chunk_id
stringlengths 3
8
| chunk
stringlengths 1
1k
|
---|---|
9709_37 | In July 2008, Cecil said he was conversing with small studios from Los Angeles. Although he was interested in making a film, he believed that it was not necessary, since the series was already successful and a bad film could only "damage" its reputation. Cecil said that he was not prepared to "give somebody [he doesn]'t know the editorial control", and that, should the film be created, he would write it himself. He wanted any adaptation to be true to the source material, a film that "enhances [the game] rather than cashes in on it". In May 2009, Cecil stated that he was in discussion with the production company Radar Pictures, known for films such as The Last Samurai and The Chronicles of Riddick, and that he was re-writing the game into a film. |
9709_38 | In August 2012, Cecil said that he and Revolution were trying to "find the right partner" to create the film. Cecil believed that "a lot of film makers now in their early 30s played Broken Sword the first time around, so they have a lot of affection, and a number of them know a lot about the brand as well." However, he restated his opinion that it "would be much better not to have a movie at all, than to have a bad movie." While Cecil said that Revolution's main focus was the upcoming Broken Sword: The Serpent's Curse, he added that he was "sure there [would] be a film at some point". He also said that he was "sure it will be really good, because [they]'ll do [their] utmost to make sure that it is."
References
External links
as Circle of Blood
Review in PC World |
9709_39 | 1996 video games
Broken Sword games
Game Boy Advance games
Classic Mac OS games
Palm OS games
PlayStation (console) games
Point-and-click adventure games
ScummVM-supported games
Single-player video games
Sony Interactive Entertainment games
THQ games
Video games developed in the United Kingdom
Video games set in Ireland
Video games set in Paris
Video games set in Scotland
Video games set in Spain
Video games set in Syria
Virgin Interactive games
Virtual Theatre engine games
Windows games
Windows Mobile games
MacOS games
Linux games
Games commercially released with DOSBox
Knights Templar in popular culture |
9710_0 | The K-129 (Russian: К–129) was a Project 629A (Russian: проект 629А Projekt 629A, NATO reporting name Golf II–class) diesel-electric-powered ballistic-missile submarine that served in the Pacific Fleet of the Soviet Navy–one of six Project 629 strategic ballistic-missile submarines assigned to the 15th Submarine Squadron based at Rybachiy Naval Base near Petropavlovsk, commanded by Rear Admiral Rudolf Golosov.
The K-129s commander was Captain First Rank V. I. Kobzar, and she carried the hull number 722 on her final deployment, during which she sank on 8 March 1968. This was one of four mysterious submarine disappearances in 1968, the others being the Israeli submarine , the , and the American submarine . |
9710_1 | After nearly two months of silence during her patrol in the Pacific Ocean, the Soviet Navy became concerned of her status and reportedly deployed its large assets of aviation and ships to search for the vessel, but no sign or wreckage was found. With the U.S. Navy observing the Soviet efforts, the Americans also began searching, ultimately determining the exact coordinates of the wreck in August 1968.
In 1974, the United States attempted to recover the submarine in a secretive Cold War-era effort named Project Azorian. The submarine's position below the surface was the greatest depth from which an attempt had been made to raise a ship; only a part of the submarine was recovered despite efforts. The cover story was that the salvage vessel was engaged in commercial manganese nodule mining.
Launch and operations |
9710_2 | The keel of K-129 was laid down on 15 March 1958 at Komsomolsk-on-Amur Shipyard No. 132. She was launched on 16 May 1959, with her acceptance certificate signed on 31 December 1959, and assigned to the 123rd Brigade, 40th Division of the Soviet Pacific Fleet at Vladivostok. In 1960, she was reassigned to 15th Submarine Squadron based at Rybachiy Naval Base in Kamchatka.
On 3 April 1964, K-129 underwent modernization under Project 629A at Dalzavod in Vladivostok, and re-entered service following completion of modernization on 30 May 1967. In January 1968, K-129 was assigned to the 15th Submarine Squadron as part of the 29th Ballistic Missile Division at Rybachiy, commanded by Admiral Viktor A. Dygalo. |
9710_3 | Sinking
The K-129, having completed two 70-day ballistic-missile combat patrols in 1967, was tasked with her third patrol in February 1968, with an expected completion date of 5 May 1968. Upon departure on 24 February, K-129 reached deep water, conducted a test dive, returned to the surface and reported by radio that all was well, and proceeded on patrol.
Upon her final deployment, K-129s commander was Captain First Rank Vladimir I. Kobzar and Captain Second Rank Alexander M. Zhuravin as senior assistant to the commander (executive officer). She carried hull number 722 on her final deployment. No further communication was received from K-129, despite normal radio check-ins expected when the submarine crossed the 180th meridian, and further when she arrived at her patrol area. |
9710_4 | By mid-March, Soviet Navy commanders in Kamchatka became concerned that K-129 had missed two consecutive radio check-ins. First, K-129 was instructed by normal fleet broadcast to break radio silence and contact headquarters; later and more urgent communications all went unanswered. Soviet naval headquarters declared K-129 missing by the third week of March, and organized an air, surface, and underwater search-and-rescue effort in the North Pacific from Kamchatka and Vladivostok.
This Soviet deployment in the Pacific was analyzed by U.S. intelligence as likely a reaction to a submarine loss. U.S. SOSUS naval facilities in the North Pacific were alerted and requested to review acoustic records on 8 March 1968 to identify any possible anomalous signal. Acoustic data from four Air Force AFTAC sites and the Adak, Alaska SOSUS array triangulated a potential event location to within 5 nautical miles, a site hundreds of miles away from where the Soviet Navy had been searching. |
9710_5 | Several SOSUS stations recorded signals. According to Bruce Rule, a former lead acoustic analyst for the Office of Naval Intelligence, an initial significant acoustic signal from K-129 had been recorded by PACSOSUS on 11 March 1968. It was interpreted as a possible small explosion occurring in the pressure hull at 11:59:47.
According to John P. Craven, an event was already recorded on 8 March 1968. Upon examination, it produced sufficient triangulation by lines-of-bearing to provide the U.S. Navy with a locus for the probable wreck site. One source characterized the acoustic signal as "an isolated, single sound of an explosion or implosion, 'a good-sized bang'." The acoustic event was reported to have originated near 40°N, 180° longitude.
Soviet search efforts, lacking the equivalent of the U.S. SOSUS system, were unable to locate K-129, and eventually, Soviet naval activity in the North Pacific returned to normal. K-129 was subsequently declared lost with all hands. |
9710_6 | Recovery: Project Azorian
The wreck of K-129 was identified by northwest of Oahu at an approximate depth of on 20 August 1968.
It was surveyed in detail over the next three weeks by Halibut – reportedly with over 20,000 close-up photos, and later also possibly by the bathyscaphe . Given a unique opportunity to recover a Soviet SS-N-5 Serb nuclear missile without the knowledge of the Soviet Union, the K-129 wreck came to the attention of U.S. national authorities. President Nixon authorized a salvage attempt after consideration by the secretary of defense and the White House. To ensure the salvage attempt remained "black" (i.e. clandestine and secret), the CIA, rather than the Navy, was asked to conduct the operation. Hughes Glomar Explorer was designed and built under CIA contract solely for the purpose of conducting a clandestine salvage of K-129. The salvage operation, named Project Azorian, was one of the most expensive and deepest secrets of the Cold War. |
9710_7 | The location of the wreck remains an official secret of the United States intelligence services. John P. Craven, though, points to a location nearly 40°N, and almost exactly on the 180th meridian. CIA documents reveal that she sank "1,560 miles northwest of Hawaii," and that Hughes Glomar Explorer had to travel 3,008 miles from Long Beach, California, to reach the recovery site. The International Atomic Energy Agency states that two nuclear warheads from K-129 were located in the Pacific 1,230 miles from Kamchatka at coordinates 40°6'N and 179°57'E at a depth of , and lists them as recovered. All three distances point to a location of , which is close to north of the Midway Atoll. The CIA gives for its approximate depth. |
9710_8 | Media and official reporting
Seymour Hersh of The New York Times uncovered some of the details of Project Azorian in 1974, but was kept from publication by the action of the Director of Central Intelligence, William Colby. Months after the salvage operation was completed, in February 1975, the Los Angeles Times ran a brief story regarding the CIA operation, which led The New York Times to release Hersh's story. Jack Anderson continued the story on national television in March 1975. The media called the operation Project Jennifer, which in 2010 was revealed to be incorrect, since Jennifer referred only to a security system that compartmentalized Azorian project data. |
9710_9 | Hughes Glomar Explorer was publicly believed to be mining manganese nodules on the sea floor. Once the real purpose of Azorian was leaked to the media, however, the Soviet Union eventually found out about what happened. According to one account, in July–August 1974, Hughes Glomar Explorer grappled with and was able to lift the forward half of the wreck of K-129, but as it was raised, the claw suffered a critical failure, resulting in the forward section breaking into two pieces with the all-important sail area and center section falling back to the ocean floor. Thus, the center sail area and the after portions of K-129 were allegedly not recovered. What exactly was retrieved in the section that was recovered is classified Secret Noforn or Top Secret, but the Soviets assumed that the United States recovered torpedoes with nuclear warheads, operations manuals, code books, and coding machines. Another source (unofficial) states that the U.S. recovered the bow area, which contained two |
9710_10 | nuclear torpedoes, but no cryptographic equipment nor code books. |
9710_11 | According to a report released by the US Navy, the pressure-hull of the 40-foot bow-section was intact forward of the break-point, but had been subject to massive internal destruction.
The United States announced that in the section they recovered were the bodies of six men. Due to radioactive contamination, the bodies were buried at sea in a steel chamber in September 1974, with full military honors about southwest of Hawaii. The videotape of that ceremony was given to Russia by U.S. Director of Central Intelligence Robert Gates when he visited Moscow in October 1992. The relatives of the crew members were eventually shown the video some years later. |
9710_12 | Continued secrecy
The K-129 recovery has been stated to have been a failure, recovering only a small amount of insignificant parts of the submarine. The CIA argued in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit, however, that the project had to be kept secret because any "official acknowledgment of involvement by U.S. government agencies would disclose the nature and purpose of the program." This response has entered the lexicon of legal jargon as "the Glomar response" or "glomarization" - "neither confirm nor deny".
As of 2018, the files, photographs, videotapes, and other documentary evidence remain closed to the public. A few pictures appeared in a 2010 documentary showing the K-129 wreck - the bow and the sail, with the missile compartment heavily damaged showing only one missile tube left attached to the structure.
Causes |
9710_13 | The official Soviet Navy hypothesis is that K-129, while operating in snorkel mode, slipped below its operating depth. Such an event, combined with a mechanical failure or improper crew reaction, can cause flooding sufficient to sink the boat.
This account, however, has not been accepted by many, and alternative theories have been advanced to explain the loss of K-129:
A hydrogen explosion in the batteries while charging
A collision with
A missile explosion caused by a leaking missile door seal
Intentional or unintentional scuttle by crew due to K-129 violating normal operating procedures and/or departing from authorized operating areas
Reportedly, as many as 40 of the complement of 98 were new to the submarine for this deployment.
K-129 was roughly midway through standard shore leave/replenishment and repair when a new mission was given. |
9710_14 | Battery malfunction
Lead–acid batteries release explosive hydrogen gas while charging. The hydrogen gas, if not properly vented, could have accumulated into an explosive concentration.
John Craven, former chief scientist of the U.S. Navy's Special Projects Office and former head of the DSSP and DSRV programs, commented:
I have never seen or heard of a submarine disaster that was not accompanied by the notion that the battery blew up and started it all. [...] Naive investigators, examining the damage in salvaged battery compartments, invariably blame the sinking on battery explosions until they learn that any fully charged battery suddenly exposed to seawater will explode. It is an inevitable effect of a sinking and almost never a cause.
At least one American submarine, , though, was lost off Norway in 1949 due to a hydrogen explosion in the battery compartment. Most of Cochino's crew was rescued and the cause of her sinking is therefore known. |
9710_15 | Collision with USS Swordfish
Standard practice during the Cold War was for U.S. Navy attack submarines to trail Soviet missile submarines as they departed their home ports and moved into the North Pacific or the North Atlantic Oceans.
The collision hypothesis is the unofficial opinion of many Soviet Navy officers, and is officially denied by the U.S. Navy. According to U.S. Navy sources, put into Yokosuka, Japan, on 17 March 1968, shortly after the disappearance of K-129, and received emergency repairs to a bent periscope, reportedly caused by ice impacted during surfacing while conducting classified operations in the Sea of Japan. The seizure by the North Korean government occurred in the Sea of Japan on 23 January 1968, and the U.S. Navy response to this incident included the deployment and maintenance of naval assets in the area off the eastern North Korean coast for some time thereafter. |
9710_16 | In response to Russian efforts to ascertain whether K-129 had been lost due to damage resulting from a collision with a U.S. submarine, an official U.S. statement by Ambassador Malcolm Toon to a Russian delegation during a meeting in the Kremlin in August 1993 related:
A news release in 2000 demonstrates that Russian suspicion and sensitivity concerning the collision possibility, and indeed their preference for such an explanation, remains active: |
9710_17 | Explosion due to leaking missile hatch |
9710_18 | On 3 October 1986, the Soviet Project 667A ballistic-missile submarine , while on combat patrol in the Atlantic, suffered the explosion of a liquid-fueled R-27 missile in one of its 16 missile tubes. The cause of the explosion was a leaking missile tube hatch seal. The leak allowed sea water to come into contact with residue of the missile's propellants, which caused a spontaneous fire, resulting in an explosion first of the missile booster, then a subsequent explosion of the warhead detonator charge. In the case of the Project 667A, the missiles were located within the pressure hull and the explosion did not cause damage sufficient to immediately sink the boat. It did, however, cause extensive radioactive contamination throughout, requiring the submarine to surface and the evacuation of the crew to the weather deck, and later to a rescue vessel, which had responded to the emergency. Subsequently, K-219 sank into the Hatteras Abyss with the loss of four crewmen, and rests at a depth |
9710_19 | around . The Soviet Navy later claimed that the leak was caused by a collision with . |
9710_20 | Some indicators suggest K-129 suffered a similar explosion in 1968. First, the radioactive contamination of the recovered bow section and the six crewmen of K-129 by weapons-grade plutonium indicates the explosion of the warhead detonator charge of one of the missiles, before the ship reached its crush depth. The report that the forward section was crushed and that charring in the bow section indicated dieseling from an implosion (or alternatively from a fire), would indicate that the explosion occurred while K-129 was submerged and at depth. The report found in Blind Man's Bluff that the wreck revealed K-129 with a hole immediately abaft the conning tower would support the theory of an explosion of one of the three missiles in the sail (possibly missile number 3). Since K-129s missiles were housed in the sail, much less structural mass (compared to the K-219) was available to contain such an explosion, and loss of depth control of the submarine would be instantaneous. |
9710_21 | A photograph taken by the cameras on the capture vehicle, though, as published in the White and Polmar book, shows extensive sail damage with two missile tubes obliterated, and the target for recovery was the forward 135-ft section of the sail. The wreck was in two major pieces on the ocean bottom.
Patrol deviation
According to Craven, K-129 crossed the International Date Line at 40°N, which was much further south of her expected patrol station:
When K-129 passed longitude 180, it should have been farther north, at a latitude of 45°, or more than 300 miles away. If that was a navigational mistake, it would be an error of historic proportions. Thus, if the sub were not somewhere in the vicinity of where the Soviets supposed it to be, there would be a high probability, if not a certainty, that the submarine was a rogue, off on its own, in grave disobedience of its orders. |
9710_22 | Craven does not explain why he eliminated the possibilities that K-129 was proceeding to a newly assigned and officially approved patrol area, or using a new track to an established patrol area, nor why he concluded that K-129 was acting in an abnormal or criminal manner for a Soviet strategic missile submarine.
Craven also noted: |
9710_23 | Anatoliy Shtyrov (Анатолий Штыров), a former Soviet Pacific Fleet Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, has said that K-129 would normally patrol an area off the West Coast of the United States, but it was sent on an unscheduled combat patrol in the eastern Pacific only 1½ months after returning from its regularly scheduled patrol. Vladimir Evdasin (Владимир Евдасин), who from June 1960 to March 1961 served aboard K-129, states that K-129 was sent on a secret mission in response to the massive U.S. naval force build-up off the Korean coast after the Pueblo incident. K-129s mission was in support of North Korea, which was an ally of the Soviet Union, and directed against U.S. naval operations, Pacific bases, and U.S. maritime support lines to Southeast Asia. |
9710_24 | Conspiracy theories
Red Star Rogue by Kenneth Sewell makes the claim that Project Azorian recovered virtually all of K-129 from the ocean floor, and in fact, "Despite an elaborate cover-up and the eventual claim the project had been a failure, most of K-129 and the remains of the crew were, in fact, raised from the bottom of the Pacific and brought into the Glomar Explorer". |
9710_25 | In August 1993, Ambassador Malcolm Toon presented to a Russian delegation K-129s ship's bell. According to Red Star Rogue, this bell had been permanently attached to the middle of the conning tower of K-129, thus indicating that in addition to the bow of the submarine, the critical and valuable midsection of the submarine was at least partially recovered by Project Azorian. Additionally, Ambassador Toon is quoted from the 6th Plenum of the U.S.–Russia Joint Commission on POW/MIAs as stating, "Our Director of Naval Intelligence has concluded that no U.S. sub was within 300 nautical miles of your sub when it sank". Red Star Rogue places K-129 at 24°N by 163°W, less than 350 miles from Honolulu. This site is consistent with the discovery of radioactive oil reported to the Hawaii Institute of Geophysical Research at the time. |
9710_26 | The premise of Red Star Rogue is that a fail-safe device designed to be activated in the event of an unauthorized fire command of its nuclear missiles caused two catastrophic explosions (monitored by U.S. technology at the time) resulting in sinking the submarine. Eleven additional crewmen have never been satisfactorily identified, and K-129's crew manifest was listed as missing by Russian authorities. An ID photograph of a sailor found in the wreck has never been identified. Red Star Rogue claims the changing relations with China and Russia in the early 1970s, forged by Nixon and Kissinger, were enabled by the K-129 incident. |
9710_27 | Craven suggests that Project Azorian's real goal was not the nuclear weapons or the coding systems at all; rather, the project sought to determine exactly what K-129 was doing at 40°N/180°W "where she did not belong". Such information could be (and supposedly was) used within Henry Kissinger's foreign policy of "Deterrence Through Uncertainty", to "raise an unanswerable question in Leonid Brezhnev's mind about his command and control of his armed forces". |
9710_28 | A retired U.S. Navy captain and former naval attaché in Moscow, Peter Huchthausen, said he had a brief conversation in 1987 with Admiral Peter Navojtsev, who told him, "Captain, you are very young and inexperienced, but you will learn that there were some matters that both nations have agreed to not discuss, and one of these is the reasons we lost K-129." In 1995, when Huchthausen began work on a book about the Soviet submarine fleet, he interviewed Russian Navy Rear Admiral Viktor Dygalo, who stated that the true history of K-129 has not been revealed because of the informal agreement between the two countries' senior naval commands. The purpose of that secrecy, he alleged, is to stop any further research into the losses of USS Scorpion and K-129. Huchthausen states that Dygalo told him to "overlook this matter, and hope that the time will come when the truth will be told to the families of the victims."
Legacy |
9710_29 | In October 1992, Robert Gates, as the Director of Central Intelligence, visited Moscow to meet with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia. He said:
Gates's decision to bring the videotape of the funeral held for the men on the Golf was ultimately motivated by the fact that the United States wanted to inspire Russia to offer up information on missing American servicemen in Vietnam. Before that, "We had never confirmed anything to the Russians except in various vague senses," he said in an interview.
A subsequent FOIA search to find if any POWs were released as a result of this visit produced only negative results. According to Peter Huchthausen: |
9710_30 | Around the same time, Russian President Boris Yeltsin posthumously awarded the Medal "For Courage" to 98 sailors who died on K-129. However, as the complement of a diesel-electric Golf-class Russian submarine was about 83, his award acknowledges 15 extra personnel aboard the boat at the time of its sinking. An increase in the sub's total complement would put a strain on the logistical capabilities of a patrol because it reduces its duration. No explanation for the K-129'''s extra submariners has ever been provided by the Russian Navy.
See also
The Hunt for Red October (1984 novel, and also a 1990 movie) about a Soviet submarine that appears to be sunk as part of a deception.
Phantom (2013 movie), loosely based on the story of K-129''.
References
Bibliography |
9710_31 | External links
Project Azorian: The CIA's Declassified History of the Glomar Explorer, 12 February 2010, Matthew Aid, William Burr, Thomas Blanton
AZORIAN The Raising of the K-129 / 2009 – 2 Part TV Documentary / Michael White Films Vienna
1960 ships
1968 in the Soviet Union
Cold War submarines of the Soviet Union
Golf-class submarines
K-129 submarine sinking accident
Lost submarines of the Soviet Union
Maritime incidents in 1968
Military nuclear accidents and incidents
Russian submarine accidents
Ships built in the Soviet Union
Ships lost with all hands
Shipwrecks in the Pacific Ocean
Soviet Union–United States relations
Submarines of Russia
March 1968 events |
9711_0 | The capitouls, sometimes anglicized as capitols, were the chief magistrates of the commune of Toulouse, France, during the late Middle Ages and early Modern period. Their council and rule was known as the Capitoulate (). They were suppressed in 1789 amid the French Revolution.
Name
The officials were originally known as consuls () but were christened "capitouls" in 1295 as part of an effort to connect Toulouse with the greatness of such cities as Rome, Constantinople, and Jerusalem.
Rival councils
In addition to the Capitoulate, Toulouse housed the rival Parliament, General Council, Town Council, and Council of Sixteen. Each included the reigning capitouls, but only as associate or junior members. |
9711_1 | The Parliament of Toulouse () was established by King Charles VII in 1420 and put on a permanent basis in 1444. It was nominally restricted to the nobility, although positions could be purchased via an annual fee known as the paulette. Members () were exempt from gabelles, city property taxes, and tithes; exempt from billeting of troops; and exempt from any legal proceeding except those within the Parliament itself. It also served as a bastion of Catholicism and, after 1548, was charged with operating the town's chambre ardente, which persecuted Protestant "heretics". It also built up an influential body of lawyers ( and ) around its operations. |
9711_2 | The General or Common Council () was formed of a large body of notables, including representatives of the Catholic archdiocese, the major local chapters, and university, several lawyers, townsmen, and the present and former capitouls. In the 16th century, this made up almost eighty men but this changed over time: by the 17th century, the church and tradesmen had been almost removed from representation. Meanwhile, the Parliament went from having no representation in 1550 to eight members including the First President in 1556 to being forbidden to meet without the members of Parliament present in 1578. It was thenceforth usually directed by the First President of the Parliament. A remnant of the medieval commune's general assemblies, it was typically limited to ceremonial hearings and oversight of the capitulary election. It was restructured and given greater importance during the 1778 reform of Toulouse's civic government. |
9711_3 | The Town Council () was a smaller number of townsmen and capitouls who met more often to oversee the Capitoulate.
The Council of Sixteen () was formed of the present year's eight capitouls and the previous year's eight as well. It also met regularly in the 16th century. |
9711_4 | Election
The capitouls were elected annually from the city's eight districts, also called "capitoulates". Between the 14th and late 17th centuries, the election of the capitouls took place in November and December of each year. On November 23, each outgoing capitoul proposed six candidates. An assembly of former office holders halved this list to 24. The town's viguier and seneschal then selected the eight who took their oath of office on December 13. Backroom negotiation and bribery were commonplace. Following the 1562 riots, the elections were closely controlled by the Parliament and in 1661 Louis XIV's appointee Gaspard de Fieubet secured the perpetual right to name the capitouls from his position as First President of the Parliament. |
9711_5 | In 1683, the king began to appoint the capitouls from a slate of candidates provided by the city. By 1701, the position was broadly venal, with prospective capitouls required to provide loans of at least 10,000 livres to the city upon their "election"; in 1734, a royal edict made four of the positions explicitly venal, "commissioned" offices that were purchased from the king. Another edict in 1746 established eight permanent "titular" () capitouls, pairs of which rotated in office each year with the six other capitouls, which were "elected" by the king from the town's slate of nominees. |
9711_6 | History
The Toulousians claimed that their liberties predated the Kingdom of France, having been bestowed by the Roman emperor , and that the capitouls represented a direct continuation of the consuls of the Roman Republic. The town annals described their dignity as arising from "halting their own business, suspending their commerce, abandoning all particular affectations and putting aside their cherished projects in order to augment the Republic, following the precepts of Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon and other philosophers." In fact, the municipal government of Toulouse grew from the assembly permitted by Count Raymond V in 1152. His successors confirmed the council and permitted the open election of its members by the town's citizens. Any free citizen over 25 was eligible. |
9711_7 | Initially, the council consisted of six men from the city () of Toulouse proper, bound by its old Roman walls, and six from the borough () of tradesmen which had developed around St-Sernin. After the 1215 union of these two settlements, the twelve positions were divided among twelve capitoulates, six in each half. The districts of the old city were La Daurade, the Old Bridge (), and La Dalbade near the Garonne; St-Étienne around the bishop's cathedral; St-Pierre & St-Géraud around the count's palace; and St-Romain around the town hall. Those in the borough were named for the church of St-Pierre-des-Cuisines and for their adjacent gates into the old town: Arnaud Bernard, Las Crosses, Matabovis, Pousonville, and Villeneuve. |
9711_8 | The commune received many privileges from its counts during the 12th century: its capitouls formed the city's principal court, established market rules and tax exemptions, and maintained the town's drainage. Even the counts' vicars occasionally submitted to the Capitoulate's jurisdiction. Most of these powers were lost following the Albigensian Crusade against the Cathars in the 13th century, particularly after the ascension of the Capetian Alphonse of Poitiers as count of Toulouse and his succession by King Philip, who imposed seneschals over his new territories. The election procedure was revamped by King Philip III in 1283, when he provided that each outgoing capitoul was to provide a list of three potential replacements to the seneschal, who would choose one or—in the event he disapproved of them all—nominate his own man. The new capitouls were then to swear their vows and pledge loyalty to the king on the steps of the old comital palace. |
9711_9 | The Capetians accepted the need to preserve some local traditions, and the capitouls were charged with presenting lists of Toulouse's privileges and laws, which the king then accepted or rejected. The town's new charter preserved the right for citizens to elect a town council of 24 "capitouls"; this number was subsequently reduced to eight by the 15th century. Major decisions of the town—including legal and economic questions—were decided by the Capitoulate, as well as the patronage attendant on their control of more than a hundred civic positions. In the late 13th century, the capitouls regulated the town's guilds, with the power to nominate and depose their bailiffs. They also directed the town's 400 or so ward heelers (). In October 1283, Philip III accepted that the capitouls would administer civil justice within the city and its surrounding seneschalty; questions of canon law continued to be determined by the bishop's court and some oversight was given to the king's seneschal, |
9711_10 | but the capitouls' deliberations were normally free of interference by the king's judges. They secured the city's grain supply, which frequently brought them into conflict with the large landowners represented in the Toulouse Parliament. The capitouls also purchased freedom from royal taxation and an exemption from royal garrisons within the town walls, liberties confirmed by in 1495. They participated in the city's general processions, mass parades through the town organized for the high holy days, various civic occasions, and at times of collective danger. The outgoing capitouls were also responsible for drafting the town annals (), an account of municipal affairs during their year in office. These records, also known as the Twelve Books (), began their first entry—that for the year 1296—with a Latin poem translated in Turning as: |
9711_11 | As the office was ennobling after 1459, it was attractive to many of the city's middle and lower upper class. The Capitoulate was closed to the king's officers and, while it was intended to represent the city's nobles, lawyers, and merchants, in practice the merchants were largely shut out of office after the mid-16th century. The trappings of nobility enjoyed by the capitouls included a red and black silk ermine gown and exemption from prosecution for both the office holder and his son. |
9711_12 | In the early 16th century, the Capitoulate curtailed prostitution, oversaw poor relief, organized the local militia into a permanent force, established a health board to fight plague outbreaks, and directed rebuilding from the devastation of the Hundred Years' War and a massive fire in 1463. In 1505, they took the town's nine hospitals out of church hands and placed them under a single civil administration. In 1514, they opened another hospital, the St-Sebastian, to quarantine and care for plague victims. In 1518 and 1519, the town's archives were recopied and preserved.
A new bridge was thrown across the Garonne and the Hôtel de Ville completely refurbished. |
9711_13 | Several royal edicts confirmed the Capitoulate's jurisdiction and, in 1554, they won the right to oversee all cases of heresy within the city walls. However, during an outbreak of plague in 1557, the Parliament interfered with the regular method of electing capitouls, causing much resentment. By 1561, nearly every aspect of municipal government—revenue, expenditure, administration, education, and defense—was disputed between the two bodies. A shortfall owing to war taxes and the town's firma burgi led to rival proposals to sell Catholic or Protestant church properties. To reduce the Parliament's power, the capitouls ended lifetime positions in the municipal government, opening them all to annual election. In 1562, the first year, many of these went to members of the Reformed Church. The Reformers also held a majority of that year's seats on the town council. The attempt of the capitoul Pierre Hunault, sieur de Lanta, to seize the town hall and inner city set off the 1562 Toulouse |
9711_14 | Riots, whose aftermath saw the entire slate of elected capitouls replaced by a Catholic gang named by the Toulouse Parliament. |
9711_15 | The town annals subsequently cease to speak of the town's "municipal republic" and Parliament generally increased its control over the city thereafter. In 1578, the capitouls were forbidden to appear before the members of Parliament in the town's general processions. During a "shoving match" over which body should stand beside the eucharist during the Pentecostal procession of 1597, the capitouls were "manhandled, thrown onto the ground, and trampled". The capitouls were placed in inferior positions at official functions: in 1644, a reviewing stand was demolished because it did not permit sufficient distance between the members of Parliament and the capitouls. At the death of Archbishop Montchal in 1651, the capitouls were even forbidden from any participation in his funeral. Individual members of Parliament also regularly made a point of insulting the capitouls at public and private functions. |
9711_16 | In the mid-17th century, Cardinal Mazarin and briefly restored much of the Capitoulate's autonomy, even giving it the right to take some cases to the Parliament of Bordeaux rather than its local rivals, as part of an attempt to secure its alliance during the Fronde uprising. After the restoration of order, however, the First President of the Parliament, Gaspard de Fieubet, was able to use his connections to the royal court to first name his lackeys as the capitouls for 1660 and then, in 1661, to directly appoint the annual capitouls in perpetuity. |
9711_17 | As Intendant of Languedoc, Nicolas de Lamoignon placed his own men as capitouls and oversaw an overhaul of Toulouse's municipal government in the 1680s and '90s. He noted that prior to his actions each capitoul routinely apportioned the town's alms "to his shoemaker, to his baker, and to other artisans, while the true poor receive nothing"; that they shirked responsibilities such as policing that offered little personal honor; and that they underpaid Toulouse's contribution to the taille and forced the city into indebtedness by exempting themselves and friends from local taxation. His changes functioned briefly but floundered: His independent police lieutenant was purchased by the city in 1699 for 220,000 livres and he was obliged to accept the practice of hiring capitouls who were willing to supplement the city's funds with personal loans, as with those who assisted in making up for a grain shortage around 1710. Subsequent intendants were similarly forced to accept nominees of the |
9711_18 | archbishop, the parliamentary presidents, and other important nobles of the realm, even when such candidates did not so much as visit the city, let alone perform the responsibilities of their office. |
9711_19 | The capitouls were present at the laying of the foundation stone of the Garonne lock of the Canal du Midi near Toulouse in November, 1667.
The supervision of the royal intendant reduced the Capitoulate's control over municipal jobs considerably in the 18th century. In 1747, grain riots forced the capitouls to permit royal troops to enter the city freely for the first time. The edicts of 1764 and '65 which implemented the Laverdy Reforms were specially excluded from application in Toulouse through a dispensation secured by the Parliament.
In 1765, King Louis XV fired the then incumbent Capitoul over the trial of Jean Calas, sentenced to death and broken on the wheel - which the King ruled to have been a grave miscarriage of justice. |
9711_20 | In the 1770s, a series of anonymous broadsides thoroughly condemned the conduct of the Capitoulate and was successful in securing an arrêt from the royal council in June 1778. The reform consisted of four parts:
The capitouls were no longer to represent separate districts of the city;
A Consistory Chief () was created, to be appointed by the king and charged with oversight of the capitouls;
The capitouls were to be specifically proportioned among the town's classes, with two nobles, two former capitouls, and four townsmen; and
The overlapping councils of the municipal government were recast.
See also
Handwritten Annals of the City of Toulouse
Capitole de Toulouse
History of Toulouse
French communes
eschevin, consul, and jurat
List of the mayors of Toulouse
seneschal and bailiff
Notes
References
Citations |
9711_21 | Bibliography
Bertrandi, Nicolas (1517), Gesta Tholosanorum [Deeds of the Toulousians], translated from the Latin by G. de la Perrière as Les Gestes des Tolosains & d'Autres Nations de l'Environ in 1555.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Court titles in the Ancien Régime
Historical legal occupations
Legal history of the Ancien Régime
History of Toulouse |
9712_0 | Social learning theory is a theory of learning process and social behavior which proposes that new behaviors can be acquired by observing and imitating others. It states that learning is a cognitive process that takes place in a social context and can occur purely through observation or direct instruction, even in the absence of motor reproduction or direct reinforcement. In addition to the observation of behavior, learning also occurs through the observation of rewards and punishments, a process known as vicarious reinforcement. When a particular behavior is rewarded regularly, it will most likely persist; conversely, if a particular behavior is constantly punished, it will most likely desist. The theory expands on traditional behavioral theories, in which behavior is governed solely by reinforcements, by placing emphasis on the important roles of various internal processes in the learning individual. |
9712_1 | History and theoretical background
In the 1941s, B. F. Skinner delivered a series of lectures on verbal behavior, putting forth a more empirical approach to the subject than existed in psychology at the time. In them, he proposed the use of stimulus-response theories to describe language use and development, and that all verbal behavior was underpinned by operant conditioning. He did however mention that some forms of speech derived from words and sounds that had previously been heard (echoic response), and that reinforcement from parents allowed these 'echoic responses' to be pared down to that of understandable speech. While he denied that there was any "instinct or faculty of imitation", Skinner's behaviorist theories formed a basis for redevelopment into Social Learning Theory. |
9712_2 | At around the same time, Clark Leonard Hull, an American psychologist, was a strong proponent of behaviorist stimulus-response theories, and headed a group at Yale University's Institute of Human Relations. Under him, Neal Miller and John Dollard aimed to come up with a reinterpretation of psychoanalytic theory in terms of stimulus-response. This led to their book, Social Learning and Imitation, published in 1941, which posited that personality consisted of learned habits. They used Hull's drive theory, where a drive is a need that stimulates a behavioral response, crucially conceiving a drive for imitation, which was positively reinforced by social interaction and widespread as a result. This was the first use of the term 'social learning,' but Miller and Dollard did not consider their ideas to be separate from Hullian learning theory, only a possible refinement. Nor did they follow up on their original ideas with a sustained research program. |
9712_3 | Julian B. Rotter, a professor at Ohio State University published his book, Social Learning and Clinical Psychology in 1954. This was the first extended statement of a comprehensive social learning theory. Rotter moved away from the strictly behaviorist learning of the past, and considered instead the holistic interaction between the individual and the environment. Essentially he was attempting an integration of behaviorism (which generated precise predictions but was limited in its ability to explain complex human interactions) and gestalt psychology (which did a better job of capturing complexity but was much less powerful at predicting actual behavioral choices). In his theory, the social environment and individual personality created probabilities of behavior, and the reinforcement of these behaviors led to learning. He emphasized the subjective nature of the responses and effectiveness of reinforcement types. While his theory used vocabulary common to that of behaviorism, the |
9712_4 | focus on internal functioning and traits differentiated his theories, and can be seen as a precursor to more cognitive approaches to learning. |
9712_5 | Rotter's theory is also known as expectancy-value theory due to its central explanatory constructs. Expectancy is defined as the individual's subjectively held probability that a given action will lead to a given outcome. It can range from zero to one, with one representing 100% confidence in the outcome. For example, a person may entertain a given level of belief that they can make a foul shot in basketball or that an additional hour of study will improve their grade on an examination. Reinforcement value is defined as the individual's subjective preference for a given outcome, assuming that all possible outcomes were equally available. In other words, the two variables are independent of each other. These two variables interact to generate behavior potential, or the likelihood that a given action will be performed. The nature of the interaction is not specified, though Rotter suggests that it is likely to be multiplicative. The basic predictive equation is:
B.P. = f(E & RV) |
9712_6 | Although the equation is essentially conceptual, it is possible to enter numerical values if one is conducting an experiment. Rotter's 1954 book contains the results of many such experiments demonstrating this and other principles. |
9712_7 | Importantly, both expectancies and reinforcement values generalize. After many experiences ('learning trials,' in behaviorist language) a person will develop a generalized expectancy for success in a domain. For example, a person who has played several sports develops a generalized expectancy concerning how will they will do in an athletic setting. This is also termed freedom of movement. Generalized expectancies become increasingly stable as we accumulate experience, eventually taking on a trait-like consistency. Similarly, we generalize across related reinforcers, developing what Rotter termed need values. These needs (which resemble those described by Henry Murray) are another major determinant of behavior. Generalized expectancies and needs are the major personality variables in Rotter's theory. The influence of a generalized expectancy will be greatest when encountering novel, unfamiliar situations. As experience is gained, specific expectancies are developed regarding that |
9712_8 | situation. For example, a person's generalized expectancy for success in sports will have less influence on their actions in a sport with which they have long experience. |
9712_9 | Another conceptual equation in Rotter's theory proposes that the value of a given reinforcer is a function of the expectancy that it will lead to another reinforcing outcome and the value set upon that outcome. This is important because many social reinforcers are what behaviorists term secondary reinforcers - they have no intrinsic value, but have become linked with other, primary, reinforcers. For example, the value set on obtaining a high grade on an examination is dependent on how strongly that grade is linked (in the subjective belief system of the student) with other outcomes - which might include parental praise, graduation with honors, offers of more prestigious jobs upon graduation, etc. - and the extent to which those other outcomes are themselves valued. |
9712_10 | Rotter's social learning theory also generated many suggestions for clinical practice. Psychotherapy was largely conceptualized as expectancy modification and, to some extent, as values modification. This may be seen as an early form of cognitive-behavioral therapy.
In 1959, Noam Chomsky published his criticism of Skinner's book Verbal Behavior, an extension of Skinner's initial lectures. In his review, Chomsky stated that pure stimulus-response theories of behavior could not account for the process of language acquisition, an argument that contributed significantly to psychology's cognitive revolution. He theorized that "human beings are somehow specially designed to" understand and acquire language, ascribing a definite but unknown cognitive mechanism to it. |
9712_11 | Within this context, Albert Bandura studied learning processes that occurred in interpersonal contexts and were not, in his view, adequately explained either by theories of operant conditioning or by existing models of social learning. Specifically, Bandura argued that "the weaknesses of learning approaches that discount the influence of social variables are nowhere more clearly revealed than in their treatment of the acquisition of novel responses." Skinner's explanation of the acquisition of new responses relied on the process of successive approximation, which required multiple trials, reinforcement for components of behavior, and gradual change. Rotter's theory proposed that the likelihood of a behavior occurring was a function of the subjective expectancy and value of the reinforcement. This model did not (according to Bandura) account for a response that had not yet been learned - though this contention does not address the likelihood that generalization from related situations |
9712_12 | would produce behaviors in new ones. Bandura also argued that Miller and Dollard had essentially abandoned the hypothesis that imitation was an important form of learning based on the fact that the made little mention of it in their later book, Personality and Psychotherapy Dollard and Miller, 1950). In fact, that book was not a revision of their earlier work at all, but treated a wholly new subject - the attempted integration of Hullian behaviorism with Freudian psychoanalysis. In any case, Bandura began to conduct studies of the rapid acquisition of novel behaviors via social observation, the most famous of which were the Bobo doll experiments. |
9712_13 | Theory
Social Learning Theory integrated behavioral and cognitive theories of learning in order to provide a comprehensive model that could account for the wide range of learning experiences that occur in the real world. As initially outlined by Bandura and Walters in 1963, the theory was entirely behavioral in nature; the crucial element that made it innovative and increasingly influential was its emphasis upon the role of imitation. Over the years, however, Bandura shifted to a more cognitive perspective, and this led to a major revision of the theory in 1977,. At this time, the key tenets of Social Learning Theory were stated as follows:
Learning is not purely behavioral; rather, it is a cognitive process that takes place in a social context.
Learning can occur by observing a behavior and by observing the consequences of the behavior (vicarious reinforcement). |
9712_14 | Learning involves observation, extraction of information from those observations, and making decisions about the performance of the behavior (observational learning or modeling). Thus, learning can occur without an observable change in behavior.
Reinforcement plays a role in learning but is not entirely responsible for learning.
The learner is not a passive recipient of information. Cognition, environment, and behavior all mutually influence each other (reciprocal determinism). |
9712_15 | Observation and direct experience |
9712_16 | Typical stimulus-response theories rely entirely upon direct experience (of the stimulus) to inform behavior. Bandura opens up the scope of learning mechanisms by introducing observation as a possibility. He adds to this the ability of modeling – a means by which humans "represent actual outcomes symbolically". These models, cognitively mediated, allow future consequences to have as much of an impact as actual consequences would in a typical S-R theory. An important factor in Social Learning Theory is the concept of reciprocal determinism. This notion states that just as an individual's behavior is influenced by the environment, the environment is also influenced by the individual's behavior. In other words, a person's behavior, environment, and personal qualities all reciprocally influence each other. For example, a child who plays violent video games will likely influence their peers to play as well, which then encourages the child to play more often. |
9712_17 | Modeling and underlying cognitive processes
Social Learning Theory draws heavily on the concept of modeling as described above. Bandura outlined three types of modeling stimuli:
Live models, where a person is demonstrating the desired behavior
Verbal instruction, in which an individual describes the desired behavior in detail and instructs the participant in how to engage in the behavior
Symbolic, in which modeling occurs by means of the media, including movies, television, Internet, literature, and radio. Stimuli can be either real or fictional characters.
Exactly what information is gleaned from observation is influenced by the type of model, as well as a series of cognitive and behavioral processes, including: |
9712_18 | Attention – in order to learn, observers must attend to the modeled behavior. Experimental studies have found that awareness of what is being learned and the mechanisms of reinforcement greatly boosts learning outcomes. Attention is impacted by characteristics of the observer (e.g., perceptual abilities, cognitive abilities, arousal, past performance) and characteristics of the behavior or event (e.g., relevance, novelty, affective valence, and functional value). In this way, social factors contribute to attention – the prestige of different models affects the relevance and functional value of observation and therefore modulates attention. |
9712_19 | Retention – In order to reproduce an observed behavior, observers must be able to remember features of the behavior. Again, this process is influenced by observer characteristics (cognitive capabilities, cognitive rehearsal) and event characteristics (complexity). The cognitive processes underlying retention are described by Bandura as visual and verbal, where verbal descriptions of models are used in more complex scenarios. |
9712_20 | Reproduction – By reproduction, Bandura refers not to the propagation of the model but the implementation of it. This requires a degree of cognitive skill, and may in some cases require sensorimotor capabilities. Reproduction can be difficult because in the case of behaviors that are reinforced through self-observation (he cites improvement in sports), it can be difficult to observe behavior well. This can require the input of others to provide self-correcting feedback. Newer studies on feedback support this idea by suggesting effective feedback, which would help with observation and correction improves the performance on participants on tasks. |
9712_21 | Motivation – The decision to reproduce (or refrain from reproducing) an observed behavior is dependent on the motivations and expectations of the observer, including anticipated consequences and internal standards. Bandura's description of motivation is also fundamentally based on environmental and thus social factors, since motivational factors are driven by the functional value of different behaviors in a given environment. |
9712_22 | Evolution and cultural intelligence
Social Learning Theory has more recently applied alongside and been used to justify the theory of cultural intelligence. The cultural intelligence hypothesis argues that humans possess a set of specific behaviors and skills that allow them to exchange information culturally. This hinges on a model of human learning where social learning is key, and that humans have selected for traits that maximize opportunities for social learning. The theory builds on extant social theory by suggesting that social learning abilities, like Bandura's cognitive processes required for modeling, correlate with other forms of intelligence and learning. Experimental evidence has shown that humans overimitate behavior compared to chimpanzees, lending credence to the idea that we have selected for methods of social learning. Some academics have suggested that our ability to learn socially and culturally have led to our success as a species. |
9712_23 | Social learning in neuroscience |
9712_24 | Recent research in neuroscience has implicated mirror neurons as a neurophysiology basis for social learning, observational learning, motor cognition and social cognition. Mirror neurons have been heavily linked to social learning in humans. Mirror neurons were first discovered in primates in studies which involved teaching the monkey motor activity tasks. One such study, focused on teaching primates to crack nuts with a hammer. When the primate witnessed another individual cracking nuts with a hammer, the mirror neuron systems became activated as the primate learned to use the hammer to crack nuts. However, when the primate was not presented with a social learning opportunity, the mirror neuron systems did not activate and learning did not occur. Similar studies with humans also show similar evidence to the human mirror neuron system activating when observing another person perform a physical task. The activation of the mirror neuron system is thought to be critical for the |
9712_25 | understanding of goal directed behaviors and understanding their intention. Although still controversial, this provides a direct neurological link to understanding social cognition. |
9712_26 | Applications
Criminology
Social learning theory has been used to explain the emergence and maintenance of deviant behavior, especially aggression. Criminologists Ronald Akers and Robert Burgess integrated the principles of social learning theory and operant conditioning with Edwin Sutherland's differential association theory to create a comprehensive theory of criminal behavior. Burgess and Akers emphasized that criminal behavior is learned in both social and nonsocial situations through combinations of direct reinforcement, vicarious reinforcement, explicit instruction, and observation. Both the probability of being exposed to certain behaviors and the nature of the reinforcement are dependent on group norms. |
9712_27 | Developmental psychology
In her book Theories of Developmental Psychology, Patricia H. Miller lists both moral development and gender-role development as important areas of research within social learning theory. Social learning theorists emphasize observable behavior regarding the acquisition of these two skills. For gender-role development, the same-sex parent provides only one of many models from which the individual learns gender-roles. Social learning theory also emphasizes the variable nature of moral development due to the changing social circumstances of each decision: "The particular factors the child thinks are important vary from situation to situation, depending on variables such as which situational factors are operating, which causes are most salient, and what the child processes cognitively. Moral judgments involve a complex process of considering and weighing various criteria in a given social situation." |
9712_28 | For social learning theory, gender development has to do with the interactions of numerous social factors, involving all the interactions the individual encounters. For social learning theory, biological factors are important but take a back seat to the importance of learned, observable behavior. Because of the highly gendered society in which an individual might develop, individuals begin to distinguish people by gender even as infants. Bandura's account of gender allows for more than cognitive factors in predicting gendered behavior: for Bandura, motivational factors and a broad network of social influences determine if, when, and where gender knowledge is expressed. |
9712_29 | Management
Social learning theory proposes that rewards aren't the sole force behind creating motivation. Thoughts, beliefs, morals, and feedback all help to motivate us. Three other ways in which we learn are vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and physiological states. Modeling, or the scenario in which we see someone's behaviors and adopt them as our own, aide the learning process as well as mental states and the cognitive process.
Media violence |
9712_30 | Principles of social learning theory have been applied extensively to the study of media violence. Akers and Burgess hypothesized that observed or experienced positive rewards and lack of punishment for aggressive behaviors reinforces aggression. Many research studies and meta-analyses have discovered significant correlations between viewing violent television and aggression later in life and many have not, as well as playing violent video games and aggressive behaviors. The role of observational learning has also been cited as an important factor in the rise of rating systems for TV, movies, and video games. |
9712_31 | Creating social change with media
Entertainment-education in the form of a telenovela or soap opera can help viewers learn socially desired behaviors in a positive way from models portrayed in these programs. The telenovela format allows the creators to incorporate elements that can bring a desired response. These elements may include music, actors, melodrama, props or costumes. Entertainment education is symbolic modeling and has a formula with three sets of characters with the cultural value that is to be examined is determined ahead of time:
Characters that support a value (positive role models)
Characters who reject the value (negative role models)
Characters who have doubts about the value (undecided) |
9712_32 | Within this formula there are at least three doubters that represent the demographic group within the target population. One of these doubters will accept the value less than halfway through, the second will accept the value two-thirds of the way through and the third doubter does not accept the value and is seriously punished. This doubter is usually killed. Positive social behaviors are reinforced with rewards and negative social behaviors are reinforced with punishment. At the end of the episode a short epilogue done by a recognizable figure summarizes the educational content and within the program viewers are given resources in their community.
Applications for Social Change |
9712_33 | Through observational learning a model can bring forth new ways of thinking and behaving. With a modeled emotional experience, the observer shows an affinity toward people, places and objects. They dislike what the models do not like and like what the models care about. Television helps contribute to how viewers see their social reality. "Media representations gain influence because people's social constructions of reality depend heavily on what they see, hear and read rather than what they experience directly". Any effort to change beliefs must be directed toward the sociocultural norms and practices at the social system level. Before a drama is developed, extensive research is done through focus groups that represent the different sectors within a culture. Participants are asked what problems in society concern them most and what obstacles they face, giving creators of the drama culturally relevant information to incorporate into the show. |
9712_34 | The pioneer of entertainment-education is Miguel Sabido a creative writer/producer/director in the 1970s at the Mexican national television system, Televisa. Sabido spent 8 years working on a method that would create social change and is known as the Sabido Method. He credits Albert Bandura's social learning theory, the drama theory of Eric Bentley, Carl Jung's theory of archetypes, MacLean's triune brain theory and Sabido's own soap opera theory for influencing his method. Sabido's method has been used worldwide to address social issues such as national literacy, population growth and health concerns such as HIV. |
9712_35 | Psychotherapy
Another important application of social learning theory has been in the treatment and conceptualization of anxiety disorders. The classical conditioning approach to anxiety disorders, which spurred the development of behavioral therapy and is considered by some to be the first modern theory of anxiety, began to lose steam in the late 1970s as researchers began to question its underlying assumptions. For example, the classical conditioning approach holds that pathological fear and anxiety are developed through direct learning; however, many people with anxiety disorders cannot recall a traumatic conditioning event, in which the feared stimulus was experienced in close temporal and spatial contiguity with an intrinsically aversive stimulus. |
9712_36 | Social learning theory helped salvage learning approaches to anxiety disorders by providing additional mechanisms beyond classical conditioning that could account for the acquisition of fear. For example, social learning theory suggests that a child could acquire a fear of snakes by observing a family member express fear in response to snakes. Alternatively, the child could learn the associations between snakes and unpleasant bites through direct experience, without developing excessive fear, but could later learn from others that snakes can have deadly venom, leading to a re-evaluation of the dangerousness of snake bites, and accordingly, a more exaggerated fear response to snakes. |
9712_37 | School psychology
Many classroom and teaching strategies draw on principles of social learning to enhance students' knowledge acquisition and retention. For example, using the technique of guided participation, a teacher says a phrase and asks the class to repeat the phrase. Thus, students both imitate and reproduce the teacher's action, aiding retention. An extension of guided participation is reciprocal learning, in which both student and teacher share responsibility in leading discussions. Additionally, teachers can shape the classroom behavior of students by modelling appropriate behavior and visibly rewarding students for good behavior. By emphasizing the teacher's role as model and encouraging the students to adopt the position of observer, the teacher can make knowledge and practices explicit to students, enhancing their learning outcomes. |
9712_38 | Social learning algorithm for computer optimization |
9712_39 | In modern field of computational intelligence, the social learning theory is adopted to develop a new computer optimization algorithm, the social learning algorithm. Emulating the observational learning and reinforcement behaviors, a virtual society deployed in the algorithm seeks the strongest behavioral patterns with the best outcome. This corresponds to searching for the best solution in solving optimization problems. Compared with other bio-inspired global optimization algorithms that mimic natural evolution or animal behaviors, the social learning algorithm has its prominent advantages. First, since the self-improvement through learning is more direct and rapid than the evolution process, the social learning algorithm can improve the efficiency of the algorithms mimicking natural evolution. Second, compared with the interaction and learning behaviors in animal groups, the social learning process of human beings exhibits a higher level of intelligence. By emulating human learning |
9712_40 | behaviors, it is possible to arrive at more effective optimizers than existing swarm intelligence algorithms. Experimental results have demonstrated the effectiveness and efficiency of the social learning algorithm, which has in turn also verified through computer simulations the outcomes of the social learning behavior in human society. |
9712_41 | Another example is the social cognitive optimization, which is a population-based metaheuristic optimization algorithm. This algorithm is based on the social cognitive theory, simulating the process of individual learning of a set of agents with their own memory and their social learning with the knowledge in the social sharing library. It has been used for solving continuous optimization, integer programming, and combinatorial optimization problems.
There also several mathematical models of social learning which try to model this phenomenon using probabilistic tools.
References
External links |
9713_0 | The 2014 Australian Open was a tennis tournament that took place at Melbourne Park between 13 and 26 January 2014. It was the 102nd edition of the Australian Open, and the first Grand Slam tournament of the year. The tournament consisted of events for professional players in singles, doubles and mixed doubles play. Junior and wheelchair players competed in singles and doubles tournaments.
Li Na won the women's singles, beating Dominika Cibulková in the final. Stanislas Wawrinka defeated Rafael Nadal in the men's singles final to win his first grand slam title. Sara Errani and Roberta Vinci defended their women's doubles title with a victory over Ekaterina Makarova and Elena Vesnina. Łukasz Kubot and Robert Lindstedt took the men's doubles title with a victory over Eric Butorac and Raven Klaasen. The mixed doubles were won by Kristina Mladenovic and Daniel Nestor, with Sania Mirza and Horia Tecău the runners-up. |
Subsets and Splits
No saved queries yet
Save your SQL queries to embed, download, and access them later. Queries will appear here once saved.