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This assumption excludes those with less financial resources and sailing experience from the winners circle and discourages many boats from racing. PHRF shares this flaw with ALL sail racing rating systems, as those utilizing mathematical computation models also assume shapes are perfect, as designed - not worn, dirty, blown out, sagging, or deliberately altered. PHRF is often viewed as political since the empirically based calculations are adjusted by historical performance, and rating values can be challenged to a committee of judges. The perception of it being political is based largely upon the requirement to follow a formal dispute process, which many find intimidating and creates a bias to those willing to put in the effort to present their case.
There are claims that PHRF officials are able to influence ratings of their own boats to their favor; however, there are 3 decades of documented minutes wherein representatives routinely removed themselves from determinations based upon any relationship to the yacht in question. Decisions are made based on a review of history and when there is a conflict of interest the PHRF official may not be part of the decision process. Design characteristics of boats yield different performance characteristics in various seas and winds. PHRF does not address these differences, which can especially have an impact in races run over a distance, without variety in points of sail and occur within a time period where weather and sea conditions do not change.
Some would claim that this means it is possible to predict which boats will do well in certain conditions, most especially where design characteristics are extremely different. An example would be a light displacement, planing hull versus a heavy displacement non-planing hull. To mitigate this, as with other rating systems, PHRF suggests that race organizers assign boats with similar design in their fleet divisions. This reduces the planing boat vs heavy displacement variable. Typically fleets are split into similar handicap number ranges, which exposes the wind condition/design problem. Where actual fleet performance history does not exist, fleets with similar design characteristics must be utilized and PHRF can skew to favor larger boats with longer waterlines until true historical performance is established.
An interesting compounding consequence of PHRF is that it creates a disadvantage for an excellent crew who are racing in a custom or unknown yacht type. Until that yacht is sold or the crew changes, the rating of the yacht may become unfairly skewed to the superior performance of the crew, as opposed to how it would have performed historically when crewed by a variety of groups across multiple regions. Yacht makers and major racing events favor large groups of same or "one-design" so the incidence of this issue is a small fraction of the whole. Advantages PHRF is owned by the United States Sailing Association, the national governing body for the sport of sailing, whereas other offshore rating systems are owned by small conglomerates of high powered sailing clubs.
Actual historical performance is verifiable, fully disclosed, and comprehensible to most competitors. Sail racers can validate the measure through seasons of competition, where other boats of same or similar construction are available to measure and compare. Furthermore, when an individual boat or fleet demonstrates performance beyond that of their rating, the performance history changes, as does the rating. Rating systems which utilize a "proprietary" algorithm are often maligned by competitors who see hiding the science as a means to unfairly skew ratings to individuals with the power to influence the algorithm. While the PHRF dispute process was argued to favor only those willing to pursue it; there is a regional and a national appeal mechanism to question the validity of a rating.
With proprietary systems, too often competitors meet with a mysterious answer requiring trust that the assumptions and neglected variables in an algorithm are appropriate. Full disclosure of empirical rating systems could eliminate the doubts for those with sufficient math skills to understand them; however, publication of a rating algorithm reduces its useful life, as designers and naval architects then have sufficient information to alter designs to "beat" the rule. References External links PHRF - Sail Canada Many PHRF sites listed on PHRF-NE site Category:Yachting races Category:Sailing rules and handicapping
26S proteasome non-ATPase regulatory subunit 8 is an enzyme that in humans is encoded by the PSMD8 gene. Function The 26S proteasome is a multicatalytic proteinase complex with a highly ordered structure composed of 2 complexes, a 20S core and a 19S regulator. The 20S core is composed of 4 rings of 28 non-identical subunits; 2 rings are composed of 7 alpha subunits and 2 rings are composed of 7 beta subunits. The 19S regulator is composed of a base, which contains 6 ATPase subunits and 2 non-ATPase subunits, and a lid, which contains up to 10 non-ATPase subunits. Proteasomes are distributed throughout eukaryotic cells at a high concentration and cleave peptides in an ATP/ubiquitin-dependent process in a non-lysosomal pathway.
An essential function of a modified proteasome, the immunoproteasome, is the processing of class I MHC peptides. This gene encodes a non-ATPase subunit of the 19S regulator. A pseudogene has been identified on chromosome 1. Clinical significance The proteasome and its subunits are of clinical significance for at least two reasons: (1) a compromised complex assembly or a dysfunctional proteasome can be associated with the underlying pathophysiology of specific diseases, and (2) they can be exploited as drug targets for therapeutic interventions. More recently, more effort has been made to consider the proteasome for the development of novel diagnostic markers and strategies.
An improved and comprehensive understanding of the pathophysiology of the proteasome should lead to clinical applications in the future. The proteasomes form a pivotal component for the ubiquitin–proteasome system (UPS) and corresponding cellular Protein Quality Control (PQC). Protein ubiquitination and subsequent proteolysis and degradation by the proteasome are important mechanisms in the regulation of the cell cycle, cell growth and differentiation, gene transcription, signal transduction and apoptosis. Subsequently, a compromised proteasome complex assembly and function lead to reduced proteolytic activities and the accumulation of damaged or misfolded protein species. Such protein accumulation may contribute to the pathogenesis and phenotypic characteristics in neurodegenerative diseases, cardiovascular diseases, inflammatory responses and autoimmune diseases, and systemic DNA damage responses leading to malignancies.
Several experimental and clinical studies have indicated that aberrations and deregulations of the UPS contribute to the pathogenesis of several neurodegenerative and myodegenerative disorders, including Alzheimer's disease, Parkinson's disease and Pick's disease, Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), Huntington's disease, Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease, and motor neuron diseases, polyglutamine (PolyQ) diseases, Muscular dystrophies and several rare forms of neurodegenerative diseases associated with dementia. As part of the ubiquitin–proteasome system (UPS), the proteasome maintains cardiac protein homeostasis and thus plays a significant role in cardiac ischemic injury, ventricular hypertrophy and Heart failure. Additionally, evidence is accumulating that the UPS plays an essential role in malignant transformation.
UPS proteolysis plays a major role in responses of cancer cells to stimulatory signals that are critical for the development of cancer. Accordingly, gene expression by degradation of transcription factors, such as p53, c-jun, c-Fos, NF-κB, c-Myc, HIF-1α, MATα2, STAT3, sterol-regulated element-binding proteins and androgen receptors are all controlled by the UPS and thus involved in the development of various malignancies. Moreover, the UPS regulates the degradation of tumor suppressor gene products such as adenomatous polyposis coli (APC) in colorectal cancer, retinoblastoma (Rb). and von Hippel–Lindau tumor suppressor (VHL), as well as a number of proto-oncogenes (Raf, Myc, Myb, Rel, Src, Mos, ABL).
The UPS is also involved in the regulation of inflammatory responses. This activity is usually attributed to the role of proteasomes in the activation of NF-κB which further regulates the expression of pro inflammatory cytokines such as TNF-α, IL-β, IL-8, adhesion molecules (ICAM-1, VCAM-1, P-selectin) and prostaglandins and nitric oxide (NO). Additionally, the UPS also plays a role in inflammatory responses as regulators of leukocyte proliferation, mainly through proteolysis of cyclines and the degradation of CDK inhibitors. Lastly, autoimmune disease patients with SLE, Sjögren syndrome and rheumatoid arthritis (RA) predominantly exhibit circulating proteasomes which can be applied as clinical biomarkers.
References Further reading External links
A hostel is a form of low-cost, short-term shared sociable lodging where guests can rent a bed, usually a bunk bed in a dormitory, with shared use of a lounge and sometimes a kitchen. Rooms can be mixed or single-sex and have private or shared bathrooms. Private rooms may also be available, but the property must offer dormitories to be considered a hostel. Hostels are popular forms of lodging for backpackers, cycle tourists, and gap year travelers. They are part of the sharing economy. Benefits of hostels include lower costs and opportunities to meet people from all over the world, find travel partners, and share travel ideas.
Each hostel, hostel chain or hostel association, such as Zostel in India or Hostelling International, caters to a niche market of travelers. For example, one hostel might feature in-house social gatherings such as movie nights or communal dinners, another might feature local tours, one might be known for its parties, and another might have a quieter place to relax in serenity, or be located on the beach. Newer hostels focus on a more trendy design interior, some of which are on par with boutique hotels. Some may cater to older digital nomads, global nomads, and perpetual travelers that prefer slightly more upmarket private rooms or a quieter atmosphere.
Many hostels are locally owned and operated, and are often cheaper for both the operator and occupants than hotels. Hostels may offer long-term lodging to guests for free or at a discount in exchange for work as a receptionists or in housekeeping. There are approximately 10,000 hostels in Europe and approximately 300 hostels in the United States. The typical guest is between 16 and 34 years old. In addition to shared kitchen facilities, some hostels have a restaurant and/or bar. Washing machines and clothes dryers are often provided for an additional fee. Hostels sometimes have entryways for storing gear. Most hostels offer lockers for safely storing valuables.
Some offer yoga studios, cinemas, rooftop clubs, and surf camps. Some bare-bones hostels do not provide linens. Some hostels may have a curfew and daytime lockouts, and some, albeit few, require occupants to do chores apart from washing and drying up after food preparation. A mobile hostel is a temporary hostel that can take the form of a campsite, bus, van, or a short term arrangement in a permanent building. They have been used at large festivals where there is a shortage of lodging. In some cities, hostels reported a higher average income per room than hotels. For example, in Honolulu, Hawaii, upscale hotels reported average daily room rates of $173 in 2006, while hostel rooms brought in as much as $200 per night, for rooms of 8 guests paying $25 each.
Even during the financial crisis of 2007–2008, many hostels reported increased occupancy numbers in a time when hotel bookings are down. A 2013 study in Australia showed that youth travel was the fastest growing travel demographic and that the hostel industry was growing at a faster rate than the hotel industry. It showed that youth travel can lead to higher overall spending due to longer trips than traditional vacations. In New Zealand, backpackers hostels had a 13.5% share of lodging guest/nights in 2007. Issues related to communal lodging Guests are advised to use etiquette due to issues with communal lodging including: There is less privacy in a hostel than in a hotel.
Sharing sleeping areas in a dormitory and bathrooms might not be comfortable for those requiring more privacy. However, the shared lodging makes it easier to meet new people. Some hostels encourage more social interaction between guests due to the shared sleeping areas and communal areas. Lounges typically have sofas and chairs, coffee tables, board games, books or a book exchange, computers, and Internet access. Nearly all hostels have a shared communal kitchen area for the preparation of food and a storage area with refrigerators. Most hostels have a label system to identify the owner of the food. Some hostels will have a labeled "free shelf" where guests can leave unwanted food.
Theft of food can happen. Noise can make sleeping difficult, whether from snoring, talking and social activities in the lounge, people staying up to read with the light on, someone either returning late from bars, or leaving early. To mitigate the effects, many guests use earplugs and blindfolds. History In August 1909, Richard Schirrmann, a teacher in Germany, first published his idea of inexpensive accommodation for youth travel after leading a school camping trip that was derailed by a thunderstorm. Schirrmann received considerable support and opened a makeshift hostel for hikers in the school in which he taught. On June 1, 1912, in Altena Castle, Schirrmann opened the first hostel.
The original hostel rooms are now a museum. Schirrmann served in World War I and after observing a Christmas Truce on the Western Front in December 1915, he wondered whether "thoughtful young people of all countries could be provided with suitable meeting places where they could get to know each other". In 1919, he founded the German Youth Hostel Association. By 1932, Germany had more than 2,000 hostels recording more than 4.5 million overnights annually. The International Youth Hostel Federation (now Hostelling International) was founded in October 1932. It is now an organization composed of more than 90 hostel associations representing over 4,500 hostels in over 80 countries.
These hostels cater more to school-aged children, sometimes through school trips, and families with school-aged children. In 1936, Franklin D. Roosevelt was honorary president of AYH (now Hostelling International USA). John D. Rockefeller III was a proponent of hostels and was president for several years. During World War II, many hostels in Europe were temporarily shut down or placed under the control of the Hitler Youth. In the 1960s and 1970s, hostelling prospered. The industry declined during the 1970s energy crisis. Hostels continued to grow during the financial crisis of 2007-2008 in part due to their cost appeal. After the Great Recession, the industry grew rapidly in New York City, Rome, Buenos Aires, and Miami.
However, a 2010 law curbed the growth of hostels in New York City. In popular culture Motion pictures have generally portrayed hostels in two ways: As fun places for young people to stay The Journey of Jared Price A Map for Saturday As dangerous places where travelers face potential horrors Hostel Hostel: Part II EuroTrip References Category:Adventure travel Category:Backpacking Category:Hotel types
Alpha-lytic endopeptidase or Alpha-lytic protease (, myxobacter alpha-lytic proteinase, alpha-lytic proteinase, alpha-lytic protease, Mycobacterium sorangium alpha-lytic proteinase, Myxobacter 495 alpha-lytic proteinase) is an enzyme isolated from the myxobacterium Lysobacter enzymogenes. This enzyme is a serine protease that catalyses the breakage of peptide bonds using a hydrolysis chemical reaction. Alpha-lytic protease was named based on the observed cleavage specificity for the α position of the tetrapeptide component in gram-positive bacterial cell walls (alanine). Alpha-lytic protease is also capable of digesting elastin and other proteins. This protease was recently applied to proteome digestion for production of peptides for mass spectrometry-based proteomics, where it was found to cleave preferentially after several small amino acids, including alanine, serine, threonine, valine, and to a lesser extent, methionine.
This specificity is very different than the most commonly-used protease for proteomics, trypsin, which cleaves only after arginine and lysine. Alpha-lytic protease was also recently reported to find utility as part of a method to map endogenous SUMO modification sites in the proteome. References External links Category:EC 3.4.21
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (; ; 5 January 1928 – 4 April 1979) was a Pakistani barrister and politician who served as the 9th Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1973 to 1977, and prior to that as the fourth President of Pakistan from 1971 to 1973. He was also the founder of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and served as its chairman until his execution in 1979. Born in modern-day Sindh and educated at the University of California, Berkeley and the University of Oxford, Bhutto trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn, before entering politics as one of President Iskander Mirza's cabinet members, and was assigned several ministries during President Ayub Khan's military rule from 1958.
Appointed Foreign Minister in 1963, Bhutto was a proponent of Operation Gibraltar in Kashmir, leading to war with India in 1965. After the Tashkent Agreement ended hostilities, Bhutto fell out with Ayub Khan and was sacked from government. Bhutto founded the PPP in 1967 on a socialist platform, and contested general elections held by President Yahya Khan in 1970. While the Awami League won a majority of seats overall, the PPP won a majority of seats in West Pakistan; the two parties were unable to agree on a new constitution in particular on the issue of Six Point Movement which many in West Pakistan saw as a way to break up the country.
Subsequent uprisings led to the secession of Bangladesh, and Pakistan losing the war against Bangladesh-allied India in 1971. Bhutto was handed over the presidency in December 1971 and emergency rule was imposed. When Bhutto set about rebuilding Pakistan, he stated his intention was to "rebuild confidence and rebuild hope for the future". By July 1972, Bhutto recovered 43,600 prisoners of war and 5,000 sq mi of Indian-held territory after signing the Simla Agreement. He strengthened ties with China and Saudi Arabia, recognised Bangladesh, and hosted the second Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Lahore in 1974. Domestically, Bhutto's reign saw parliament unanimously approve a new constitution in 1973, upon which he appointed Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry President and switched to the newly empowered office of Prime Minister.
He also played an integral role in initiating the country's nuclear programme. However, Bhutto's nationalisation of much of Pakistan's fledgling industries, healthcare, and educational institutions led to economic stagnation. After dissolving provincial feudal governments in Balochistan was met with unrest, Bhutto also ordered an army operation in the province in 1973, causing thousands of civilian casualties. Despite civil disorder, the PPP won parliamentary elections in 1977 by a wide margin. However, the opposition alleged widespread vote rigging, and violence escalated across the country. On 5 July that same year, Bhutto was deposed in a military coup by his appointed army chief Zia-ul-Haq, before being controversially tried and executed by the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 1979 for authorising the murder of a political opponent.
Bhutto remains a contentious figure, being hailed for his nationalism and secular internationalist agenda, yet, is criticized for intimidating his political opponents and for human rights violations. He is often considered one of Pakistan's greatest leaders, and his party, the PPP, remains among Pakistan's largest, with his daughter Benazir Bhutto being twice elected Prime Minister, while his son-in-law and Benazir's husband, Asif Ali Zardari, served as President. Early life Zulfikar Ali Bhutto belonged to a Sindhi Bhutto Muslim Rajput family, he was born to Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto and Khursheed Begum near Larkana. Zulfikar was their third child—their first one, Sikandar Ali, had died from pneumonia at age seven in 1914, and the second, Imdad Ali, died of cirrhosis at age 39 in 1953.
His father was the dewan of the princely state of Junagadh, and enjoyed an influential relationship with the officials of the British Raj. As a young boy, Bhutto moved to Worli Seaface in Bombay to study at the Cathedral and John Connon School. He then also became an activist in the Pakistan Movement. In 1943, his marriage was arranged with Shireen Amir Begum. In 1947, Bhutto was admitted to the University of Southern California to study political science. In 1949, as a sophomore, Bhutto transferred to the University of California, Berkeley, where he earned a B.A. (honours) degree in political science in 1950.
There, Bhutto became interested in the theories of socialism, delivering a series of lectures on their feasibility in Islamic countries. During this time, Bhutto's father played a controversial role in the affairs of Junagadh. Coming to power in a palace coup, he secured the accession of his state to Pakistan, which was ultimately negated by Indian intervention in December 1947. In June 1950, Bhutto travelled to the United Kingdom to study law at Christ Church, Oxford and received an LLB, followed by an LLM degree in law and an M.Sc. (honours) degree in political science. Upon finishing his studies, he was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1953.
He was fellow of Barrister Ijaz Hussain Batalvi who later appeared in his case as prosecutor. Bhutto married his second wife, Nusrat Ispahani, an Iranian-Kurdish woman, in Karachi on 8 September 1951. Their first child, Benazir, was born in 1953. She was followed by Murtaza in 1954, Sanam in 1957 and Shahnawaz in 1958. Political career In 1957, Bhutto became the youngest member of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations. He addressed the UN Sixth Committee on Aggression that October and led Pakistan's delegation to the first UN Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958. That year, Bhutto became Pakistan's youngest cabinet minister, taking up the reins of the Ministry of Commerce by President Iskander Mirza, pre-coup d'état government.
In 1960, he was promoted to Minister of Water and Power, Communications and Industry. Bhutto became trusted ally and advisor of Ayub Khan, rising in influence and power despite his youth and relative inexperience. Bhutto aided his president in negotiating the Indus Water Treaty in India in 1960 and next year negotiated an oil-exploration agreement with the Soviet Union, which agreed to provide economic and technical aid to Pakistan. Foreign Minister Bhutto was a Pakistani nationalist and socialist, with particular views on the type of democracy needed in Pakistan. On becoming foreign minister in 1963, his socialist viewpoint influenced him to embark on a close relationship with neighbouring China.
At the time, many other countries accepted Taiwan as the legitimate single government of China, at a time when two governments each claimed to be "China". In 1964, the Soviet Union and its satellite states broke off relations with Beijing over ideological differences, and only Albania and Pakistan supported the People's Republic of China. Bhutto staunchly supported Beijing in the UN, and in the UNSC, while also continuing to build bridges to the United States. Bhutto's strong advocacy of developing ties with China came under criticism from the United States. President Lyndon B. Johnson wrote to Bhutto, warning him that further overtures to China would jeopardize congressional support for aid to Pakistan.
Bhutto addressed his speeches in a demagogic style and headed the foreign ministry aggressively. His leadership style and his swift rise to power brought him national prominence and popularity. Bhutto and his staff visited Beijing and were warmly received by the Chinese, and Bhutto greeted Mao Zedong with great respect. There, Bhutto helped Ayub negotiate trade and military agreements with the Chinese regime, which agreed to help Pakistan in several military and industrial projects. Bhutto signed the Sino-Pakistan Boundary Agreement on 2 March 1963 that transferred 750 square kilometres of territory from Pakistan-administered Kashmir to Chinese control. Bhutto asserted his belief in non-alignment, making Pakistan an influential member in non-aligned organisations.
Believing in pan-Islamic unity, Bhutto developed closer relations with the likes of Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Bhutto significantly transformed Pakistan's hitherto pro-West foreign policy. While maintaining a prominent role for Pakistan within the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization, Bhutto began asserting a foreign policy course for Pakistan that was independent of U.S. influence. Meanwhile, Bhutto visited both East and West Germany and established a strong link between two countries. Bhutto proceeded economical, technological, industrial and military agreements with Germany. Bhutto strengthened Pakistan's strategic alliance with Germany. Bhutto addressed a farewell speech at the University of Munich, where he cited the importance of Pakistan and German relations.
Bhutto then visited Poland and established diplomatic relations in 1962. Bhutto used Pakistan Air Force's Brigadier-General Władysław Turowicz to establish the military and economical link between Pakistan and Poland. Bhutto sought and reached to the Polish community in Pakistan and made a tremendous effort for a fresh avenues for mutual cooperation. In 1962, as territorial differences increased between India and China, Beijing was planning to stage an invasion in northern territories of India. Premier Zhou Enlai and Mao invited Pakistan to join the raid to illegally rest the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir from India. Bhutto advocated for the plan, but Ayub opposed the plan: he was afraid of retaliation by Indian troops.
Instead Ayub proposed a "joint defence union" with India. Bhutto was shocked by such statements and felt Ayub Khan was unlettered in international affairs. Bhutto was conscious that despite Pakistan's membership of anti-communist western alliances, China had refrained from criticising Pakistan. In 1962, the U.S. assured Pakistan that “Kashmir issues” will be resolved according to the wishes of Pakistanis and the “Kashmiris”. Therefore, Ayub did not participate in the Chinese plans. Bhutto criticised the U.S. for providing military aid to India during and after the 1962 Sino-Indian War, which was seen as an abrogation of Pakistan's alliance with the United States.
Meanwhile, Ayub Khan, on Bhutto's counsel, launched Operation Gibraltar in a bid to "liberate" Kashmir. It ended in a fiasco and the Indian Armed Forces launched a successful counter-attack on West Pakistan (Indo-Pakistani War of 1965). This war was an aftermath of brief skirmishes that took place between March and August 1965 on the international boundaries in the Rann of Kutch, Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab. Bhutto joined Ayub in Uzbekistan to negotiate a peace treaty with the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. Ayub and Shastri agreed to exchange prisoners of war and withdraw respective forces to pre-war boundaries.
This agreement was deeply unpopular in Pakistan, causing major political unrest against Ayub's regime. Bhutto's criticism of the final agreement caused a major rift between him and Ayub. Initially denying the rumours, Bhutto resigned in June 1966 and expressed strong opposition to Ayub's regime. During his term, Bhutto was known to be formulating aggressive geostrategic and foreign policies against India. In 1965, Bhutto's friend Munir Ahmad Khan informed him of the status of India's nuclear programme. Bhutto reportedly said, "Pakistan will fight, fight for a thousand years. If.. India builds the (atom) bomb.... (Pakistan) will eat grass or (leaves), even go hungry, but we (Pakistan) will get one of our own (atom bomb).... We (Pakistan) have no other Choice!".
In his 1969 book The Myth of Independence Bhutto argued that it was the “necessity” for Pakistan to acquire the fission weapon, and start a so-called deterrence programme to be able to stand up to the industrialised states, and against a nuclear armed India. Bhutto obtained a manifesto and made a future policy on how the programme would be developed and which individual scientists would start the program. Bhutto selected Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdus Salam (a Nobel laureate and Ahmadi Muslim and despite Bhutto's constitutional designation in Pakistan of Ahmadis as "non-Muslim") that Ahmaan Ahmadiyuaas the first and main basis of the programme.
Pakistan Peoples Party Following his resignation as foreign minister, large crowds gathered to listen to Bhutto's speech upon his arrival in Lahore on 21 June 1967. Tapping a wave of anger against Ayub, Bhutto traveled across Pakistan to deliver political speeches. In October 1966 Bhutto made explicit the beliefs of his new party, "Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people." On 30 November 1967, at the Lahore residence of Mubashir Hassan, a gathering that included Bhutto, Bengali communist J. A. Rahim and Basit Jehangir Sheikh founded the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), establishing a strong base in Punjab, Sindh and amongst the Muhajirs.
Mubashir Hassan, an engineering professor at UET Lahore, was the main brain and hidden hand behind the success and the rise of Bhutto. Under Hassan's guidance and Bhutto's leadership, the PPP became a part of the pro-democracy movement involving diverse political parties from all across Pakistan. The PPP activists staged large protests and strikes in different parts of the country, increasing pressure on Ayub to resign. Dr. Hassan and Bhutto's arrest on 12 November 1969, sparked greater political unrest. After his release, Bhutto, joined by key leaders of PPP, attended the Round Table Conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi, but refused to accept Ayub's continuation in office and the East-Pakistani politician Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Six point movement for regional autonomy.
Following Ayub's resignation, his successor, General Yahya Khan promised to hold parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. Under Bhutto's leadership the democratic socialists, leftists, and marxist-communists gathered and united into one party platform for the first time in Pakistan's history. The Socialist-Communist bloc, under Bhutto's leadership, intensified its support in Muhajir and poor farming communities in West Pakistan, working through educating people to cast their vote for their better future. Gathering and uniting the scattered socialist-communist groups in one single center was considered Bhutto's greatest political achievement and as a result, Bhutto's party and other leftists won a large number of seats from constituencies in West-Pakistan.
However, Sheikh Mujib's Awami League won an absolute majority in the legislature, receiving more than twice as many votes as Bhutto's PPP. Bhutto strongly refused to accept an Awami League government and infamously threatened to "break the legs" of any elected PPP member who dared to attend the inaugural session of the National Assembly. Capitalizing on West Pakistani fears of East Pakistani separatism, Bhutto demanded that Sheikh Mujib form a coalition with the PPP. And at some stage proposed "edhar hum, udhar tum", meaning he should govern the West and Mujib should Govern the East. President Yahya postponed the meeting of the national assembly which fueled a popular movement in East Pakistan.
Amidst popular outrage in East Pakistan, on 7th March, 1971, Sheikh Mujib called the Bengalis to join the struggle for "Bangladesh". According to historical references and a report published by leading Pakistani newspaper The Nation, "Mujib no longer believed in Pakistan and is determined to make Bangladesh". Many also believed that Bhutto wanted power in the West even at the expense of separation of the East. . However, Mujib still kept doors open for some sort of settlement in his speech of 7th March. Yahya started a negotiating conference in Dhaka presumably to reach a settlement between Bhutto and Mujib.
The discussion was being expected to be "fruitful" until the president left for West Pakistan on the evening of March 25. On that night of March 25, 1971, the army initiated the "Operation Searchlight", which had been planned by the military junta of Yahya Khan to suppress political activities. Mujib was arrested and imprisoned in West Pakistan. Bhutto stayed in Dhaka on the night of 25 March and commented that Pakistan had been saved by the army before leaving on the 26th. While supportive of the army's actions and working to rally international support, Bhutto distanced himself from the Yahya Khan regime and began to criticize Yahya Khan for mishandling the situation.
He refused to accept Yahya Khan's scheme to appoint Bengali politician Nurul Amin as Prime Minister, with Bhutto as deputy prime minister. Soon after Bhutto's refusal and continuous resentment toward General Yahya Khan's mishandling of situation, Khan ordered Military Police to arrest Bhutto on charges of treason, quite similar to Mujib. Bhutto was imprisoned in the Adiala Jail along with Mujib, where he was set to face the charges. The army crackdown on the Bengalis of East Pakistan fueled an armed resistance by the Mukti-Bahini (a guerrilla force formed for the campaign of an independent Bangladesh and trained by the Indian army).
Pakistan launched an air attack on India in the western border that resulted in the Indian intervention in East Pakistan which led to the very bitter defeat of Pakistani forces, who surrendered on 16 December 1971. Consequently, state of Bangladesh was born and Bhutto and others condemned Yahya Khan for failing to protect Pakistan's unity. Isolated, Yahya Khan resigned on 20 December and transferred power to Bhutto, who became president, commander-in-chief and the first civilian chief martial law administrator. Bhutto was the country's first civilian chief martial law administrator since 1958, as well as the country's first civilian president. With Bhutto assuming the control, the leftists and democratic socialists entered the country's politics, and later emerged as power players in the country's politics.
And, for the first time in the country's history, the leftists and democratic socialists had a chance to administer the country with the popular vote and widely approved exclusive mandate, given to them by the West's population in the 1970s elections. In a reference written by Kuldip Nayar in his book "Scoop! Inside Stories from the Partition to the Present", Nayar noted that "Bhutto's releasing of Mujib did not mean anything to Pakistan's policy as in if there was no liberation war. Bhutto's policy, and even as of today, the policy of Pakistan continues to state that "she will continue to fight for the honor and integrity of Pakistan.
East Pakistan is an inseparable and unseverable part of Pakistan". President of Pakistan A Pakistan International Airlines flight was sent to fetch Bhutto from New York, who at that time was presenting Pakistan's case before the United Nations Security Council on the East Pakistan Crises. Bhutto returned home on 18 December 1971. On 20 December, he was taken to the President House in Rawalpindi, where he took over two positions from Yahya Khan, one as president and the other as first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator. Thus, he was the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator of the dismembered Pakistan.
By the time Bhutto had assumed control of what remained of Pakistan, the nation was completely isolated, angered, and demoralized. As president, Bhutto faced mounting challenges on both internal and foreign fronts. The trauma was severe in Pakistan, a psychological setback and emotional breakdown for Pakistan. The two-nation theory—the theoretical basis for the creation of Pakistan—lay discredited, and Pakistan's foreign policy collapsed when no moral support was found anywhere, including long-standing allies such as the U.S. and China. Since her creation, the physical and moral existence of Pakistan was in great danger. On the internal front, Baloch, Sindhi, Punjabi, and Pashtun nationalisms were at their peak, calling for their independence from Pakistan.
Finding it difficult to keep Pakistan united, Bhutto launched full-fledged intelligence and military operations to stamp out any separatist movements. By the end of 1978, these nationalist organizations were brutally quelled by Pakistan Armed Forces. Bhutto immediately placed Yahya Khan under house arrest, brokered a ceasefire and ordered the release of Sheikh Mujib, who was held prisoner by the Pakistan Army. To implement this, Bhutto reversed the verdict of Mujib's earlier court-martial trial, in which Brigadier-General Rahimuddin Khan had sentenced Mujib to death. Appointing a new cabinet, Bhutto appointed Lieutenant-General Gul Hasan as Chief of Army Staff. On 2 January 1972 Bhutto announced the nationalisation of all major industries, including iron and steel, heavy engineering, heavy electricals, petrochemicals, cement and public utilities.
A new labour policy was announced increasing workers' rights and the power of trade unions. Although he came from a feudal background himself, Bhutto announced reforms limiting land ownership and a government take-over of over a million acres to distribute to landless peasants. More than 2,000 civil servants were dismissed on charges of corruption. Bhutto also dismissed the military chiefs on 3 March after they refused orders to suppress a major police strike in Punjab. He appointed General Tikka Khan as the new Chief of the Army Staff in March 1972 as he felt the general would not interfere in political matters and would concentrate on rehabilitating the Pakistan Army.
Bhutto convened the National Assembly on 14 April, rescinded martial law on 21 April and charged the legislators with writing a new constitution. Bhutto visited India to meet Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and negotiated a formal peace agreement and the release of 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war. The two leaders signed the Simla Agreement, which committed both nations to establish a new-yet-temporary Line of Control in Kashmir and obligated them to resolve disputes peacefully through bilateral talks. Bhutto also promised to hold a future summit for the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute and pledged to recognise Bangladesh. Although he secured the release of Pakistani soldiers held by India, Bhutto was criticised by many in Pakistan for allegedly making too many concessions to India.
It is theorised that Bhutto feared his downfall if he could not secure the release of Pakistani soldiers and the return of territory occupied by Indian forces. Bhutto established an atomic power development programme and inaugurated the first Pakistani atomic reactor, built in collaboration with Canada in Karachi on 28 November. On 30 March 59 military officers were arrested by army troops for allegedly plotting a coup against Bhutto, who appointed then-Brigadier Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to head a military tribunal to investigate and try the suspects. The National Assembly approved the new 1973 Constitution, which Bhutto signed into effect on 12 April.
The constitution proclaimed an "Islamic Republic" in Pakistan with a parliamentary form of government. On 10 August, Bhutto turned over the post of president to Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry, assuming the office of prime minister instead. Nuclear weapons program Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the founder of Pakistan's atomic bomb programme, and due to his administrative and aggressive leadership to lead this nuclear deterrence programme, Bhutto is often known as Father of Nuclear deterrence programme. Bhutto's interest in nuclear technology was said to have begun during his college years in the United States when Bhutto attended a course in political science, discussing political impact of U.S.'s first nuclear test, Trinity, on Global politics.
While at Berkeley, Bhutto witnessed the public panic when the Soviet Union first exploded the bomb, codename First Lightning in 1949, prompting the U.S. government to famously launch the research on Hydrogen bombs. However, in 1958 when long before as Minister for Fuel, Power, and National Resources, Bhutto played a key role in setting up the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) administrative research bodies and institutes. Soon, Bhutto offered a technical post to Munir Ahmad Khan in PAEC in 1958, and lobbied for Abdus Salam as being appointed as Science Adviser in 1960. Before being elevated as Foreign minister, Bhutto directed the funds for key research in nuclear weapons and related science.
In October 1965, as Foreign Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto visited Vienna, where nuclear engineer Munir Ahmad Khan working at a senior technical post at the IAEA, informed him of the status of Indian nuclear programme and the options Pakistan had to develop its own nuclear capability. Both agreed on the need for Pakistan to develop a nuclear deterrent to meet India's nuclear capacity. While, Munir Ahmad Khan had failed to convince Ayub Khan, Bhutto had said to Munir Ahmad Khan: Don't worry, our turn will come. Shortly, after the 1965 war, Bhutto in a press conference, famously declared that "even if we have to eat grass, we will make nuclear bomb.
We have no other choice." as he saw India was making its way to develop the bomb. In 1965, Bhutto lobbied for Salam and succeeded to appoint Salam as the head of Pakistan's delegation at IAEA, and helped Salam to lobby for acquiring of the nuclear power plants. In November 1972, Bhutto advised Salam to travel to United States to evade the war, and advised him to return with the key literature on nuclear history. By the end week of December 1972, Salam returned to Pakistan, loaded with literature on the Manhattan Project, in his huge suitcases. In 1974, Bhutto launched a more aggressive and serious diplomatic offensive on the United States and the Western world over the nuclear issues.
Writing to the world and Western leaders, Bhutto made it clear and maintained: Shortly, roughly two weeks past after experiencing the 1971 winter war, on 20 January 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto rallied a conference of nuclear scientists and engineers at Multan. While at the Multan meeting, arranged by Bhutto's Science Advisor Abdus Salam, scientists were wondering why the President who had so much on his hands in those trying days was paying so much attention to the scientists and engineers in the nuclear field. At the meeting Bhutto slowly talked about the recent war and country's future, pointing out the existence of the country was in great moral danger.
While the academicians listened to Bhutto carefully, Bhutto said: "Look, we're going to have the bomb". Bhutto asked them: "Can you give it to me? And how long will it take it to make a bomb?". Many of senior scientists had witnessed the war, and were emotionally and psychologically disturbed, therefore, the response was positive when the senior academic scientists replied: "Oh...Yes.. Yes... You can have it." There was a lively debate on the time needed to make the bomb, and finally one scientist dared to say that maybe it could be done in five years. Prime Minister Bhutto smiled, lifted his hand, and dramatically thrust forward three fingers and said: "Three years, I want it in three years".
The atmosphere suddenly became electric. It was then that one of the junior scientist Siddique Ahmad Butt (a theoretical physicist), who under Munir Ahmad Khan's guiding hand would come to play a major role in making the fission weapon possible – jumped to his feet and clamoured for his leader's attention. Siddique Ahmad Butt replied: "It can be done in three years". When Bhutto heard Butt's reply, Bhutto was very much amused and said: "Well.... Much as I appreciate your enthusiasm, this is a very serious political decision, which Pakistan must make, and perhaps all Third World countries must make one day, because it is coming.
So can you boys do it?". Nearly all senior scientists replied in one tone: Yes... We can do it, given the resources and given the facilities". Bhutto ended the meeting by simply saying: "I shall find you the resources and I shall find you the facilities". Before the 1970s, the nuclear deterrence was long established under the government of Suhrawardy, but was completely peaceful and devoted for civil power. Bhutto, in his book The Myth of Independence in 1969 wrote that: After India's nuclear test – codename Smiling Buddha—in May 1974, Bhutto sensed and saw this test as final anticipation for Pakistan's death.
In a press conference, held shortly after India's nuclear test, Bhutto said, "India's nuclear program is designed to intimidate Pakistan and establish "hegemony in the subcontinent". Despite Pakistan limited financial resources, Bhutto was so enthusiastic about Pakistan nuclear energy project, that he is reported to have said "Pakistanis will eat grass but make a nuclear bomb." Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission's militarisation was initiated on 20 January 1972 and, in its initial years, was implemented by Pakistan Army's Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan. The Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP-I) was inaugurated by Bhutto during his role as President of Pakistan at the end of 1972.
The nuclear weapons programme was set up loosely based on Manhattan Project of the 1940s under the administrative control of Bhutto. And, senior academic scientists had a direct access to Bhutto, who kept him informed about every inch of the development. Bhutto's Science Advisor, Abdus Salam's office was also sat up in Bhutto's Prime minister Secretariat. On Bhutto's request, Salam had established and led the Theoretical Physics Group (TPG) that marked the beginning of the nuclear deterrent programme. The TPG designed and developed the nuclear weapons as well as the entire programme. Later, Munir Ahmad Khan had him personally approved the budget for the development of the programme.
Wanting a capable administrator, Bhutto sought Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan to chair the commission, which Rahimuddin declined, in 1971. Instead, in January 1972, Bhutto chose a U.S.-trained nuclear engineer, Munir Ahmad Khan, as chairman of Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) as Bhutto realised that he wanted an administrator who understood the scientific and economical needs of this such technologically giant and ambitious programme. Since 1965, Khan had developed an extremely close and trusted relationship with Bhutto, and even after his death, Benazir and Murtaza Bhutto were instructed by their father to keep in touch with Munir Ahmad Khan. In spring of 1976, Kahuta Research Facility, then known as Engineering Research Laboratories (ERL), as part of codename Project-706, was also established by Bhutto, and brought under nuclear scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan and the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers' Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar.
Because Pakistan, under Bhutto, was not a signatory or party of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Commissariat à l'énergie atomique (CEA), and British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) had immediately cancelled fuel reprocessing plant projects with PAEC. And, according to Causar Nyäzie, the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission officials had misled Bhutto and he sought on a long journey to try to get nuclear fuel reprocessing plant from France. It was on the advice of A. Q. Khan that no fuel existed to reprocess and urged Bhutto to follow his pursuit of uranium enrichment. Bhutto tried to show he was still interested in that expensive route and was relieved when Kissinger persuaded the French to cancel the deal.
Bhutto had trusted Munir Ahmad Khan's plans to develop the programme ingeniously, and the mainstream goal of showing such interest in French reprocessing plant was to give time to PAEC scientists to gain expertise in building its own reprocessing plants. By the time France's CEA cancelled the project, the PAEC had acquired 95% of the detailed plans of the plant and materials. Munir Ahmad Khan and Ishfaq Ahmad believed that since PAEC had acquired most of the detailed plans, work, plans, and materials, the PAEC, based on that 95% work, could build the plutonium reprocessing reactors on its own, Pakistan should stick to its original plan, the plutonium route.
Bhutto did not disagree but saw an advantage in establishing another parallel programme, the uranium enrichment programme under Abdul Qadeer Khan. Both Munir Khan and Ahmed had shown their concern over on Abdul Qadeer Khan's suspected activities but Bhutto backed Khan when Bhutto maintained that: "No less than any other nation did what Abdul Qadeer Khan (is) doing; the Soviets and Chinese; the British and the French; the Indians and the Israelis; stole the nuclear weapons designs previously in the past and no one questioned them but rather tend to be quiet. We are not stealing what they (illegally) stole in the past (as referring the nuclear weapon designs) but we're taking a small machine which is not useful for making the atomic bomb but for a fuel".
International pressure was difficult to counter at that time, and Bhutto, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Aziz Ahmed, tackled the intense heated criticism and diplomatic war with the United States at numerous fronts—while the progress on nuclear weapons remained highly classified. During this pressure, Aziz Ahmed played a significant role by convincing the consortium industries to sell and export sensitive electronic components before the United States could approach to them and try and prevent the consortium industries to export such equipments and components. Bhutto slowly reversed and thwarted United States' any attempt to infiltrate the programme as he had expelled many of the American diplomatic officials in the country, under Operation Sun Rise, authorised by Bhutto under ISI.
On the other hand, Bhutto intensified his staunch support and eye-blindly backed Abdul Qadeer Khan to quietly bring the Urenco's weapon-grade technology to Pakistan, keeping the Kahuta Laboratories hidden from the outside world. Regional rivals such as India and Soviet Union, had no basic intelligence on Pakistan's nuclear energy project during the 1970s, and Bhutto's intensified clandestine efforts seemed to be paid off in 1978 when the programme was fully matured. In a thesis written in The Myth of Independence, Bhutto argued that nuclear weapons would allow India to use its Air Force warplanes that with the use of small battlefield nuclear devices against the Pakistan Army cantonments, armoured and infantry columns and PAF bases and nuclear and military industrial facilities.
The Indian Air Force would not meet with an adverse reaction from the world community as long as civilian casualties could be kept to a minimum. This way, India would defeat Pakistan, force its armed forces into a humiliating surrender and occupy and annexe the Northern Areas of Pakistan and Azad Kashmir. India would then carve up Pakistan into tiny states based on ethnic divisions and that would be the end of the "Pakistan problem" once and for all. By the time Bhutto was ousted, this crash programme had fully matured in terms of technical development as well as scientific efforts.
By the 1977, PAEC and KRL had built their uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing plants, and selection for test sites, at Chagai Hills, was done by the PAEC. The feasibility reports were submitted by both organisations on their works. In 1977, the PAEC's Theoretical Physics Group had finished the designing of the first fission weapon, and KRL scientists succeeded in electromagnetic isotope separation of Uranium fissile isotopes. In spite of this, still little had been done in the development of weapons, and Pakistan's nuclear arsenal were actually made by General Zia-ul-Haq's military regime, under the watchful eyes of several Naval admirals, Army and Air Force's generals including Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
In 1983, Bhutto's decision later proved to be right, when PAEC had conducted a cold test, near Kirana Hills, evidently made from non-fissioned plutonium. It has been speculated recently in the press that Dr. Khan's uranium enrichment designs were used by the Chinese in exchange for (UF6) and some highly enriched weapons grade uranium. Later on this weapons grade uranium was offered back to the Chinese as the Pakistanis used their own materials. In all, Bhutto knew that Pakistan had become a nuclear weapon state in 1978 when his friend Munir Ahmad Khan paid a visit to him in his jail cell.
There, Munir Ahmad Khan told Bhutto that the process of weapon designing is finished and a milestone in the complex and difficult enrichment of weapon-grade fuel has been achieved by the PAEC and dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan of ERL. Bhutto called for an immediate nuclear test to be conducted, no response was issued by General Zia or any member of his government. Prime Minister of Pakistan Bhutto was sworn in as the prime minister of the country on 14 August 1973, after he had secured 108 votes in a house of 146 members. Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was elected as the president under the new constitution.
During his five years of government, the Bhutto government made extensive reforms at every level of government. Pakistan's capital and Western reforms that were begun and built in 1947 throughout the 1970s, were transformed and replaced with Socialist system. His policies were seen people friendly, but it did not produce long-lasting effects as the civil disorder against Bhutto began to take place in 1977. Constitutional reforms Bhutto is considered the main architect of 1973 constitution as part of his vision to put Pakistan to road to parliamentary democracy. One of the major achievements in Bhutto's life was drafting of Pakistan's first ever consensus constitution to the country.
Bhutto supervised the promulgation of 1973 constitution that triggered an unstoppable constitutional revolution through his politics wedded to the emancipation of the downtrodden masses, by first giving people a voice in the Parliament, and introducing radical changes in the economic sphere for their benefit . During his period in office the government carried out seven major amendments to the 1973 Constitution. The First Amendment led to Pakistan's recognition of and diplomatic ties with Bangladesh. The Second Amendment in the constitution declared the Ahmadis as non-Muslims, and defined the term non-Muslim. The rights of the detained were limited under the Third Amendment while the powers and jurisdiction of the courts for providing relief to political opponents were curtailed under the Fourth Amendment.
The Fifth Amendment passed on 15 September 1976, focused on curtailing the power and jurisdiction of the Judiciary. This amendment was highly criticised by lawyers and political leaders. The main provision of the Sixth Amendment extended the term of the Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and the High Courts beyond the age of retirement. This Amendment was made in the Constitution to favour the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court who was supposed to be a friend of Bhutto. Industrial reforms The Bhutto government carried out a number of reforms in the industrial sector. His reforms were twofold: nationalization, and the improvement of workers' rights.
In the first phase, basic industries like steel, chemical and cement were nationalized. This was done in 1972. The next major step in nationalization took place on 1 January 1974, when Bhutto nationalised all banks. The last step in the series was the nationalization of all flour, rice and cotton mills throughout the country. This nationalisation process was not as successful as Bhutto expected. Most of the nationalized units were small businesses that could not be described as industrial units, hence making no sense for the step that was taken. Consequently, a considerable number of small businessmen and traders were ruined, displaced or rendered unemployed.
In the concluding analysis, nationalisation caused colossal loss not only to the national treasury but also to the people of Pakistan. The Bhutto government established a large number of rural and urban schools, including around 6,500 elementary schools, 900 middle schools, 407 high schools, 51 intermediate colleges and 21 junior colleges. Bhutto also abandoned the Western education system and most of the literature was sent back to Western world; instead his government encouraged the local academicians to publish books on their respected fields. Though the local books were made cheaper to the public, these reforms came with controversy. His government made Islamic and Pakistan studies compulsory in schools.
Book banks were created in most institutions and over 400,000 copies of text-books were supplied to students. Bhutto is credited for establishing the world class Quaid-e-Azam University and Allama Iqbal Open University in Islamabad in 1974, as well as establishing Gomal University Dera Ismail Khan in 1973. In his role as Foreign Minister, and in 1967 with the help of Abdus Salam, established the Institute of Theoretical Physics. As Prime Minister, Bhutto made revolutionary efforts to expand the web of education. Bhutto established the Allama Iqbal Medical College in 1975. In 1974, with the help of Abdus Salam, Bhutto gave authorisation of the International Nathiagali Summer College on Contemporary Physics (INSC) at the Nathiagali and as even as of today, INSC conference is still held on Pakistan, where thousands of scientists from all over the world are delegated to Pakistan to interact with Pakistan's academic scientists.
In 1976, Bhutto established the Engineering Council, Institute of Theoretical Physics, Pakistan Academy of Letters and Cadet college Razmak in North Waziristan. A further four new Universities which have been established at Multan, Bahawalpur, and Khairpur. The People's Open University is another innovative venture which has started functioning from Islamabad. The Government's Education Policy provides for the remission of fees and the grant of a number of scholarships for higher education to the children of low-paid employees Seven thousand new hostel seats were planned to be added to the existing accommodation after the 1977 election. Bhutto said in 1975 he was aware "of the difficulties and deficiencies faced by college students in many of the existing hostels.
Directions have, therefore, been issued that fans, water-coolers and pay-telephones must be provided in each and every hostel in as short a time as physically possible." Land, flood and agriculture reforms During his period as prime minister, a number of land reforms were also introduced. The important land reforms included the reduction of land ceilings and introducing the security of tenancy to tenant farmers. The land ceiling was fixed to of irrigated land and of non-irrigated land. Another step that Bhutto took was to democratise Pakistan's Civil Service. In Balochistan, the pernicious practice of Shishak and Sardari System was abolished.
In 1976, the Bhutto government carried out the establishment of Federal Flood Commission (FFC), and was tasked to prepare national flood protection plans, and flood forecasting and research to harness floodwater. Bhutto later went on to upgrade a number of dams and barrages built in Sindh Province. Bhutto was a strong advocate of empowering small farmers. He argued that if farmers were weak and demoralised then Pakistan's agricultural strength would be fragile, believing that farmers would not feel psychologically safe unless the country achieved self-sufficiency in food. Therefore, the Bhutto government launched programs to put the country on road to self-sufficiency in rice hulling, sugar-milling and wheat husking industries.
Bhutto's government intensified the control of rice hulling, sugar and wheat husking factories, initially believing that public sector involvement would reduce the influence of multi-national corporations creating monopolies. The Government initiated schemes for combating water logging and salinity. Tax exceptions were also introduced for small landowners to encourage the growth of agriculture. His nationalisation of Sindh-based industries heavily benefited the poor, but badly upset the influential feudal lords. Economic policy Bhutto introduced socialist economics policies while working to prevent any further division of the country. Major heavy mechanical, chemical, and electrical engineering industries were immediately nationalised by Bhutto, and all of the industries came under direct control of government.
Industries, such as KESC were under complete government control with no private influence in KESC decision. Bhutto abandoned Ayub Khan's state capitalism policies, and introduced socialist policies in a move to reduce the rich get richer and poor get poorer ratio. Bhutto also established the Port Qasim, Pakistan Steel Mills, the Heavy Mechanical Complex (HMC) and several cement factories. However, the growth rate of economy relative to that of the 1960s when East Pakistan was still part of Pakistan and large generous aid from the United States declined, after the global oil crises in 1973, which also had a negative impact on the economy.
Despite the initiatives undertaken by Bhutto's government to boost the country's economy, the economical growth remained at equilibrium level. But Bhutto's policy largely benefited the poor and working class when the level of absolute poverty was sharply reduced, with the percentage of the population estimated to be living in absolute poverty falling from 46.50% by the end of 1979–80, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, to 30.78%. The land reform programme provided increased economic support to landless tenants, and development spending was substantially increased, particularly on health and education, in both rural and urban areas, and provided "material support" to rural wage workers, landless peasants, and urban wage workers.
Bhutto's nationalisation policies were initiated with an aim to put workers in control of the tools of production and to protect workers and small businesses. However, economical historians argued that the nationalisation program initially effected the small industries and had devastating effects on Pakistan's economy shrunk Bhutto's credibility. Conservative critics believed the nationalisation policies had damaged investor's confidence and government corruption in nationalised industries grew, although no serious corruption cases were ever proved against Bhutto by the military junta. In 1974, Bhutto maintained that foreign companies and industries in Pakistan were except from nationalisation policies and his government would be willing to receive foreign investment to put up factories.
While commenting on his policies in 1973, Bhutto told the group of investors that belonged to the Lahore Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI) that "activity of public sector or state sector prevents the concentration of economic power in few hands, and protects the small and medium entrepreneurs from the clutches of giant enterprises and vested interests". Bhutto's shift away from some socialist policies badly upset his democratic socialist alliance and many in the Pakistan Peoples Party, many of his colleagues, most notable Malik Mirage left Bhutto and departed to Soviet Union after resigning from Law Minister. Continuous disagreement led the government's socialist alliance to collapse and further uniting with secular Independence Movement led by Asghar Khan.
As part of his investment policies, Bhutto founded the National Development Finance Corporation (NDFC). In July 1973, this financial institute began operation with an initial government investment of 100 million PRs. It aim was finance public sector industrial enterprises but, later on, its charter was modified to provide finance to the private sector as well. The NDFC is currently the largest development finance institution of Pakistan performing diversified activities in the field of industrial financing and investment banking. 42 projects financed by NDFC have contributed Rs. 10,761 million to Pakistan's GDP and generated Rs. 690 million after-tax profits and 40,465 jobs.
By the mid-1990s NDFC had a pool of resources amounting to US$878 million The Bhutto government increased the level of investment, private and public, in the economy from less than Rs. 7,000 million in 1971–72 to more than Rs. 17,000 million in 1974–75. Banking and Export expansion Banking reforms were introduced to provide more opportunities to small farmers and business such as forcing banks to ensure 70% of institutional lending should be for small land holders of 12.5 acres or less, which was a revolutionary idea at a time when banks only clients were the privileged classes. The number of bank branches rose by 75% from December 1971 to November 1976, from 3,295 to 5,727.
It was one of the most radical move made by Bhutto, and the Bank infrastructure was expanded covering all towns and villages with a population of 5,000 in accordance with targets set after the nationalisation of banks. By end of the Bhutto government concentration of wealth had declined compared to height of the Ayub Khan era when 22 families owned 66% of industrial capital, and also controlled banking and 97% of insurance. Measures taken in the first few months of 1972 set a new framework for the revival of the economy. The diversion of trade from East Pakistan to international markets was completed within a short period.
By 1974, exports exceeded one billion dollars, showing a 60% increase over the combined exports of East and West Pakistan before separation, it was achieved and benefited with world was in the midst of the major 1973 oil crisis and in the middle of global recession the national income of Pakistan increased by 15% and industrial production by as much as 20% in four years. Balochistan Military operation Following the secession of East Pakistan, calls for the independence of Balochistan by Baloch nationalists grew immensely. Surveying the political instability, Bhutto's central government sacked two provincial governments within six months, arrested the two chief ministers, two governors and forty-four MNAs and MPAs, obtained an order from the Supreme Court banning the National People's Party on the recommendation of Akbar Bugti, and charged everyone with high treason to be tried by a specially constituted Hyderabad tribunal of hand-picked judges.
In January 1973, Bhutto ordered the Pakistan Armed Forces to suppress a rising insurgency in the province of Balochistan. He dismissed the governments in Balochistan and the North-West Frontier Province once more. Following the alleged discovery of Iraqi arms in Islamabad in February 1973, Bhutto dissolved the Provincial Assembly of Balochistan. The operation, under General Tikka Khan, soon took shape in a five-year conflict with the Baloch separatists. The sporadic fighting between the insurgency and the army started in 1973 with the largest confrontation taking place in September 1974. Later on, Pakistan Navy, under Vice-Admiral Patrick Julius Simpson, also jumped in the conflict as it had applied naval blockades to Balochistan's port.
The Navy began its separate operations to seized the shipments sent to aid Baloch separatists. Pakistan Air Force also launched air operations, and with the support of navy and army, the air force had pounded the mountainous hidden heavens of the Separatists. The Iranian military, also fearing a spread of the greater Baloch resistance in Iran, aided the Pakistani military as well. Among Iran's contribution were 30 Huey cobra attack helicopters and $200 million in aid. Iraqi intervention Iraq under Sunni President Saddam Hussein sent Iraqi made weapons to Pakistan's warm water ports. Pakistan's navy mounted an effective blockade. Saddam's government provided support for Baluchi separatists in Pakistan, hoping their conflict would spread to rival Iran.
In 1973, Iraq provided the Baluchis with conventional arms, and it opened an office for the Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLF) in Baghdad. This operation was supposed to be covert, but in 1973, the operation was exposed by M.I. when senior separatist leader Akbar Bugti defected to Bhutto, revealing a series of arms stored in the Iraqi Embassy. On the midnight of 9 February 1973, Bhutto launched an operation to seize control of the Iraqi Embassy, and preparation for siege was hastily prepared. The operation was highly risky and a wrong step could have started a war between the two countries.
The operation was carefully analysed and at 0:00hrs (12:00 am), the SSG Division accompanied by Army Rangers stormed the Embassy. Military Police arrested the Iraqi Ambassador, the military attaché, and Iraq's diplomatic staff. Following the incident, authorities discovered 300 Soviet sub-machine guns with 50,000 rounds of ammunition and a large amount of money that was to be distributed amongst Baluchi separatist groups. Bhutto was angered and frustrated. Without demanding an explanation, he ordered the Military Police to immediately expel the Iraqi Ambassador and his staff as persona non grata on the first available flight. The government announced the Iraqi plan to further dismember the country, and Bhutto's successful diplomatic offensive against Iraq isolated Saddam internationally with global condemnation.
This incident caused Pakistan to support Iran during the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s and the U.S. invasion of Iraq against Saddam Hussein in 2003. Aftermath In order to avoid a replay of the East-Pakistan war, Bhutto launched economic and political reforms in the midst of the conflict. Bhutto government abolished the feudal system, the feudal lords continued to appropriate to themselves a generous share of government developmental funds whilst at the same time, they opposed and blackmailed the government whenever they could. Gradually the tribesmen started coming out of the Sardars' quarantine. Modern amenities, for instance medical aid, automobiles for passenger transport and schooling of children became available in the interior of Baluchistan for the first time, since 1947.