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1706.07269
30
While the aim here is not a detailed survey of causality, however, it is pertinent to note that the dependence theories all focus around the concept of counterfactuals: the state of affairs that would have resulted from some event that did not occur. Even transference theories, which are not explicitly defined as counterfactual, consider that causation is an unnatural transference of energy to the receiving object, implying what would have been otherwise. As such, the notion of ‘counterfactual’ is important in causality. Gerstenberg et al. [49] tested whether people consider counterfactuals when making causal judgements in an experiment involving colliding balls. They presented experiment participants with different scenarios involving two balls colliding, with each scenario having different outcomes, such as one ball going through a gate, just missing the gate, or missing the gate by a long distance. While wearing eye-tracking equipment, participants were asked to determine what the outcome would have been (a counterfactual) had the candidate cause not occurred (the balls had not collided). Using the eye-gaze data from the tracking, they showed that their participants, even in these physical environments, would trace where the ball would have gone had the balls not collided, thus demonstrating that they used counterfactual simulation to make causal judgements.
1706.07269#30
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Necessary and Sufficient Causes. Kelley [87] proposes a taxonomy of causality in social attribution, but which has more general applicability, and noted that there are two main types of causal schemata for causing events: multiple necessary causes and multiple sufficient causes. The former defines a schema in which a set of events are all necessary to cause the event in question, while the latter defines a schema in which there are multiple possible ways to cause the event, and only one of these is required. Clearly, these can be interleaved; e.g. causes C1, C2, and C3 for event E, in which C1 is necessary and either of C2 or C3 are necessary, while both C2 and C3 are sufficient to cause the compound event (C2 or C3). Internal and External Causes. Heider [66], the grandfather of causal attribution in social psychology, argues that causes fall into two camps: internal and external. Internal causes 9
1706.07269#31
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Internal and External Causes. Heider [66], the grandfather of causal attribution in social psychology, argues that causes fall into two camps: internal and external. Internal causes 9 of events are those due to the characteristics of an actor, while external causes are those due to the specific situation or the environment. Clearly, events can have causes that mix both. However, the focus of work from Heider was not on causality in general, but on social attribution, or the perceived causes of behaviour. That is, how people attribute the behaviour of others. Nonetheless, work in this field, as we will see in Section 3, builds heavily on counterfactual causality. Causal Chains. In causality and explanation, the concept of causal chains is important. A causal chain is a path of causes between a set of events, in which a cause from event C to event E indicates that C must occur before E. Any events without a cause are root causes. Hilton et al. [76] define five different types of causal chain, outlined in Table 2, and note that different causal chains are associated with different types of explanations.
1706.07269#32
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Type Description Example Temporal Coincidental Unfolding Opportunity chains Pre-emptive Distal events do not constraint proxi- mal events. Events can be switched in time without changing the outcome Distal events do not constraint prox- imal events. The causal relationships holds in a particular case, but not in general. Distal events strongly constrain prox- imal events. The causal relationships hold in general and in this particular case and cannot be switched. The distal event enables the proximal event. Distal precedes proximal and prevents the proximal from causing an event. A and B together cause C ; order of A and B is irrelevant; e.g. two peo- ple each flipping a coin win if both coins are heads; it is irrelevant who flips first. A causes B this time, but the general relationship does not hold; e.g. a per- son smoking a cigarette causes a house fire, but this does not generally hap- pen. A causes B and B causes C ; e.g. switching a light switch causes an elec- tric current to run to the light, which causes the light to turn on in- A enables B, B causes C ;
1706.07269#33
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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34
switching a light switch causes an elec- tric current to run to the light, which causes the light to turn on in- A enables B, B causes C ; e.g. stalling a light switch enables it to be switched, which causes the light to turn on. B causes C, A would have caused C if B did not occur; e.g. my action of unlocking the car with my remote lock would have unlocked the door if my wife had not already unlocked it with the key.
1706.07269#34
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
35
Table 2: Types of Causal Chains according to Hilton et al. [76]. People do not need to understand a complete causal chain to provide a sound expla- nation. This is evidently true: causes of physical events can refer back to events that occurred during the Big Bang, but nonetheless, most adults can explain to a child why a bouncing ball eventually stops. Formal Models of Causation. While several formal models of causation have been pro- posed, such as those based on conditional logic [53, 98], the model of causation that 10 I believe would be of interest to many in artificial intelligence is the formalisation of causality by Halpern and Pearl [58]. This is a general model that should be accessible to anyone with a computer science background, has been adopted by philosophers and psychologists, and is accompanied by many additional results, such as an axiomatisation [57] and a series articles on complexity analysis [40, 41].
1706.07269#35
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
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Halpern and Pearl [58] define a model-based approach using structural causal models over two sets of variables: exogenous variables, whose values are determined by factors external to the model, and endogenous variables, whose values are determined by re- lationships with other (exogenous or endogenous) variables. Each endogenous variable has a function that defines its value from other variables. A context is an assignment of values to variables. Intuitively, a context represents a ‘possible world’ of the model. A model/context pair is called a situation. Given this structure, Halpern and Pearl define a actual cause of an event X = x (that is, endogenous variable X receiving the value x) as a set of events E (each of the form Y = y) such that (informally) the following three criteria hold: AC1 Both the event X = x and the cause E are true in the actual situation. AC2 If there was some counterfactual values for the variables of the events in E, then the event X = x would not have occurred. AC3 E is minimal — that is, there are no irrelevant events in the case. A sufficient cause is simply a non-minimal actual cause; that is, it satisfies the first two items above.
1706.07269#36
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
37
A sufficient cause is simply a non-minimal actual cause; that is, it satisfies the first two items above. We will return later to this model in Section 5.1.2 to to discuss Halpern and Pearl’s model of explanation. 2.1.2. Explanation An explanation is an assignment of causal responsibility — Josephson and Josephson [81] Explanation is both a process and a product, as noted by Lombrozo [104]. However, I argue that there are actually two processes in explanation, as well as the product: 1. Cognitive process — The process of abductive inference for ‘filling the gaps’ [27] to determine an explanation for a given event, called the explanandum, in which the causes for the event are identified, perhaps in relation to a particular counterfactual cases, and a subset of these causes is selected as the explanation (or explanans). In social science, the process of identifying the causes of a particular phenomenon is known as attribution, and is seen as just part of the entire process of explanation. 2. Product — The explanation that results from the cognitive process is the product of the cognitive explanation process.
1706.07269#37
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
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2. Product — The explanation that results from the cognitive process is the product of the cognitive explanation process. 3. Social process — The process of transferring knowledge between explainer and explainee, generally an interaction between a group of people, in which the goal is that the explainee has enough information to understand the causes of the event; although other types of goal exists, as we discuss later. 11 Question Reasoning Description What? Associative Reason about which unobserved events could have oc- curred given the observed events How? Interventionist Simulate a change in the situation to see if the event still happens Why? Counterfactual Simulating alternative causes to see whether the event still happens Table 3: Classes of Explanatory Question and the Reasoning Required to Answer But what constitutes an explanation? This question has created a lot of debate in philosophy, but accounts of explanation both philosophical and psychology stress the importance of causality in explanation — that is, an explanation refers to causes [159, 191, 107, 59]. There are, however, definitions of non-causal explanation [52], such as explaining ‘what happened’ or explaining what was meant by a particular remark [187]. These definitions out of scope in this paper, and they present a different set of challenges to explainable AI. 2.1.3. Explanation as a Product
1706.07269#38
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
39
2.1.3. Explanation as a Product We take the definition that an explanation is an answer to a why–question [35, 138, 99, 102]. According to Bromberger [13], a why-question is a combination of a whether–question, preceded by the word ‘why’. A whether-question is an interrogative question whose correct answer is either ‘yes’ or ‘no’. The presupposition within a why–question is the fact referred to in the question that is under explanation, expressed as if it were true (or false if the question is a negative sentence). For example, the question “why did they do that? ” is a why-question, with the inner whether-question being “did they do that? ”, and the presupposition being “they did that”. However, as we will see in Section 2.3, why–questions are structurally more complicated than this: they are contrastive.
1706.07269#39
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
40
However, other types of questions can be answered by explanations. In Table 3, I propose a simple model for explanatory questions based on Pearl and Mackenzie’s Ladder of Causation [141]. This model places explanatory questions into three classes: (1) what– questions, such as “What event happened? ”; (2) how -questions, such as “How did that event happen? ”; and (3) why–questions, such as “Why did that event happen? ”. From the perspective of reasoning, why–questions are the most challenging, because they use the most sophisticated reasoning. What-questions ask for factual accounts, possibly using associative reasoning to determine, from the observed events, which unobserved events also happened. How questions are also factual, but require interventionist reasoning to determine the set of causes that, if removed, would prevent the event from happening. This may also require associative reasoning. We categorise what if –questions has how – questions, as they are just a contrast case analysing what would happen under a different situation. Why–questions are the most challenging, as they require counterfactual rea- soning to undo events and simulate other events that are not factual. This also requires associative and interventionist reasoning. 12
1706.07269#40
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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41
12 Dennett [36] argues that “why” is ambiguous and that there are two different senses of why–question: how come? and what for?. The former asks for a process narrative, without an explanation of what it is for, while the latter asks for a reason, which implies some intentional thought behind the cause. Dennett gives the examples of “why are planets spherical?” and “why are ball bearings spherical?”. The former asks for an explanation based on physics and chemistry, and is thus a how-come–question, because planets are not round for any reason. The latter asks for an explanation that gives the reason what the designer made ball bearings spherical for : a reason because people design them that way. Given a why–question, Overton [138] defines an explanation as a pair consisting of: (1) the explanans: which is the answer to the question; and (2) and the explanandum; which is the presupposition. 2.1.4. Explanation as Abductive Reasoning
1706.07269#41
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
42
2.1.4. Explanation as Abductive Reasoning As a cognitive process, explanation is closely related to abductive reasoning. Peirce [142] was the first author to consider abduction as a distinct form of reasoning, separate from induction and deduction, but which, like induction, went from effect to cause. His work focused on the difference between accepting a hypothesis via scientific experiments (induction), and deriving a hypothesis to explain observed phenomenon (abduction). He defines the form of inference used in abduction as follows: The surprising fact, C, is observed; But if A were true, C would be a matter of course, Hence, there is reason to suspect that A is true. Clearly, this is an inference to explain the fact C from the hypothesis A, which is different from deduction and induction. However, this does not account for compet- ing hypotheses. Josephson and Josephson [81] describe this more competitive-form of abduction as: D is a collection of data (facts, observations, givens). H explains D (would, if true, explain D). No other hypothesis can explain D as well as H does. Therefore, H is probably true.
1706.07269#42
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
43
Harman [62] labels this process “inference to the best explanation”. Thus, one can think of abductive reasoning as the following process: (1) observe some (presumably unexpected or surprising) events; (2) generate one or more hypothesis about these events; (3) judge the plausibility of the hypotheses; and (4) select the ‘best’ hypothesis as the explanation [78]. Research in philosophy and cognitive science has argued that abductive reasoning is closely related to explanation. In particular, in trying to understand causes of events, people use abductive inference to determine what they consider to be the “best” expla- nation. Harman [62] is perhaps the first to acknowledge this link, and more recently, experimental evaluations have demonstrated it [108, 188, 109, 154]. Popper [146] is perhaps the most influential proponent of abductive reasoning in the scientific process. He argued strongly for the scientific method to be based on empirical falsifiability of hypotheses, rather than the classic inductivist view at the time. 13
1706.07269#43
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
44
13 Early philosophical work considered abduction as some magical process of intuition — something that could not be captured by formalised rules because it did not fit the standard deductive model. However, this changed when artificial intelligence researchers began investigating abductive reasoning to explain observations, such as in diagnosis (e.g. medical diagnosis, fault diagnosis) [145, 156], intention/plan recognition [24], etc. The necessity to encode the process in a suitable computational form led to axiomatisations, with Pople [145] seeming to be the first to do this, and characterisations of how to implement such axiomatisations; e.g. Levesque [97]. From here, the process of abduction as a principled process gained traction, and it is now widely accepted that abduction, induction, and deduction are different modes of logical reasoning. In this paper, abductive inference is not equated directly to explanation, because explanation also refers to the product and the social process; but abductive reasoning does fall into the category of cognitive process of explanation. In Section 4, we survey the cognitive science view of abductive reasoning, in particular, cognitive biases in hypothesis formation and evaluation. 2.1.5. Interpretability and Justification
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Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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2.1.5. Interpretability and Justification Here, we briefly address the distinction between interpretability, explainability, justi- fication, and explanation, as used in this article; and as they seem to be used in artificial intelligence. Lipton [103] provides a taxonomy of the desiderata and methods for interpretable AI. This paper adopts Lipton’s assertion that explanation is post-hoc interpretability. I use Biran and Cotton [9]’s definition of interpretability of a model as: the degree to which an observer can understand the cause of a decision. Explanation is thus one mode in which an observer may obtain understanding, but clearly, there are additional modes that one can adopt, such as making decisions that are inherently easier to understand or via introspection. I equate ‘interpretability’ with ‘explainability’. A justification explains why a decision is good, but does not necessarily aim to give an explanation of the actual decision-making process [9].
1706.07269#45
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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A justification explains why a decision is good, but does not necessarily aim to give an explanation of the actual decision-making process [9]. It is important to understand the similarities and differences between these terms as one reads this article, because some related research discussed is relevant to explanation only, in particular, Section 5, which discusses how people present explanations to one another; while other sections, in particular Sections 3 and 4 discuss how people generate and evaluate explanations, and explain behaviour of others, so are broader and can be used to create more explainable agents. 2.2. Why People Ask for Explanations There are many reasons that people may ask for explanations. Curiosity is one primary criterion that humans use, but other pragmatic reasons include examination — for example, a teacher asking her students for an explanation on an exam for the purposes of testing the students’ knowledge on a particular topic; and scientific explanation — asking why we observe a particular environmental phenomenon. In this paper, we are interested in explanation in AI, and thus our focus is on how intelligent agents can explain their decisions. As such, this section is primarily concerned with why people ask for ‘everyday’ explanations of why specific events occur, rather than explanations for general scientific phenomena, although this work is still relevant in many cases. 14
1706.07269#46
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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14 It is clear that the primary function of explanation is to facilitate learning [104, 189]. Via learning, we obtain better models of how particular events or properties come about, and we are able to use these models to our advantage. Heider [66] states that people look for explanations to improve their understanding of someone or something so that they can derive stable model that can be used for prediction and control. This hypothesis is backed up by research suggesting that people tend to ask questions about events or observations that they consider abnormal or unexpected from their own point of view [77, 73, 69].
1706.07269#47
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Lombrozo [104] argues that explanations have a role in inference learning precisely because they are explanations, not necessarily just due to the causal information they reveal. First, explanations provide somewhat of a ‘filter’ on the causal beliefs of an event. Second, prior knowledge is changed by giving explanations; that is, by asking someone to provide an explanation as to whether a particular property is true or false, the explainer changes their perceived likelihood of the claim. Third, explanations that offer fewer causes and explanations that explain multiple observations are considered more believable and more valuable; but this does not hold for causal statements. Wilkenfeld and Lombrozo [188] go further and show that engaging in explanation but failing to arrive at a correct explanation can improve ones understanding. They describe this as “explaining for the best inference”, as opposed to the typical model of explanation as “inference to the best explanation”. Malle [112, Chapter 3], who gives perhaps the most complete discussion of everyday explanations in the context of explaining social action/interaction, argues that people ask for explanations for two reasons: 1. To find meaning: to reconcile the contradictions or inconsistencies between ele- ments of our knowledge structures.
1706.07269#48
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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1. To find meaning: to reconcile the contradictions or inconsistencies between ele- ments of our knowledge structures. 2. To manage social interaction: to create a shared meaning of something, and to change others’ beliefs & impressions, their emotions, or to influence their actions. Creating a shared meaning is important for explanation in AI. In many cases, an explanation provided by an intelligent agent will be precisely to do this — to create a shared understanding of the decision that was made between itself and a human observer, at least to some partial level.
1706.07269#49
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Lombrozo [104] and Wilkenfeld and Lombrozo [188] note that explanations have sev- eral functions other than the transfer of knowledge, such as persuasion, learning, or assignment of blame; and that in some cases of social explanation, the goals of the ex- plainer and explainee may be different. With respect to explanation in AI, persuasion is surely of interest: if the goal of an explanation from an intelligent agent is to generate trust from a human observer, then persuasion that a decision is the correct one could in some case be considered more important than actually transferring the true cause. For example, it may be better to give a less likely explanation that is more convincing to the explainee if we want them to act in some positive way. In this case, the goals of the explainer (to generate trust) is different to that of the explainee (to understand a decision). 15 2.3. Contrastive Explanation The key insight is to recognise that one does not explain events per se, but that one explains why the puzzling event occurred in the target cases but not in some counterfactual contrast case. — Hilton [72, p. 67]
1706.07269#50
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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I will dedicate a subsection to discuss one of the most important findings in the philosophical and cognitive science literature from the perspective of explainable AI: contrastive explanation. Research shows that people do not explain the causes for an event per se, but explain the cause of an event relative to some other event that did not occur; that is, an explanation is always of the form “Why P rather than Q? ”, in which P is the target event and Q is a counterfactual contrast case that did not occur, even if the Q is implicit in the question. This is called contrastive explanation. Some authors refer to Q as the counterfactual case [108, 69, 77]. However, it is impor- tant to note that this is not the same counterfactual that one refers to when determining causality (see Section 2.1.1). For causality, the counterfactuals are hypothetical ‘non- causes’ in which the event-to-be-explained does not occur — that is a counterfactual to cause C —, whereas in contrastive explanation, the counterfactuals are hypothetical outcomes — that is, a counterfactual to event E [127].
1706.07269#51
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Lipton [102] refers to the two cases, P and Q, as the fact and the foil respectively; the fact being the event that did occur, and the foil being the event that did not. To avoid confusion, throughout the remainder of this paper, we will adopt this terminology and use counterfactual to refer to the hypothetical case in which the cause C did not occur, and foil to refer to the hypothesised case Q that was expected rather than P .
1706.07269#52
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Most authors in this area argue that all why–questions ask for contrastive explana- tions, even if the foils are not made explicit [102, 77, 69, 72, 110, 108], and that people are good at inferring the foil; e.g. from language and tone. For example, given the ques- tion, “Why did Elizabeth open the door? ”, there are many, possibly an infinite number, of foils; e.g. “Why did Elizabeth open the door, rather than leave it closed? ”, “Why did Elizabeth open the door rather than the window?”, or “Why did Elizabeth open the door rather than Michael opening it? ”. These different contrasts have different explanations, and there is no inherent one that is certain to be the foil for this question. The negated presupposition not(Elizabeth opens the door) refers to an entire class of foils, including all those listed already. Lipton [102] notes that “central requirement for a sensible con- trastive question is that the fact and the foil have a largely similar history, against which the differences stand out. When the histories are disparate, we do not know where to begin to answer
1706.07269#53
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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It is important that the explainee understands the counterfactual case [69]. For example, given the question “Why did Elizabeth open the door? ”, the answer “Because she was hot” is a good answer if the foil is Elizabeth leaving the door closed, but not a good answer if the foil is “rather than turning on the air conditioning”, because the fact that Elizabeth is hot explains both the fact and the foil. The idea of contrastive explanation should not be controversial if we accept the argu- ment outlined in Section 2.2 that people ask for explanations about events or observations that they consider abnormal or unexpected from their own point of view [77, 73, 69]. In such cases, people expect to observe a particular event, but then observe another, with the observed event being the fact and the expected event being the foil. 16 Van Bouwel and Weber [175] define four types of explanatory question, three of which are contrastive: Plain fact: | Why does object a have property P? P-contrast: | Why does object a have property P, rather than property Q? O-contrast: Why does object a have property P, while object b has property Q? T-contrast: | Why does object a have property P at time t, but property Q at time t/?
1706.07269#55
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Van Bouwel and Weber note that differences occur on properties within an object (P-contrast), between objects themselves (O-contrast), and within an object over time (T-contrast). They reject the idea that all ‘plain fact’ questions have an implicit foil, proposing that plain-fact questions require showing details across a ‘non-interrupted’ causal chain across time. They argue that plain-fact questions are typically asked due to curiosity, such as desiring to know how certain facts fit into the world, while contrastive questions are typically asked when unexpected events are observed.
1706.07269#56
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Lipton [102] argues that contrastive explanations between a fact P and a foil Q are, in general, easier to derive than ‘complete’ explanations for plain-fact questions about P . For example, consider the arthropod classification algorithm in Section 1.4. To be a beetle, an arthropod must have six legs, but this does not cause an arthropod to be a beetle – other causes are necessary. Lipton contends that we could answer the P-contrast question such as “Why is image J labelled as a Beetle instead of a Spider?” by citing the fact that the arthropod in the image has six legs. We do not need information about eyes, wings, or stingers to answer this, whereas to explain why image J is a spider in a non-contrastive way, we must cite all causes. The hypothesis that all causal explanations are contrastive is not merely philosophical. In Section 4, we see several bodies of work supporting this, and these provide more detail as to how people select and evaluate explanations based on the contrast between fact and foil. 2.4. Types and Levels of Explanation
1706.07269#57
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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2.4. Types and Levels of Explanation The type of explanation provided to a question is dependent on the particular ques- tion asked; for example, asking why some event occurred is different to asking under what circumstances it could have occurred; that is, the actual vs. the hypothetical [159]. However, for the purposes of answering why–questions, we will focus on a particular subset of philosophical work in this area. Aristotle’s Four Causes model, also known as the Modes of Explanation model, con- tinues to be foundational for cause and explanation. Aristotle proposed an analytic scheme, classed into four different elements, that can be used to provide answers to why–questions [60]: 1. Material : The substance or material of which something is made. For example, rubber is a material cause for a car tyre. 2. Formal : The form or properties of something that make it what it is. For example, being round is a formal cause of a car tyre. These are sometimes referred to as categorical explanations. 3. Efficient: The proximal mechanisms of the cause something to change. For exam- ple, a tyre manufacturer is an efficient cause for a car tyre. These are sometimes referred to as mechanistic explanations. 17
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Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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4. Final : The end or goal of something. Moving a vehicle is an efficient cause of a car tyre. These are sometimes referred to as functional or teleological explanations. A single why–question can have explanations from any of these categories. For ex- ample, consider the question: “Why does this pen contain ink? ”. A material explanation is based on the idea that the pen is made of a substance that prevents the ink from leaking out. A formal explanation is that it is a pen and pens contain ink. An efficient explanation is that there was a person who filled it with ink. A final explanation is that pens are for writing, and so require ink. Several other authors have proposed models similar to Aristotle’s, such as Dennett [35], who proposed that people take three stances towards objects: physical, design, and intention; and Marr [119], building on earlier work with Poggio [120], who define the computational, representational, and hardware levels of understanding for computational problems.
1706.07269#59
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Kass and Leake [85] define a categorisation of explanations of anomalies into three types: (1) intentional ; (2) material ; and (3) social. The intentional and material cate- gories correspond roughly to Aristotle’s final and material categories, however, the social category does not correspond to any particular category in the models of Aristotle, Marr [119], or Dennett [35]. The social category refers to explanations about human behaviour that is not intentionally driven. Kass and Leake give the example of an increase in crime rate in a city, which, while due to intentional behaviour of individuals in that city, is not a phenomenon that can be said to be intentional. While individual crimes are committed with intent, it cannot be said that the individuals had the intent of increasing the crime rate — that is merely an effect of the behaviour of a group of individuals. # 2.5. Structure of Explanation
1706.07269#60
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 2.5. Structure of Explanation As we saw in Section 2.1.2, causation is a major part of explanation. Earlier accounts of explanation from Hempel and Oppenheim [68] argued for logically deductive models of explanation. Kelley [86] subsequently argued instead that people consider co-variation in constructing explanations, and proposed a statistical model of explanation. However, while influential, subsequent experimental research uncovered many problems with these models, and currently, both the deductive and statistical models of explanation are no longer considered valid theories of everyday explanation in most camps [114]. Overton [140, 139] defines a model of scientific explanation. In particular, Overton [139] defines the structure of explanations. He defines five categories of properties or objects that are explained in science: (1) theories: sets of principles that form building blocks for models; (2) models: an abstraction of a theory that represents the relationships between kinds and their attributes; (3) kinds: an abstract universal class that supports counterfactual reasoning; (4) entities: an instantiation of a kind; and (5) data: state- ments about activities (e.g. measurements, observations). The relationships between these is shown in Figure 3.
1706.07269#61
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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From these categories, Overton [139] provides a crisp definition of the structure of scientific explanations. He argues that explanations of phenomena at one level must be relative to and refer to at least one other level, and that explanations between two such levels must refer to all intermediate levels. For example, an arthropod (Entity) has eight legs (Data). Entities of this Kind are spiders, according to the Model of our Theory of arthropods. In this example, the explanation is constructed by appealing to the Model 18 justifies models instantiated by measured by Theories Models Kinds Entities Data unifies submodel of subkind of causes correlates with Figure 3: Overton’s five categories and four relations in scientific explanation, reproduced from Overton [139, p. 54, Figure 3.1] . of insects, which, in turn, appeals to a particular Theory that underlies that Model. Figure 4 shows the structure of a theory-data explanation, which is the most complex because it has the longest chain of relationships between any two levels.
1706.07269#62
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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p o t quality A explains quality B s r a e b s r a e b theory core relation data e r o c j u s t i fi e s d e r u s a e m y b model entity m o d e l s d e t a i t n a t s n y b i e s a b kind X identity kind X Figure 4: Overton’s general structure of a theory-data explanation, reproduced from Overton [139, p. 54, Figure 3.2]) With respect to social explanation, Malle [112] argues that social explanation is best understood as consisting of three layers: 1. Layer 1: A conceptual framework that outlines the assumptions people make about 19 human behaviour and explanation. 2. Layer 2: The psychological processes that are used to construct explanations. 3. Layer 3: Language layer that specifies the type of linguistic structures people use in giving explanations. I will present Malle’s views of these three layers in more detail in the section on social attribution (Section 3), cognitive processes (Section 4, and social explanation (Section 5). This work is collated into Malle’s 2004 book [112]. 2.6. Explanation and XAI
1706.07269#63
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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2.6. Explanation and XAI This section presents some ideas on how the philosophical work outlined above affects researchers and practitioners in XAI. 2.6.1. Causal Attribution is Not Causal Explanation An important concept is the relationship between cause attribution and explanation. Extracting a causal chain and displaying it to a person is causal attribution, not (neces- sarily) an explanation. While a person could use such a causal chain to obtain their own explanation, I argue that this does not constitute giving an explanation. In particular, for most AI models, it is not reasonable to expect a lay-user to be able to interpret a causal chain, no matter how it is presented. Much of the existing work in explainable AI literature is on the causal attribution part of explanation — something that, in many cases, is the easiest part of the problem because the causes are well understood, for- malised, and accessible by the underlying models. In later sections, we will see more on the difference between attribution and explanation, why existing work in causal attri- bution is only part of the problem of explanation, and insights of how this work can be extended to produce more intuitive explanations. # 2.6.2. Contrastive Explanation
1706.07269#64
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 2.6.2. Contrastive Explanation Perhaps the most important point in this entire section is that explanation is con- trastive (Section 2.3). Research indicates that people request only contrastive explana- tions, and that the cognitive burden of complete explanations is too great. It could be argued that because models in AI operate at a level of abstraction that is considerably higher than real-world events, the causal chains are often smaller and less cognitively demanding, especially if they can be visualised. Even if one agrees with this, this argument misses a key point: it is not only the size of the causal chain that is important — people seem to be cognitively wired to process contrastive explanations, so one can argue that a layperson will find contrastive explanations more intuitive and more valuable.
1706.07269#65
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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This is both a challenge and an opportunity in AI. It is a challenge because often a person may just ask “Why X?”, leaving their foil implicit. Eliciting a contrast case from a human observer may be difficult or even infeasible. Lipton [102] states that the obvious solution is that a non-contrastive question “Why P? ” can be interpreted by default to “Why P rather than not-P?”. However, he then goes on to show that to answer “Why P rather than not-P?” is equivalent to providing all causes for P — something that is not so useful. As such, the challenge is that the foil needs to be determined. In some 20 applications, the foil could be elicited from the human observer, however, in others, this may not be possible, and therefore, foils may have to be inferred. As noted later in Section 4.6.3, concepts such as abnormality could be used to infer likely foils, but techniques for HCI, such as eye gaze [164] and gestures could be used to infer foils in some applications.
1706.07269#66
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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67
It is an opportunity because, as Lipton [102] argues, explaining a contrastive question is often easier than giving a full causal attribution because one only needs to understand what is different between the two cases, so one can provide a complete explanation without determining or even knowing all of the causes of the fact in question. This holds for computational explanation as well as human explanation. Further, it can be beneficial in a more pragmatic way: if a person provides a foil, they are implicitly pointing towards the part of the model they do not understand. In Section 4.4, we will see research that outlines how people use contrasts to select explanations that are much simpler than their full counterparts.
1706.07269#67
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
68
Several authors within artificial intelligence flag the importance of contrastive ques- tions. Lim and Dey [100] found via a series of user studies on context-aware applications that “Why not . . . ? ” questions were common questions that people asked. Further, several authors have looked to answer contrastive questions. For example, Winikoff [190] considers the questions of “Why don’t you believe . . . ? ” and “Why didn’t you do . . . ? ” for BDI programs, or Fox et al. [46] who have similar questions in planning, such as “Why didn’t you do something else (that I would have done)?”. However, most existing work considers contrastive questions, but not contrastive explanations; that is, finding the differences between the two cases. Providing two complete explanations does not take advantage of contrastive questions. Section 4.4.1 shows that people use the difference between the fact and foil to focus explanations on the causes relevant to the question, which makes the explanations more relevant to the explainee. 2.6.3. Explanatory Tasks and Levels of Explanation
1706.07269#68
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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70
To illustrate, let’s take a couple of examples and apply them to Aristotle’s modes of explanation model outlined in Section 2.4. Consider our earlier arthropod classification algorithm from Section 1.4. At first glance, it may seem that such an algorithm resides at the formal level, so should offer explanations based on form. However, this would be erroneous, because that given categorisation algorithm has both efficient/mechanistic components, a reason for being implemented/executed (the final mode), and is imple- mented on hardware (the final mode). As such, there are explanations for its behaviour at all levels. Perhaps most why–questions proposed by human observers about such an algorithm would indeed by at the formal level, such as “Why is image J in group A instead of group B? ”, for which an answer could refer to the particular form of image and the groups A and B. However, in our idealised dialogue, the question “Why did you infer that the insect in image J had eight legs instead of six? ” asks a question about the underlying algorithm
1706.07269#70
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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dialogue, the question “Why did you infer that the insect in image J had eight legs instead of six? ” asks a question about the underlying algorithm for counting legs, so the cause is at the efficient level; that is, it does not ask for what constitutes a spider in our model, but from where the inputs for that model came. Further, the final question about classifying the spider as an octopus 21
1706.07269#71
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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refers to the final level, referring to the algorithms function or goal. Thus, causes in this algorithm occur at all four layers: (1) the material causes are at the hardware level to derive certain calculations; (2) the formal causes determine the classification itself; (3) the efficient causes determine such concepts as how features are detected; and (4) final causes determine why the algorithm was executed, or perhaps implemented at all.
1706.07269#72
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
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As a second example, consider an algorithm for planning a robotic search and rescue mission after a disaster. In planning, programs are dynamically constructed, so different modes of cause/explanation are of interest compared to a classification algorithm. Causes still occur at the four levels: (1) the material level as before describes the hardware computation; (2) the formal level describes the underlying model passed to the planning tool; (3) the mechanistic level describes the particular planning algorithm employed; and (4) the final level describes the particular goal or intention of a plan. In such a system, the robot would likely have several goals to achieve; e.g. searching, taking pictures, supplying first-aid packages, returning to re-fuel, etc. As such, why–questions described at the final level (e.g. its goals) may be more common than in the classification algorithm example. However, questions related to the model are relevant, or why particular actions were taken rather than others, which may depend on the particular optimisation criteria used (e.g. cost vs. time), and these require efficient/mechanistic explanations.
1706.07269#73
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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However, I am not arguing that we, as practitioners, must have explanatory agents capable of giving explanations at all of these levels. I argue that these frameworks are useful for analysing the types of questions explanatory agents one may receive. In Sec- tions 3 and 4, we will see work that demonstrates that for explanations at these different levels, people expect different types of explanation. Thus, it is important to understand which types of questions refer to which levels in particular instances of technology, that different levels will be more useful/likely than others, and that, in research articles on interpretability, it is clear at which level we are aiming to provide explanations. 2.6.4. Explanatory Model of Self
1706.07269#74
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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75
2.6.4. Explanatory Model of Self The work outlined in this section demonstrates that an intelligent agent must be able to reason about its own causal model. Consider our image classification example. When posed with the question “Why is image J in group A instead of group B? ”, it is non-trivial, in my view, to attribute the cause by using the algorithm that generated the answer. A cleaner solution would be to have a more abstract symbolic model alongside this that records information such as when certain properties are detected and when certain categorisations are made, which can be reasoned over. In other words, the agent requires a model of it’s own decision making — a model of self — that exists merely for the purpose of explanation. This model may be only an approximation of the original model, but more suitable for explanation.
1706.07269#75
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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76
This idea is not new in XAI. In particular, researchers have investigated machine learning models that are uninterpretable, such as neural nets, and have attempted to extract model approximations using more interpretable model types, such as Bayesian networks [63], decision trees [47], or local approximations [157]. However, my argument here is not only for the purpose of interpretability. Even models considered interpretable, such as decision trees, could be accompanied by another model that is specifically used for explanation. For example, to explain control policies, Hayes and Shah [65] select and annotate particular important state variables and actions that are relevant for expla- nation only. Langley et al. notes that “An agent must represent content in a way that 22 supports the explanations” [93, p. 2]. Thus, to generate meaningful and useful explanations of behaviour, models based on the our understanding of explanation must sit alongside and work with the decision- making mechanisms. 2.6.5. Structure of Explanation
1706.07269#76
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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2.6.5. Structure of Explanation Related to the ‘model of self’ is the structure of explanation. Overton’s model of scientific explanation [139] defines what I believe to be a solid foundation for the structure of explanation in AI. To provide an explanation along the chain outlined in Figure 4, one would need an explicit explanatory model (Section 2.6.4) of each of these different categories for the given system. For example, the question from our dialogue in Section 1.4 “How do you know that spiders have eight legs? ”, is a question referring not to the causal attribution in the clas- sification algorithm itself, but is asking: “How do you know this? ”, and thus is referring to how this was learnt — which, in this example, was learnt via another algorithm. Such an approach requires an additional part of the ‘model of self’ that refers specifically to the learning, not the classification. Overton’s model [139] or one similar to it seems necessary for researchers and prac- titioners in explainable AI to frame their thoughts and communicate their ideas. # 3. Social Attribution — How Do People Explain Behaviour?
1706.07269#77
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 3. Social Attribution — How Do People Explain Behaviour? Just as the contents of the nonsocial environment are interrelated by certain lawful connections, causal or otherwise, which define what can or will hap- pen, we assume that there are connections of similar character between the contents of the social environment. – Heider [66, Chapter 2, pg. 21] In this section, we outline work on social attribution, which defines how people at- tribute and (partly) explain behaviour of others. Such work is clearly relevant in many areas of artificial intelligence. However, research on social attribution laid the ground- work for much of the work outlined in Section 4, which looks at how people generate and evaluate events more generally. For a more detailed survey on this, see McClure [122] and Hilton [70]. 3.1. Definitions Social attribution is about perception. While the causes of behaviour can be described at a neurophysical level, and perhaps even lower levels, social attribution is concerned not with the real causes of human behaviour, but how other attribute or explain the behaviour of others. Heider [66] defines social attribution as person perception.
1706.07269#78
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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79
Intentions and intentionality is key to the work of Heider [66], and much of the recent work that has followed his — for example, Dennett [35], Malle [112], McClure [122], Boonzaier et al. [10], Kashima et al. [84]. An intention is a mental state of a person in which they form a commitment to carrying out some particular action or achieving some particular aim. Malle and Knobe [115] note that intentional behaviour therefore is always contrasted with unintentional behaviour, citing that laws of state, rules in sport, etc. all treat intentional actions different from unintentional actions because intentional 23 rule breaking is punished more harshly than unintentional rule breaking. They note that, while intentionality can be considered an objective fact, it is also a social construct, in that people ascribe intentions to each other whether that intention is objective or not, and use these to socially interact. Folk psychology, or commonsense psychology, is the attribution of human behaviour using ‘everyday’ terms such as beliefs, desires, intentions, emotions, and personality traits. This field of cognitive and social psychology recognises that, while such concepts may not truly cause human behaviour, these are the concepts that humans use to model and predict each others’ behaviours [112]. In other words, folk psychology does not describe how we think; it describes how we think we think.
1706.07269#79
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
80
In the folk psychological model, actions consist of three parts: (1) the precondition of the action — that is, the circumstances under which it can be successfully executed, such as the capabilities of the actor or the constraints in the environment; (2) the action itself that can be undertaken; and (3) the effects of the action — that is, the changes that they bring about, either environmentally or socially. Actions that are undertaken are typically explained by goals or intentions. In much of the work in social science, goals are equated with intentions. For our discussions, we define goals as being the end to which a mean contributes, while we define intentions as short-term goals that are adopted to achieve the end goals. The intentions have no utility themselves except to achieve positive utility goals. A proximal intention is a near-term intention that helps to achieve some further distal intention or goal. In the survey of existing literature, we will use the term used by the original authors, to ensure that they are interpreted as the authors expected. # 3.2. Intentionality and Explanation
1706.07269#80
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 3.2. Intentionality and Explanation Heider [66] was the first person to experimentally try to identify how people attribute behaviour to others. In their now famous experiment from 1944, Heider and Simmel [67], showed a video containing animated shapes — a small triangle, a large triangle, and a small circle — moving around a screen3, and asked experiment participants to observe the video and then describe the behaviour of the shapes. Figure 5 shows a captured screenshot from this video in which the circle is opening a door to enter into a room. The participants’ responses described the behaviour anthropomorphically, assigning actions, intentions, emotions, and personality traits to the shapes. However, this experiment was not one on animation, but in social psychology. The aim of the experiment was to demonstrate that people characterise deliberative behaviour using folk psychology.
1706.07269#81
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Heider [66] argued then that, the difference between object perception — describing causal behaviour of objects — and person perception was the intentions, or motives, of the person. He noted that behaviour in a social situation can have two types of causes: (1) personal (or dispositional ) causality; and (2) impersonal causality, which can subsequently be influenced by situational factors, such as the environment. This interpretation lead to many researchers reflecting on the person-situation distinction and, in Malle’s view [114], incorrectly interpreting Heider’s work for decades. Heider [66] contends that the key distinction between intentional action and non- intentional events is that intentional action demonstrates equifinality, which states that # 3See the video here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VTNmLt7QX8E. 24
1706.07269#82
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
83
Figure 5: A screenshot of the video used in Heider and Simmel’s seminal study [67]. while the means to realise an intention may vary, the intention itself remains equa-final. Thus, if an actor should fail to achieve their intention, they will try other ways to achieve this intention, which differs from physical causality. Lombrozo [107] provides the example of Romeo and Juliet, noting that had a wall been placed between them, Romeo would have scaled the wall or knocked in down to reach his goal of seeing Juliet. However, iron filaments trying to get to a magnet would not display such equifinality — they would instead be simply blocked by the wall. Subsequent research confirms this distinction [35, 112, 122, 10, 84, 108]. Malle and Pearce [118] break the actions that people will explain into two dimensions: (1) intentional vs. unintentional ; and (2) observable vs. unobservable; thus creating four different classifications (see Figure 6). Intentional Unintentional Observable Unobservable actions intentional thoughts mere behaviours experiences Figure 6: Malle’s classification of types of events, based on the dimensions of intentionality and observ- ability [112, Chapter 3]
1706.07269#83
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
84
Figure 6: Malle’s classification of types of events, based on the dimensions of intentionality and observ- ability [112, Chapter 3] Malle and Pearce [118] performed experiments to confirm this model. As part of these experiments, participants were placed into a room with another participant, and were left for 10 minutes to converse with each other to ‘get to know one another’, while their conversation was recorded. Malle and Pearce coded participants responses to questions with regards to observability and intentionality. Their results show that actors tend to explain unobservable events more than observable events, which Malle and Pearce argue is because the actors are more aware of their own beliefs, desires, feelings, etc., than of their observable behaviours, such as facial expressions, gestures, postures, etc.). On the other hand, observers do the opposite for the inverse reason. Further, they showed that actors tend to explain unintentional behaviour more than intentional behaviour, again because (they believe) they are aware of their intentions, but not their ‘unplanned’ unintentional behaviour. Observers tend to find both intentional and unintentional behaviour difficult 25
1706.07269#84
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
85
to explain, but will tend to find intentional behaviour more relevant. Such a model accounts for the correspondence bias noted by Gilbert and Malone [51], which is the tendency for people to explain others’ behaviours based on traits rather than situational factors, because the situational factors (beliefs, desires) are invisible. 3.3. Beliefs, Desires, Intentions, and Traits Further to intentions, research suggest that other factors are important in attribution of social behaviour; in particular, beliefs, desires, and traits. Kashima et al. [84] demonstrated that people use the folk psychological notions of belief, desire, and intention to understand, predict, and explain human action. In par- ticular, they demonstrated that desires hold preference over beliefs, with beliefs being not explained if they are clear from the viewpoint of the explainee. They showed that people judge that explanations and behaviour ‘do not make sense’ when belief, desires, and intentions were inconsistent with each other. This early piece of work is one of the first to re-establish Heider’s theory of intentional behaviour in attribution [66]. However, it is the extensive body of work from Malle [111, 112, 113] that is the most seminal in this space. 3.3.1. Malle’s Conceptual Model for Social Attribution
1706.07269#85
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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86
3.3.1. Malle’s Conceptual Model for Social Attribution Malle [112] proposes a model based on Theory of Mind, arguing that people attribute behaviour of others and themselves by assigning particular mental states that explain the behaviour. He offers six postulates (and sub-postulates) for the foundation of people’s folk explanation of behaviour, modelled in the scheme in Figure 7. He argues that these six postulates represent the assumptions and distinctions that people make when attributing behaviour to themselves and others: Determine intentionality of behavior if unintentional if intentional | offer cause offer EF offer reason offer CHR J belief desire I marked marked ‘+ unmarked | ‘~ unmarked Figure 7: Malle’s conceptual framework for behaviour explanation; reproduced Malle [113, p. 87, Figure 3.3], adapted from Malle [112, p. 119, Figure 5.1] 26 1. People distinguish between intentional and unintentional behaviour. 2. For intentional behaviour, people use three modes of explanation based on the specific circumstances of the action: (a) Reason explanations are those explanations that link to the mental states (typically desires and beliefs, but also values) for the act, and the grounds on which they formed an intention.
1706.07269#86
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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(a) Reason explanations are those explanations that link to the mental states (typically desires and beliefs, but also values) for the act, and the grounds on which they formed an intention. (b) Causal History of Reason (CHR) explanations are those explanations that use factors that “lay in the background” of an agent’s reasons (note, not the background of the action), but are not themselves reasons. Such factors can include unconscious motives, emotions, culture, personality, and the context. CHR explanations refer to causal factors that lead to reasons. CHR explanations do not presuppose either subjectivity or rationality. This has three implications. First, they do not require the explainer to take the perspective of the explainee. Second, they can portray the actor as less ra- tionale, by not offering a rational and intentional reason for the behaviour. Third, they allow the use of unconscious motives that the actor themselves would typically not use. Thus, CHR explanations can make the agent look less rationale and in control than reason explanations.
1706.07269#87
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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(c) Enabling factor (EF) explanations are those explanations that explain not the intention of the actor, but instead explain how the intentional action achieved the outcome that it did. Thus, it assumes that the agent had an intention, and then refers to the factors that enabled the agent to successfully carry out the action, such as personal abilities or environmental properties. In essence, it relates to why preconditions of actions were enabled. 3. For unintentional behaviour, people offer just causes, such as physical, mechanistic, or habitual cases. At the core of Malle’s framework is the intentionality of an act. For a behaviour to be considered intentional, the behaviour must be based on some desire, and a belief that the behaviour can be undertaken (both from a personal and situational perspective) and can achieve the desire. This forms the intention. If the agent has the ability and the awareness that they are performing the action, then the action is intentional. Linguistically, people make a distinction between causes and reasons; for example, consider “What were her reasons for choosing that book? ”, vs. “What were his causes for falling over? ”. The use of “his causes” implies that the cause does not belong to the actor, but the reason does.
1706.07269#88
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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89
To give a reason explanation is to attribute intentionality to the action, and to identify the desires, beliefs, and valuings in light of which (subjectivity assumption) and on the grounds of which (rationality assumption) the agent acted. Thus, reasons imply intentionality, subjectivity, and rationality. 3.4. Individual vs. Group Behaviour Susskind et al. [167] investigated how people ascribe causes to groups rather than individuals, focusing on traits. They provided experimental participants with a set of 27
1706.07269#89
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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90
Susskind et al. [167] investigated how people ascribe causes to groups rather than individuals, focusing on traits. They provided experimental participants with a set of 27 statements describing behaviours performed by individuals or groups, and were then asked to provide ratings of different descriptions of these individuals/groups, such as their intelligence (a trait, or CHR in Malle’s framework), and were asked to judge the confidence of their judgements. Their results showed that as with individuals, partici- pants freely assigned traits to groups, showing that groups are seen as agents themselves. However, they showed that when explaining an individual’s behaviour, the participants were able to produce explanations faster and more confidently than for groups, and that the traits that they assigned to individuals were judged to be less ‘extreme’ than those assigned to to groups. In a second set of experiments, Susskind et al. showed that people expect more consistency in an individual’s behaviour compared to that of a group. When presented with a behaviour that violated the impression that participants had formed of individuals or groups, the participants were more likely to attribute the individual’s behaviour to causal mechanisms than the groups’ behaviour.
1706.07269#90
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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91
O’Laughlin and Malle [137] further investigated people’s perception of group vs. indi- vidual behaviour, focusing on intentionality of explanation. They investigated the relative agency of groups that consist of ‘unrelated’ individuals acting independently (aggregate groups) compared to groups acting together (jointly acting groups). In their study, par- ticipants were more likely to offer CHR explanations than intention explanations for aggregate groups, and more likely to offer intention explanations than CHR explanations for jointly acting groups. For instance, to explain why all people in a department store came to that particular store, participants were more likely offer a CHR explanation, such as that there was a sale on at the store that day. However, to answer the same question for why a group of friends came to the same store place, participants were more likely to offer an explanation that the group wanted to spend the day together shopping – a desire. This may demonstrate that people cannot attribute intentional behaviour to the individuals in an aggregate group, so resort to more causal history explanations.
1706.07269#91
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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92
O’Laughlin and Malle’s [137] finding about using CHRs to explain aggregate group behaviour is consistent with the earlier work from Kass and Leake [85], whose model of explanation explicitly divided intentional explanations from social explanations, which are explanations about human behaviour that is not intentionally driven (discussed in more detail in Section 2.4). These social explanations account for how people attribute deliberative behaviour to groups without referring to any form of intention. An intriguing result from O’Laughlin and Malle [137] is that while people attribute less intentionality to aggregate groups than to individuals, they attribute more intention- ality to jointly acting groups than to individuals. O’Laughlin and Malle reason that joint action is highly deliberative, so the group intention is more likely to have been explicitly agreed upon prior to acting, and the individuals within the group would be explicitly aware of this intention compared to the their own individual intentions. # 3.5. Norms and Morals
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Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 3.5. Norms and Morals Norms have been shown to hold a particular place in social attribution. Burguet and Hilton [15] (via Hilton [70]) showed that norms and abnormal behaviour are important in how people ascribe mental states to one another. For example, Hilton [70] notes that upon hearing the statement “Ted admires Paul ”, people tend to attribute some trait to Paul as the object of the sentence, such as that Paul is charming and many people would admire him; and even that Ted does not admire many people. However, a counter- normative statement such as “Ted admires the rapist” triggers attributions instead to 28
1706.07269#93
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Ted, explained by the fact that it is non-normative to admire rapists, so Ted’s behaviour is distinctive to others, and is more likely to require an explanation. In Section 4, we will see more on the relationship between norms, abnormal behaviour, and attribution. Uttich and Lombrozo [174] investigate the relationship of norms and the effect it has on attributing particular mental states, especially with regard to morals. They offer an interesting explanation of the side-effect effect, or the Knobe effect [88], which is the effect for people to attribute particular mental states (Theory of Mind) based on moral judgement. Knobe’s vignette from his seminal [88] paper is: The vice-president of a company went to the chairman of the board and said, “We are thinking of starting a new program. It will help us increase profits, but it will also harm the environment”. The chairman of the board answered, “I don’t care at all about harming the environment. I just want to make as much profit as I can. Let’s start the new program.” They started the new program. Sure enough, the environment was harmed.
1706.07269#94
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Knobe then produce a second vignette, which is exactly the same, but the side-effect of the program was in fact that the environment was helped. When participants were asked if the chairman had intentionally harmed the environment (first vignette), 82% of respondents replied yes. However, in the second vignette, only 23% thought that the chairman intentionally helped the environment. Uttich and Lombrozo [174] hypothesis that the two existing camps aiming to explain this effect: the Intuitive Moralist and Biased Scientist, do not account for this. Uttich and Lombrozo hypothesise that it is the fact the norms are violated that account for this; that is, rather than moralist judgements influencing intentionality attribution, it is the more general relationship of conforming (or not) to norms (moral or not). In particular, behaviour that conforms to norms is less likely to change a person’s Theory of Mind (intention) of another person compared to behaviour that violates norms.
1706.07269#95
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Samland and Waldmann [161] further investigate social attribution in the context of norms, looking at permissibility rather than obligation. They gave participants scenarios in which two actors combined to cause an outcome. For example, a department in which only administrative assistants are permitted to take pens from the stationary cupboard. One morning, Professor Smith (not permitted) and an assistant (permitted) each take a pen, and there are no pens remaining. Participants were tasked with rating how strongly each agent caused the outcome. Their results showed that participants rated the action of the non-permitted actor (e.g. Professor Smith) more than three times stronger than the other actor. However, if the outcome was positive instead of negative, such as an intern (not permitted) and a doctor (permitted) both signing off on a request for a drug for a patient, who subsequently recovers due to the double dose, participants rate the non-permitted behaviour only slightly stronger. As noted by Hilton [70, p. 54], these results indicate that in such settings, people seem to interpret the term cause as meaning “morally or institutionally responsible”.
1706.07269#96
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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In a follow-up study, Samland et al. [160] showed that children are not sensitive to norm violating behaviour in the same way that adults are. In particular, while both adults and children correlate cause and blame, children do not distinguish between cases in which the person was aware of the norm, while adults do. 29 3.6. Social Attribution and XAI This section presents some ideas on how the work on social attribution outlined above affects researchers and practitioners in XAI. # 3.6.1. Folk Psychology While the models and research results presented in this section pertain to the be- haviour of humans, it is reasonably clear that these models have a place in explainable AI. Heider and Simmel’s seminal experiments from 1944 with moving shapes [67] (Sec- tion 3.2) demonstrate unequivocally that people attribute folk psychological concepts such as belief, desire, and intention, to artificial objects. Thus, as argued by de Graaf and Malle [34], it is not a stretch to assert that people will expect explanations using the same conceptual framework used to explain human behaviours.
1706.07269#97
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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98
This model is particularly promising because many knowledge-based models in delib- erative AI either explicitly build on such folk psychological concepts, such as belief-desire- intention (BDI) models [152], or can be mapped quite easily to them; e.g. in classical-like AI planning, goals represent desires, intermediate/landmark states represent intentions, and the environment model represents beliefs [50]. In addition, the concepts and relationships between actions, preconditions, and prox- imal and distal intentions is similar to those in models such as BDI and planning, and as such, the work on the relationships between preconditions, outcomes, and competing goals, is useful in this area. # 3.6.2. Malle’s Models Of all of the work outlined in this section, it is clear that Malle’s model, culminating in his 2004 text book [112], is the most mature and complete model of social attribution to date. His three-layer models provides a solid foundation on which to build explanations of many deliberative systems, in particular, goal-based deliberation systems.
1706.07269#98
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Malle’s conceptual framework provides a suitable framework for characterising differ- ent aspects of causes for behaviour. It is clear that reason explanations will be useful for goal-based reasoners, as discussed in the case of BDI models and goal-directed AI planning, and enabling factor explanations can play a role in how questions and in counterfactual explanations. In Section 4, we will see further work on how to select explanations based on these concepts.
1706.07269#99
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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However, the causal history of reasons (CHR) explanations also have a part to play for deliberative agents. In human behaviour, they refer to personality traits and other unconscious motives. While anthropomorphic agents could clearly use CHRs to explain behaviour, such as emotion or personality, they are also valid explanations for non- anthropomorphic agents. For example, for AI planning agents that optimise some metric, such as cost, the explanation that action a was chosen over action b because it had lower cost is a CHR explanation. The fact that the agent is optimising cost is a ‘personality trait’ of the agent that is invariant given the particular plan or goal. Other types of planning systems may instead be risk averse, optimising to minimise risk or regret, or may be ‘flexible’ and try to help out their human collaborators as much as possible. These types of explanations are CHRs; even if they are not described as personality traits to the explainee. However, one must be careful to ensure these CHRs do not make their agent appear irrational — unless of course, that is the goal one is trying to achieve with the explanation process. 30
1706.07269#100
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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30 Broekens et al. [12] describe algorithms for automatic generation of explanations for BDI agents. Although their work does not build on Malle’s model directly, it shares a similar structure, as noted by the authors, in that their model uses intentions and enabling conditions as explanations. They present three algorithms for explaining be- haviour: (a) offering the goal towards which the action contributes; (b) offering the enabling condition of an action; and (c) offering the next action that is to be performed; thus, the explanadum is explained by offering a proximal intention. A set of human behavioural experiments showed that the different explanations are considered better in different circumstances; for example, if only one action is required to achieve the goal, then offering the goal as the explanation is more suitable than offering the other two types of explanation, while if it is part of a longer sequence, also offering a proximal intention is evaluated as being a more valuable explanation. These results reflect those by Malle, but also other results from social and cognitive psychology on the link between goals, proximal intentions, and actions, which are surveyed in Section 4.4.3 # 3.6.3. Collective Intelligence
1706.07269#101
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 3.6.3. Collective Intelligence The research into behaviour attribution of groups (Section 3.4) is important for those working in collective intelligence; areas such as in multi-agent planning [11], computa- tional social choice [26], or argumentation [8]. Although this line of work appears to be much less explored than attributions of individual’s behaviour, the findings from Kass and Leake [85], Susskind et al., and in particular O’Laughlin and Malle [137] that people assign intentions and beliefs to jointly-acting groups, and reasons to aggregate groups, indicates that the large body of work on attribution of individual behaviour could serve as a solid foundation for explanation of collective behaviour. # 3.6.4. Norms and Morals The work on norms and morals discussed in Section 3.5 demonstrates that normative behaviour, in particular, violation of such behaviour, has a large impact on the ascrip- tion of a Theory of Mind to actors. Clearly, for anthropomorphic agents, this work is important, but as with CHRs, I argue here that it is important for more ‘traditional’ AI as well.
1706.07269#102
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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First, the link with morals is important for applications that elicit ethical or so- cial concerns, such as defence, safety-critical applications, or judgements about people. Explanations or behaviour in general that violate norms may give the impression of ‘im- moral machines’ — whatever that can mean — and thus, such norms need to be explicitly considered as part of explanation and interpretability. Second, as discussed in Section 2.2, people mostly ask for explanations of events that they find unusual or abnormal [77, 73, 69], and violation of normative behaviour is one such abnormality [73]. Thus, normative behaviour is important in interpretability — a statement that would not surprise those researchers and practitioners of normative artificial intelligence. In Section 4, we will see that norms and violation of normal/normative behaviour is also important in the cognitive processes of people asking for, constructing, and evaluat- ing explanations, and its impact on interpretability. 31 # 4. Cognitive Processes — How Do People Select and Evaluate Explanations?
1706.07269#103
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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31 # 4. Cognitive Processes — How Do People Select and Evaluate Explanations? There are as many causes of x as there are explanations of x. Consider how the cause of death might have been set out by the physician as ‘multiple haemorrhage’, by the barrister as ‘negligence on the part of the driver’, by the carriage-builder as ‘a defect in the brakelock construction’, by a civic planner as ‘the presence of tall shrubbery at that turning’. None is more true than any of the others, but the particular context of the question makes some explanations more relevant than others. – Hanson [61, p. 54]
1706.07269#104
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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105
Mill [130] is one of the earliest investigations of cause and explanation, and he argued that we make use of ‘statistical’ correlations to identify cause, which he called the Method of Difference. He argued that causal connection and explanation selection are essentially arbitrary and the scientifically/philosophically it is “wrong” to select one explanation over another, but offered several cognitive biases that people seem to use, including things like unexpected conditions, precipitating causes, and variability. Such covariation models ideas were dominant in causal attribution, in particular, the work of Kelley [86]. However, many researchers noted that the covariation models failed to explain many observations; for example, people can identify causes between events from a single data point [127, 75]; and therefore, more recently, new theories have displaced them, while still acknowledging that the general idea that people using co-variations is valid.
1706.07269#105
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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In this section, we look at these theories, in particular, we survey three types of cognitive processes used in explanation: (1) causal connection, which is the process people use to identify the causes of events; (2) explanation selection, which is the process people use to select a small subset of the identified causes as the explanation; and (3) explanation evaluation, which is the processes that an explainee uses to evaluate the quality of an explanation. Most of this research shows that people have certain cognitive biases that they apply to explanation generation, selection, and evaluation. 4.1. Causal Connection, Explanation Selection, and Evaluation Malle [112] presents a theory of explanation, which breaks the psychological processes used to offer explanations into two distinct groups, outlined in Figure 8: 1. Information processes — processes for devising and assembling explanations. The present section will present related work on this topic. 2. Impression management processes – processes for governing the social interaction of explanation. Section 5 will present related work on this topic. Malle [112] further splits these two dimensions into two further dimensions, which refer to the tools for constructing and giving explanations, and the explainer’s perspective or knowledge about the explanation. Taking the two dimensions, there are four items:
1706.07269#106
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Taking the two dimensions, there are four items: 1. Information requirements — what is required to give an adequate explanation; for example, one must knows the causes of the explanandum, such as the desires and beliefs of an actor, or the mechanistic laws for a physical cause. 32 ~ Information Functional requirements Explanatory tool capacities iT Impression Information processes EXPLANATION management processes Information Pragmatic access Explainer goals Figure 8: Malle’s process model for behaviour explanation; reproduced from Malle [114, p. 320, Figure 6.6] 2. Information access — what information the explainer has to give the explanation, such as the causes, the desires, etc. Such information can be lacking; for example, the explainer does not know the intentions or beliefs of an actor in order to explain their behaviour. 3. Pragmatic goals — refers to the goal of the the explanation, such as transferring knowledge to the explainee, making an actor look irrational, or generating trust with the explainee. 4. Functional capacities — each explanatory tool has functional capacities that con- strain or dictate what goals can be achieved with that tool.
1706.07269#107
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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4. Functional capacities — each explanatory tool has functional capacities that con- strain or dictate what goals can be achieved with that tool. Malle et al. [117] argue that this theory accounts for apparent paradoxes observed in attribution theory, most specifically the actor-observer asymmetries, in which actors and observers offer different explanations for the same action taken by an actor. They hypothesise that this is due to information asymmetry; e.g. an observer cannot access the intentions of an actor — the intentions must be inferred from the actor’s behaviour. In this section, we first look specifically at processes related to the explainer: informa- tion access and pragmatic goals. When requested for an explanation, people typically do not have direct access to the causes, but infer them from observations and prior knowl- edge. Then, they select some of those causes as the explanation, based on the goal of the explanation. These two process are known as causal connection (or causal inference), which is a processing of identifying the key causal connections to the fact; and explana- tion selection (or casual selection), which is the processing of selecting a subset of those causes to provide as an explanation.
1706.07269#108
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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This paper separates casual connection into two parts: (1) abductive reasoning, the cognitive process in which people try to infer causes that explain events by making as- sumptions about hypotheses and testing these; and (2) simulation, which is the cognitive 33 process of simulating through counterfactuals to derive a good explanation. These pro- cesses overlap, but can be somewhat different. For example, the former requires the reasoner to make assumptions and test the validity of observations with respect to these assumptions, while in the latter, the reasoner could have complete knowledge of the causal rules and environment, but use simulation of counterfactual cases to derive an explanation. From the perspective of explainable AI, an explanatory agent explaining its decision would not require abductive reasoning as it is certain of the causes of its decisions. An explanatory agent trying to explain some observed events not under its control, such as the behaviour of another agent, may require abductive reasoning to find a plausible set of causes. Finally, when explainees receive explanations, they go through the process of expla- nation evaluation, through which they determine whether the explanation is satisfactory or not. A primary criteria is that the explanation allows the explainee to understand the cause, however, people’s cognitive biases mean that they prefer certain types of explana- tion over others. # 4.2. Causal Connection: Abductive Reasoning
1706.07269#109
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
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# 4.2. Causal Connection: Abductive Reasoning The relationship between explanation and abductive reasoning is introduced in Sec- tion 2.1.4. This section surveys work in cognitive science that looks at the process of abduction. Of particular interest to XAI (and artificial intelligence in general) is work demonstrating the link between explanation and learning, but also other processes that people use to simplify the abductive reasoning process for explanation generation, and to switch modes of reasoning to correspond with types of explanation. 4.2.1. Abductive Reasoning and Causal Types
1706.07269#110
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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4.2.1. Abductive Reasoning and Causal Types Rehder [154] looked specifically at categorical or formal explanations. He presents the causal model theory, which states that people infer categories of objects by both their features and the causal relationships between features. His experiments show that people categorise objects based their perception that the observed properties were generated by the underlying causal mechanisms. Rehder gives the example that people not only know that birds can fly and bird have wings, but that birds can fly because they have wings. In addition, Rehder shows that people use combinations of features as evidence when assigning objects to categories, especially for features that seem incompatible based on the underlying causal mechanisms. For example, when categorising an animal that cannot fly, yet builds a nest in trees, most people would consider it implausible to categorise it as a bird because it is difficult to build a nest in a tree if one cannot fly. However, people are more likely to categorise an animal that does not fly and builds nests on the ground as a bird (e.g. an ostrich or emu), as this is more plausible; even though the first example has more features in common with a bird (building nests in trees).
1706.07269#111
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Rehder [155] extended this work to study how people generalise properties based on the explanations received. When his participants were ask to infer their own explanations using abduction, they were more likely to generalise a property from a source object to a target object if they had more features that were similar; e.g. generalise a property from one species of bird to another, but not from a species of bird to a species of plant. However, given an explanation based on features, this relationship is almost completely eliminated: the generalisation was only done if the features detailed in the explanation 34 were shared between the source and target objects; e.g. bird species A and mammal B both eat the same food, which is explained as the cause for an illness, for example. Thus, the abductive reasoning process used to infer explanations were also used to generalise properties – a parallel seen in machine learning [133].
1706.07269#112
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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cs.AI
20170622
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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However, Williams et al. [189] demonstrate that, at least for categorisation in abduc- tive reasoning, the properties of generalisation that support learning can in fact weaken learning by overgeneralising. They gave experimental participants a categorisation task to perform by training themselves on exemplars. They asked one group to explain the categorisations as part of the training, and another to just ‘think aloud’ about their task. The results showed that the explanation group more accurately categorised features that had similar patterns to the training examples, but less accurately categorised exceptional cases and those with unique features. Williams et al. argue that explaining (which forces people to think more systematically about the abduction process) is good for fostering generalisations, but this comes at a cost of over-generalisation.
1706.07269#113
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Chin-Parker and Cantelon [28] provide support for the contrastive account of ex- planation (see Section 2.3) in categorisation/classification tasks. They hypothesise that contrast classes (foils) are key to providing the context to explanation. They distin- guish between prototypical features of categorisation, which are those features that are typical of a particular category, and diagnostic features, which are those features that are relevant for a contrastive explanation. Participants in their study were asked to ei- ther describe particular robots or explain why robots were of a particular category, and then follow-up on transfer learning tasks. The results demonstrated that participants in the design group mentioned significantly more features in general, while participants in the explanation group selectively targeted contrastive features. These results provide empirical support for contrastive explanation in category learning. # 4.2.2. Background and Discounting
1706.07269#114
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 4.2.2. Background and Discounting Hilton [73] discusses the complementary processes of backgrounding and discounting that affect the abductive reasoning process. Discounting is when a hypothesis is deemed less likely as a cause because additional contextual information is added to a competing hypothesis as part of causal connection. It is actually discounted as a cause to the event. Backgrounding involves pushing a possible cause to the background because it is not relevant to the goal, or new contextual information has been presented that make it no longer a good explanation (but still a cause). That is, while it is the cause of an event, it is not relevant to the explanation because e.g. the contrastive foil also has this cause. As noted by Hilton [73], discounting occurs in the context of multiple possible causes — there are several possible causes and the person is trying to determine which causes the fact —, while backgrounding occurs in the context of multiple necessary events — a subset of necessary causes is selected as the explanation. Thus, discounting is part of causal connection, while backgrounding is part of explanation selection. # 4.2.3. Explanatory Modes
1706.07269#115
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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# 4.2.3. Explanatory Modes As outlined in Section 2.4, philosophers and psychologists accept that different types of explanations exist; for example, Aristotle’s model: material, formal, efficient, and final. However, theories of causality have typically argued for only one type of cause, with the two most prominent being dependence theories and transference theories. 35 Lombrozo [107] argues that both dependence theories and transference theories are at least psychologically real, even if only one (or neither) is the true theory. She hy- pothesises that people employ different modes of abductive reasoning for different modes of cognition, and thus both forms of explanation are valid: functional (final) explana- tions are better for phenomena that people consider have dependence relations, while mechanistic (efficient) explanations are better for physical phenomena.
1706.07269#116
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Lombrozo [107] gave experimental participants scenarios in which the explanatory mode was manipulated and isolated using a mix of intentional and accidental/incidental human action, and in a second set of experiments, using biological traits that provide a particular function, or simply cause certain events incidentally. Participants were asked to evaluate different causal claims. The results of these experiments show that when events were interpreted in a functional manner, counterfactual dependence was important, but physical connections were not. However, when events were interpreted in a mechanistic manner, both counterfactual dependence and physical dependence were both deemed important. This implies that there is a link between functional causation and dependence theories on the one hand, and between mechanistic explanation and transference theories on the other. The participants also rated the functional explanation stronger in the case that the causal dependence was intentional, as opposed to accidental. Lombrozo [106] studied at the same issue of functional vs. mechanistic explanations for inference in categorisation tasks specifically. She presented participants with tasks similar to the following (text in square brackets added):
1706.07269#117
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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There is a kind of flower called a holing. Holings typically have brom com- pounds in their stems and they typically bend over as they grow. Scientists have discovered that having brom compounds in their stems is what usually causes holings to bend over as they grow [mechanistic cause]. By bending over, the holing’s pollen can brush against the fur of field mice, and spread to neighboring areas [functional cause]. Explanation prompt: Why do holings typically bend over? They then gave participants a list of questions about flowers; for example: Suppose a flower has brom compounds in its stem. How likely do you think it is that it bends over? Their results showed that participants who provided a mechanistic explanation from the first prompt were more likely to think that the flower would bend over, and vice- versa for functional causes. Their findings shows that giving explanations influences the inference process, changing the importance of different features in the understanding of category membership, and that the importance of features in explanations can impact the categorisation of that feature. In extending work, Lombrozo and Gwynne [109] argue that people generalise better from functional than mechanistic explanations. 4.2.4. Inherent and Extrinsic Features
1706.07269#118
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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4.2.4. Inherent and Extrinsic Features Prasada and Dillingham [149] and Prasada [148] discuss how people’s abductive rea- soning process prioritises certain factors in the formal mode. Prasada contends that “Identifying something as an instance of a kind and explaining some of its properties in terms of its being the kind of thing it is are not two distinct activities, but a single cognitive activity.” [148, p. 2] 36
1706.07269#119
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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36 Prasada and Dillingham [149] note that people represent relationships between the kinds of things and the properties that they posses. This description conforms with Overton’s model of the structure of explanation [139] (see Section 2.6.5). Prasada and Dillingham’s experiments showed that people distinguish between two types of properties for a kind: k-properties, which are the inherent properties of a thing that are due to its kind, and which they call principled connections; and t-properties, which are the extrinsic properties of a thing that are not due to its kind, which they call factual connections. Statistical correlations are examples of factual connections. For instance, a queen bee has a stinger and five legs because it is a bee (k-property), but the painted mark seen on almost all domesticated queen bees is because a bee keeper has marked it for ease of identification (t-property). K-properties have both principled and factual connections to their kind, whereas t-properties have mere factual connections. They note that k- properties have a normative aspect, in that it is expected that instances of kinds will have their k-properties, and when they do not, they are considered abnormal; for instance, a bee without a stinger.
1706.07269#120
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
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cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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In their experiments, they presented participants with explanations using different combinations of k-properties and t-properties to explain categorisations; for example, “why is this a dog?” Their results showed that for formal modes, explanations involv- ing k-properties were considered much better than explanations involving t-properties, and further, that using a thing’s kind to explain why it has a particular property was considered better for explaining k-properties than for explaining t-properties.
1706.07269#121
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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Using findings from previous studies, Cimpian and Salomon [30] argue that, when asked to explain a phenomenon, such as a feature of an object, people’s cognitive biases make them more likely to use inherent features (k-properties) about the object to explain the phenomenon, rather than extrinsic features (t-properties), such as historical factors. An inherent feature is one that characterises “how an object is constituted” [30, p. 465], and therefore they tend to be stable and enduring features. For example, “spiders have eight legs” is inherent, while “his parents are scared of spiders” is not. Asked to explain why they find spiders scary, people are more likely to refer to the “legginess” of spiders rather than the fact that their parents have arachnophobia, even though studies show that people with arachnophobia are more likely to have family members who find spiders scary [33]. Cimpian and Salomon argue that, even if extrinsic information is known, it is not readily accessible by the mental shotgun [82] that people use to retrieve information. For example, looking at spiders, you
1706.07269#122
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
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[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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if extrinsic information is known, it is not readily accessible by the mental shotgun [82] that people use to retrieve information. For example, looking at spiders, you can see their legs, but not your family’s fear of them. Therefore, this leads to people biasing explanations towards inherent features rather than extrinsic. This is similar to the correspondence bias discussed in Section 3.2, in which people are more likely to describe people’s behaviour on personality traits rather than beliefs, desires, and intentions, because the latter are not readily accessible while the former are stable and enduring. The bias towards inherence is affected by many factors, such as prior knowledge, cognitive ability, expertise, culture, and age.
1706.07269#123
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
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4.3. Causal Connection: Counterfactuals and Mutability To determine the causes of anything other than a trivial event, it is not possible for a person to simulate back through all possible events and evaluate their counterfactual cases. Instead, people apply heuristics to select just some events to mutate. However, this process is not arbitrary. This section looks at several biases used to assess the mutability of events; that is, the degree to which the event can be ‘undone’ to consider 37 counterfactual cases. It shows that abnormality (including social abnormality), intention, time and controllability of events are key criteria. # 4.3.1. Abnormality
1706.07269#124
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
125
Kahneman and Tversky [83] performed seminal work in this field, proposing the simulation heuristic. They hypothesise that when answering questions about past events, people perform a mental simulation of counterfactual cases. In particular, they show that abnormal events are mutable: they are the common events that people undo when judging causality. In their experiments, they asked people to identity primary causes in causal chains using vignettes of a car accident causing the fatality of Mr. Jones, and which had multiple necessary causes, including Mr. Jones going through a yellow light, and the teenager driver of the truck that hit Mr. Jones’ car while under the influence of drugs. They used two vignettes: one in which Mr. Jones the car took an unusual route home to enjoy the view along the beach (the route version); and one in which he took the normal route home but left a bit early (the time version). Participants were asked to complete an ‘if only’ sentence that undid the fatal accident, imagining that they were a family member of Mr. Jones. Most participants in the route group undid the event in which Mr. Jones took the unusual route home more than those in the time
1706.07269#125
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
126
that they were a family member of Mr. Jones. Most participants in the route group undid the event in which Mr. Jones took the unusual route home more than those in the time version, while those in the time version undid the event of leaving early more often than those in the route version. That is, the participants tended to focus more on abnormal causes. In particular, Kahneman and Tversky note that people did not simply undo the event with the lowest prior probability in the scenario.
1706.07269#126
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
127
In their second study, Kahneman and Tversky [83] asked the participants to empathise with the family of the teenager driving the truck instead of with Mr. Jones, they found that people more often undid events of the teenage driver, rather Mr. Jones. Thus, the perspective or the focus is important in what types of events people undo. # 4.3.2. Temporality Miller and Gunasegaram [131] show that the temporality of events is important, in particular that people undo more recent events than more distal events. For instance, in one of their studies, they asked participants to play the role of a teacher selecting exam questions for a task. In one group, the teacher-first group, the participants were told that the students had not yet studied for their exam, while those in the another group, the teacher-second group, were told that the students had already studied for the exam. Those in the teacher-second group selected easier questions than those in the first, showing that participants perceived the degree of blame they would be given for hard questions depends on the temporal order of the tasks. This supports the hypothesis that earlier events are considered less mutable than later events. 4.3.3. Controllability and Intent
1706.07269#127
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
128
4.3.3. Controllability and Intent Girotto et al. [54] investigated mutability in causal chains with respect to control- lability. They hypothesised that actions controllable by deliberative actors are more mutable than events that occur as a result of environmental effects. They provided par- ticipants with a vignette about Mr. Bianchi, who arrived late home from work to find his wife unconscious on the floor. His wife subsequently died. Four different events caused Mr. Bianchi’s lateness: his decision to stop at a bar for a drink on the way home, plus three non-intentional causes, such as delays caused by abnormal traffic. Different 38
1706.07269#128
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
129
questionnaires were given out with the events in different orders. When asked to undo events, participants overwhelmingly selected the intentional event as the one to undo, demonstrating that people mentally undo controllable events over uncontrollable events, irrelevant of the controllable events position in the sequence or whether the event was normal or abnormal. In another experiment, they varied whether the deliberative ac- tions were constrained or unconstrained, in which an event is considered as constrained when they are somewhat enforced by other conditions; for example, Mr. Bianchi going to the bar (more controllable) vs. stopping due to an asthma attack (less controllable). The results of this experiment show that unconstrained actions are more mutable than constrained actions. # 4.3.4. Social Norms
1706.07269#129
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
130
# 4.3.4. Social Norms McCloy and Byrne [121] investigated the mutability of controllable events further, looking at the perceived appropriateness (or the socially normative perception) of the events. They presented a vignette similar to that of Girotto et al. [54], but with several controllable events, such as the main actor stopping to visit his parents, buy a newspaper, and stopping at a fast-food chain to get a burger. Participants were asked to provide causes as well as rate the ‘appropriateness’ of the behaviour. The results showed that participants were more likely to indicate inappropriate events as causal; e.g. stopping to buy a burger. In a second similar study, they showed that inappropriate events are traced through both normal and other exceptional events when identifying cause. # 4.4. Explanation Selection
1706.07269#130
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]
1706.07269
131
# 4.4. Explanation Selection Similar to causal connection, people do not typically provide all causes for an event as an explanation. Instead, they select what they believe are the most relevant causes. Hilton [70] argues that explanation selection is used for cognitive reasons: causal chains are often too large to comprehend. He provides an example [70, p. 43, Figure 7] show- ing the causal chain for the story of the fatal car accident involving ‘Mr. Jones’ from Kahneman and Tversky [83]. For a simple story of a few paragraphs, the causal chain consists of over 20 events and 30 causes, all relevant to the accident. However, only a small amount of these are selected as explanations [172]. In this section, we overview key work that investigates the criteria people use for ex- planation selection. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the criteria for selection look similar to that of mutability, with temporality (proximal events preferred over distal events), abnormal- ity, and intention being important, but also the features that are different between fact and foil. 4.4.1. Facts and Foils
1706.07269#131
Explanation in Artificial Intelligence: Insights from the Social Sciences
There has been a recent resurgence in the area of explainable artificial intelligence as researchers and practitioners seek to make their algorithms more understandable. Much of this research is focused on explicitly explaining decisions or actions to a human observer, and it should not be controversial to say that looking at how humans explain to each other can serve as a useful starting point for explanation in artificial intelligence. However, it is fair to say that most work in explainable artificial intelligence uses only the researchers' intuition of what constitutes a `good' explanation. There exists vast and valuable bodies of research in philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science of how people define, generate, select, evaluate, and present explanations, which argues that people employ certain cognitive biases and social expectations towards the explanation process. This paper argues that the field of explainable artificial intelligence should build on this existing research, and reviews relevant papers from philosophy, cognitive psychology/science, and social psychology, which study these topics. It draws out some important findings, and discusses ways that these can be infused with work on explainable artificial intelligence.
http://arxiv.org/pdf/1706.07269
Tim Miller
cs.AI
null
null
cs.AI
20170622
20180815
[ { "id": "1606.03490" } ]