed as much back in July at the Television Critics Association summer tour. What Is in Those Scripts? Between hacks and leaks, HBO has had a difficult time lately keeping its Game of Thrones secrets under wraps. That being said, though there are alleged Season 8 plot leaks floating around the Internet, a reliable source tells me they are all false. So, thus far, we can only speculate at what we might see in the final season. (You can read our most educated guesses here.) When Does Season 8 Start Filming? Nikolaj Coster-Waldau told Collider earlier this month that he was headed back to work in October. He added: “You get the scripts a month before we start shooting, or six weeks, and then you know what’s going to happen that season.” If the cast is starting to film in October, then by now they should either already have their scripts or can expect them any day.
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ARLINGTON, Va. — President Donald Trump paid a Memorial Day tribute at Arlington National Cemetery to those who have fallen in battle or while protecting a nation forever thankful for their selfless service. "We mourn alongside their families and we strive to be worthy of their sacrifice," the commander in chief told an audience of Cabinet members, military leaders, veterans and families assembled in the marble amphitheater near the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. WATCH: Taps is played at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery as the nation observes #MemorialDay. pic.twitter.com/5EqDOjmBfC — NBC News (@NBCNews) May 28, 2018 Trump said he came to the "sacred soil" of Arlington on Monday "to honor the lives and deeds of America's greatest heroes" — the men and women who laid down their lives so that others could be free. Trump also laid a wreath at the tomb during his second Memorial Day trip to Arlington as president. Before heading to the hallowed grounds across the Potomac River from the nation's capital, Trump tweeted that "those who died for our great country would be very happy and proud at how well our country is doing today." In the tweet, the president veered from the somber to self-congratulatory, citing what he said was the "Best economy in decades, lowest unemployment numbers for Blacks and Hispanics EVER (& women in 18years) ..." Happy Memorial Day! Those who died for our great country would be very happy and proud at how well our country is doing today. Best economy in decades, lowest unemployment numbers for Blacks and Hispanics EVER (& women in 18years), rebuilding our Military and so much more. Nice! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 28, 2018 He was criticized for his tone by a number of people, including the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Obama administration, former Army Gen. Martin Dempsey, who tweeted, "This day, of all days of the year, should not be about any one of us." John Kirby, a State Department spokesman in the Obama administration, called Trump's tweet "one of the most inappropriate, ignorant and tone-deaf things our Commander-in-Chief could have said on a day like today." At Arlington, Trump said the heroes who died for America "rest in these hallowed fields, in cemeteries, battlefields and burial grounds near and far, and are drawn from the full tapestry of American life." He said they came from "every generation, from towering cities and wind-swept prairies, from privilege and from poverty. They were generals and privates, captains and corporals of every race, color and of every creed, but they were all brothers and sisters in arms. And they were all united then, as they are united now, forever, by their undying love of our great country." President Donald Trump speaks at the Memorial Amphitheater in Arlington National Cemetery on Memorial Day, Monday, May 28, 2018 in Arlington, Virginia. Alex Brandon / AP Gen. Joseph Dunford, the current chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, honored the more than a million Americans he said "gave their last full measure so we could live in freedom and raise our children in peace." He also honored the families "they left behind and for whom every day is Memorial Day." Those who fought and died for America, he said, "shared a commitment to something greater than themselves and they were people who understand what we have in this country is worth fighting for." Those who attended the Memorial Day tribute included Trump's chief of staff, John Kelly, whose son, Marine 2nd Lt. Robert M. Kelly, was killed in November 2010 after he stepped on a land mine while on patrol in southern Afghanistan. He is buried at Arlington.
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With veteran midfielder Daniel Hernandez taking a role as a player-coach, the captain’s armband for FC Dallas needed to be passed this offseason. Mission accomplished. When FCD arrived in Orlando, Fla., it was Ugo Ihemelu, not Hernandez, leading the team’s impromptu meeting. “I believe that was something Ugo felt he needed to do,” head coach Schellas Hyndman told MLSsoccer.com by phone earlier this week. “We all support him here. Daniel Hernandez was our captain for three years, but now he is going to be our player-coach. We are very excited about having him do that, and I believe he will be a good coach in the MLS some day.” Last month, Hyndman notified Ihemelu about the change in roles. The 28-year-old defender had mixed emotions out of respect for Hernandez, but after getting a nod of approval from his teammate, embraced the opportunity. “When I talked to Ugo about being a captain last month, he was concerned about how Daniel Hernandez would accept it,” Hyndman said. “Daniel is very supportive of Ugo. We’ll see how he handles [it], but I believe he’s ready for the responsibility and the role. “Sometimes the captainship brings out the worst in a player because you have the responsibility of playing and leading the team, but Ugo said he’s ready for it. He said it would be good for himself and for his team.” Hyndman said he has already been impressed with how quickly Ihemelu has gained the respect of his teammates. He believes the new captain has improved tremendously as a leader since his college days at SMU. “I think Ugo has really taken after Daniel Hernandez," said Hyndman. "He’s been a good representative of our league for years, so that’s been great for Ugo. Ugo played for me at SMU and was one of my captains there, so he is familiar with the responsibilities. Hernandez is very confident and very vocal, but Ugo is not as vocal and is more of a person that leads by his position.” Under Ihemelu’s captainship, FCD have had an impressive preseason campaign, including a nice run in Orlando this week. The team’s overall morale will continue to improve, according to Hyndman, as Ihemelu becomes more accustomed to his new role. “He’s been picking up the responsibility this preseason,” Hyndman explained. “He is the guy to go to whenever the team has issues or you just want to know information is about the team. The most difficult part is going to be when someone tells him we have a problem. It’ll be interesting to see how he reacts, but I believe he’s ready to lead this team.”
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As prefigured in , this election campaign looks set to avoid any serious discussion of Brexit. That is actually quite extraordinary. We have a country whose politics and culture have been convulsed by Brexit for the last three years, and will be for years to come. A country whose entire future and place in the world will be shaped by what happens with Brexit. A country where there is not a single area of policy that Brexit does not affect. Nothing sensible can be said about government spending or taxation without reference to the impact of Brexit but, equally, environmental, security, foreign, diplomatic and defence policies are all intertwined with Brexit, as are debates about Irish reunification, Scottish independence and even, if perhaps less audibly, Welsh independence. Moreover, the election itself was called solely because of the parliamentary impasse over Brexit. Many former MPs, especially though not exclusively women, are not standing for election because of abuse they have received – from both sides; remainer piety is quite misplaced here - over Brexit. And the conduct of the campaign, with police warnings to MPs not to canvass alone after dark, is also shaped by Brexit. The last two things in particular are a democratic disgrace. We hear plenty about how, if Brexit is not done, there will be riots on the streets (though there is little evidence for this ), but far too little about how women who have the temerity to stand for public office, and their families, are subjected to graphic threats of rape, mutilation, and murder because of their views about Brexit. This should be front and centre of the national debate during the campaign by asking: what kind of political culture has the Brexit convulsion encouraged, if not created? So Brexit isn’t just ‘an issue’ in this election. It is the beginning and the end of it. And if people are fed up with hearing about it, well, that’s just tough luck. It flows directly from how people voted in the 2016 Referendum that they would be hearing about it for years thereafter and, as we have been endlessly told, it is outrageous elitism to say that they didn’t know what they were voting for. The Brexit Party It’s true that the Brexit Party are talking about Brexit, but certainly not in a serious way. A big development since my last post is that Farage has come out in clear opposition to Johnson’s deal, describing it as not being ‘real Brexit’ and not what people (the whole 17.4 million, of course) had voted for. He threatens to stand a candidate – though not, notably, himself, perhaps indicating what he thinks of the prospects of election – in every seat unless Johnson eschews his deal and embraces ‘clean Brexit’ (although it’s worth paying very careful attention to how Farage has subsequently started to slightly soften the terms of his demands ). But this clean Brexit is a total nonsense. As outlined in his campaign launch speech , it rests on the endlessly discredited proposition that it is possible to tear up the Withdrawal Agreement and ‘invoke’ GATT Article XXIV (Brexiters seem to have persuaded themselves that anything called ‘an article’ can, like Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, be unilaterally triggered). Even ERG leader Steve Baker has now cottoned on to the falsity of that (compare with last June ). It is a nonsense in the strictest sense of the word because, stripped to its core, it is saying “we don’t need a deal because we can have a deal”. (My blog post from last June provides a more detailed summary, with links to underlying analysis). Farage also seems to have the peculiar idea that any deal to leave, because it would entail a treaty, would necessarily betray Brexit just by virtue of being a treaty (perhaps they also think that all treaties are the Lisbon Treaty). A particular twist on this idiocy is that Farage and others have convinced themselves that what GATT XXIV means is that there would be years in which nothing would change whilst their new ‘Canada-style’ FTA was negotiated. This is based on a complete fallacy anyway , but even if it were not then it what it would mean would be the UK remaining in the single market and customs union, in a kind of extended transition period – a rule-taker, subject to EU Law and ECJ jurisdiction. Yet one of Farage’s key complaints about the Withdrawal Agreement is that it entails a transition period in which the UK is, in Brexiter terms, a ‘vassal state’. So even in its own wholly mistaken terms the Brexit Party policy is completely incoherent. Farage’s (first?) offer Of course, it wasn’t very long ago, during the Tory leadership campaign, that Johnson himself was blustering on about GATT XXIV but he no longer does so. The assumption must be that his civil servants have managed to explain to him its utter fatuity. But, even if that were not so, there is no way that he will accept the (initial) Farage ‘offer’, for two reasons. One is the deep antagonism between Farage and Dominic Cummings. In a way, what we are seeing now is the final playing out of the hostility between Vote Leave and Leave.EU in 2016. The other is that Johnson’s entire raison d’etre is – like Cameron’s in calling the Referendum – to remove Farage (whether as UKIP or BXP) from the board. That can’t be done by forming a pact with him. So, unless Farage shifts ground – and that is possible, as it is notable that senior people in his camp including Arron Banks are urging it, and as noted above there are some signs of softening – he is set to split the Brexit vote and, conceivably, to put paid to Brexit altogether. If that were to happen, then it would be the ultimate consequence of one of the central dynamics of the entire Brexit process . For, over and over again, whenever any form of Brexit gets defined, the Ultra Brexiters reject it as not being real Brexit, and insist that only a harder form will do. Thus, immediately after the Referendum, the soft Brexit of single market membership was disowned as being no different to EU membership – even though many Brexiters had campaigned for just that for years . Then May’s hard Brexit deal was trashed as BRINO (Brexit in Name Only). And now Johnson’s deal, harder still, is ludicrously dismissed by Farage as ‘virtually the same’ as staying in the EU. It is a story of grotesque political and intellectual dishonesty and if it ends up with Brexiters losing Brexit altogether then their fate will be richly deserved. It is deeply ironic – and, from the outside, rather delicious – to see diehards like Rees-Mogg and Steve Baker pleading with Farage to be reasonable (£). That irony might appeal to Theresa May, although had she had any sense she would have realised that the Ultras were unappeasable rather than manacling herself to them, only to find out just how unappeasable they are. I don’t know who first coined the line that the Brexiters refuse to take yes for an answer, but it’s an apt one. The core explanation for that, as I have droned on about endlessly on the blog, is that the hard core Brexiters don’t want Brexit at all: they want to be perpetual victims, perpetual campaigners, perpetually betrayed. Winning the referendum was their nightmare, not their triumph. And this goes to the heart of present conflict between Farage and Johnson. For whilst Farage, as a ‘true’ Brexiter, wants to be a perpetual campaigner, Johnson, who was always a Brexit fellow-traveller, wants power. Don’t mention Brexit But at least the Brexit Party are talking about Brexit, however wrongheadedly. Neither Johnson nor any other Tory politician is saying much about it at all, still less explaining what is good about Johnson’s deal. There are just glib assertions that it is a ‘good deal’ which ‘will get Brexit done’. Not only is no reason given why it is good but, bizarrely, neither Johnson nor anyone else any longer pretends that Brexit itself is good. It just has to be done because … it has to be done. Yet even ‘getting it done’ is a misnomer. Even if Johnson wins the election and passes the Withdrawal Agreement, we will enter a new process (under different rules) in which all the trade-offs and complexities that have so far been ignored will be in the headlines night after night, along with new deadlines and cliff edges. As for that, in the past Johnson has said he would not extend the transition period to complete future terms negotiations. Then, last weekend, he hedged about it. Since then, a ‘Number 10 spokesperson’ and other Tories have since said he definitely won’t. But the reality is that he almost certainly will, given the economic cost of not doing so. There are layers and layers of confusion and dishonesty to peel away in all this. Farage’s recently softened position calls for Johnson to eschew an extended transition, and regulatory alignment, and go for a ‘Canada-style’ deal. But this is, effectively, what Johnson, or at least his spokespeople, has already committed to. So if the opinion polls worsen for the Conservatives we might yet, conceivably, see a Johnson-Farage pact, despite all the arguments against that, as given above. Yet it is a position based on a lie, given that the transition period very likely will be extended, as Johnson says from the other side of his mouth, and even a Canada style FTA will entail a greater degree of alignment than either Johnson or Farage recognize, or admit. It’s all but impossible to assess what either of them will do because both are so semi-detached from the truth and neither seems really to understand any of the terms that they use. The consequence is that the entire debate between the two of them (or their acolytes) has become so convoluted as to be meaningless. A gift for Labour? All this should be a gift for Labour. Brexit is the most comprehensively disastrous economic policy and the most anti-business policy any political party has pursued in modern British history. Johnson’s deal should be being pulled apart for the wanton destruction it will wreak on the service sector and on significant parts of manufacturing – significant also for being those parts where the high-skill, high-wage jobs, that any Labour Party worthy of the name should want to defend, predominate. It’s being done without, even, an economic impact assessment. And Brexit has already had a major impact on business investment and caused a significant currency devaluation . In these circumstances, Labour should have shredded any Tory pretensions to being the party of economic competence, or of business. But Labour don’t want to talk much about Brexit, either. Their line that Johnson has “hijacked Brexit” is a tactically astute one because it gives Labour leave voters a ladder to climb down (i.e. that they are not going to get what they voted for in good faith in the Referendum). Yet they say little about why Johnson’s deal is a terrible one. Their main line of attack is that it will usher in a UK-US trade deal which will sell off the NHS . Again, that may be good tactics, by linking to a core Labour campaign strength, but a serious critique of Johnson’s EU deal would demolish its entire economic basis, and also drill down into the fact that no one knows how any of this is going to work, especially as regards Northern Ireland – for example, in terms of the operation of the Joint Committee that will oversee GB-NI trade. On the other hand, even now, Labour are not clear about what Brexit deal they would aim for, and why that would be good. A customs union, yes, but their position on the single market remains as ambiguous as ever. To still be talking, as Jeremy Corbyn did in his launch speech, about a “close single market relationship” three years after the Referendum is worse than pitiful. Is the policy single market membership, or not? I don’t join with those who castigate the Labour ‘renegotiation then referendum’ position for being too prolix. It’s actually not much different to Cameron’s position at the 2015 election and no one said that that was too difficult to understand. Nor would the scenario – which would presumably emerge, although it hasn’t yet been confirmed - of Labour politicians then campaigning both for and against the deal in a further referendum be any different to what the Tories did in 2016 (or Labour, in 1975). But they need to spell out what it is they would seek to negotiate, and what the costs would be of their deal if they achieved it (bearing in mind that even soft Brexit has costs), and to talk in detail about time frames for this and for another referendum. I said in my previous post that it would be important not just for politicians to focus on the realities of Brexit but for journalists to try to force them to do so and, actually, there are plenty of good examples of this. For example, at the campaign launch the BBC’s Norman Smith did ask both about single market membership (and, hence what this would mean for freedom of movement) and timeframes, although Corbyn did not give straight answers. Even so the questions are being asked, and that is a start. It will be interesting to see both Corbyn and Johnson come under forensic scrutiny in long, set-piece interviews with tough inquisitors. Corbyn is, to an extent, a known quantity and he performed well (at least compared with Theresa May – admittedly not an extravagantly high bar) in such interviews in 2017. Johnson, I think, might crumble. He certainly didn’t do well in that format during the leadership campaign. Other parties: what if parliament is hung? Beyond the main parties, it is perhaps unfair to say that the LibDems don’t talk about Brexit, since remaining in the EU is their central policy. Their commitment to revoke Article 50 without a referendum if they form a majority government is crystal clear (though, in my view, seriously misguided ), and their talk of a ‘remain dividend’ is, like Labour’s ‘hijacking Brexit’, a good tactical line. But, even in these strange times, we know that there will not be a LibDem majority. So from them we need to know precisely what stance they would take in the scenario of a Labour minority administration. It is clear enough they would not enter into a coalition. But to what extent would they provide the support needed to get to a referendum and, in particular, a referendum on Labour’s terms of ‘Labour deal versus remain’? Jo Swinson’s recent comments seemed to make it clear that they would not, which seems extraordinarily misguided but needs to be clarified, either way. We really need to know whether the LibDems are going to play the mirror-image role of the Brexit Ultras – insisting on the ‘purity’ of revoke – or be pragmatic enough to say that any referendum with ‘remain’ on the ballot paper is good enough. To an extent, similar questions apply to the SNP, Plaid Cymru, Greens, the various Independents, and perhaps even the DUP. How the SNP (in particular, given their likely numerical strength) would act in relation to a minority Labour administration needs to be spelt out in words of one syllable, beyond the obvious, and entirely reasonable, expectation that an independence referendum would be a requirement for any cooperation. That could be highly relevant to how remainers vote in Scottish marginals. Such questions are always asked in elections but, this time, with another hung parliament a real prospect and so much hanging on the outcome, they have become absolutely crucial. What does this add up to? I’m not going to use this blog to give a blow by blow account of the campaign – there’s more than enough commentary on that available – but solely to focus on what it means for Brexit. From that point of view, the issues remain as stated in my last post: everything depends on what the Brexit Party does and upon the extent to which the remain vote consolidates. If the Brexit Party stick to their original line, the chances of Brexit are now slightly reduced. The evidence suggests that they will take far more votes from previous Tory voters than from previous Labour voters. On the other hand, even if they don’t depart from that line, it would not be a huge surprise if Farage refrains from running against hard core Brexiter candidates, mainly Tories, in marginal seats. It seems plausible that his claim that many such candidates have approached him to do that is true. On the remain side, the pact between the LibDems, Greens and Plaid Cymru – as well as individual deals with independents such as Dominic Grieve and Anna Soubry – may make a crucial difference to the result in perhaps a quarter of the 60 or so seats where it applies . It would be far more sensible, from a remain point of view, for there to be a formal Lib-Lab agreement, but that clearly isn’t going to happen. As for tactical voting, the jury is out as to what remainers will do will do. What they need to do is clear. As Simon Wren-Lewis argues in detail , LibDem voters need to vote Labour in Labour marginals; the converse will be true for Labour remainer voters in some Tory-held marginals, especially in and around London. Indeed, even some nominally safe Tory seats, such as John Redwood’s , could be vulnerable to tactical voting. The key dynamic of what those who prioritise remaining in the EU above everything else will do may not be hugely affected by the campaign. For them (although in some constituencies it may be difficult to work out what this leads to), all they can do is to cast their vote in the way most likely to see a Tory defeat, even if it means voting for a party they detest. Their numbers might, of course, be diminished if one or other of the parties did something during the campaign that was too detestable to bear. On the other hand, their numbers might be swelled if the campaign ever does focus with intense practicality on Brexit. Although one might think that, surely, everyone now knows what they think about Brexit, a recent Sky/ YouGov poll shows that 10% still ‘don’t know’ and, perhaps much more importantly, that 33% don’t know what they think of Johnson’s deal. In fact, that seam is being most effectively mined by Farage at the moment, with his talk of Johnson having concealed the truth of his deal and having tried to rush it through parliament to avoid that truth becoming known.
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Thanks to all our amazing volunteers in Nevada who shot down an attempt to ground the COS movement. Last Friday, the Nevada Republican Central Committee considered a proposal to officially oppose the Convention of States Project and all other Article V efforts. We issued a last-minute call to action, and our volunteers made their voices heard. Thanks to their efforts, the Nevada Central Committee overwhelming voted to table the resolution 100 to 22! These victories are only possible because of the incredible commitment of our grassroots volunteers. Please join our team and sign our petition to make your voice heard today!
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A lost Mayan palace likely used by the ancient civilization's most elite citizens has been unearthed. The structure was found near Mexico's popular resort city of Cancun and was last used around 1,000 years ago. Archaeologists found the palace during a dig at the ancient ruined city of Kuluba, in the Yucatan state. CLICK ON THE SUN FOR MORE The building itself is six meters (20 feet) tall, 55 meters (180 feet) long and 15 meters (49 feet) wide. It's believed that the structure was used over two separate Mayan periods, dating as far back as 600 AD. "This work is the beginning," said archaeologist Alfredo Barrera, speaking to Reuters. "We've barely began uncovering one of the most voluminous structures on the site." The Mayans dominated huge areas of Central America, creating an empire long before the arrival of Spanish conquerors. Their rise, rule and fall stretched over several centuries. This particular palace was possibly used during the Late Classic period (600-900 AD) and the Terminal Classic period (850-1050AD), according to experts at the National Institute of Anthropology and History. Kuluba, where the palace was found, was a key Mayan site that had links to the nearby cities of Chichen Itza and Ek' Balam. Experts are examining several structures at the site, including an altar, two homes and a round oven. There's also talk of a plan to reforest parts of the area, due to concerns over damage from wind and sun. The site was first discovered by American archaeologist Wyllys Andrews IV in 1939. This story originally appeared in The Sun.
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* 2 . If you answered yes to the previous question, is this person part of the LGBT+ community? If you answered no to the previous question, you make skip this question.
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I’ve given birth four times. And each time, I asked for an epidural. I’ve always been very pro drugs when it comes to enduring labor and giving birth. Laughing gas to power through contractions? Absolutely. An epidural to help me withstand the pain of delivery? I insist. If they had offered me a cocktail of LSD and magic mushrooms to make the whole experience more pleasant, I would have probably said yes. Taking advantage of pain killers just makes sense to me. When I had my wisdom teeth taken out, I asked if I could be put under instead of being given a local anesthetic. I don’t mess around. So, why would I deny myself an epidural when there’s an anesthesiologist on call for just this sort of thing? It’s also not lost on me that denying anesthetic for a painful experience is only ever a question for mothers. I have never heard of a man shooing away the anesthesiologist before undergoing surgery. (Admittedly, I had one friend who asked a dentist to extract his tooth without numbing his gums first, but he was kind of an odd duck.) Unfortunately, I learned the hard way that asking for pain relief isn’t the same as getting pain relief. My First Born Was Almost an Only Child My first pregnancy resulted in complications. After seeing some frightening readings when taking my blood pressure, I was diagnosed with preeclampsia and HELLP syndrome (Preeclampsia’s asshole cousin). These complications, I would later learn, weren’t a fluke. Every single time I got pregnant, they arose again, and all of my pregnancies were deemed high risk (and with good reason — these conditions can be fatal if left unmonitored). For my safety, I had to give birth early. Instead of waiting for my body to tell me it was time to deliver, I had my labor induced and my delivery date scheduled. On the appointed date, I showed up the hospital, they fed my body pitocin intravenously, and I waited for my body to be ready. I knew going into it that pitocin-induced labor is more painful than unassisted labor. But I didn’t understand just how painful that would be. Getting a tattoo on the back of my neck hurt. This was absolutely fucking unbearable. I’ve never experienced that much pain in my life. For the first time, I understood what people meant when they say they want to crawl out of their skin. I wanted to die — anything to end the pain. Well, what I really wanted were drugs — as many as they could safely and legally administer. The anesthesiologist, however, had to deal with some emergency cases and wasn’t available for hours. Once he arrived, it should have been too late for an epidural, but the nurse took pity on me and deliberately waited until the drugs were administered to check how far along I was. My cervix had already dilated 10 centimeters — it would have been against policy to administer pain relief. That nurse had my back. She was an angel. The epidural helped — a lot. The pain subsided. I gave birth and became a mother. But the trauma I experienced when my body was gripped with pain lingered long after I left the hospital. Instead of feeling relieved and recovered, I felt weak and pathetic. I had trouble bonding with my son. I loved him. I enjoyed holding him. But that painful experience tinged everything with a bit of sadness. But even more difficult still is that I was sure it ruined my life plans. I had always wanted kids and lots of them. Depending on when you asked me, I would say I wanted anywhere between 6 and 9. I’m not a fundamentalist or anything — I just have a lot of love to give. But I wasn’t ready to experience that kind of pain again, and I was convinced I would never have any more children. And for quite a while, I mourned the future I lost. The future where I was surrounded by young children. The future where I had to attend elementary school events while holding a baby on my hip. I had always thought of pain as transient. You feel it, it hurts, it sucks, and then you sort of move on and kind of forget about it. Until I experienced it, I had no idea how much it could seep into the fabric of your body and change the way you live. Giving Birth While Hopped Up on Drugs Eventually, thanks to the passage of time, some determination, and a bit of forgetting, I got over my fear of being pregnant and delivering again. But I never got over my fear of the pain. I decided to have more children, but this time, I would be a better advocate for myself. I would ask for drugs early and ask for them often enough for my request to be treated seriously. Because I managed to get over my fear, I gave birth to two lovely little girls. I was induced early each time, but the pain was managed and I could tolerate it. It was still difficult, of course — I doubt giving birth could ever be otherwise. But it was so easy compared to the first time. I experienced discomfort, but nothing that registered as pain. Those positive experiences gave me the confidence to get pregnant a fourth time. Revisiting Pain Fittingly, I gave birth a fourth time on the fourth day of the year. While I sat in the hospital bed, waiting to be induced, the ground outside was being covered by a thick layer of snow. The storm became so massive that the parking lot soon emptied and other than the snow plow making its regular rounds, almost nobody drove in to the hospital. Even the emergency wing seemed relatively quiet. Some of the people who didn’t make it just happened to be staff. Nurses, doctors, and specialists stayed home instead of braving the difficult road conditions. Others were late. And just my luck, the anesthesiologist was one of them. She showed up late, but still had time to insert the epidural. After inserting it, she discovered it had a faulty catheter — it didn’t have a hole to administer the meds. She had to remove it and start over again. The entire process lasted an excruciating 45 minutes. Then, I finally felt the drug-induced relief kick in. It was short-lived. It took so long to get the epidural in me that they could only give me a small dose. By the time the baby was ready to come out, the anesthesia had worn off. Despite all my planning and prepping, I was going to give birth to this baby the natural way. The pain was very real, but I managed to breathe through it. I closed my eyes. I remained quiet. I felt my husband’s presence by my side, his touch on my shoulder. This time, I felt everything, but I concentrated all my efforts on getting the baby out and my focus didn’t waver. After I gave birth, I cried. I cried because I cried every time I met one of my children for the first time — when I traded feeling their kicks in the womb for holding them in my arms. But I also cried because I felt an overwhelming sense of pride for weathering the pain. I had tapped into a strength I didn’t know I had. Rediscovering Strength I have felt weak for most of my life. I grew up feeling like I had too little control over anything, and once I left home and began adulting, I felt almost constant anxiety, uncertainty, and fear. Because of that, I’ve had a hard time feeling good about myself. It’s hard to find anything to admire and love about yourself when your mood is colored by nail-biting negativity. Working through the pain of childbirth was a transformation. I still have high levels of anxiety. I still struggle to see myself in a positive light. And I still have a hard time with any kind of setback. But now I always know I’m capable of being strong. I never expected pain to be validating or empowering. But after I had spent so long feeling crushed by trauma, being able to withstand something so intense made me feel that much more in control of myself and my experiences. I’m not advocating for anyone to decline an epidural. By all means, if you wish to have one, have one. I’m done having children — the risks are too high for me and four is already quite a handful — and if I was going to do it again, I’d ask for all the drugs. But I am grateful I had the opportunity to endure something with purpose, to grow from it, and to reclaim a small part of myself in the process.
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У зону проведення антитерористичної операції на сході України не пускають волонтерів. Про це на своїй сторінці в Facebook повідомив волонтер Юрій Тира. "7:00, КПП на трасі Харків-Ростов, поворот на Слов'янськ. "Із Києва? Волонтери? Наказ не пускати! Нехай за вами ваші військові приїжджають, тепер так буде. Вчора ваші добу з Полтави у нас тут чекали, поки за ними зі Щастя вояки приїхали", - навів він діалог із прикордонниками на контрольному пункті в'їзду-виїзду на Донбасі. "І пофіг, що реанімобіль женемо на Авдіївському промку, пофіг, що до неї 120 км, пофіг, що комбат взяв трубку і фоном нашої короткої бесіди був шум бою. Та й пофіг, що саму машину розмитнювали через Мінсоцполітики 2 місяці, та й пофіг, що міністерство оборони за три роки не закупило жодної машини швидкої допомоги. Просто начальник місцевої слов'янської поліції Альошин видав усне розпорядження нікого не пускати", - додав він. У свою чергу, заступник голови правління громадської організації "Харківський антикорупційний центр" Ігор Черняк повідомив про затримання буса волонтерів під Слов'янськом 13 березня. "Зараз під Слов'янськом затримали наш волонтерський бус. Фільтрація волонтерів - у дії. Виявляється, що Олег Пиротехник, Борис Севастьянов і Сергій Жадан, мабуть, становлять загрозу для нашої нацбезпеки", - написав він на своїй сторінці в Facebook. "Стоїмо на блокпосту в Слов'янську з групою музикантів. Маємо сьогодні два виступи перед військовими. Не пропускають. Посилаються на якийсь новий наказ. Припускаю, що не пропускають через блокаду. Питання до представників влади та силових структур: із ким ви тепер боретеся? З волонтерами? Сподіваюся, що концерти все ж граємо", - прокоментував ситуацію на своїй сторінці в Facebook письменник Сергій Жадан. Нагадаємо, напередодні силами всіх суб'єктів антитерористичної операції - Службою безпеки, Національною гвардією, Нацполіцією, Держприкордонною службою, ДСНС і Збройними силами - проводяться контрдиверсійні заходи, в результаті яких введені додаткові обмеження і посилені фільтраційні заходи в зоні АТО. Як повідомляв "Обозреватель", 8 березня на Донбасі снайпер "ДНР" в районі селища Зайцеве обстріляв автомобіль відомої волонтерки Юлії Толмачової, в результаті чого вона та її водій отримали серйозні поранення.
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In his visionary Commandant’s Planning Guidance, the 38th Commandant of the Marine Corps, Gen. David Berger, outlined his vision for the service with clarity and pragmatism. He both prescribes and proscribes aspects of achieving this new vision of America’s “premier naval expeditionary force-in-readiness.” Before the critical section on warfighting, the document discusses talent management in refreshingly honest terms. It critiques the Marine Corps’ industrial-age manpower model, promotion system, unresponsiveness to marines’ changing professional interests, imprecise incentive approaches, and fitness report system. But there is a huge hurdle to the implementation of the Commandant’s Planning Guidance regarding talent management and the design of the future force that must be addressed: the implicit restriction of the Marine Corps talent pool to infantry officers and naval aviators – grunts and pilots – in senior leadership positions. Succinctly, the Marine Corps is run by infantry and aviators. While only consisting of approximately 38 percent of the service’s active component officers, to reach the highest levels of the service, history demonstrates that a Marine officer must come from one of those two communities. This is to the detriment of the service’s talent management efforts. In the past 50 years, every commandant has been an infantry officer except two: Gen. Leonard Chapman, an artillery officer who served as the 24th commandant from 1968 to 1971, and Gen. James Amos, the only naval aviator commandant from 2010 to 2014. Even going down one echelon of command, there is no occupational diversity. Reviewing the public websites and current commanding officer and commanding general biographies of Marine expeditionary units, expeditionary brigades, expeditionary forces, component commands (excluding Special Operations Command and Strategic Command due to their functional responsibilities), and the deputy commandants for programs and resources, combat development and integration, and manpower and reserve affairs, we see more infantry officers and aviators. Of these 24 senior leaders, 14 are infantry officers and nine are naval aviators. Only the commander of Marine Corps Forces Europe and Africa breaks the template as a logistician (who is also the lone reservist). These assignments are necessarily generalist in nature; the origin of the term “general officer.” They require the command, employment, and/or development of the holistic collection of capabilities across all warfighting domains and functions. Yet, judging by the current command slate, marine officers who are not infantry or naval aviation are not deemed as capable of these responsibilities despite their level of talent or experience. This restrictive approach to talent management doesn’t comply with the vision for manning the force as outlined in the Commandant’s Planning Guidance. It certainly doesn’t “encourage those you need and want to stay” nor depict a manpower model that values “talent or performance or potential future performance.” This infantry/aviator senior leader duopoly only reinforces the commandant’s statement that “primary occupational fields are set early in a career and marines are essentially stuck either accepting it for an entire career or choosing separation” and “cuts off careers […] when [marines] have decades of productivity left in them.” Sourcing senior command ranks in this rigid manner ignores the increasingly complex operating environment and the growing importance of non-lethal capabilities offered by cyberspace operations and information warfare in the electromagnetic spectrum, space, and cognitive domains. These capabilities – well employed – are critical for the Marine Corps and Navy to compete against peer threats, “contain a brewing crisis, and […] fight if required to do so.” How can the Marine Corps expand its the senior commander talent pool? First, the commandant could indirectly or directly influence the command selection process for the Marine expeditionary units, which is the first echelon of command that employs fully integrated Marine capabilities. These seven commands have outsized importance in their strategic role relative to combatant commanders and often auger the next generation of brigadier generals. As command selection is a non-statutory board, the precept message, which already provides guidance regarding the Marine expeditionary units, could include a consideration to slate a commanding officer who is the most qualified to employ the unit’s full range of capabilities, regardless of designation as an infantry officer or naval aviator. In a more direct approach, the modification of Marine Corps Order 1300.64B Command Screening Program would enable the slating of these commanders under the commandant’s special selection process to match individual capacity for command with increased occupational diversity. Next, the general officer assignment list could recommend officers from outside the infantry and naval aviator communities to the cross-functional deputy commandant positions and as commanding generals of the Marine Corps components, Fleet Marine force headquarters, marine expeditionary forces, and Marine expeditionary brigades. These recommendations would also include the nomination of major generals to the rank of lieutenant general. This approach – in addition to placing general officers with different yet important backgrounds into key force development and force employment positions – would provide selection boards with a demand signal to search for talent outside of the infantry and naval aviation fields, a critical reinforcing feedback loop to locate and promote individuals with senior leader potential from a larger population. Finally, a modified precept for general officer promotion boards could direct the expansion of promotion opportunity across the officer population based on performance and potential, not simply specialty. Despite the precepts for the Fiscal Year 2020 and Fiscal Year 2019 major general promotion board specifically stating that “we must constantly consider the [Marine] Corps’ critical need for general officer leadership across all specialties,” the results of these executive-level talent searches do not reflect that direction and more directive precept language may be required. The FY2019 major general board chose five infantry officers and naval aviators from the seven recommended brigadier generals, while the FY2020 board recommended nine of 13 officers from those two communities. The Marine Corps employs a quality spread of its officers upon accession to ensure the overall health of all fields. Lieutenants are grouped into thirds based on their performance at the Basic School, available slots for each military occupational specialty are also broken into thirds, and officer and specialty are assigned based on their respective group. This system ensures evenness so that one field does not monopolize the most talented personnel while others receive the least performing. In the pyramid promotion hierarchy of the military, this quality spread should evolve slightly but remain mostly intact. Instead, approximately 70 percent of Marine Corps general officers originate from a population of approaching 40 percent. Considering the reformist tone of the Commandant’s Planning Guidance, this indicates that talent from other specialties is likely artificially constrained and disregarded by the organization’s preference for infantry officers and naval aviators. In the age of ground-based long-range precision fires to assist the Navy in sea control and sea denial, the service recommended only a single artillery officer, whose community’s high mobility artillery rocket systems are likely the basis for this anti-surface fires capability, for advancement to major general across those two years. Perhaps this fact is one of the reasons the Commandant’s Planning Guidance notes that “our investments in air-delivered long-range precision fires are known, suitable, and sufficient; however, we remain woefully behind in the development of ground-based long-range precision fires.” Unmanned aerial systems are specifically mentioned in this document, yet the service has no general officers who have commanded a marine unmanned aerial vehicle squadron. Perhaps this explains the service’s continued institutional insistence on manned aviation for large acquisition programs. Expanding this thought to the enterprise at large, it is possible that the high selection rate of infantry officers and naval aviators for advancement within the general officer ranks – and the utter domination by those populations on the general officer command slate – at the expense of other critical warfighting capabilities is a contributing factor to the 37th and 38th commandants of the Marine Corps diagnosing the service as “not manned, trained, equipped, or postured to meet the demands of the rapidly evolving future operating environment” in their capstone documents. A lack of diversity in command and advocacy creates a reinforcing feedback loop for the limited communities from which the majority of senior officers derive that is antithetical to the development of the future force for the rapidly-evolving, complex operating environment. The hegemony of infantry officers and naval aviators in promotion and command assignment at the most senior levels of the Marine Corps should change to develop the future force that the Commandant’s Planning Guidance envisions. Without expanding the search for talent beyond this cohort, the service will continue to artificially limit the potential pool of general officers who are exceptionally qualified to serve in billets of increasing responsibility and authority. As the Marine Corps faces renewed great power competition against peer adversaries who challenge the traditional norms of warfare and the revolutionary potential of new capabilities and technologies, the organization must embrace an “all hands on deck” attitude towards finding and promoting the very best and brightest leaders available regardless of their primary occupational specialty. Maj. Leo Spaeder is a Marine air-ground task force planner currently serving at the Marine Corps Warfighting Laboratory/Futures Directorate, Combat Development & Integration, Headquarters Marine Corps. The opinions expressed here are the author’s alone and do not represent the U.S. Marine Corps or Department of Defense. Image: U.S. Marine Corps
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Throughout history, fascination with the Romani Gypsies has ranged from obsessing over their supposed sexual permissiveness to speculating about their dealings with the occult and their alleged criminal behavior. Today, it’s all about them and their children—whether it’s kids they are accused of stealing, or children deported from Western European nations, or Roma teens attacked in hate crimes. Just in time for the latest controversy—involving a French mayor accused of blocking the burial of a Roma baby—is a much needed book on Europe’s most misunderstood population; The Romani Gypsies by Yaron Matras. The book aims to take stock of the Romani Gypsies today—where they might come from, their history as a people, their culture and customs, and the issues they face today. It is important to note, as Matras does, that the group under discussion are specifically the Romani Gypsies, not other traditionally itinerant groups such as Travellers. There is no evidence of where the Romani originated except for their language. It is related to Hindi, Punjabi, Gujariti and other Indian languages, and identical words exist between the languages to this day. There can be no explanation outside of the Indian origin story, Matras writes, because ”it is inconceivable that a European population simply took of the study of an Indian language in late medieval times and adopted it as its everyday domestic speech form.” The term Rom, while commonly mistaken as having to do with Romani, is also believed to be tied to India. Matras believes it is related to the social caste in India called Dom that specialize “in certain trades, mainly services such as toolmaking, cleaning, and seasonal agricultural labor.” The second clue in the language about the Romani origin story is the Greek influence. While other similar service trade-oriented caste groups ended up dispersed throughout Central Asia, the Roms, it would appear, ended up in the Byzantine Empire. This is also when it seems they were first called “Egyptians”—a designation that would stick with them and morph into Gypsy. The subsequent centuries of their life in Eurasia is pretty much one ugly tale after another. Almost from the start, they were kept as slaves in Romania, even by the monasteries. They were subject to a special tax in the Ottoman Empire. Throughout the first half of the 15th century, they were welcomed in nearly every corner of the European continent as they migrated west. However, before the century came to a close they were targeted by governments across Europe, largely due to political turmoil. In 1548, for instance, the German Diet in Augsburg declared that the killing of Gypsies by average citizens would go unpunished. They were expelled from Czech lands, England, Spain, Venice, Warsaw, the Duchy of Lithuania, and Rome. They were constantly the target of decrees regulating their work, religion, marriage, housing, and taxes. It wasn’t until the mid-1800s, when it was estimated there were 200,000 enslaved Romani in the Romanian provinces, that the process of emancipation began. Even so, they were still the target of sterilization programs throughout the 20th century in Scandinavian countries. It is a story of suffering that parallels the trials of Jews in Europe. However, while the Holocaust has at the very least made Europe grapple with its history of anti-Semitism, there has been no such reckoning for the Romani. While the Romani were also targeted by the Nazis and sent to die by the thousands in concentration camps, the post-war German government did not recognize them as victims of racial persecution. While German courts in the 1960s began to rule in favor of the Roms, it “was not until 1982 that the German government formally acknowledged that “Sinti and Roma” … had been victims of racial persecution by the Nazis. Which brings us to today. On my second day of study abroad in Italy, a police officer from Florence came to speak to students about life in Italy—both for our own sake and, more than likely, the sake of Florentines besieged by drunk co-eds. Part of the way through, my friends and I found ourselves flabbergasted as the officer told us that if a Gypsy woman holding a baby came up to us begging, we should yell “No!” and if she persisted, to physically shove her away. Part of the immense value of this book by Matras is that it works to paint a complex picture of who the Romani are beyond the picture of a woman begging in the street. They have deep historic traditions, an intricate and functional family structure, strict (though unique) rules on hygiene and food preparation, and their own beliefs about the human body. Their values, by and large, are different from those of other Western European cultures. Communalism is at the center of how their society functions—for example, the notion of private property does not have the same meaning. Matras has gained the trust of the Romani communities—he has dined with them and worked to uncover their language and history. For the information alone, the book should be required reading in Europe and for anyone interested in the continent’s history. However, it fails to satisfy when it comes to the toughest issue facing the relationship between the Romani and Western governments today—what do about the children? For a variety of reasons, the Romani fight school systems tooth and nail. In the Romani world, Matras writes, the child is extremely important, and the removal of a child from the household even just for the day is extremely painful. It also represents, in the mind of the Romani family, an opportunity for the government to influence children away from the Rom life. Depending on the branch of Rom, the pursuit of education by a female may not be permissible beyond a certain point. As a result, Matras writes, Romani parents sometimes work assiduously to keep their children from getting a full education. Matras holds the city of Manchester up as an example of how things can work better. Beginning in 2010, the city actively worked to establish smoother relations with the Romani. For instance, Romani adults were brought in for a mentoring program at the school and as translators. Attendance by Romani children jumped, and progress in relations were achieved in other spheres as well simply because local populations worked better to understand the Romani. Education, either for humanitarian or nation-building purposes, is a prerogative of the modern nation-state. There is a clash on the issue of education, and in other parts of the book Matras documents that the obstinacy is not just on the part of Western governments. Working better to understand each other should without a doubt be an immediate step taken by communities with Romani populations. If that solves the issue of Romani children being kept from classrooms, that’s wonderful. If it doesn’t, at some point a line will be drawn as to how much leniency should be given to groups that for a variety of reasons—religion, culture—don’t fit neatly into society’s rules. Where that line should be drawn, and how it should be enforced, will hopefully be the subject of his next book.
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Last evening, just 30 minutes prior to closing, a fight broke out inside our bowling center amongst a group of patrons. It escalated to one man going out into the parking lot and retrieving a gun from his vehicle, and he fired shots from the parking lot through the front door directed at those involved in the altercation. Three people were injured and were all in stable condition. Our thoughts and prayers are with them and we are thankful they are expected to make full recoveries.
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Blog 🏆🥚 Gunters of OASIS. Hundreds of generated #webvr worlds. Hidden among them a golden egg. Find the egg and inherit the OASIS (and half a hundred dollars). Search for hidden clues, meet up with other Gunters. Ready? Start the hunt on @supermediumvr!https://t.co/oTKimoCrFM pic.twitter.com/jyaPoUGHEW — Supermedium (@supermediumvr) April 4, 2018 I present https://t.co/CMoJ256F1Q Simulates video illumination in a performant, low flicker and 0 config way. Just add to <a-video>.#WebVR #VR #aframevr #WebXR Check out the demo in VR. (thanks @bai0 for the model and spilberg for the trailer) pic.twitter.com/foK84GHt8C — Λlfredo (@alfredofrlp) March 26, 2018 Yay! I put a little table in https://t.co/SECmMepuon for the pancakes to rest on (makes them easier to grab) + verified they work in VR as well as on desktop! Love the ease of developing progressive VR with @aframevr :) 🤖🥞🤖🥞🤖🥞🤖🥞 !!! pic.twitter.com/6T9bFGLIvP — Cwervo (@acwervo) April 6, 2018 2D websites are dead but content is still king so I rebuilt the new https://t.co/umAxORZgMR site as a VR enabled experience powered by @WordPress and @aframevr pic.twitter.com/FRZUGQAGIR — lil manny404 (@mannynotfound) March 18, 2018 Hey everyone! I have been working on a side project in the last few days to port full body avatars to webVR. The code has been ported from C# and still needs work. If you want to have a look and try to bring those avatars to life, it's all here: https://t.co/BeXwolZMdN pic.twitter.com/ta7zffufLD — Etienne Pinchon (@EtiennePinchon) March 25, 2018 The decentralized metaverse will be built on open standards like WebXR (formerly WebVR). I got an update from @aframevr maintainer @dmarcos, who is now with @supermediumvr, which is a totally AWESOME high-end WebVR browser. I also try out @mozillareality:https://t.co/uEVJqhW3rk pic.twitter.com/k2dqh0fDWw — Kent Bye VoicesOfVR (@kentbye) April 6, 2018
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GAZA/JERUSALEM (Reuters) - Israel bombed dozens more targets in the Gaza Strip on Monday and said that, while it was prepared to step up its offensive by sending in troops, it preferred a diplomatic solution that would end Palestinian rocket fire. Egypt said a deal for a truce could be close, though by late evening there was no end to six days of heavy missile exchanges as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu discussed his next steps with his inner circle of senior ministers. U.S. President Barack Obama called Egypt’s President Mohamed Mursi, who has been trying to use his influence with Hamas, his fellow Islamists who run Gaza, to broker a halt. Obama “underscored the necessity of Hamas ending rocket fire”, the White House said. The leader of Hamas, speaking in Cairo, said it was up to Israel to end a new conflict that he said it had started. Israel, which assassinated a Hamas military chief on Wednesday, says its air strikes are to halt Palestinian rocket attacks. To Mursi and in a subsequent call to Netanyahu, Obama said he regretted the deaths of Israeli and Palestinian civilians. Israeli attacks on the sixth day of fighting raised the number of Palestinian dead to 101, the Hamas-run Health Ministry said, listing 24 children among them. Subsequent deaths raised the toll in Gaza to 106. Hospital officials in the enclave said more than half of those killed were non-combatants. Three Israeli civilians died on Thursday in a rocket strike. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, touring the region in the hopes of helping to broker a peace deal, arrived in Cairo, where he met Egypt’s foreign minister in preparation for talks with Mursi on Tuesday. He also plans to meet Netanyahu in Jerusalem. With the power balances of the Middle East drastically reshaped by the Arab Spring during a first Obama term that began two days after Israel ended its last major Gaza offensive, the newly re-elected U.S. president faces testing choices to achieve Washington’s hopes for peace and stability across the region. ROCKET FIRE Militants in the Gaza Strip fired 110 rockets at southern Israel on Monday, causing no casualties, police said. Israel said it had conducted 80 air strikes on the enclave. The figures meant a relative easing in ferocity - over 1,000 rockets have been fired in the six days, and 1,350 air strikes carried out. For the second straight day, Israeli missiles blasted a tower block in the city of Gaza housing international media. Two people were killed there, one of them an Islamic Jihad militant. Khaled Meshaal, exile leader of Hamas, said a truce was possible but the Islamist group, in charge of the Gaza Strip since 2007, would not accept Israeli demands and wanted Israel to halt its strikes first and lift its blockade of the enclave. “Whoever started the war must end it,” he told a news conference in Cairo, adding that Netanyahu, who faces an election in January, had asked for a truce, an assertion a senior Israeli official described as untrue. Meshaal said Netanyahu feared the domestic consequences of a “land war” of the kind Israel launched four years ago: “He can do it, but he knows that it will not be a picnic and that it could be his political death and cost him the elections.” For Israel, Vice Prime Minister Moshe Yaalon has said that “if there is quiet in the south and no rockets and missiles are fired at Israel’s citizens, nor terrorist attacks engineered from the Gaza Strip, we will not attack”. Yaalon also said Israel wanted an end to guerrilla activity by militants from Gaza in the neighboring Egyptian Sinai peninsula. Although 84 percent of Israelis support the current Gaza assault, according to a poll by Israel’s Haaretz newspaper, only 30 percent want an invasion. Slideshow ( 34 images ) DIPLOMACY “PREFERRED” “Israel is prepared and has taken steps, and is ready for a ground incursion which will deal severely with the Hamas military machine,” an official close to Netanyahu told Reuters. “We would prefer to see a diplomatic solution that would guarantee the peace for Israel’s population in the south. If that is possible, then a ground operation would no longer be required. If diplomacy fails, we may well have no alternative but to send in ground forces,” he added. Egypt, where Mursi has his roots in Hamas’s spiritual mentors the Muslim Brotherhood, is acting as a mediator in the biggest test yet of Cairo’s 1979 peace treaty with Israel since the fall of Hosni Mubarak early last year. Slideshow ( 34 images ) “I think we are close, but the nature of this kind of negotiation, (means) it is very difficult to predict,” Egyptian Prime Minister Hisham Kandil, who visited Gaza on Friday in a show of support for its people, said in an interview in Cairo for the Reuters Middle East Investment Summit. Egypt has been hosting leaders of both Hamas and Islamic Jihad, a smaller armed faction. Israeli media said a delegation from Israel had also been to Cairo for truce talks. A spokesman for Netanyahu’s government declined comment on the matter. Egypt’s foreign minister, who met U.N. chief Ban on Monday, is expected to visit Gaza on Tuesday with a delegation of Arab ministers. THOUSANDS MOURN FAMILY Thousands turned out on Gaza’s streets to mourn four children and five women who were among 11 people killed in an Israeli air strike that flattened a three-storey home the previous day. The bodies were wrapped in Palestinian and Hamas flags. Echoes of explosions mixed with cries of grief and defiant chants of “God is greatest!”. Those deaths drew more international calls for an end to hostilities and could test Western support for an offensive that Israel billed as self-defense after years of cross-border rocket attacks. Israel said it was investigating the strike that brought the home crashing down on the al-Dalu family, where the dead spanned four generations. Some Israeli newspapers said the house might have been targeted by mistake. In scenes recalling Israel’s 2008-2009 winter invasion of the coastal enclave, tanks, artillery and infantry have massed in field encampments along the sandy, fenced-off border. Israel has also authorized the call-up of 75,000 military reservists, so far mobilizing around half that number. The Gaza fighting adds to worries of world powers watching an already combustible region, where several Arab autocrats have been toppled in popular revolts in the past two years and a civil war in Syria threatens to spread beyond its borders. In the absence of any prospect of permanent peace between Israel and Islamist factions such as Hamas, mediated deals for each to hold fire unilaterally have been the only formula for stemming bloodshed in the past. Hamas and other groups in Gaza are sworn enemies of the Jewish state, which they refuse to recognize and seek to eradicate, claiming all Israeli territory as rightfully theirs. Hamas won legislative elections in the Palestinian Territories in 2006. A year later, after the collapse of a unity government under President Mahmoud Abbas, it seized Gaza in a brief civil war with Abbas’s forces.
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Animate your web applications with a customizable ease-out. Ease-out: 9 different versions plotted. Ease-out animations are great for creating animations that feel like they respond instantly but still cruise to a gentle halt. Most easings specify one of a small number of easing curves: easeOutQuad, easeOutSine, easeOutCubic, etc. However, the sharpness of that curve is not configurable. Here I show how to create a configurable ease-out function that will work for animating any property you desire. How to Use It The easing function takes a single parameter k, that specifies the steepness of the curve. The larger k is, the steeper the curve, and the higher the velocity in the middle section relative to the beginning and ending. The easeOutFactory will produce a function that takes a parameter t that represents the percentage of the animation completed as a number between 0 and 1. It’s important to note that this system only produces numbers that you can use within an animation framework (that you might have to build). An example framework is included in the jsFiddle. Here is an example of the usage: // LISTING 1 (Javascript) // easeOutFactory produces a function representing an ease-out. var easing = easeOutFactory(4); // choose k = 4, see Fig. 2 easing(0.00); // 0 easing(0.10); // 0.2047403251776069 easing(0.25); // 0.4793609299265755 easing(0.50); // 0.7900128291929867 easing(0.75); // 0.9389236079466523 easing(0.90); // 0.9821358147987899 easing(1.00); // 1 You can design your easing curve visually using this OS X Grapher file. Modify k to adjust the steepness. A demonstration of four different k values implemented in the engine of mobile game Epsilon Jump (iOS, Android) graciously provided by Rienzi Gokea. The Theory This section is not required for use. Read on to understand the techniques underlying the code so that you will be able to develop your own easing curves. The basic idea is to take the ease-in-out curve developed in Ease In, Out: The Sigmoid Factory and use the right half of it to get our adjustable ease-out. At the conclusion of The Sigmoid Factory, we had this equation developed to describe a sigmoid centered at the origin: Equation 1: An instrumented sigmoid centered at x = 0. α is our knob to tune the steepness, and t is our animation progression from 0 to 1. Figure 1: The centered sigmoid function from Eqn. 2. For our animations, we constrain the useful region of the function to be between 0 and 1 on the time (x)and distance (y) axes. Notice how the plotted function is substantially less than 1 at x = 1 in Fig. 1. We can apply the same scaling trick as we used in The Sigmoid Factory to bump it up to 1. That is to say, we normalize the function by its value at x = 1. Because we’re not shifting the function around, just scaling it, the math works out much more simply than before. Equation 2: The ease out equation. s(t, k) is as specified in Eqn. 1. t is time, k is a steepness constant. Figure 2: The Ease Out Function from Eqn. 2 plotted as k = 4. You can find the grapher file here. I’ll leave Ease-In as an exercise to the reader. Hint: Think about how to flip things around. 😘 Versus Traditional Ease-Outs There is a slight deficiency with this method versus easeOutQuad and easeOutCubic. Figure 3: easeOutCubic (black) and easeOutQuad (gray) You’ll notice that at x = 1, both of these eases have zero vertical velocity. That is to say, their dy/dx at 1 is 0. The adjustable sigmoid ease described here gets quite close to zero starting around k = 6 or 7. If you’re using a k below this range, it might look a bit nicer to use one of the traditional eases. Table 1: Approximate Corresponding Eases sin(2πt/4) 3.25 -t^2 + 2t 3.50 (t-1)^3 + 1 5.50 (t-1)^5 + 1 8.00 EASING EQN K APPROX. easeOutSine sin(2πt/4) 3.25 easeOutQuad -t^2 + 2t 3.50 easeOutCubic (t-1)^3 + 1 5.50 easeOutQuint (t-1)^5 + 1 8.00 If you enjoyed this article, please follow me on Medium. You might also like The Sigmoid Factory, The Bounce Factory and The Spring Factory. References
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