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There is a greater chance of dying in a bus collision than by COVID-19. | This claim is not accurate. The probability of a randomly selected resident of Great Britain dying from January to October 2020, with COVID-19 mentioned on the death certificate, was over 3,000 times higher than the average probability of dying as a pedestrian in an accident involving a bus or a coach in the same period. | refutes |
There is a greater chance of dying in a bus collision than by COVID-19. | This claim is not accurate. The probability of a randomly selected resident of Great Britain dying from January to October 2020, with COVID-19 mentioned on the death certificate, was over 3,000 times higher than the average probability of dying as a pedestrian in an accident involving a bus or a coach in the same period. A much-shared Facebook post included the claim: "You’ve got more chance of dying from being hit by a bus than you are of dying from ‘covid-19." [...] Put another way, the probability that a randomly selected Great Britain resident died from January to October 2020 with COVID-19 mentioned on their death certificate was therefore 3,035 times more likely than a randomly selected individual dying as a pedestrian in an accident involving a bus or a coach in any ten months from 2013 to 2019 (60,707 COVID-19 registered deaths/19.92 deaths by bus collision). | refutes |
There is a greater chance of dying in a bus collision than by COVID-19. | While collisions involving buses make up only a small portion of the total fatal accidents each year, the results are usually tragic. In fact, the NTSB has found that, per vehicle, buses and other commercial motor vehicles are more likely to be involved in fatal crashes than passenger vehicles. [...] At Paulson Coletti, we’ve represented families who have lost loved ones in bus collisions and we have seen the devastation that a deadly bus accident can bring. As a service to those affected by or interested in bus safety, we’ve compiled the most comprehensive list of bus accident statistics and information available online. [...] While fatal crashes involving buses of any kind have fallen sharply since 1975, some types of buses are more likely to be involved in a fatal crash than others. School buses and transit buses are most likely to be involved in fatal collisions. | insufficient-neutral |
Northern Ireland Government contingency plans for COVID-19 include turning Dundonald Ice Bowl into a morgue to store bodies temporarily. A common extension is that the SSE (Odyssey) Arena has also been earmarked as a contingency morgue. | The claim is not accurate. The Department of Justice confirms that there are no plans to use either Dundonald Ice Bowl or the SSE Arena. The Justice Minister has stated that buildings on the Kinnegar site outside Holywood will be used as the Northern Ireland Temporary Resting Place if required. | refutes |
Northern Ireland Government contingency plans for COVID-19 include turning Dundonald Ice Bowl into a morgue to store bodies temporarily. A common extension is that the SSE (Odyssey) Arena has also been earmarked as a contingency morgue. | Executive's Autumn/Winter Covid-19 Contingency Plan A full and shorter version of the Executive's Autumn/Winter Covid-19 Contingency Plan can be viewed below. The plan sets out: | insufficient-neutral |
Northern Ireland Government contingency plans for COVID-19 include turning Dundonald Ice Bowl into a morgue to store bodies temporarily. A common extension is that the SSE (Odyssey) Arena has also been earmarked as a contingency morgue. | Covid-19: Northern Ireland's major milestones - Published [...] The first case of Covid-19 in Northern Ireland was diagnosed in a woman on 27 February 2020. [...] The public soon got used to Covid press briefings at Stormont with First and Deputy First Ministers Arlene Foster and Michelle O'Neill. | insufficient-neutral |
There are 1.2 billion fewer carrier bags distributed in Northern Ireland since the introduction of the carrier bag levy in 2012. | contain take-away hot food and hot drinks only contain items such as unpackaged food, seeds and bulbs, axes, knives or razor blades, goods contaminated by soil and some medicinal products carry goods bought in an airport after you clear security are used when you buy a service, such as shoe repair or laundry are of certain sizes and used only to contain packaged uncooked meat or fish are certain types of small bags are specialist bags, such as mail order and courier bags are supplied for free to replace worn out ‘bags for life’ are carrier bags with a retail price of 20p or more | insufficient-neutral |
There are 1.2 billion fewer carrier bags distributed in Northern Ireland since the introduction of the carrier bag levy in 2012. | The Carrier bag levy annual statistics 2020/21 shows that 56.2 million carrier bags were dispensed by retailers under the levy in Northern Ireland between 1 April 2020 and 31 March 2021. This was 30.2% lower than the previous year, with 24.3 million fewer bags dispensed. The proceeds of the carrier bag levy, which was introduced in Northern Ireland in 2013, totalled £2.2 million, a decrease of £2.2m (50.5%) from the previous year. This was in part due to the levy being waived for home delivery of groceries between 1 April 2020 and 30 September 2020 to manage challenges presented by the Covid-19 pandemic. Welcoming the figures, Minister Poots said: "Since the release of the last Carrier Bag Levy statistics we have witnessed an unprecedented year, with Covid-19 impacting on both our personal and business lives. We have faced many challenges in how and where we shop and access retail services, however it is very positive to report the removal of over 1.7 billion bags from circulation across Northern Ireland in the past year. I also welcome the fact that there has been an overall 30.2 % decrease in usage from last year, this reduction demonstrates that despite other challenges, people in Northern Ireland are aware of the damage plastic does to our environment. However, there is much more that can be done." | supports |
There are 40,000 third-level students in northwest Ireland, with 7,000 graduates annually ready for employment. | Ireland has too many students - Discuss. Ireland has the highest proportion of 25- to 34-year-olds who have completed third-level education in the EU. Almost half, 47%, of young adults in Ireland have completed third-level education, compared with 39% across the developed world (of OECD members). [...] The proliferation of third-level education also risks infantilising our youth well into what should be their most productive years. Instead of being encouraged to strike out on their own they are encouraged to follow pre-school, primary education and secondary education with yet more education where their focus is less the acquisition of their own experience than regurgitating what teacher says obeying teacher. | insufficient-neutral |
There are 40,000 third-level students in northwest Ireland, with 7,000 graduates annually ready for employment. | Instead of considering the growth in numbers entering higher education from 15,000 to 42,500 between 1980 and 2014, look at the figures in the context of school leavers. From just 20% in 1980, nearly 60% of those aged 18 to 20 now attend third level. [...] At 58%, our third-level participation rate is one of the highest in Europe, and there are political hopes to see the figures maintained and increased. With no immediate end in sight to the numbers completing second level, a repeated reference throughout the Cassells report to have widening participation in higher education as a national ambition should be examined more closely. [...] For each of these students who leaves behind a third-level course, there has been a huge investment by taxpayers. More than half of those attending third level now receive financial support from the State, the very lowest level being half the €3,000 annual undergraduate fee and the highest an almost-€9,000 combination of student fee and maintenance for living costs. | insufficient-neutral |
There are 40,000 third-level students in northwest Ireland, with 7,000 graduates annually ready for employment. | Ulster University has a campus at Magee in Derry/Londonderry. This is a university offering third-level education only. In a reply to a Freedom of Information request from the Derry News, the university planning office confirmed that in the academic year 2018/19, there were 4,313 students studying at the Magee campus: 3,429 were full-time and 884 were part-time. If most degrees take three years to achieve, and following the same pattern observed at Letterkenny Institute of Technology, we estimate that there would be 1,500 graduates from the Magee campus each year. North West Regional College’s data compliance officer provided us with a current estimate of 1,057 students studying in third level/higher education. Of these, 539 are full-time and 518 are part-time. It noted that this may not represent the final figure as further enrolments may be received and processed throughout the year. In 2017-18, third-level students comprised 10% of NWRC’s overall student enrolments. NWRC had 586 students graduate from higher education in 2018-19. Letterkenny Institute of Technology’s admissions office confirmed that they have just over 4,000 students in total, and that all of these students are completing higher education qualifications, Levels 6-10. They also advised that they had 1,200 graduates in 2018. | refutes |
21% of people in Northern Ireland are living with a long-term health problem or disability. | Of the people with bipolar alive today in the UK, 70,000 will take their own life unless action is taken.6 The World Health Organisation identifies bipolar as one of the top causes of lost years of life and health in 15 to 44 year olds.7 Many people with bipolar continue to lack the basic support and treatment needed to live well with the condition. 67% of people with bipolar received no self-management advice when they were first diagnosed.8 Anecdotally, many people with bipolar have experienced abuse in hospital and are dealing with undiagnosed post-traumatic stress.9 Just 21% of people with a long-term mental health condition are in employment.10 90% of people with bipolar had told their employer about their condition but 24% of them regretted making that decision.11 Rates of positive screening for bipolar disorder were higher in non-employed people, in those receiving particular benefits, and in people living alone. 4% of women on Employment Support Allowance screen positive for bipolar.12 72% of people with bipolar knew no one else with the condition when they were first diagnosed.13 1 Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey: Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing, England, 2014. | insufficient-neutral |
21% of people in Northern Ireland are living with a long-term health problem or disability. | Living with long term conditions policy framework 26 April 2012 "Living with Long Term Conditions – A Policy Framework" has been developed to provide a strategic driver for the reform and modernisation of services for adults in Northern Ireland living with long term conditions irrespective of condition or care setting. | insufficient-neutral |
There are approximately 100 lorries per day crossing the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and cross-border trade represents 0.5% of UK-EU trade. | Trade across the Irish border [...] Trade across the Irish border is not simply each side selling goods to one another. A European Parliament paper notes how businesses which operate across the border "often have highly interconnected supply chains covering the island of Ireland and often involving movements across the border throughout the manufacturing process". [...] "When considering cross-border trade, it is particularly important to note the integrated nature of the agri-food sector. Food, beverages and tobacco account for 49 per cent of crossborder manufacturing trade, with, for example, more than 10,000 pigs exported from Ireland to Northern Ireland every week and a quarter of all milk produced on Northern Ireland’s farms exported for processing in Ireland." | insufficient-neutral |
There are approximately 100 lorries per day crossing the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and cross-border trade represents 0.5% of UK-EU trade. | This claim is inaccurate. There are 5,900 lorry (heavy goods vehicle) crossings daily. Cross-border trade represents 0.97% of UK-EU trade; alternative figures may be due to different measurement practices between countries. | refutes |
There are approximately 100 lorries per day crossing the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and cross-border trade represents 0.5% of UK-EU trade. | The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee report on the land border between Northern Ireland and Ireland describes how this regime allows goods to107 pass across the border currently and the possible effects of the UK leaving the Single Market: [...] 111.The trade in live cattle and sheep, and beef and lamb across the Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland border takes place on a daily basis, with approximately 390,000 live lambs crossing the border annually. The Livestock and Meat Commission for Northern Ireland 267 Northern Irish Affairs Select Committee, 2nd Report – The land border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, HC 329, 16 March 2018, para 43 268 Institute for Government, ‘The Irish border after Brexit’, Tim Durrant & Alex Stojanovic, June 2018 told us that the Northern Ireland sheep industry was particularly exposed to the effects of more complicated border arrangements, with approximately 45% of all lambs born in Northern Ireland exported to the Republic of Ireland each year. In 2016, the value of this live trade was approximately £31.5 million. 112.The dairy industries in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland act as one through the supply chain, and dairy products cross the border several times between the farm gate and the consumer. Republic of Ireland dairy co-operatives own approximately 60% of the processing capacity in Northern Ireland. Exports to the Republic of Ireland were approximately 15% of total sales of the Northern Ireland dairy industry in 2015. | insufficient-neutral |
The Court of Justice of the European Union is the supreme court for all Northern Ireland Protocol issues. | THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES (CJEC) The Court of Justice comprises as many judges as there are Member States. The number of Advocates-General remains the same (eight), but the Council may at any time decide unanimously to increase their number. [...] The Court of Justice, as the supreme judicial institution of the Union, retains competence for other judicial actions on fundamental questions for the Community order and carries out this mission by way of questions referred by the national jurisdictions for a preliminary ruling. However, the Treaty provides that the Statute may empower the Court of First Instance with preliminary competence in certain areas. | insufficient-neutral |
Three-quarters of non-voters in Northern Ireland are pro-Union. | Almost a fifth of voters in Northern Ireland, including nearly a third of voters from a Protestant background, say they would find a vote in favour of a united Ireland "almost impossible to accept", according to an Ipsos opinion poll. [...] In Northern Ireland, just under half (47 per cent) of all voters said they would "happily accept" a vote in favour of unity. A further 26 per cent said that they "would not be happy but could live it", but 18 per cent of all voters — which includes 32 per cent of voters from a Protestant background, and 14 per cent of voters from a non-Catholic and non-Protestant background — said they would find this result "almost impossible to accept". Acceptance of a pro-union result was much higher. Almost three-quarters of voters (73 per cent) in the North said they would "happily accept" this outcome, with 19 per cent reluctantly accepting it and just 2 per cent who said they would find it "almost impossible to accept". | insufficient-contradictory |
Three-quarters of non-voters in Northern Ireland are pro-Union. | General Election: The Northern Ireland non-voters who could transform electoral landscape [...] Thousands of non-voters in Northern Ireland and those not registered to vote could potentially transform the political landscape of Northern Ireland, if they took part in elections. New analysis has revealed the extent of non-voters across Northern Ireland - with all but one of the 18 constituencies having more people registered to vote that don’t take part than the number of people that elect the winning politician. | insufficient-neutral |
UK passports are produced by non-UK companies. | Ironic or 'iconic': Post-Brexit UK passports made in EU February 22, 2020The UK will roll out new "iconic" blue passports for a post-Brexit Britain in March — but they will be produced in Poland by a French-Dutch company. The announcement that the company Gemalto had won the contract to produce the passports caused controversy in 2018. The UK government said the final stages of manufacturing will take place in the UK to "ensure no personal data leaves the country." | insufficient-contradictory |
UK passports are produced by non-UK companies. | The new UK passport to be issued after Brexit will be made in France, the current British manufacturer has said. [...] Gemalto, which has its headquarters in Paris and has a factory in Fareham, said it was aware of the reports regarding the contract to produce the new UK passport. [...] A spokeswoman for the Home Office said: "The chosen company demonstrated that they will be best able to meet the needs of our passport service with a high quality and secure product at the best value for money for our customers and the taxpayer." | supports |
There were 84 children adopted in Northern Ireland in 2018. | The Department of Health has today published the ‘Children Adopted from Care in Northern Ireland 2017/18’. This bulletin details statistical information relating to children adopted from care during the year ending 31 March 2018. The tables within the bulletin present a range of information about these children and their adopters, including durations between different stages in the adoption process. The bulletin is based on the DoH statistical return AD1 2017/18, which was collected from each of the five Health and Social Care Trusts. Key Findings - Eighty–four children were adopted fro care in Northern Ireland during the year ending 31 March 2018 ; | insufficient-neutral |
There were 84 children adopted in Northern Ireland in 2018. | Children Adopted from Care in Northern Ireland 2018/19 This annual publication details statistical information on children adopted from care in Northern Ireland This annual publication details statistical information on children adopted from care in Northern Ireland during the last financial year. A range of information is available about these children and their adopters as well as the duration between the various stages of the adoption process. | insufficient-neutral |
Wearing face masks can cause harmful levels of reduced oxygen. | Another viral meme featuring three people wearing masks while walking on a beach says face mask wearing "reduces oxygen up to 60%" and "increases risk of CO2 poisoning." [...] One Facebook post claimed "wearing a mask for an 8 hour shift can reduce your oxygen intake level to a 93 if you have healthy lungs ... it is not healthy to have your oxygen level at that." The post did not specify which type of mask it was referencing. [...] There is no evidence to support that the general public — which doesn't typically wear masks for prolonged periods of time — will experience significant reductions in oxygen intake level, resulting in hypoxemia. While CO2 can build up in face masks, it is unlikely that wearing a mask will cause hypercapnia, according to the CDC | refutes |
Northern Ireland has the lowest disposable income in the UK. | ONS survey suggests NI disposable incomes lowest in UK - Published People in Northern Ireland typically have the lowest disposal incomes of any part of the UK, according to figures from the Office for National Statistics (ONS). [...] Northern Ireland's disposable income gap with the rest of the UK narrowed during the boom years, but has steadily widened since 2007. | supports |
Northern Ireland has the lowest disposable income in the UK. | NI population has lowest disposable income in UK - Published People in Northern Ireland have, on average, the lowest disposable incomes of any UK region, figures from the Office for National Statistics suggest. [...] That gives the west and south of Northern Ireland the sixth lowest disposable income per head across all UK sub regions. | supports |
Northern Ireland has the lowest disposable income in the UK. | Households below average income in Northern Ireland, 2013 to 2014 Information on the standard of living in Northern Ireland, focusing on lower income families, by disposable income This report is the twelfth in the Northern Ireland Households Below Average Income Series and principally gives information on the income distribution in Northern Ireland for the period April 2012 to March 2013 using cross sectional data from the Department for Social Development’s Family Resources Survey | supports |
There are only DUP members (who are/were members of a Northern Ireland political party) in the House of Lords | Enter, once again, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP): the conservative Northern Irish loyalists who have so often been a thorn in the side of government plans since their entry into a confidence-and-supply arrangement with the Tories in 2017. [...] Founded by the late Ian Paisley in 1971, at the height of the Northern Ireland Troubles, and now led by Arlene Foster, the DUP is the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly and is currently the fifth-largest party in the Commons - with ten MPs. [...] Its 2017 manifesto also included retaining the "triple lock" on pensions, cutting VAT for tourism businesses, abolishing air passenger duty and reviewing the price of ferries between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.The DUP was also the only major political group in Northern Ireland to oppose the Good Friday Agreement – before finally entering into a power-sharing government in 2007. | insufficient-neutral |
There are only DUP members (who are/were members of a Northern Ireland political party) in the House of Lords | The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is a unionist, loyalist, British nationalist[4][7] and national conservative political party in Northern Ireland. It was founded in 1971 during the Troubles by Ian Paisley, who led the party for the next 37 years. It is currently led by Gavin Robinson, who initially stepped in as an interim after the resignation of Jeffrey Donaldson. It is the second-largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, and won five seats in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom at the 2024 election. The party has been mostly described as right-wing[8][9][10][5] and socially conservative,[11][12] being anti-abortion and opposing same-sex marriage. The DUP sees itself as defending Britishness and Ulster Protestant culture against Irish nationalism and republicanism. It is also Eurosceptic and supported Brexit.[13][14] [...] On 11 April 2006, it was announced that three DUP members were to be elevated to the House of Lords: Maurice Morrow, Wallace Browne, the former Lord Mayor of Belfast, and Eileen Paisley, a vice-president of the DUP and wife of DUP Leader Ian Paisley. None, however, sit as DUP peers. [...] Election results [edit]General election results [edit]Northern Ireland Assembly election results [edit]See also [edit]- List of Democratic Unionist Party MPs - List of Northern Ireland Members of the House of Lords - British Isles fixed sea link connections - Democratic Unionist Party scandals | insufficient-neutral |
Renters and owner-occupiers may have to pay their rates in full, while landlords can get a 10% allowance off their own rates bills. Since 1996, the private rental sector has grown significantly – from negligible size to around 13% of homes today, a similar proportion to the Housing Executive and all housing associations combined. | Tenants can receive full or partial Housing Benefit Rate Relief to help pay their rates. The Housing Executive can pay this directly to: [...] Tenants in private rented housing can receive full or partial Rate Rebate to help pay their rates. LPS credits a tenant's Rate Rebate to the rate account of the property where they live. [...] - owns one or more properties rented to tenants - signs an agreement to pay rates on all their rented properties - pays the discounted rate amount in full by the due date - application form and guides for Landlord Article 21 Rating (10 per cent) Allowance (AA10) | insufficient-supports |
Renters and owner-occupiers may have to pay their rates in full, while landlords can get a 10% allowance off their own rates bills. Since 1996, the private rental sector has grown significantly – from negligible size to around 13% of homes today, a similar proportion to the Housing Executive and all housing associations combined. | Rates in private tenancies [...] Discounts on rates bills for landlords You can get a 10% discount if you pay the rates bill for all your properties by 30 September each year. | insufficient-supports |
Only the Irish language is banned in courts in Northern Ireland. | The Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022 (c. 45) is an Act of Parliament in the United Kingdom providing "official recognition of the status of the Irish language" in Northern Ireland, with Ulster Scots being an officially recognised minority language. [...] - repeal a 1737 ban on the use of Irish in Northern Ireland's courts;[20] [...] - ^ "The role of the Irish language in Northern Ireland's deadlock". The Economist. 12 April 2017. Archived from the original on 15 April 2017. Retrieved 14 April 2017. | insufficient-refutes |
Only the Irish language is banned in courts in Northern Ireland. | NI: Ban on Irish language in courts to be challenged Northern Ireland’s Finance Minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir has announced plans to challenge laws preventing the use of the Irish language in Northern Ireland courts. [...] Under the provisions of the Act, court proceedings in Northern Ireland must be carried out in English. | insufficient-supports |
82% of the public are now wearing face masks [or coverings] on Translink buses and trains in Northern Ireland. | Translink’s statistics indicate that over 80% of passengers were wearing face coverings on its services at the end of July. At a press conference on 6 August 2020, Northern Ireland First Minister, Arlene Foster MLA, claimed (starts 54:52) "82% of the public are now wearing masks on Translink buses and trains." [...] - An earlier response from the Translink freedom of information team explained that 30-31 July surveys on rail and bus services "found the number using face coverings was over 80%, showing an increasing trend"; and - Translink informed FactCheckNI that the evidence for "an increasing trend" came from two previous surveys. | insufficient-contradictory |
The DOJ and NIO joint fund an £8 million a year Programme for Tackling Paramilitary Activity and Organised Crime that funds engagement directly with paramilitary organisations, such as the UVF, UFF, RHC, and UDA. | Meanwhile, Stormont’s ‘interim’ Tackling Paramilitary Activity, Criminality and Organised Crime review, published last year, referenced how "almost £18m (went) directly to community and voluntary sector partners to help build community capacity and deliver area-based interventions". [...] "The ‘tackling paramilitary activity’ programme is an Northern Ireland Executive-led programme. [...] Meanwhile, the DoJ, responsible for the allocation of the £50m funding block, told The Detail its tackling paramilitarism programme "aims to stop paramilitary exploitation of individuals and communities" by addressing "gaps in support". | insufficient-neutral |
The DOJ and NIO joint fund an £8 million a year Programme for Tackling Paramilitary Activity and Organised Crime that funds engagement directly with paramilitary organisations, such as the UVF, UFF, RHC, and UDA. | The cross-department Executive Programme for Tackling Paramilitary Activity and Organised Crime receives funds from the Northern Ireland Executive, and is not jointly funded by the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Northern Ireland Office (NIO). To date, there is no evidence of funds being provided for engagement directly with paramilitary organisations by the programme. [...] "…remember, the Government in Northern Ireland – the Executive – is engaged in [the] Tackling Paramilitaries Programme, where the DOJ [Department of Justice] — Miss Long’s [Minister of Justice, Naomi Long] department — and the NIO joint fund £8 million a year to engagement directly with paramilitary organisations, not with LCC, but directly with the UVF, the UFF, Red Hand Commando, and others, UDA and others, and they direct engage with them …" [...] To date, there is no evidence of funds being spent on "engagement directly with paramilitary organisations" by the Programme for Tackling Paramilitary Activity and Organised Crime as claimed by Mr Paisley. | insufficient-contradictory |
Arlene Foster, the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, said that the party delivered “an extra billion pounds” for Northern Ireland. | On 31 July 2019, Arlene Foster — the leader of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) — said that her party will not apologise for "delivering an extra billion pounds" for Northern Ireland. She added: "Not any other party that has stood before you today has delivered one penny of money for the people of Northern Ireland. We have delivered that through our confidence and supply agreement …" [...] The official UK Government statement explains that the £1 billion is additional to £2.5 billion of financial support and flexibility provided to the Northern Ireland Executive, by way of the Stormont House Agreement (23 December 2014) and Fresh Start Agreement (17 November 2015). The agreed £1 billion funding falls outside the consideration of the Barnett Formula; the funding is specific to the jurisdiction of Northern Ireland. [...] The DUP agreed to support the Government on all key votes and the Government agreed to provide the Northern Ireland Executive with additional financial support: £1 billion over five years. The Confidence and Supply Agreement contained details of the agreed areas of expenditure: infrastructure development, health service transformation, broadband development, immediate pressures in health and education, pockets of severe deprivation, and mental health. | supports |
Arlene Foster, the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, said that the party delivered “an extra billion pounds” for Northern Ireland. | Arlene Foster: Profile of the Democratic Unionist Party leader - Published Arlene Foster, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), could be about to become the second most important person in British politics. [...] She became leader of the Democratic Unionist Party in December 2015 and, the following month, she was appointed first minister of Northern Ireland. | insufficient-neutral |
Arlene Foster, the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, said that the party delivered “an extra billion pounds” for Northern Ireland. | There will be £1bn extra for Northern Ireland over the next two years. [...] There will be £1.5bn in funding - consisting of £1bn of new money and £500m of previously announced funds - to be spent over the next two years on infrastructure, health and education in Northern Ireland, money Mrs Foster said was needed to address the challenges from Northern Ireland's "unique history". [...] Welcoming the additional funding for Northern Ireland, she said it would benefit all communities. "Following our discussions the Conservative Party has recognised the case for higher funding in Northern Ireland, given our unique history and indeed circumstances over recent decades." | supports |
MLAs were paid “nearly £2.2 million” in salaries up to 3rd September 2017. | the First and deputy First Ministers the Speaker and Deputy Speakers the members of the Assembly Commission | insufficient-neutral |
MLAs were paid “nearly £2.2 million” in salaries up to 3rd September 2017. | Northern Ireland's MLAs are set to get a £1,000 pay rise as an Independent Financial Review Panel announced radical changes to salaries, expenses and pensions. [...] MLA’s salary shall increase by £1,000 to £49,000 and by £500 each April if inflation (CPI for previous September) is greater than 1%. [...] "Our decisions set the rates for salaries, pensions and expenses to support each MLA and their work for the next five years. The panel expects that these decisions will amount to savings of between £1.5 million and £2.0 million in the Assembly’s budget over the next five years." | insufficient-supports |
Almost half of criminals released from prison in Northern Ireland went on to re-offend within 12 months of being freed. | Probation trusts are responsible for overseeing offenders released from prison on licence and those on community sentences made by judges and magistrates in the courts. If you are sentenced to under 12 months you are usually releases after 6 month months and the rest of your sentence is "on license". Your licence will impose certain restrictions on what you can do. The probation service do now get involved with you ( one of the new requirements of the changes in the service which are currently in hand), but what their input will be is unclear at present. [...] Probation prepares pre-sentence reports for judges and magistrates in the courts to enable them to choose the most appropriate sentence. Probation also works with victims of crimes where the offender has committed a sexual or violent offence and has been given a prison sentence of 12 months or longer. [...] These offenders are not free to come and go as they please. They have to follow strict rules and there is a curfew. This is usually from 11 pm to 7 am. Staff keep a close watch on residents and rooms are checked hourly throughout the night. Staff have direct contact with the Police if needed. Probation staff will work closely with the residents and have the opportunity to influence positive change in them and prevent reoffending. Those people in hostels also have to meet the other requirements of their Community Order or Release Order. This could include them attending group work programmes or training projects. | insufficient-neutral |
According to polling, most people planning to cast a first preference vote for the UUP in May’s Assembly election will switch their vote to nationalists before they provide a transfer to other unionist parties. | Table 2 Nationalist Share of Vote (%), Assembly elections, 1998 – 2016 [...] In summary, of the parties elected, the UUP received most transferred votes (25%), followed by the DUP (22%), Sinn Féin (14%), SDLP (13%), Alliance (11%), Green Party (4%), TUV (3%) and People Before Profit Alliance (1%). [...] In contrast, Alliance, UUP, and the SDLP received the lion’s share of transfers from other parties (71%, 76% and 79% respectively). The DUP received 59% of its transfers from other parties. | insufficient-neutral |
According to polling, most people planning to cast a first preference vote for the UUP in May’s Assembly election will switch their vote to nationalists before they provide a transfer to other unionist parties. | Our second big question is whether Protestant and Catholic voters in 2016 had distinctive preferences. Table 5 shows that distinctiveness in respect of first preferences. The three panels in this table correspond to the three major party ‘blocs’ that dominate Northern Irish politics: unionists in the top panel, nationalists in the bottom panel, and ‘others’ in the middle. As the first column shows, Protestants continue overwhelmingly to give first preferences to unionist parties, with only 2 per cent giving first preferences to nationalist parties. This is reciprocated on the Catholic side, where support for the two main nationalist parties is equally overwhelming, with only 4 per cent giving a first preference to one of the unionist parties. About a fifth of both Catholics and Protestants give their first preference to the political centre^. [...] At the surface level of first preference voting, Protestants continue overwhelmingly to support unionist parties, with only 2 per cent giving first preferences to nationalist parties. This is mirrored on the Catholic side, with only 4 per cent giving a first preference to one of the unionist parties. [...] The 2016 Assembly election in Northern Ireland offers, then, further evidence of the highly polarised structuring of party support in that deeply divided region. Protestant and Catholic voters tend not just to give their first preference votes to nationalist and unionist parties respectively (with some exceptions just mentioned); they also tend to continue these preferences within their own political bloc rather than transferring to the rival bloc. | insufficient-refutes |
According to polling, most people planning to cast a first preference vote for the UUP in May’s Assembly election will switch their vote to nationalists before they provide a transfer to other unionist parties. | The UUP secured 10 seats, losing 6 seats despite largely keeping its vote share the same, while the SDLP retained all of its 12 seats. This now means that the combined seat share of Unionist parties (38 seats) is smaller than that of nationalist parties (39 seats). Meanwhile the Alliance Party, which attempts to sit outside the unionist/nationalist divide, fared well, retaining its 8 seats and increasing its vote share. Significantly, almost 70 per cent of voters supported a party that endorsed ‘remain’ in the Brexit referendum, perhaps signalling a coming headache for Theresa May. [...] This is not to say that voters in Northern Ireland are free-floating and untethered from any ethno-nationalist cleavage (typically, over 90 per cent of Catholics vote for nationalist parties and even more Protestants vote for unionist parties). But today’s Northern Irish voters (especially younger ones) think in terms of capability and competence to promote prosperity and welfare. From this perspective, it appears that the Assembly election was more about bedding-down better functioning Northern Irish institutions than moving closer to all-Ireland ones. [...] The gap between moderate unionism and Sinn Féin still remains vast, and securing this community’s consent will be necessary to move closer to a united Ireland. Indeed, Mike Nesbitt, the leader of the UUP who resigned in the wake of his party’s poor performance, declared he would transfer his vote to the SDLP. This was too radical for many unionist supporters who rounded on him for transferring to any nationalist party, even one without the radical legacy of Sinn Féin. | insufficient-neutral |
More than 700,000 people born in Northern Ireland have an Irish passport. | On the 29 January 2020, BBC Newsline made the following claim in an item discussing whether having an Irish passport would be an advantage after Brexit: "More than 700,000 people born in Northern Ireland now have an Irish passport." Less than a minute later in the item: "Almost half of people born in Northern Ireland now have an Irish passport (overlay graphic: "700,000")." [...] The figure of 831,779 Irish passport applications confirms the claim that more than 700,000 people born in Northern Ireland have an Irish passport. [...] The original claim stated "more than 700,000 people born in Northern Ireland have an Irish passport". This claim is substantiated by figures from the DFA. | supports |
The DUP at no point has ever agreed to establish an Irish Language Act with the UK government, with the Irish government, with Sinn Féin or anybody else. | DUP will never agree to Irish language act, says Foster - Published The DUP will never agree to an Irish language act, its leader has said. [...] The introduction of an Irish language act is a key demand of Sinn Féin going into the assembly election. | supports |
There is strong evidence that in 2022, delays in Northern Ireland’s emergency departments led to the premature deaths of 1,434 people. | Research shows that longer waits in A&E lead to more patient deaths in the 30 days after that hospital visit. By combining those research findings with NI’s waiting time figures, it is possible to make some estimates about the number of additional deaths resulting from longer waits. FactCheckNI’s own calculations led to similar results as those published by the Royal College of Emergency Medicine. | insufficient-supports |
No one in Mid Ulster speaks Irish as their first language. | Although Scots dominated in much of County Down, there were also Yorkshiremen in North Down (Braidwood, 1964:14); people from Devon, Cheshire, and Lancashire settled in the northwest of the county and along the River Lagan (Braidwood, 1964:20), where we find Moira, another of our locations. Bordering on this area, in South Antrim, two of the biggest Plantation landlords, Lord Lieutenant (or Viceroy) Sir Arthur Chichester and Moses Hill, also introduced settlers from Devon, Cheshire, and Lancashire (Braidwood, 1964:11–12, 14). Moira, located midway between the towns of Lisburn and Lurgan, was settled by the English (Braidwood, 1964:21). The Englishness of this part of Ulster was still praised in the late eighteenth century, when Lurgan was known as "Little England," according to one traveller (Luckombe, 1780). And of Lisburn, Hume (1878:8–9) commented that "Until the end of the last century there was a tradition in Ulster that pure English was spoken in the neighbourhood of Lisburn." In the 1830s, Moira was mixed in religion, though local school registers indicate a predominance of Anglicans, a sign of Englishness (Day & McWilliams, 1992a:119–120). The dialect was, therefore, probably Mid-Ulster English. | insufficient-neutral |
No one in Mid Ulster speaks Irish as their first language. | The form of Irish spoken in Ulster these days is essentially Donegal Irish, nuanced by the local, predominantly Belfast accent. [...] It’s a different proposition when Ulster Irish is spoken, becoming as understandable to some ears as Swahili. That said, there are differences between Ulster Irish and the rest. Take the different forms for the simple phrase, "How are you?" | insufficient-neutral |
No one in Mid Ulster speaks Irish as their first language. | 91.85% of Mid Ulster residents indicated English was their main language – the lowest figure in Northern Ireland. [...] Irish (0.47% - 682) saw the fifth highest figure for main language in Mid Ulster, behind Tetun – the language of East Timor – at 0-.84% (1,210). [...] The number of those in Mid Ulster who indicated they had 'some ability' in Irish rose by 28% to 29,398, while the figure with 'some ability' in Ulster Scots rose by 66% to 13,494. | refutes |
The NI Executive’s commitment to provide financial support for new football, GAA and rugby stadiums involved an equal split between sports. | Sport NI announced today further financial support through the Sports Sustainability Fund Programme to the sporting sector; bringing a total investment of £22.4 million through this specific fund. The Sports Sustainability Fund is a critical support to sport at this time and Sport NI is pleased to make a further announcement of much needed financial support to the sports of: Gaelic Games; Rugby; Golf; Cricket; Hockey; Sailing; and Angling, among others, which will sustain over 230 clubs. (Details of awards are available: Sports Sustainability Fund Awards List | Sport NI) [...] Antoinette McKeown, Sport NI CEO, continued "I would like to pay tribute to sports Governing Bodies and Sport NI team for their dedication and commitment to coordinate the delivery of the Sports Sustainability Fund and other various programmes, in partnership with the Department for Communities". | insufficient-neutral |
The NI Executive’s commitment to provide financial support for new football, GAA and rugby stadiums involved an equal split between sports. | Northern Ireland stadiums funding ready to go but needs executive sign-off, says Minister Hargey - Published [...] The executive committed £36m to the development of local football stadiums in Northern Ireland in 2015. [...] "It is a project the GAA community has waited too long for and that it fully deserves. We note with interest the finance minister's comments and, given that both sub regional and Casement Park are part of the same executive commitment, we expect that his confirmation of funding extends to the sub regional programme too," said IFA chief executive Patrick Nelson. | insufficient-neutral |
The NI Executive’s commitment to provide financial support for new football, GAA and rugby stadiums involved an equal split between sports. | Following the collapse of plans to build a single national stadium on the site of the former Maze/Long Kesh prison, the NI Executive agreed to support redevelopment of stadiums for football, GAA and rugby, individually. This was never agreed as a financial “equal split” between three sports or three sporting associations. From the start, estimated costs for development varied significantly. It is worth noting that the projected spend for redeveloping Casement Park is now much higher than when the allocation was first agreed. | refutes |
Lagan Valley is one of the least wooded areas in Northern Ireland, particularly with regards to ancient woodland. | The Lagan Valley (Irish: Cluain an Lagáin, Ulster Scots: Glen Lagan) is an area of Northern Ireland between Belfast and Lisburn. The Lagan is a famous river that flows into Belfast Lough. For a section, the river forms part of the border between the counties of Antrim and Down. It has a number of interesting features including a towpath which runs alongside the River Lagan. The towpath is popular with walkers, runners, cyclists, dog owners etc. It is a very scenic and peaceful area and is ideal for walking, cycling etc. The towpath begins in the Stranmillis area of south Belfast and runs all the way to Lisburn. The cycle route forms part of National Cycle Route 9. There are a number of "off route" mountain bike trails along the towpath. Lagan Valley is an Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty (AONB). The AONB was established in 1965 and the greater part of it lies within the Greater Belfast area. [...] Belvoir Park Forest Education Centre | insufficient-neutral |
Only 3 out of 12 regions are net contributors to the UK Treasury. | The wealth of regions – measuring the UK’s tax and spending imbalance Experimental statistics from ONS have suggested that in 2016 only three UK regions generated more in taxes than they receive in public spending. The data have caused a stir in the media with headlines proclaiming that London and its surrounding regions are effectively ‘subsidising’ the rest. Jonathan Athow explains how the figures were calculated and how ONS is looking to develop and improve them. On 23 May, ONS published some new statistics breaking down the public finances statistics for the different countries and regions of the UK. This allocated public sector revenue and expenditure to each country and region, allowing us to see how spending levels and tax receipts vary across the UK. This analysis included an estimate of the ‘net fiscal balance’ for each country and region. That provided an estimate for which parts of the UK contribute more to public sector revenues (mostly taxes) than they receive in public spending or vice versa. The issues of taxation and expenditure are important in the context of ongoing discussions about devolution and relative economic performance. | insufficient-supports |
Only 3 out of 12 regions are net contributors to the UK Treasury. | We’ve been getting a lot of questions asking how much the UK and Wales contributes to the EU budget and how much it gets back by way of different funding. Is it possible to work out accurately the net cost of EU membership to the UK and Wales? There are different methodologies used at EU level and by the UK Treasury to calculate how much the UK Government pays into and how much it receives from the EU. Whichever methodology is used the UK is a net contributor to the EU Budget (i.e. pays in more to the EU than it receives back). However, the European Commission figures (presented in euros) show a lower net contribution by the UK than the Treasury figures (which are presented in pounds sterling) as we’ll see below. [...] A UK Treasury Report published in December 2015 puts the total UK net contribution to the EU Budget at £9.785 billion (POUNDS) in 2014, including the adjustment for the UK rebate. The Treasury’s Report explains the differences as follows (Paragraph 3.9): | insufficient-neutral |
Central arts funding per capita in Northern Ireland is £4.72 per year, compared with £22.50 per person, per year in Ireland. | The value of the Arts - The Arts deliver big returns for our economy and for our society - The Arts currently receive just 0.1% of the Northern Ireland budget. It makes no sense to make further cuts to a sector which generates such a high rate of return on its investment - Cuts to the Arts budget will result in the contraction of frontline services and reduction of education and outreach programmes - The Arts bring people and communities together and make our lives richer. We saw this in action during Derry~Londonderry’s transformation into UK City of Culture 2013 - Public investment is the key to building confidence and leveraging additional funding from sponsors and private investors - The creative sector is one of the fastest growing in the economy, creating economic growth and jobs - The Arts support the work of many government partners, helping them to achieve their objectives in regeneration, reconciliation, tourism, creative industries, education and health - The Arts distinguish us from other places, make the world talk about us for all the right reasons and raise our global profile as a progressive place that’s ready to compete and do business | insufficient-neutral |
Central arts funding per capita in Northern Ireland is £4.72 per year, compared with £22.50 per person, per year in Ireland. | Unlike the other three UK nations, Arts Council Northern Ireland (ACNI) does not have a national portfolio. Instead, it administers an Annual Funding Programme (AFP) which includes "all the larger scale venues and organisations that are key to the arts infrastructure in Northern Ireland", according to an ANCI spokesperson. Grants are allocated to organisations in all artforms and practices for both their core and programming costs. Again unlike the other arts councils, organisations in Northern Ireland have to reapply to be part of the programme each year. [...] The latest round of funding was announced in July this year and awarded 95 organisations just over £13m in total in what it termed "standstill funding". At the time of its annoucement, ACNI Chair Liam Hannaway acknowledged that arts funding in Northern Ireland "now sits at an all time low". With obvious frustration, he also said: "Despite fulfilling almost identical functions, investment in the Arts in NI sits at only £5.44 per capita, based on 2022/23 budget figures. This contrasts sharply with Wales at £10.35 and the Republic of Ireland at £25.90 per capita. A reinvestment in the arts is needed to regenerate a sector which struggles year on year to make ends meet." | supports |
In 2015, nearly 1% of employees were not paid minimum wage. | This claim is accurate. This claim can be substantiated by numerous government surveys and reports. There has been further investigation by organisations in the United Kingdom to determine who is most affected, the causes behind non-compliance, and solutions for the problem. | supports |
Over 95% of people living in south Belfast own their own home. | The chair of the Landlords Association for Northern Ireland (LANI), Robert Greer, claimed during an interview on BBC Radio Ulster’s Good Morning Ulster (24/9/2020, starts 1:52:08, and Greer’s claim at 1:58:00) that "aside from the Roma community, about 95 or 98 per cent of all households [in the Holylands] are HMOs." [...] Note that according to Housing Advice Northern Ireland, social housing properties are not considered to be HMOs: "A property will not be a HMO if … it is managed by the Housing Executive or a housing association." The South Belfast Partnership, in its January 2020 study, Holyland Transition, indicated that in 2011, 17.5% of housing in South Belfast (defining South Belfast as Ballynafeigh, Blackstaff, Botanic, Finaghy, Malone, Musgrave, Rosetta, Shaftesbury, Stranmillis, Upper Malone and Windsor) is made up of social housing, reflecting the presence of Choice Housing, Oaklee Housing, Clanmill, and others. [...] Source: HMO Subject Plan for Belfast City Council Area 2015, Map No. 3—South Belfast (East). | insufficient-neutral |
Over 95% of people living in south Belfast own their own home. | More than half of households in Northern Ireland (53%) own a dishwasher, the joint highest proportion in the UK. | insufficient-neutral |
Over 95% of people living in south Belfast own their own home. | This claim is inaccurate. The 2011 Census shows that the Belfast South constituency recorded 56.1% of homes being owned outright or owned with a mortgage or loan. On 4 December 2019, Emma Little-Pengelly, a DUP candidate in the General Election for the constituency of Belfast South, stated in a tweet that "over 95%" of people who live in South Belfast own their own home: [...] In response to a tweet challenging that the MP was assuming that south Belfast residents "all own their own homes", Little-Pengelly quickly replied and made that claim that "95% do [own their own home]". | refutes |
The SDLP manifesto for the 2022 Assembly election claims: “The £20 Universal Credit cut marked the largest overnight welfare cut since World War II.” | In the lead up to the 2022 Assembly election, party leader Colum Eastwood played down the partnership stating, "The SDLP stands on its own two feet."[72] This led people to commentate that the partnership is no longer active, with comments from as early as 2020 determining that it had been "quietly forgotten".[73][74][75] The partnership officially ended on 28 September 2022.[76] [...] In the 2022 Assembly election, the SDLP slipped to the 5th largest party with only eight seats in the Assembly.[107] [...] - ^ "SDLP launches 'Give it Back' campaign to retain £20 Universal Credit uplift". Social Democratic and Labour Party. Retrieved 22 December 2021. | insufficient-neutral |
If 45 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly vote to revoke the Northern Ireland Protocol, then the Protocol goes. | The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland shall apply as from the end of the transition period, with the exception of the following provisions of that Protocol, which shall apply as from the entry into force of this Agreement: [...] PROTOCOL ON IRELAND/NORTHERN IRELAND [...] RECALLING that this Protocol is to be implemented in accordance with the respective constitutional orders of the Kingdom of Spain and of the United Kingdom, | insufficient-neutral |
Two decades ago, around 26,000 people were waiting for social housing. Now that figure is over 45,000 | Official data for the past two quarters shows that over 45,000 applicants are on Northern Ireland’s social housing waiting list. Annual figures for 2002-03 say that 26,248 people were waiting at that time. Stats for the last two decades indicate a general trend of growing waiting lists. | supports |
Two decades ago, around 26,000 people were waiting for social housing. Now that figure is over 45,000 | The chronic shortage of social housing in London means that in multiple boroughs, there are over 10,000 people waiting for suitable accommodation. The boroughs with the largest waiting lists for social housing in 2022 were Lambeth (33,640 households), Newham (33,246) and Brent (25,218). From 1997 to 2022, the largest growth in the number of households on the social housing waiting list occurred in Newham in 2016, where the list of 17,453 households grew to 25,729 in 2017. Some boroughs witnessed significant drops in the numbers of households on the waiting list in particular years. For example, from 2015 to 2016, Camden’s waiting list decreased from 24,644 to 2,930. However, this has not always been due to the allocation of more social housing, but the tightening of criteria needed to qualify, which vary by borough and so do not perfectly correlate with the number of people in need of a home. | insufficient-contradictory |
Northern Ireland purchases from Great Britain are four times more valuable than those from Ireland. | This claim is accurate. In 2019, the ratio of the estimated total value of Northern Ireland purchases from Great Britain (£13.4bn) to purchases from Ireland (£3.0bn) was 4.5:1. The ratio has been similar since 2013. However, the figures may not tell the full story as they do not provide information on transport/shipping routes or the country of origin of any goods purchased. [...] One of the claims in the document is "Northern Ireland purchases from Great Britain (£13.4bn) are four times more valuable than of Ireland (£3.0bn)." [...] For 2019 purchases made by Northern Ireland companies, the value of purchases from Great Britain (£13.4bn) is 4.5 times greater than the value of imported goods and services from Ireland (£2.9bn); the claim is accurate. The ratio has been similar between these two markets since 2013. | supports |
Northern Ireland purchases from Great Britain are four times more valuable than those from Ireland. | whether goods purchased are final products or are intermediate goods to be used in a further production process; transport/shipping routes; the country of origin of any goods purchased. | insufficient-neutral |
Social media posts are circulating showing supermarket shelves that have been covered over or taped off to prevent customers purchasing certain items. Reference is made to this happening in Belfast and Northern Ireland. | Images of empty shelves, people fighting over toilet roll and long lines of people waiting to enter supermarkets have circulated on social media in recent days. Britain's leading food retailers met on Monday to work on contingency measures in the wake of the spike in demand. Shelves have been repeatedly emptied of nonperishable goods, leading the British Retail Consortium to publish an open letter. [...] So, the overwhelming message to consumers is: Don't panic. In these strange times we all suddenly find ourselves in, supermarkets have become more than places to buy food in. They are now beacons of normality in an increasingly surreal world. If consumers continue to behave normally in them, it ought to stay that way. | insufficient-neutral |
Food bank in Enniskillen now feeding 1 in 5 people in the town. | This claim is inaccurate. A formula by Trussell Trust results in 1,079 delivered food bank parcels representing an estimated 540 unique users. This would represent 9.8%, or 1 in 10, of the population of Enniskillen town. | refutes |
Food bank in Enniskillen now feeding 1 in 5 people in the town. | Here is an introduction to our Foodbank. Our foodbank is part of the Trussell Trust Network and is a project founded by The Lakes Vineyard Church, but is supported by various local churches and community groups, working together towards stopping hunger in our local area. We currently have 4 distribution centres from where people in need can come to get emergency food parcels and signposting to other agencies who help in a variety of other ways. We currently work with nearly 50 other organisations who can assist with more than just food. We currently distribute food in Enniskillen, Irvinestown, Newtownbutler, and Belleek. | insufficient-neutral |
Food bank in Enniskillen now feeding 1 in 5 people in the town. | On 13 April 2019, the Fermanagh Herald ran an article detailing the experience of a food bank which services the town. The Enniskillen Foodbank manager, John Shades, stated that in 2018, the food bank supplied over 2,400 people with food parcels: "It’s disproportionate, but at the minute we are feeding 1 in 5 people in the town." He expanded on this with a statement that the population of the town was approximately 14,000. The Enniskillen Foodbank is a member of a UK network of 428 food banks that are supported by Trussell Trust. For 2017-18, the Trussell Trust stated that its food bank network "distributed 1,332,952 three-day emergency food supplies to people in crisis, a 13% increase on the previous year". The trust attributes the increase to the roll-out of the Universal Credit public policy. Although there is no data for Northern Ireland, the trust reported from its survey in Great Britain that many Universal Credit claimants had to come to food banks after long waits for payment and administrative problems pushed them into debt. [...] The figure of supplying 2,400 people with food parcels stated by the Enniskillen Foodbank manager does not match up with the figures Trussell Trust shared with FactCheckNI. Using the Trust’s data, their estimate of two food parcels per claimant per year, and the average of 2.5 persons per household in Northern Ireland, we estimate that 1,350 people, or 9.8% (1 in 10) of the town population was helped. The claim is inaccurate. | refutes |
Ireland’s two wealthiest people are worth more financially than the poorest 50% of the population. | "Ireland’s two richest people have more wealth – €15 billion – than half the Irish population who have €10.3 billion." [...] "The two richest people in Ireland now have more wealth then [sic] the bottom 50% of the population combined." [...] Oxfams’ calculations indicate that, at the relevant time, the two richest people in Ireland we worth around €15bn while the poorest 50% of the country held around €10.3bn. | supports |
Ireland’s two wealthiest people are worth more financially than the poorest 50% of the population. | Ireland has the fifth-largest number of billionaires per capita in the world, according to an Oxfam report published ahead of the World Economic Forum conference in the Swiss resort of Davos this week. There are now 17 Irish billionaires – the vast majority of whom are men – but who exactly are they? [...] 5 Dermot Desmond: €2.02 billion (Down €40 million) | insufficient-neutral |
Ireland’s two wealthiest people are worth more financially than the poorest 50% of the population. | The two wealthiest people in Ireland have more wealth than the 50% of the population at the poorest end. Oxfam's annual wealth inequality report shows the top two wealthiest people here have a combined wealth of €15 billion. Oxfam Ireland is calling on the Irish government to bring in a wealth tax at "graduated rates of 2%, 3% and 5% above a high threshold of €4.7 million". | supports |
Within the LGBT community, 25% have attempted suicide. | A new survey from the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law and the Colombia Collaborative Project finds that the majority (72%) of LGBT Colombians surveyed report at least moderate psychological distress. Fifty-five percent reported having suicidal thoughts during their lifetime and one in four (25%) had attempted suicide at least once. [...] "We recorded extremely high rates of suicidal ideation and attempt. Considering the levels of violence, victimization, and discrimination that LGBT respondents experienced, it is not surprising that respondents reported such high rates of suicidal ideation and attempts," said study co-author Jennifer Flórez-Donado. "This research shows how critical it is to develop suicide prevention and violence treatment programs for LGBT people in the country." [...] - Three out of four LGBT respondents (75%) were bullied at least once before they turned 18 and 25% of LGBT respondents were fired from or denied a job in their lifetime. | supports |
To provide free GP care in the Republic of Ireland, which already exists in NI as it is part of the UK, would cost the Dublin Exchequer an extra £880 million | Minister for Health Stephen Donnelly today announced the opening of applications for GP visit cards for up to 215,000 people who are newly eligible. This is the first of two phases which will provide free GP care to an estimated 430,000 people in Ireland on a means tested basis. It is part of the biggest expansion in eligibility for free GP care in the history of the State happening this year and covering up to 500,000 people. [...] The expansion of free GP care to close to 500,000 people this year is supported by the landmark agreement between the Department of Health, the HSE, and the Irish Medical Organisation (IMO) signed in early July 2023 which put in place a series of financial supports for GPs. On 8 August 2023, free GP care was expanded to 78,000 children aged 6 and 7. From today, free GP care is expanded to 215,000 people aged between 8 and 69 on a means tested basis. From 13 November 2023, it will be expanded to 215,000 more people on a means tested basis. [...] "The expansion of the GP Visit Card scheme in 2023 is a significant milestone as we bring free GP care to close to 500,000 people this year. I am committed to ensuring affordable access for people in Ireland who are facing the toughest economic challenges. Removing the cost barrier to visiting their GP gives them better access to health care and supports their health and wellbeing." | insufficient-neutral |
To provide free GP care in the Republic of Ireland, which already exists in NI as it is part of the UK, would cost the Dublin Exchequer an extra £880 million | Budgetary plans to expand the number of people entitled to free GP care will give rise to waiting lists to match those currently plaguing the hospital system, doctors have warned. Free GP care is being extended to more than 400,000 additional patients, starting with 70,000 six and seven year olds in the last quarter of this year, Minister for Public Expenditure Michael McGrath announced in Budget 2023. [...] "General practice is not against providing free at the point-of-use care to patients and families who struggle but we know from the under-six′s research that demand goes up by 25 per cent once it’s free." | insufficient-neutral |
To provide free GP care in the Republic of Ireland, which already exists in NI as it is part of the UK, would cost the Dublin Exchequer an extra £880 million | THE first phase of the widespread expansion of free GP services in Ireland has now gone live – meaning 215,000 more people are now eligible for cost-free care. [...] The expansion of free GP care in Ireland follows a landmark agreement between the Department of Health, the HSE, and the Irish Medical Organisation (IMO) signed in July 2023 which put in place a series of financial supports for GPs. [...] From November 13, 2023, the second phase of the expansion will see free GP care extended to 215,000 more people across the country on a means tested basis. | insufficient-neutral |
By 29 September last year, at least 47 people in NI had died from “vaccine injury”. | - 23 June – Figures released by Nisra show one death has been linked to an allergic reaction to COVID vaccine in Northern Ireland. The death occurred in the first quarter of the year.[226] [...] - 30 September – - At 6pm, social distancing restrictions for shops, theatres and a number of other indoor settings come to an end in Northern Ireland. Instead some indoor venues are asked to voluntarily introduce rules such as proof of double vaccination or a negative lateral flow test.[342] [...] - ^ "Covid-19: Vaccine reaction listed as underlying cause for one NI death". BBC News. 23 June 2021. Retrieved 26 June 2021. | insufficient-neutral |
By 29 September last year, at least 47 people in NI had died from “vaccine injury”. | Vaccines in Northern Ireland [...] To date 436,143 people in Northern Ireland have received a first dose of vaccine. [...] That figure of 436,143 means that about 23.3% of Northern Ireland's entire population has been vaccinated. | insufficient-neutral |
By 29 September last year, at least 47 people in NI had died from “vaccine injury”. | This claim misrepresents data from the Yellow Card reporting system for suspected adverse reactions to Covid-19 vaccines | refutes |
The provision of full-time (equivalent) maternity pay in the UK is among the lowest in Europe. | UK maternity pay lowest in west Europe was Dkr4188 now Dkr1999 for your first year, equivalent to Dkr166.58 per month. Make up your own mind. Build robust opinions with the FT’s trusted journalism. Take this offer before 24 October. | insufficient-supports |
The provision of full-time (equivalent) maternity pay in the UK is among the lowest in Europe. | This claim is accurate. In an OECD report, the UK ranked 9th lowest of 33 European countries for “full-rate equivalent” paid maternity leave. Including home care leave (childcare), the UK ranks 4th lowest in Europe. | supports |
There is a greater chance of a motorcyclist aged 67 in Northern Ireland dying in a motorcycle collision than being affected by COVID-19. | Explanation: Data shows that there have been no motorcyclists aged over 65 who have died as a result of a motorcycle collision in Northern Ireland, in the past three years. | insufficient-refutes |
There is a greater chance of a motorcyclist aged 67 in Northern Ireland dying in a motorcycle collision than being affected by COVID-19. | Data shows that there have been no motorcyclists of Sammy Wilson MP’s age who have died as a result of a motorcycle collision in Northern Ireland, in the past three years. In 2020, there were 157 deaths registered related to COVID-19, of men aged 65–74. At the time of this claim, the probability of being infected by COVID-19 in Northern Ireland was an estimated 1 in 200 (now thought to be 1 in 60). [...] At my age … I’m more in danger of being killed on a motorbike than I am of being affected by this virus. [...] For those motorcyclists in the 65–74 age band, such as Sammy Wilson MP, data shows that there have been no deaths by motorcycle in the past three years. However, for men his age in Northern Ireland, there were 157 COVID-19 related registered deaths, equating to a probability of 1 in 528. | refutes |
There is a greater chance of a motorcyclist aged 67 in Northern Ireland dying in a motorcycle collision than being affected by COVID-19. | Data shows that there have been no motorcyclists of Sammy Wilson MP’s age who have died as a result of a motorcycle collision in Northern Ireland, in the past three years. In 2020, there were 157 deaths registered related to COVID-19, of men aged 65–74. At the time of this claim, the probability of being infected by COVID-19 in Northern Ireland was an estimated 1 in 200 (now thought to be 1 in 60). | refutes |
40% of Unionists are happy about a potential trade border in the Irish Sea. | If, on the other hand, logistics make a sea border the more workable option, can it be put into effect without alienating the relatively working class and less-educated Protestants/unionists who voted for the UK to leave the EU but undoubtedly did not imagine they were voting for Northern Ireland to become distinct from the rest of the UK? | insufficient-refutes |
[The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales | These anxieties were partly based on awareness of colleagues leaving policing prematurely. The average term for a CC has fallen by 1.2 years since the mid-1980s (NPCC, 2018, p. 34). HMICFRS (2019a, p. 60) described the trend, which was accelerated by the PRSRA, as ‘marked and worrying’. [...] National Police Chiefs’ Council. ( 2018 ). Chief Constable Preparation, Selection, Tenure and Retirement in the ‘New Policing Landscape’. https://www.npcc.police.uk/2018%20FOI/Workforce/127%2018%20Lanscaping%20in%20Policing%20Report%20to%20publish%2027092018.pdf (accessed 06 August 2020). [...] The Chief Constables of England and Wales: The Socio-Legal History of a Criminal Justice Elite. | insufficient-neutral |
[The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales | Our research found that chief constables in those 15 forces remain in post for a mean average of 5.7 years. For forces in England and Wales specifically, the average tenure was 5.8 year. PSNI chief constables have stayed in their role for 5.2 years, on average. Based on those comparisons – with a gap in average tenure of under half a year – it’s fair enough to say that "the average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales". [...] The average tenure of a chief constable of the PSNI is 5.2 years: Hugh Orde (7.0 years), Matt Baggott (4.8), George Hamilton (5.0), Simon Byrne (4.2). | supports |
[The] average tenure of a PSNI Chief Constable is about the same as those in England and Wales | Organisation [edit]The senior officer in charge of the PSNI is its chief constable. The chief constable is appointed by the Northern Ireland Policing Board, subject to the approval of the Minister of Justice for Northern Ireland. The Chief Constable of Northern Ireland is the third-highest paid police officer in the UK (after the Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police).[21] The current chief constable is Jon Boutcher, who was appointed on an interim basis after the resignation of Simon Bryne in September 2023 and successful in being officially confirmed as chief constable on 7 November 2023.[22] [...] Jurisdiction [edit]PSNI officers have full powers of a constable throughout Northern Ireland and the adjacent United Kingdom waters. Other than in mutual aid circumstances they have more limited powers of a constable in the other two legal jurisdictions of the United Kingdom—England and Wales, and Scotland. Police staff, although non-warranted members of the service, contribute to both back-office, operational support and front-line services, sometimes operating alongside warranted colleagues. [...] - ^ "PSNI: Jon Boutcher picked as interim chief constable". BBC News. 4 October 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2023. | insufficient-neutral |
Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. | The causes of poverty are complex and interlinked 2.5 Poverty rarely has a single cause but is a consequence of a range of factors including rising living costs, low pay, lack of work and inadequate social security benefits. In 2014, a DWP review found that parental worklessness and low earnings were key factors driving child poverty. Whilst the unemployment rate in Northern Ireland is relatively low at just over two per cent, economic inactivity levels in Northern Ireland are amongst the highest in the UK. The inactivity rate (the proportion of people aged 16 to 64 who are not working and not seeking or available to work) in Northern Ireland is 26 per cent, compared to 21 per cent in England, 22 per cent in Scotland and 26 per cent in Wales. 2.6 The number of children in poverty in Northern Ireland who live in a household where at least one adult works is significant. Therefore, the quality of jobs and low wages play an important role in keeping children in poverty. The Social Mobility Commission reports that qualification levels, wages, the proportion of high-paid jobs and the rate of job creation are all lower in NI than the UK average, and that one quarter of jobs here pay less than the Real Living Wage. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation reports that lone parents have the highest level of in-work poverty of all family types and are likely to face barriers such as working in a low-wage sector, working fewer hours and being restricted by access to childcare and transport. | insufficient-supports |
Northern Ireland has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK. | While child poverty levels in Northern Ireland as a whole are on par with the wider UK, the proportion of children living in low-income families remains high in parts of the region. Eight of its 18 parliamentary constituencies rank in the bottom third of the wider UK, according to recently published government figures. At least one in five children living in those areas were in relative poverty in 2019, rising to more than a quarter (26%) in Belfast West – home to the Lanark Way and Springfield Road interface where some of the recent violence broke out – as well as the Belfast North and Foyle constituencies. [...] The chief commissioner of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, Les Allamby, said child poverty was a severe problem in Northern Ireland, where families are bigger on average, meaning the limit on universal credit to two children is acutely felt. | insufficient-supports |
The next electoral canvass in Northern Ireland must be completed before 2023, ten years after the 2013 canvass. | To stay on the electoral register, everyone should reply to the communications that will be sent out by the Electoral Office for Northern Ireland over summer and autumn 2021. There will be a number of pieces of communication, such as informing when the canvass is happening, requesting people to respond to the canvass online or using a paper form, and reminding people previously on the register that they have not reregistered. The Electoral Commission will also be running a public information campaign to highlight the importance of completing the canvass. EONI may send out pre-populated forms using census data to some categories of voters less likely to register online. [...] The 2013 canvass added 47,196 voters (including 9,945 young people who had turned 18) to the register whom EONI had no previous record of being registered to vote in Northern Ireland. After that canvass, 112,013 voters were rolled over and retained on the register using data-matching techniques for a further three (extended from two) years. [...] The Northern Ireland Assembly Parties Panel was briefed about the upcoming 2021 canvass at its 6 October 2020 meeting. | insufficient-neutral |
The next electoral canvass in Northern Ireland must be completed before 2023, ten years after the 2013 canvass. | Source: Office for National Statistics, National Records of Scotland – Electoral Office for Northern Ireland [...] By law the register of electors is checked each year by sending a household enquiry form to every household in the council area. This is known as the annual canvass. The purpose of the canvass is to identify everyone who should be on the electoral register. This means identifying citizens who should be registered but are currently not, as well as identifying electors who are no longer at a property and should therefore be removed from the register. A revised version of the electoral register must be published by 1 December, following the conclusion of the annual canvass. [...] Electoral statistics usually refer to a 1 December reference date each year. Providing electoral statistics for this date allows for the completion of the annual canvass by electoral registration officers each autumn. The annual canvass helps to keep electoral registers as accurate and as complete as possible. In response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, the UK government amended the final date for the 2020 registers to be published, extending it from 1 December 2020 to February 2021. This allows local authority staff more time to complete their canvassing and maintain the accuracy of their registers, in light of practical consequences such as redeployed resourcing and social distancing. | insufficient-neutral |
The Guardian claimed that journalism charity Full Fact is “the only UK member of” Facebook’s fact-checking programme. | Facebook’s fact-checking operation is launching in the UK, with the independent charity Full Fact selected to be the first British publisher to review and rate the accuracy of content on the social network. [...] Since its launch in the US, Facebook’s fact-checking programme has received mixed reviews. It has been praised for trying to tackle the spread of misinformation on the platform, and particularly for its decision to give fact-checkers’ findings real weight in its algorithmic promotion. However, it has been criticised for its unwillingness to pay for fact-checking, which relies on users to flag content to third parties, who then check the veracity of factual claims. [...] In the UK, Full Fact will initially be the sole fact-checking partner. Will Moy, the charity’s director, welcomed Facebook’s decision, saying: "Fact-checking can take hours, days or weeks, so nobody has time to properly check everything they see online. But it’s important somebody’s doing it because online misinformation, at its worst, can seriously damage people’s safety or health. | supports |
Over 40,000 people in Northern Ireland are on the Housing Executive waiting list - with 30,000 of them in ‘housing stress’ - yet only around 2,000 social or affordable homes are built each year. | The number of people on social-housing waiting lists in Northern Ireland has risen by a tenth during the pandemic – over three times more quickly than in the preceding 12 months, according to new figures. By December 31st, 2020, the social-housing waiting list stood at 42,665, data released by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) following a freedom-of-information request shows. The waiting list on March 31st, 2020, before the full effects of the Covid-19 pandemic were known, was 38,745 – up 2.3 per cent from March 2019 and the highest number Northern Ireland had seen for years. | insufficient-supports |
There was a rock fall on the Antrim coast road on 9 August 2017. | Antrim Coast Road [edit]The Antrim Coast Road is regarded as one of the great tourist routes of the world.[3] This part of the road has seen a dramatic increase in traffic in recent years (in particular during warmer weather). It runs along the coast for about 25 miles (40 kilometres), from the Black Arch near Larne to the Red Arch near Cushendall, passing through the villages of Ballygalley, Glenarm, Carnlough and Waterfoot. Motorists, cyclists and pedestrians should pay due care and attention as there are currently no cycle lanes and footpaths are infrequent. [...] The Antrim Coast Road was completed in 1842 at a cost of £37,140 – some £12,000 over budget – much to the displeasure of the Commissioners. It then remained largely unchanged until the late 1960s. But there were frequent rockfalls because the geology of the Antrim Coast is Ulster White Limestone, greatly faulted and fissured, which bears a considerable overburden of basalt, also weathered and rotten near the surface. | insufficient-neutral |
There was a rock fall on the Antrim coast road on 9 August 2017. | Rock fall forces scenic Antrim coast road to close The Antrim coast road at Garron Point has been closed following a recent landslide that has seen the road completely blocked by a major rock fall [...] A major rock fall has closed the Antrim coast road. | supports |
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