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So, you have a dwindling supply of fresh water for drinking and for wildlife, you have large amounts of contaminated water from old mining operations that we don’t know what to do with and are really expensive to clean-up, and you have the need for large amounts of water for the dramatic increase in fracking operations that don’t need to use fresh or potable water but are presently using both fresh and potable water from these very dwindling supplies.
This looks to be an opportunity too good to pass up. Let’s use the mine water for fracking and stop using the precious fresh water. Sounds easy. And the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection (PADEP) is trying to do just that.
Based on a recommendation by Governor Corbett’s Marcellus Shale Advisory Commission, the PADEP published a white paper in January detailing how the agency intends to review proposals from Oil & Gas drillers on using Mine Influenced Water (MIW) for drilling operations (PADEP white paper).
The policy is supported by environmental organizations and the Oil & Gas industry, and it should succeed as long as we can sort out the liability issues.
MIW is a huge legacy problem from the mining industry. MIW includes either water contained in a mine pool or a surface discharge of water caused by mining activities and is known by many names: mine drainage water (MDW), acid mine drainage (AMD) or acid rock drainage (ARD).
Although occasionally not acidic when flowing through and over carbonate rocks, mine waters are generally highly acidic. Most rock being mined has abundant iron sulfide minerals which oxidize when exposed to air and water. This liberates hydrogen ions for the acidity, turns insoluble sulfide into very soluble sulfate, and creates rust from reduced iron, a fascinating, if annoying, chemical process.
There are many types of sulfide minerals, but pyrite and marcasite, the two structural forms of FeS2 that are especially common in coal regions, are the major acid-producers. Upon exposure to water and oxygen, these minerals oxidize to form acid-, iron- and sulfate-rich drainage. It becomes very hard to reverse this process and lock the metals up again, although it can be done.
Pennsylvania’s environmental problems with coal mining began before the Civil War, and communities in northeastern and southwestern parts of the state still live with that legacy.
There are lots of abandoned coal mines. In the 1950s and 60s, companies just walked away from them, leaving behind a mess. Some mines caught on fire while others filled up with water that overflowed into streams and rivers. Coal waste mountains exposed to air started churning out acidic water, polluting groundwater and streams.
According to the PADEP, over 300 million gallons of mine-polluted water flow into the State’s rivers and streams every day, resulting in more than 4,000 miles of biologically dead rivers and streams (StateImpact/NPR). Encouraging drillers to use this water to frack natural gas wells brings obvious environmental benefit.
Last year, drillers in the U.S. used 40 billion gallons of fresh water to frack. This is almost half of the acid mine drainage generated each year. Pennsylvania is the second largest user behind Texas, so this policy would make a real difference.
But it’s all about liability. No one wants to get sued for trying to do the right thing.
So how to convince the drillers that they will not incur a major environmental liability?
Anyone considering the use of MIW for natural gas extraction activities has the potential to incur long-term liability because just the act of moving contaminated water gives you total responsibility for it in the future. If there is any chance that this water could impact fresh water, then you would have to treat it, no matter how much time had passed.
As expected, drilling companies have been slow in taking up this method because they only need this water temporarily. Getting 50 years of liability for two weeks of water seems risky.
Addressing this liability issue was the purpose of Pennsylvania’s Environmental Good Samaritan Act, which provides protection from civil liability for projects involving MIW. While not perfect, it is:
“intended to encourage the improvement of land and water adversely affected by mining and oil and gas extraction, to aid in the protection of wildlife, to decrease soil erosion, to aid in the prevention and abatement of the pollution of rivers and streams, to protect and improve the environmental values of this Commonwealth and to eliminate or abate hazards to health and safety. It is the intent of the General Assembly to encourage voluntary reclamation of lands adversely affected by mining or oil or gas extraction. The purpose of this chapter is to improve water quality and to control and eliminate water pollution resulting from mining or oil or gas extraction or exploration by limiting the liability which could arise as a result of the voluntary reclamation of abandoned lands or the reduction and abatement of water pollution.”
Meaning, the problem of MIW is so extensive and so intractable, that the State welcomes any attempts at helping even if they are not perfect, as long as they don’t make the problem worse. This is a practical approach that needs to be expanded on all fronts in all States so that “the perfect does not become the enemy of the good.”
On the other hand, this Act is not intended to shield parties already responsible for treatment and clean-up of MIW or its sites, or who are held liable for other reasons.
If you think the Environmental Good Samaritan Act isn’t safe enough, the driller can obtain a Consent Order and Agreement with PADEP under which PADEP would agree not to hold the user liable for long-term treatment obligations, so long as the user meets specific conditions spelled out ahead of time. These can be requirements for sampling and characterization of the water, as well as specific plans on how the water would be transported and stored.
The Consent Order and Agreement would theoretically limit the user’s liability to the state, but would not address civil liability to third parties, like a landowner. Maybe a combination of the Act and the Agreement together would be sufficient.
The best way for drillers to use this water is to estimate on the low side and make up the rest with other water that is not contaminated, such as storm water drainage or fresh water. Because most of the water actually used for fracking stays underground in what is already non-potable deep formation water, then if the driller does not use an access of water, there should be no significant liability.
The U.S. Department of Energy’s Subcommittee on Shale Gas Production shares the prevailing view that the risk of fracturing fluid leakage into drinking water sources through fractures made in deep shale reservoirs is remote (DOE Shale Gas). As long as care is taken to properly drill and seal wells (A Good Cement Job), there should be no significant environmental impact from using MIW for the fracking.
In addition, we have new technologies now for treating MIW, particularly new chemical filtering methods using natural materials in permeable reactive barriers that intersect the flow paths of MIW (Applied Geochemistry). Since the greatest difficulty in treatment is getting the contaminated water to the treatment system, collecting the water for fracking is half the battle. If it does pose a problem, it can be more easily treated at one point after use.
This white paper is an excellent first step by a State to address environmental issues stemming from both MIW and fracking. In the end, however, States need to issue a general permit covering the use of MIW for fracking, perhaps even rewriting their Oil & Gas regulations completely to include these types of innovative methods directly.
We need to encourage all beneficial strategies for correcting the mistakes of the past. | <urn:uuid:37a2776e-31cd-44d3-ba33-ad34f5d40444> | {
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Certificate Authority in the Digital world refers to the entity that issues Digital certificates for the key holders in Cryptography Encryption. This certificate is given to the public key holders, who becomes a part of the Public Key Infrastructure (PKI), in order to establish a communication channel with the one person or entity who is in possession of the private key (The Subject). This communication channel is called a Secured Socket Layer (SSL) Handshake.
The system belongs to the private key holders who provide the public key to the individuals they need to communicate with. The certificate is proof that the key has been given to them and the digital signature further validates the certificate which can be used to keep a count of numbers of the public key holders. This way, no unusual activities will go unaccounted for. The Digital Certificate works as an identity card which can be effective to keep hackers outside of your system.
The certificate authority is a third party that is trusted by both the private and public key holders. To understand this communication, the most understandable example you can take is your web browser. Whenever you use your browser for internet search and surfing on the world wide web, this Digital Certificate is used to establish a secure connection between the websites and your device or network. The identity of the issuing authority is also disclosed in the certificate, making it a transparent system all the way.
Other information that a digital certificate contains includes a public key, the expiration date, etc. To get this certificate, one needs to file a request to the registration authority along with the general information which is needed to be verified in order for them to obtain the certificate.
This certificate system is a step closer to put human emotions like trust into an altogether technical world of machines and the credit should be given to the CA because it is the only link in the process that both parties trust and through it they trust each other.
But the responsibility on the shoulders of CAs is a huge one because billions of certificates are issued every year, which is needed to protect sensitive information of billions of people which in no circumstances should be leaked or go into the wrong hands. To ensure that, it is necessary for all the CAs to meet certain criteria before they can be accepted as a trusted party.
Download What is Certificate Authority, Digital Certificate in pdf – Click here | <urn:uuid:5145d81f-fe8f-4a84-a818-abe6b151874b> | {
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Data systems: a road safety manual for decision-makers and practitioners
The fifth good practice manual jointly prepared by WHO, GRSP, the World Bank, and the FIA Foundation focuses on data systems for road safety. Reliable and accurate data are needed for a variety of purposes, including for advocating for road safety, identifying specific problems and risks, setting targets, formulating appropriate strategies and monitoring impact. Road safety data, collected every day in most countries, cannot meet these objectives unless they are properly coded, entered in a system, processed, analysed, disseminated and used.
This manual provides practical guidance for establishing data systems that will improve measurement of a country's road traffic injury problem, facilitate selection of evidence-based interventions, and allow for better evaluation of progress. It discusses the use of such data systems to develop policies and interventions and to assess prevention measures.
The manual presents a conceptual framework for data-led road safety management and presents steps for assessing the availability and quality of existing road safety data. It offers guidance both for making improvements to existing road crash data systems, and for the design and implementation of a new road crash data system.
While stressing the importance of comprehensive data systems that cover not only deaths and injuries from road traffic crashes, but also exposure measures, intermediate outcomes and social costs, the manual acknowledges that most countries are struggling simply to establish quality data systems to document deaths and injuries. The practical guidance related to improving data quality and to improving the effectiveness of data systems therefore focuses mainly on data related to deaths and injuries—and more specifically, on the implementation of a crash database derived from police records. A minimum data set and accompanying definitions for such a database is proposed. | <urn:uuid:f68e774f-ad12-4b24-884f-11ae370f6747> | {
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The International Code of Signals flags were developed back in 1857 are still in use. Body signals for communication with foreign ships, if you can not express himself in their language or, for example, when out of service other means of communication.
As a rule, only one Flag signal can be raised. The flag should be raised up until a response is received from the host ship. So before you hang on the yellow truselya spreaders, think about what it could mean.
We use the boxes as a decoration, but with their help you can also encrypt the hidden message. | <urn:uuid:81ec6f11-6550-4c6c-9b09-29ecd69c8181> | {
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Agriculture of today is not your mother´s agriculture. It is a fast paced, technology driven, acronym using, global world that does not slow down for someone to jump in. Women are holding more roles then ever before but still want to be a productive part of their farming and ranching operations. The roles of women in agriculture are challenging and diverse – from business to family. Women are searching for programs that will empower them to ask questions and search for answers and Annie’s project is the perfect program to help women acquire valuable information in the areas of risk management.
The South Dakota Cooperative Extension Service recognized the importance of women in agriculture and the need for more in depth information on risk management topics that affect them including financial, production and human resource risks. Using the Annie’s format, sessions were developed that focused on the specific needs of women in western areas. Classes were held in 7 locations throughout South Dakota to allow for more women to engage in the Annie´s project. The classes were open to all women involved in agribusiness and production. Each session was created to fit the needs of the women within each location since agriculture can range from soybean fields to feedlots to thousands of acres of rangelands in South Dakota. The need to develop curriculum that met the demands of our women were challenging, however, rewarding.
|Conference||2008 National Women in Agriculture Educators Conference|
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Generate measurement data by measuring lengths of several objects to the nearest whole unit, or by making repeated measurements of the same object. Show the measurements by making a line plot, where the horizontal scale is marked off in whole-number units.
That's Not a Plant, It's a Weed! Discovering Functions of External Plant Parts; What Makes a Plant a Plant?
Genoa City, WI | <urn:uuid:d00fc025-6568-4108-a61d-13ae0b85a7d4> | {
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Air Service has long been essential to the Charlotte business community. In the mid-1930s, the city was a regular stop for Eastern Airlines and enjoyed daily air-mail service.
However, the Airport that preceded today's facility was privately owned and used only on weekends for air shows and military pilot training. In 1935, with the leadership and foresight of Mayor Ben Elbert Douglas Sr. (for whom Charlotte Douglas International Airport is named), Charlotte voters approved a bond that brought the airport under the management of municipal administrators and set the stage for the expansion that was to come.
After World War II, the Airport grew rapidly. From the first scheduled jet service (Eastern in 1962) to the first scheduled international cargo flight (to Zurich, Flying Tigers in 1978); from its status as a passenger hub (Eastern and Piedmont in the late 1970s/early 1980s and now US Airways) to the terminal and airfield construction, the Airport expanded to supply comprehensive and convenient air transportation that Charlotteans expect and rely on.
Today, Charlotte Douglas International Airport ranks as the world’s sixth busiest airport in operations. In 2012, CLT broke its passenger traffic record by welcoming 41.23 million travelers. Locally, the Airport supports the nation’s second largest banking center and serves more than 1.7 million in an area that includes 18 counties in North and South Carolina.
Last year, CLT oversaw a total of 552,093 landings and departures, a 2.7 percent increase from 2011. Charlotte Douglas provides service to 142 destinations throughout the world and averages 703 daily departures. The Airport is served by six domestic and three foreign flag carriers. US Airways operates its largest hub at CLT.
By air, more than half of the country’s population can be accessed from Charlotte within two hours, making the Airport an prime location for cargo operations. Cargo carriers serving the Charlotte region carried 137,943 tons of domestic and international cargo in 2011. The Charlotte Air Cargo Center is served by more than 15 cargo companies and more than 60 freight forwarders.
CLT is also a major employment center. Employers who maintain staff on-site have nearly 20,000 workers. The majority – 6,637 are employed by US Airways, with nearly 8,500 additional workers employed by other airlines, tenants, other businesses and the City of Charlotte’s Aviation Department. But the Airport’s impact extends far beyond passengers, cargo and employees. Charlotte Douglas International Airport also is a valuable tool for economic development.
Since 1982, when the current terminal building opened, 7,852 new companies have invested more than $5 billion in Mecklenburg County and created 78,042 new jobs. The number of foreign-owned companies with operations in Mecklenburg County has increased from 147 in 1982 to 625 today. In many instances, these companies cite the Airport as a major reason why they chose to locate within the Charlotte Region.
The economic activity that CLT generates is a major contributor to the vitality and growth of the region’s economy. The Airport also contributes nearly $10 billion in annual total economic impact to the region, according to a report prepared in November 2005 by the Center for Transportation Policy Studies at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte (UNCC), in partnership with the Charlotte Chamber.
Additionally, more than 100,000 jobs in the region are directly or indirectly related to the airport and its services. Those workers earn $5 billion in wages and salaries. To prepare this estimate, the Urban Institute used methodology developed by the Federal Aviation Administration that has become the generally accepted standard for this type of research.
For more information regarding the Airport’s economic impact, contact the Charlotte Chamber of Commerce
or the Charlotte Regional Partnership | <urn:uuid:9a2fd22e-ecb1-4c4d-914f-3ecc24187b23> | {
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Length of metal strips produced by a machine are normally distributed with mean length of 150 cm and a standard deviation of 10 cm. Find the probability that the length of a randomly selected strip is
i/ Shorter than 165 cm?
ii/ Longer than 170 cm?
iii/ Between 145 cm and 155 cm? | <urn:uuid:b1c81644-32dd-49d4-ba08-7b8c59cdda58> | {
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At the end of December, the Department of Health (DH) in the United Kingdom announced that the incidence of vitamin D deficiency and rickets, a disorder caused by lack of vitamin D that is characterized by soft, deformed bones in infants and children, are increasing. In fact, vitamin D deficiency and rickets are on the rise around the world, especially in the United States, Canada, and northern Europe, and several studies have indicated that rickets is a common disorder in children living in northern China, Bangladesh, and the Middle East.
Vitamin D deficiency is not only on the rise in children but also in adults and in the elderly. Some scientists estimate that nearly 40 percent of the adult population in the United States have low blood levels of vitamin D, and more than 50 percent of post-menopausal women have severe vitamin D deficiency. The most common causes of vitamin D deficiency are decreased exposure to sunlight, decreased intake of vitamin D in the diet, decreased absorption of vitamin D in the intestine, dark pigmentation of the skin, and prolonged breastfeeding of infants.
Today, more people are exposed to risk factors for vitamin D deficiency, such as living in northern latitudes, working indoors, and being sedentary and overweight (the precursor necessary to form active vitamin D is readily absorbed into fat tissue), than at any other time in history. In addition, many people wear long sleeves and pants to protect against skin cancer when they do spend time in the sun. But the amount of vitamin D that is needed to prevent vitamin D deficiency in the first place is fraught with uncertainty.
The Debate Over Dietary Guidelines
In the United States, dietary guidelines for vitamin D are based on what is known as adequate intake. Adequate intake is fundamentally different than recommended daily allowance (RDA). The United States has no actual RDA for vitamin D because there isn’t enough data in agreement to support set values. The current adequate intakes for each age group are essentially estimates based on scientific information about the amount of vitamin D that is thought to be necessary to keep bones healthy. But adequate intake values may not be adequate at all.
Some scientists have suggested that individuals at high risk of vitamin D deficiency may need to consume up to 5,000 IU (International Units) of vitamin D per day in order to prevent bone diseases. To put this into perspective, the Dietary Supplement Fact Sheet for vitamin D, published by the U.S. National Institute of Health Office of Dietary Supplements, indicates that the current adequate intake of vitamin D is 200 IU for infants, children, men, and women (pregnant and lactating), 400 IU for people 51 to 70, and 600 IU for people over 70. Tolerable upper intake levels of vitamin D are set at 1,000 IU for infants and 2,000 IU for everyone else.
Vitamin D supplements, which are often used as a safeguard to prevent bone loss in women, are the most common cause of vitamin D toxicity. Toxicity is characterized by symptoms such as nausea, vomiting, and calcinosis, the deposition of excess calcium in soft tissues that can lead to muscle pain and kidney dysfunction. However, in the last few years, scientists have discovered that we can spend as much time in the sun and eat as much food fortified with vitamin D as we want and never reach our tolerable upper intake levels or suffer from vitamin D deficiency, assuming we are free of underlying disorders.
Vitamin D is a fat-soluble vitamin, meaning that it must be synthesized within our bodies to be of any use to us. When ultraviolet radiation hits our skin, a compound called 7-dehydroxycholesterol is converted to cholecalciferol, which then circulates to the liver and is converted to 25-hydroxyvitamin D, or calcidiol. Calcidiol binds to special proteins in the blood, which carry it to the kidneys where it is converted into the active form of vitamin D, 1,25-dihydroxyvitamin D, or calcitriol. Vitamin D consumed in the diet must also undergo metabolism in the liver and activation to calcitriol in the kidneys.
Once formed, calcitriol helps regulate the amount of calcium and phosphate that circulates in our blood by facilitating the absorption of these minerals when our bones need them and by stimulating the release of these minerals from our bones when we need calcium or phosphate for other physiological functions. Calcitriol may also play an important role in maintaining immune function and in preventing nonskin cancers, including colon cancer.
The Return of Rickets
From a historical perspective, it is somewhat surprising that rickets is making a comeback today. Rickets was first reported by English physicians in the middle of the 17th century, and as long ago as the 19th century, cod-liver oil and exposure to sunlight were recognized as treatments for rickets. It was also known then that factors such as pollution and poor diet contributed to the development of the disorder. Many children living in 19th-century London were affected by rickets, presumably because the dense pollution blocked sun exposure and many people remained indoors most of the day to avoid the pollution.
When rickets was linked to vitamin D deficiency in the 1920s, scientists quickly set about finding ways to synthesize vitamin D, which could then be added to food products, including cereals and milk. Today, these fortified products remain the most important sources for vitamin D for growing children, adults, and the elderly. With modern lifestyles and with the availability of more nutrient-enriched foods and beverages today than ever before, it is surprising that vitamin D deficiency is so prevalent around the world. Maybe we should simply adhere to maternal wisdom. “Drink your milk!” | <urn:uuid:f6f1bbab-03ff-4a40-aeee-a26e515decb2> | {
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Your Own Private Idaho
suggested grade levels: 9-12/College
view Idaho achievement standards for this lesson
Students will use ArcExplorer program to solve a problem, learn more about and have fun with Idaho geography, and become aware of the demands/responsibilities of a Real Estate Agent.
I. Introduce real estate career opportunity
II. Present the problem to the students
A. Retired Couple
B. Seeking lake front property
C. Town 100 > 10,000
III. Assist students in completing project using ArcExplorer
IV. Students generate map of Idaho showing prospective locations
1. Responsibilities of a Real Estate Agent
2. Define "near a town"
3. Define "lake"
4. $$$ situation of couple
5. Cash or Mortgage
6. Build or buy existing structure
7. Size and type of structure
8. Minor children/grandchildren
9. Hobby interests of couple
10. Approximate ages of couple
11. Climate preferences
12. Medical needs
Other Career Choice Assignments:
1. Fish biologist who wants to grow talapia.
2. Sociologist who wants to know how many Idahoans live without electricity.
3. Cheesemaker who wants to know where to locate a new plant.
4. Survival equipment salesman who wants to target rural areas.
5. Herbologish who wants to create a trade route for people seeking natural substitutes for Ritalin.
6. State school athletic director who must redefine school division boundaries for scheduling sporting events.
These are links to access the handouts and printable materials.
Geography: Geography Topics | <urn:uuid:56e89f78-d60b-41d3-bcc0-19b990352166> | {
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Oklahoma has a wealthy history. The different towns and settlements have seen plenty of transition throughout the years. It’s among those states that played an integral role in the Civil War and even has a number of military web sites located there including one in Fort Sill, OK.
It was initially one of many places exactly where Native Indians were relocated and had to call home. Among their settlements was exactly where Lawton, OK is these days. They’ve been permitted to have dedicated lands on the bottom. It had been rather arduous on these Indians emigrate towards the region. They saw many deaths consequently.
However, they are just about the most resilient individuals and turned out to be recovery with resolute courage to produce a much better life for themselves. This brought on the ‘Golden Age’.
Oklahoma have also been cowboy nation, once cattle ranching came on stream. This market was hugely productive and still is nowadays. Nonetheless, it necessary the Indians to create much more modifications and lose more of the lands which were allotted them.
Additionally, the newly emancipated former slaves and African Americans received land too. Lands like that relating to Fort Sill and Lawton, Oklahoma were split into 160 acre parcels and dispersed towards the lucky winners from the nearby lottery of this time. This meant the best lands which were when settlements with the Native American Indians, such as the Comanche and Apache, got away to richer folk.
Becoming one of many last states to be formed, Oklahoma made many people rich. Using its oil reserves and vast lands for cattle ranching, individuals from the inside the nation and Europe flocked there to make a better life. Today, several famous people and athletes come from this area; they contain Jeremy Castle, Garth Brooks, Vince Gill, Reba McIntyre, Jim Thorpe and even Will Rogers.
Virtually all field artillery Soldiers and also Marine corps receive their own education below, in addition to many international students from allied countries. Learn more about fort sill ok. | <urn:uuid:f9c21b97-7fab-4e45-b0b1-e127a6805ec1> | {
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We have all seen the signs. They might be referring to a road-widening project, a new city or county park, sidewalks being repaired, new airport terminals being constructed, potholes being filled in, additional trees being planted, or some sort of downtown development. But regardless of the project, the signs are usually the same: Your Tax Dollars at Work.
Now, it is true that most improvement ventures are state, county, or city projects. But it should be remembered that many of them are still funded in whole or in part by the federal government. Nevertheless, because the spending of tax dollars by the federal government is so much greater than that state, county, or city governments, it is the federal government that we are most concerned about.
According to the year-end data from the September 2018 Monthly Treasury Statement of Receipts and Outlays of the U.S. Government — as reported by U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven T. Mnuchin and Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Mick Mulvaney in a joint press release — total spending by the federal government in fiscal year 2018 (which ended on Sept. 30, 2018) was a staggering $4.107 trillion. The federal government spends about $11.232 billion per day, $468 million per hour, $7.8 million per minute, or $130,000 per second. That means that in one week, the federal government spends more than the governments of Connecticut, Kansas, New Mexico, and North Carolina spend in a year — combined. It means that federal spending in one day is higher than each of the yearly budgets of the governments of Alaska, Delaware, Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Mississippi, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wyoming.
Although the total outlays of the federal government were $4.107 trillion in fiscal year 2018, its receipts were “only” $3.328 trillion. That means that the federal budget deficit for fiscal year 2018 was $779 billion. The only way that the federal government was able to spend more than it took in was by borrowing the $779 billion. Deficit spending by the federal government is the norm, and has reached the $1 trillion mark a few times since the turn of the century. That is why the national debt (the total of each year’s deficit since the country was founded) is now more than $21 trillion.
Before looking at how the federal government puts Americans’ tax dollars to work, let’s look at where and how the government gets all of its money in the first place.
Government receipts come primarily from the collection of taxes. Of the $3.328 trillion that the federal government took in during
fiscal year 2018, miscellaneous receipts (various fees, penalties, forfeitures, and fines) were only $110.5 billion.
Estate and gift taxes were $23.0 billion. They are imposed by the federal government on the transfer of property from one person to another, either at death (estate tax) or while the giver of the property is living (gift tax). The estate tax rate is 40 percent of the value of the estate exceeding $11.18 million. The gift tax, which is related to the estate tax, kicks in when you give someone — in cash, property, or assets — more than $15,000 in a year. However, the amount of the gift simply counts against your $11.18 million lifetime exclusion.
Customs duties were $41.3 billion. The Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States, published by the U.S. International Trade Commission, lists the thousands of imports subject to tariffs and the tariff rate.
Excise taxes were $95.0 billion. The largest excise tax is on fuel: 18.4¢ per gallon on gasoline and 24.4¢ cents per gallon on diesel fuel. Other excise taxes include the taxes on passenger air fares, air cargo, and aviation fuel; the taxes resulting from the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (the ACA or Obamacare), such as the taxes imposed on health insurers, importers and manufacturers of prescription drugs, medical devices, and indoor tanning services; and the taxes on tobacco and alcohol.
Corporate income taxes were $204.7 billion. Because of the passage of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (the Trump tax cuts), beginning on January 1, 2018, the corporate tax rate was lowered to a flat 21 percent. Previous to that, the maximum corporate tax rate was 35 percent — one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world.
Social insurance and retirement receipts were $1,170.7 billion. Payroll taxes consist of Social Security and Medicare taxes. The Social Security tax rate is 12.4 percent (split equally between employer and employee) on the first $128,400 of employee income. The Medicare tax rate is 2.9 percent (split equally between employer and employee) on every dollar of employee income. “The rich” also pay a 0.9 percent Additional Medicare Tax on income exceeding $200,000 ($250,000 married filing jointly).
Individual income taxes were $1,683.5 billion. Under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, there are seven tax rates and corresponding income brackets:
10% — $0–$9,525
12% — $9,525–$38,700
22% — $38,700–$82,500
24% — $82,500–$157,500
32% — $157,500–$200,000
35% — $200,000–$500,000
37% — $500,000+
Married filing jointly
10% — $0–$19,050
12% — $19,050–$77,400
22% — $77,400–$165,000
24% — $165,000–$315,000
32% — $315,000–$400,000
35% — $400,000–$600,000
37% — $600,000+
In addition, some Americans have to pay capital gains taxes on their income from investments. And then there is the Net Investment Income Tax at a rate of 3.8 percent on investment income exceeding $200,000 ($250,000 married filing jointly). According to data on consumer expenditures released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), Americans on average spend more annually on taxes than on food and clothing combined, with most of their taxes being income taxes and Social Security taxes.
As mentioned previously, total outlays of the federal government in fiscal year 2018 were $4.107 trillion. Here is a brief summary of how Americans’ tax dollars were put to work:
The federal government contains a myriad of agencies, bureaus, corporations, commissions, administrations, authorities, and boards organized under fifteen departments. These departments (and their spending in billions of dollars for fiscal year 2018) are: Agriculture (136.7), which includes the food stamp program; Commerce (8.5); Defense (600.7); Education (63.7); Energy (26.4); Health and Human Services (1,120.5), which includes Medicare, Medicaid, and a myriad of other welfare programs; Homeland Security (68.3), which includes the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Transportation Security Administration (TSA); Housing and Urban Development (54.6); Interior (13.2); Justice (34.5), which includes the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA); Labor (39.6); State (26.3), which includes funding for the United Nations; Transportation (78.4); Treasury (629.4), which paid $521.5 billion in interest on the national debt; and Veterans Affairs (178.5).
And then there is the alphabet soup of independent agencies of the federal government, each of which has its own budget. They include the SBA, USPS, NASA, CPSC, CFTC, CIA, NSF, FCC, FTC, NEA, NEH, NSA, EPA, and USAID. The biggest-spending independent federal agency is the Social Security Administration (SSA), which spent $1.039 trillion in fiscal year 2018.
There are two kinds of spending by the federal government: mandatory and discretionary. Mandatory spending refers to the portion of the budget that Congress legislates outside of the annual appropriations process. It accounts for about two-thirds of the federal budget. It includes spending on Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, welfare and subsidies, food stamps, unemployment benefits, refundable tax credits, and veterans’ benefits. Discretionary spending refers to the portion of the budget that is decided by Congress through the annual appropriations process each year. It accounts for about one-third of the federal budget. Aside from military spending, which dwarfs all the rest, it includes spending on education, NASA, foreign aid, job training, Head Start, veterans’ benefits, scientific research grants, and the Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) program.
What the government doesn’t reveal in its reports and press releases is some of the outrageous things it spends its money on. For that we are indebted to publications such as Waste Watch, issued annually by Oklahoma congressman Steve Russell; Wastebook, formerly issued annually by Sen. Jeff Flake; the Congressional Pig Book, the annual compilation of the pork-barrel projects in the federal budget by Citizens for Government Waste, and investigative reporting by journalists such as John Stossel and James Bovard. Here are some examples:
The Department of Agriculture and the National Institutes of Health spent more than $3.5 million on Hip-Hop to Health, a nutrition and physical activity obesity-prevention program that uses hip-hop songs to help obese preschoolers lose weight with music. The State Department gave $17 million to the Asia Foundation, which is “committed to improving lives across a dynamic and developing Asia.” Two robots purchased by the Department of Veterans Affairs for the Madison VA Medical Center in Wisconsin for $313,000 that went unused for two years were sold back to the manufacturer for less than $2,000. Three National Institutes of Health grants totaling more than $3.5 million were given to researchers at West Virginia University to find the root cause for people’s fear and anxiety about going to the dentist. The University of California-San Diego Scripps Institution of Oceanography received a $560,000 grant from the National Science Foundation to study the endurance of mudskipper fish on a treadmill.
The nature of government spending
Aside from its sheer magnitude, it is the nature of government spending that is a problem all its own. The overwhelming majority of federal agencies are neither constitutional nor the proper role of government. Take, for example, the federal government’s National Railroad Passenger Corporation (Amtrak). Since its creation in 1971, it has cost taxpayers more than $40 billion because it has continuously failed to make a profit. An audit last year by Ernst and Young found that Amtrak “has a history of operating losses and is dependent upon substantial Federal Government subsidies to sustain its operations and maintain its underlying infrastructure.” Yet the Constitution nowhere grants authority to the federal government to subsidize, let alone operate, a transportation system. And doing either one is contrary to the only legitimate functions of government in a free society: defense, judicial, and policing activities.
But it’s not just federal agencies: whole departments of the federal government are illegitimate; for example, the departments of Agriculture, Education, Energy, Health and Human Services, Housing and Urban Development, and Labor. Nowhere in the Constitution is the federal government authorized to have anything to do with agriculture, food, education, energy, health, housing, urban development, or employment. In fact, spending by those departments is so illegitimate that the entire departments should be shut down, their assets sold to the highest bidder, and every last one of their bureaucrats laid off.
Even the spending of legitimate departments of the federal government is suspect. The Department of Defense (DoD) is, obviously, intended to “provide for the common defense” of the country. Who could argue with that? But most of what the DoD does is offense, not defense. The DoD fights unnecessary foreign wars and maintains an empire of troops and bases around the world. And those are not recent developments. The United States has been sending its soldiers all over the world for more than a hundred years. According to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the United States spends more on defense than China, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, Saudi Arabia, and India combined. The DoD’s budget could be cut drastically and it wouldn’t affect the real defense of the United States one bit.
The worst thing about federal spending was recently pointed out by economist Walter Williams of George Mason University:
Tragically, two-thirds to three-quarters of the federal budget can be described as Congress taking the rightful earnings of one American to give to another American — using one American to serve another. Such acts include farm subsidies, business bailouts, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, welfare, and many other programs.
And of course, all that spending is first filtered through the hands of government bureaucrats.
Libertarianism and taxes
Contrary to liberals and conservatives — who are fine with government spending as long as it is funding their agendas and who have no philosophical objection to taxes — libertarians have usually maintained on principle that taxation is theft. The libertarian view of taxes is not that taxes should be fair,
adequate, sufficient, constitutional, uniform, flat, simple, efficient, apportioned equally, or low. The usual libertarian view of taxes is simply that they should not exist in the first place. Taxation is theft because it violates the nonaggression principle. As explained by the Austrian economist Murray Rothbard in The Ethics of Liberty (1982),
All other persons and groups in society (except for acknowledged and sporadic criminals such as thieves and bank robbers) obtain their income voluntarily: either by selling goods and services to the consuming public, or by voluntary gift (e.g., membership in a club or association, bequest, or inheritance). Only the State obtains its revenue by coercion, by threatening dire penalties should the income not be forthcoming. That coercion is known as “taxation,” although in less regularized epochs it was often known as “tribute.” Taxation is theft, purely and simply, even though it is theft on a grand and colossal scale which no acknowledged criminals could hope to match. It is a compulsory seizure of the property of the State’s inhabitants, or subjects.
It would be an instructive exercise for the skeptical reader to try to frame a definition of taxation which does not also include theft. Like the robber, the State demands money at the equivalent of gunpoint; if the taxpayer refuses to pay, his assets are seized by force, and if he should resist such depredation, he will be arrested or shot if he should continue to resist.
The income tax is especially egregious. As Frank Chodorov explained in his book The Income Tax: Root of All Evil (1954), the income tax means that the state says to its citizens, “Your earnings are not exclusively your own; we have a claim on them, and our claim precedes yours; we will allow you to keep some of it, because we recognize your need, not your right; but whatever we grant you for yourself is for us to decide.” So, if taxation is theft, why do libertarians pay taxes? Libertarians pay taxes for the same reason that they hand over their wallet to someone who points a gun in their face and says, “Give me your money or I will shoot you.” They do not pay taxes because, as the inscription engraved on the exterior of the IRS Building in Washington, D.C., reads, “Taxes are what we pay for a civilized society.”
One of the main objections of liberals and conservatives to the libertarian view that taxes are government theft is that without income and payroll taxes the federal government could not function because it would not get the revenue it needs. But since the vast majority of spending by the federal government, as explained above, is on wealth-redistribution schemes, income-transfer programs, pay and benefits for government bureaucrats, war and militarism, and assorted boondoggles, federal spending could probably be cut 95 percent and the constitutional functions of government could still be adequately funded.
In a libertarian society, that is, in a free society, the federal government wouldn’t tax the incomes of individuals or businesses. In fact, the federal government wouldn’t even know the incomes of individuals or the profits of business (unless they were public corporations). In a free society, all Americans would be entitled to keep all of the fruits of their labor and spend, save, invest, or donate their money as they see fit. The federal government wouldn’t give out any grants, send any foreign aid or disaster relief, subsidize anything, supply welfare, distribute food, regulate anything, undertake job training, perform any research or exploration, fight poverty, provide student loans, operate a retirement system, or fund arts and culture. And the federal government certainly wouldn’t take money out of the paychecks, pockets, and purses of some Americans and redistribute it to other Americans after funneling it through multiple layers of an expansive bureaucracy. In a free society, U.S. troops would not fight foreign wars; be stationed on overseas bases; or bomb, maim, invade, occupy, or intervene in other countries.
The only reason it appears that the federal government “needs” the money it currently collects in taxes is that we have a massive welfare/warfare/regulatory state. But the actual constitutional functions of the federal government could be funded by tariffs, lotteries, donations, user fees, and land sales.
The federal government was funded primarily by tariffs before the income tax was instituted. Yes, tariffs are taxes on imports, but if they are low and for revenue and not for protection, they are much preferable to income and payroll taxes.
Every state except Alabama, Alaska, Hawaii, Nevada, and Utah has a lottery. Although the Constitution doesn’t authorize the federal government to have a lottery, the lack of constitutional authorization has never prevented the government from doing anything. But to satisfy purists, the Constitution could easily be amended to allow for a national lottery. Because the odds of winning the lottery are so low, playing the lottery can almost be considered paying a “voluntary tax.”
According to 31 U.S.C. §9701, federal agencies are permitted to “charge for a service or thing of value provided by the agency.”
Even though Americans are obligated to pay taxes, they still give millions of dollars every year to the federal government in donations or bequests to reduce the federal debt held by the public. According to the Department of the Treasury’s Bureau of the Fiscal Service, Americans gave to the federal government $2.6 million in fiscal year 2017, $5.1 million in fiscal year 2014, and a whopping $7.7 million in 2012. Just imagine how much Americans might donate if they were freed from their income and payroll tax burden.
The federal government currently owns roughly one-third of all land in the United States, including more than 80 percent of Alaska and Nevada, and more than half the land in Idaho, Oregon, and Utah. That land could and should be sold.
Federal tax dollars should never be put to work.
This article was originally published in the February 2019 edition of Future of Freedom. | <urn:uuid:d0344aa4-781d-4632-b0c6-77133dfdfa2c> | {
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Other voices of service
Voices less heard
It should be noted that the voices of minorities are virtually absent from the personal military service histories compiled by the State Council of Defense for Oregon. This likely is partially due to the relatively small numbers of Native Americans, African Americans, and other minorities who fought in the war from Oregon. But society also tended to overlook the contributions of minorities during the time. The state historian did contact entities such as the Chemawa Indian School near Salem to request information but had little success.
On active service with the Allies
One of them, Charles Franklin Buchanan of Portland, enlisted in the Canadian Army in April 1915 as part of the "Loyal Legion Seaforth Highlanders of Canada." After a promotion to corporal he transferred to the "Duke of Connaught's Own Battalion Canadian Infantry" where he was promoted to sergeant-major. Eager to get to the front, Buchanan resigned his position and enlisted as a private to get into action quicker.
By the beginning of 1916 he got his wish and spent nearly two years at the front. After a fierce 1917 battle in Flanders in which practically his entire company was either killed or wounded, he was once again promoted. By July of 1918 Buchanan earned the commission of lieutenant in the 1st Canadian Reserve. He suffered wounds in September 1918 and again in early October but returned from the hospital to the front quickly both times.
On October 12 he was in the middle of a fight on the Sensee Canal in France. According to Canadian General Philpot, Buchanan "had destroyed a German machine gun nest and had killed several German officers and men single-handed and had dug in on the bank of the canal, awaiting the English artillery, when a sniper killed him."
Described by General Philpot as "a natural leader," Buchanan was posthumously awarded the British Military Cross for his bravery. In his last letter to his parents "he expressed a longing again to visit his parents and other relatives in Oregon. His determination, however, was not to give up the fight until the power of the Hun was broken forever."
Oregon women offer care here and abroad
Farmer William McKern and his wife, Edna, saw their 20 year old daughter named Enid off from home near Mt. Vernon in rugged Grant County to start her new life as a nurse. She had heard about the government's call for nurses and had dreamed about foreign service. So, on a fall day in 1918, after enlisting with a friend in Canyon City, she began her preparation in the United States Student Nurse Reserve. The reserve assigned her to St. Elizabeth's Hospital in Baker [now Baker City].
Once in Baker, Enid began her studies and training. But within a few days, while helping patients, she was stricken with Spanish Influenza. The hospital informed Enid's parents and her mother soon arrived from Mt. Vernon. But Enid developed pneumonia and, after a total of nine days, she died. Her father arrived at the hospital just after she passed away. The family returned her body to Mt. Vernon where she received a military funeral, another victim of the flu epidemic raging throughout the state. She was eulogized as a "big, strong, fine looking girl" who offered her life and died "while serving others that this world might be better."
Many Oregon women, such as Irish born Stasia Walsh of Pendleton, did go on to see extensive service in France. She joined the Army Nurse Corps through the Red Cross in 1918. Already a nurse in civilian life, she quickly became a member of Base Hospital 46 and in March was assigned to service at Camp Lee, Virginia. By the Fourth of July Stasia was shipping out with the hospital for duty in France. She served with Base Hospital 46 and later Base Hospital 81 for the duration of the war, tending to the injured and sick soldiers coming in from the front. Her hospital service in France continued into June of 1919 as the country tried to recover from four years of total war.
Other Oregon women served as doctors in Europe during and after the war. The American Women's Hospitals organization carried out work related to both the war and to relief efforts. In cooperation with other organizations such as the Red Cross, it operated hospitals and dispensaries in several parts of France. But many of the sick and injured in isolated villages could not travel to the hospitals because of the war-ravaged roads:
The organization carried out similar work after the war in Serbia and the Near East as famine and disease ravaged those areas.
According to the chairman of the national organization, Dr. Esther Lovejoy, "Our Oregon medical women made exceptionally fine records in the American Women's Hospitals overseas service. We have a state of less than a million people and while I cannot say exactly the number, I believe there is only one state with a larger number of medical women in our service than Oregon, according to population." She especially cited two Oregon women, Dr. Mary MacLachlin and Dr. Mary Evans. They had been serving in a hospital in Luzancy, in a devastated part of France, for almost a year. Because of their selfless service, they were decorated by the French government and "made citizens of that municipality [Luzancy]."
The disabled return home
Most men would live with partial disabilities. Allen T. Gribble of Clackamas worked as a letter carrier before signing up for duty on the Mexican border. He later enlisted in the Marine Corps and, after training, was sent to the front at St. Mihiel in August 1918. Soon in heavy action, Gribble was wounded seven times and lived to tell about it. His wounds included: "Shot through the nose; index finger of left hand shot off; shot through left thigh; shell wound, right knee; shell wound, above right ankle; little finger of the left hand shot off." He finally stopped fighting after the seventh wound when he was shot in the wrist.
The marine was taken to a base hospital where "I can eat three squares a day." Yet, Gribble grew impatient away from the battle: "[I] am anxious to get back at them. If I don't before the war ends I know there are plenty of other Yanks to finish the job." Gribble stayed in France until March 1919. Still, his wounds would leave him partially disabled for the rest of his life.
Ralph Boyer went to Corvallis to train for a new life. The 22 year old had enlisted to serve in coast artillery for the Army. One day his company was planting mines. A rope slipped and one of Boyer's legs became entangled as he was dragged violently for some distance. His leg broke so badly that it needed to be amputated. According to a major in the coast artillery, "he remained concious [conscious] throughout the ordeal which was three hours. The Dr. who operated spoke highly of his grit...."
Since the accident occurred while Boyer was on duty, he qualified for the help under a new federal disability program. Before World War I, most wounded soldiers died. Eighty percent of those wounded in the Civil War died since an understanding of germs and sterile environments was not well developed. With increased attention to preventing infections, the survival rate improved greatly for American fighters during World War I.
The Soldiers' Rehabilitation Act of 1918 basically responded to the influx of disabled but otherwise healthy veterans returning from the war. Nationwide, approximately 10,000 men were eligible for the program. Many were assigned to business colleges, factories, automobile schools, and other industrial institutions across the country. The act proved so successful that two years later it was extended to civilians with disabilities. It is now seen as a key element in the path toward modern rehabilitation services. Disabled veterans also benefited from the services of the United States Veterans Bureau, which ran hospitals for injured and disabled veterans. The bureau consolidated with two other agencies to form the Veterans Administration in 1930.
Oregon Agricultural College played host to numerous disabled soldiers and sailors seeking vocational education since the act paid student expenses. Boyer apparently enrolled at OAC. His grade report for the first semester of 1919 shows him earning "B"s in both machine shop and tractor operation.
By May 1919 OAC saw 15 members in the campus group affectionately dubbed the "S. and S. Crip Club," short for the Soldiers' and Sailors' Cripple Club. The men ranged from 20 to 37 year old. One had a broken back, one had lost a leg, and another was blind in one eye. One member, Alexander Brander, a Heppner resident originally from Aberdeenshire, Scotland, carried a box with shrapnel with him as a conversation piece. The shrapnel was removed from his body after he was wounded on the Marne front the year before. The club's purpose at OAC was to direct and improve the "social, mental and moral opportunities" of its members. A faculty member of the OAC Department of Vocational Education served as an active member and advisor to the club. | <urn:uuid:925d1b32-d97c-4e87-952f-6bcbed30cdb9> | {
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Earth & Space Science: About the Course
Re: [Channel-talkearthspace] session 4
Date: Sat Jul 08 2006 - 21:49:34 EDT
X-Mailer: Novell GroupWise Internet Agent 6.5.4
Sorry, but I somehow missed where the powerpoint presentations were. I just started teaching earth science and would LOVE a copy!!!
>>> firstname.lastname@example.org 07/01/06 5:21 PM >>>
First off, thank you, Monica, for posting your Power Point presentations. They will come in handy this year when I teach Earth science for the first time.
Regarding session 4 and how to introduce plate tectonics to students so they may learn from observation, I have 2 ideas.
1) Heat a pot of soup with crackers floating on top. Cover, or nearly cover the surface with the crackers. Observe the crackers move relative to one another as the soup heats and bubbles.
2) Observe a pond with lily pads floating on it. Turn on the fountain or toss in a stone to see how the postions of the lily pads are affected.
While these suggestions may simulate how the tectonic plates shift relative to one another, I am not sure what to suggest to represent the composition of the mantle.
Any other ideas?
Do you Yahoo!?
Everyone is raving about the all-new Yahoo! Mail Beta.
Channel-talkearthspace mailing list
Received on Mon Jul 10 09:36:41 2006 | <urn:uuid:4abb35a2-e65e-46b0-8dc9-20dcb5eaf6f7> | {
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From the Pitcher’s Circle – Fastpitch Softball Illegal Pitches
There are three often-violated rules in girls’ fast pitch softball that are misunderstood by many pitchers, coaches, and even some umpires, and consequently are often not enforced. All three were designed to prevent some pitchers from having an unfair advantage over other pitchers…and batters. These two definitions and rules for “leaping” and “crow hopping” are often misinterpreted, and wrongly used to define each other. What we offer here is an attempt to clarify the meaning of the three rules so they can be more uniformly understood and complied with:
1) A CROW HOP is not the pitcher’s failure to drag the push-off foot along the ground. A crow hop is, as the name implies, a forward hop or step off the pitching rubber by the pivot/push-off foot (typically moving it forward a foot or more) to “replant” it and use it for a second push-off point. It is not permitted in girls/women’s softball.
2) LEAPING can be caused by a failure to “drag” the pivot/push-off foot. Leaping, in fast pitch softball, is the act of having both feet off the ground at the same time (as shown in the photo on the right).
3) SIDE STEPPING is permissible, but as long as the stride foot lands within the “pitching lane”. Some pitchers, particularly those who are stepping-style pitchers, are often taught to not step directly forward toward home plate, but instead to step to the side to gain an advantage with the “closing” (or twisting of the trunk)process. Stepping to the side must be restricted to the width of the pitching plate.
There are many other kinds of illegal pitches depending on the sanction the pitcher is playing in…
- At anytime, if a pitcher takes her throwing hand to her face (mainly mouth to get saliva on fingers to get better grip on a dusty ball), she has to wipe off saliva/sweat before the pitch is thrown.
- Pitcher will sometimes have to “present” the ball to the umpire and batter before going into her motion.
- Pitchers are not allowed to have anything distracting on throwing hand, such as a color that matches the ball, jewelry, and even sometimes glittery headbands that can “distract the batter”. | <urn:uuid:286c7ea2-35d9-456e-b10c-c89e371ee463> | {
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From Our 2010 Archives
Racial Disparities Widen in Use of Asthma Treatments
Latest Asthma News
THURSDAY, May 13 (HealthDay News) -- A new U.S. government report says a gap has developed between minority and white asthma patients when it comes to taking daily medication to prevent asthma attacks.
The Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality said that black and white asthma patients used daily asthma medication at about the same rate in 2003 -- 29% to 30%. But by 2006, only 25% of black patients were taking the medicine, compared to about 34% of white patients.
A similar gap appeared between Hispanics and whites. Their medicine usage rate was about the same (28% to 31%) in 2003, but by 2006, just 23% of Hispanic asthma patients were using the medications, while about 35% of white patients were.
But the report also stated that the medication usage gap between higher-income people and lower-income people actually shrank between 2003 and 2006.
-- Randy Dotinga
Copyright © 2010 HealthDay. All rights reserved.
SOURCE: Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, news release, May 11, 2010
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ne of Swinburne's earliest works about love is Rosamond, a drama in the Elizabethan style, but one that employs a medieval setting and real historical figures as characters. Published in 1860, this play is extra-ordinarily significant for the poet's future themes and artistic development. Rosamond possesses many of the virtues of Swinburne's later tragedy Chastelard, which has attracted somewhat more critical attention, but the earlier work is usually dismissed as a mere Pre-Raphaelite exercise. Both plays, however, prove inspired throughout by Swinburne's youthful enchantment with courtly love topoi. In these dramas we can discern the depth of his fascination with the topoi of medieval romance and tourbadour poetry, as well as their effect [37/38] on his treatment of the carnal and the ideal aspects of his constant theme, love.
Analysis of these two works with emphasis on their courtly elements reveals the extent of his early assimilation of values fundamental to medieval love literature, which he adapted to his "modern," that is, Romantic world view and to his unique artistic needs. In Swinburne's version of Rosamond, the passionate entanglement between Henry II and his mistress culminates with Rosamond's murder by his wife, Eleanor of Aquitaine, perhaps the most famous heroine of courtly love lore.2 Similarly, an ethos derived from courtly convention underlies Chastelard's love for Mary Stuart.
The first of Rosamond's five scenes is the most forceful in demonstrating Swinburne's debt to troubadour conventions as well as to Pre-Raphaelite stylistic influences. Courtly love preoccupations and the medieval setting overshadow elements of Jacobean revenge tragedy throughout the play. Swinburne's Rosamond, rather than the historical queen of the Courts of Love, espouses the religion of love and, as a result of her lived creed, is poisoned by Eleanor out of jealousy. The play's predominantly lyrical psychodramatic vignettes stress highlights of the relationships among the four main characters during the last months of Rosamond's life. The action begins in spring and ends in late summer, but the only explicit time lapse occurs between the fourth and fifth scenes, when Henry is abroad, subduing the French provinces. In addition to the historical characters, Swinburne creates the courtier Bouchard, the serviceable object of the jealous Queen's ambivalent affections. But Rosamond is significant primarily for the characterization of its tragic heroine, whose passion for Henry suggests the power of the courtly love influence on young Swinburne. In the "Prelude" to Tristram of Lyonesse (written nine years later), Swinburne catalogues "the sweet shining signs of women's names / That [38/39] mark the months out and the weeks anew," which Love "moves in changeless change of seasons through / To fill the days up of his dateless year" (Poems, IV, 208. Alongside Guenevere, Hero, Cleopatra, and the rest is "The rose-white sphere of flower-named Rosamond." This Swinburnean heroine conceives of herself not as an individual but rather as a type, the beautiful woman who inspires insatiable and potentially destructive passions: "Yea, I am found the woman in all tales, / The face caught always in the story's face." She is Helen, Cressida, Hero, and Cleopatra. In her particular "tale," as in Swinburne's versions of stories about Cleopatra, Guenevere, and Yseult, the heroine herself is destroyed. Yet we are conditioned from the play's first scene, as the "flower-white" Rosamond wrestles with the fact of her own mutability, to accept the drama of her death as merely one episode in Love's timeless, cyclic tragedy.
Swinburne's choice of the "rose of the world" as one of his first subjects for verse suggests that he associated his conception of Rosamond with courtly love allegory, specifically the Roman de la Rose, in which the rose is the eternal symbol of the beloved and of the perfect beauty that is fearfully transient but simultaneously immortal.3 As in Swinburne's later lyrics "Before the Mirror" and "The Year of the Rose," Rosamond's central symbol is the rose, and, like them, this play recapitulates the major preoccupations of courtly love poetry: the apotheosis of beauty; love as the necessary consequence of beauty fear of mutability; and a final insistence on the immortality of both love and beauty, which can be attained, paradoxically, only through death.
[39/40] The first scene of Rosamond characterizes its heroine as simultaneously enchanted with her own beauty, exalted by her love affair with Henry, and insecure about the permanence of her beauty and her love. Surrounded by the ephemeral rose blossoms with which she identifies in the maze at Woodstock, she is alone with her maid, Constance. Here Rosamond reveals her concern with the world's slanderous gossip about her, and as the scene progresses she attempts gradually to rebuild her self-confidence-in her beauty, in Henry's continuing devotion, and in the unassailable value of beauty and of love. At first, she is defensive:
If six leaves make a rose, I stay red yet
And the wind nothing ruins me; who says
I am at waste? (Tragedies, I, 231)
She repeatedly challenges Constance to "say I am not fair," in order to elicit the praise she pretends to despise. She equivocates between self-doubt and unabashed vanity: "Leave off my praise . . . quaint news to hear, That I am fair, have hair strung through with gold" (Tragedies, I, 232). Then she renews herself by remembering Henry's courtly verses of adulation, and concludes by defining her own and the world's goodness purely in terms of beauty, the ultimate value that Swinburne everywhere associates with love:
But I that am
Part of the perfect witness for the world,
How good it is; I chosen in God's eyes
To fill the lean account of under men, The lank and hunger-bitten ugliness
Of half his people . . . I that am, ah yet,
And shall be till the worm has share in me,
Fairer than love or the clean truth of God,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I . . . have roses in my name, and make
All flowers glad to set their colour by. (Tragedies, I, 236- 37)
Earlier, Eleanor has revealed that the source of her jealousy is her homeliness. Angrily and plaintively, she compares herself with Rosamond:
Sweet stature hath she and fair eyes, men say;
I am but black, with hair that keeps the braid,[40/41]
And my face hurt and bitten of the sun
Past medicine of all waters. (Tragedies, I, 245)
Nonetheless, feelings of jealousy are mutual. Throughout the play Rosamond schizophrenically alternates between vanity and insecurity. Since she values herself exclusively for her beauty, she needs a man continually to reinforce her self-esteem, as does every courtly lady. She nourishes her vanity by goading the king to denigrate his queen:
As you are king, sir, tell me without shame
Doth not your queen share praise with you, show best
In all crowned ways even as you do? I have heard
Men praise the state in her and the great shape. (Tragedies, I, 260)
That Henry can describe Eleanor coldly as "A Frenchwoman, black-haired and with grey lips / And fingers like a hawk's cut claw" (Tragedies, I, 261) explains Eleanor's rabid antagonism toward Rosamond. In the play's aesthetic theology, ugliness is equivalent to damnation, and Henry's adulterous relations with so beautiful a mistress as Rosamond entirely undermine the queen's pride and reputation.
Rosamond and Eleanor both need courtly praise and devotion, because the love that beauty inspires is their supreme value. Beauty not only assures love, it assures immortality: "Love's signet-brand stamps through the gold o' the years" (Tragedies, I, 238). In Scene I, Rosamond articulates the courtly apotheosis of love upon which the whole action of the play depends. Here, as always, a life of love assures salvation. It is the one crucial sacrament:
God has no plague so perilous as love,
And no such honey for the lips of Christ
To purge them clean of gall and sweet for heaven.
It was to fit the naked limbs of love
He wrought and clothed the world with ordinance.
Yea let no wiser woman hear me say
I think that whoso shall unclothe his soul
Of all soft raiment coloured custom weaves,
And choose before the cushion-work of looms
Stones rough at edge to stab the tender side,
Put honour off and patience and respect
And veils and relics of remote esteem
To turn quite bare into large arms of love,[41/42]
God loves him better than those bitter fools
Whom ignorance makes clean, and bloodless use
Keeps colder than their dreams. (Tragedies, I, 238)
Rosamond's emphasis here on the transcendent value of passion that defies convention and her earlier emphasis on the power of beauty that defies mortality are reminiscent of two arguments implicitly proferred in Morris' "The Defence of Guenevere," composed at about the same time as Swinburne began the first draft of Rosamond (see Jeunesse, I, 235-36). But Guenevere's values are more strained and tentative than Rosamond's. Of even greater importance in differentiating Morris' attempt at a sternly realistic adaptation of medievalist amatory and religious values and Swinburne's iconoclastic recasting of them, however, is that Guenevere pathetically capitulates in "King Arthur's Tomb," her monologue's companion piece, to conventional religious orthodoxies, as Swinburne's medievalist heroines and heroes often refuse to do.
In the passage from Rosamond quoted earlier, we discover the first lengthy formulation of Swinburne's consistently fatalistic "religion" of love and beauty, which "makes the daily flesh an altar-cup / To carry tears and rarest blood within / And touch pained lips with feast of sacramant" (Tragedies, I, 239). Indeed, in this play as elsewhere in Swinburne's poetry, the experience of passion temporarily becomes a kind of religious ecstasy. The oblivion it engenders, however, simulates death. In a sad and loving mood, after singing a Swinburnean imitation of a sorrowful troubadour lyric, Rosamond ends Scene III with this plea to Henry:
Yea, kiss me one strong kiss out of your heart,
Do not kiss more; I love you with my lips,
My eyes and heart, your love is in my blood,
I shall die merely if you hold to me. (Tragedies, I, 265)
The hyperbole of this last line is typical of courtly rhetoric. Further, Rosamond's postponement of carnal satisfaction, and her demand for a single kiss, reflects an "orthodox" courtly love convention in which the degree of restraint a lover feels compelled to employ is merely a measure of promised bliss and present woe, the mixed pain and pleasure of passion. [42/43]
With Rosamond it is not so much the intensity of insatiable love as the fear of forfeiting her beauty and, consequently, her lover's praise that makes her desire death. Although she is terrified and cowardly when actually confronted by Eleanor, Rosamond opens the play's last scene with a weary and sorrowful soliloquy in which she ponders the ugliness age is sure to bring, and because of that inevitability, she prays, "God . . . / get me broken quickly." Finally she meets death as a succedaneum and is consoled to die with her beauty and Henry's love undiminished: "To die grown old were sad, but I die worth / Being kissed of you" (Tragedies, I, 287). It is appropriate that the heroine should end this play receiving the traditional kiss or consolamentum of courtly love, for Swinburne has produced in Rosamond an only slightly modified- that is, sensualized-recapitulation of what he perceived to be the essential values and basic conventions of medieval love literature.
Chastelard reflects the same adherence to the courtly love ethos as does Rosamond. However, Swinburne's religion of love by 1865 contained Sadean elements with which the poet was unacquainted five years before. In Chastelard we find the ideals of Rosamond sensationalized with a graphic carnal awareness. Moreover, the desire for death as love's supreme consummation had become more than a convention. By 1865, Swinburne's own mythology of passion had subsumed the ideology of medieval love literature that had earlier inspired his work. The reciprocal influences of London life and Swinburne's own artistic experiments of the early 1860s are reflected in a play that crystallizes Pre-Raphaelite, Sadean, and courtly love influences. But in it, historically empty conventions of courtly love are presented dramatically as earnest and moving solutions to the problem of human passion.
Chastelard constitutes an even more convincing transposition of courtly love values than does Rosamond, partly because of Swinburne's improved dramatic technique and partly because of his ability to write more vigorous verse, but primarily because of an ostensibly deeper personal involvement in the emotional issues that the play dramatizes. Although Chastelard was not published until 1865, it was — as Georges Lafourcade plausibly asserts — the focus of Swinburne's [43/44] attention immediately after, if not simultaneously with, "The Triumph of Time," his own elegy on the loss through marriage of Mary Gordon. We know, however, by Swinburne's own assertion, that Chastelard was first conceived and begun in 1859 or 1860 and that it went through numerous revisions (Letters, II, 235). Following Rosamond so closely, early drafts of Chastelard perhaps laid more stress on Swinburne's unsophisticated acceptance of courtly love ideals than the final version does. The play's hero, who describes Ronsard as "The sweet chief poet, my dear friend long since" and as "my old lord" (Tragedies, II, 139), not only espouses courtly love values but acts them out in his life. Whether additions to the original version of Chastelard resulted from Swinburne's disappointment with Mary Gordon, as "The Triumph of Time" is assumed to have done, or simply from a more epic conception of his evolving mythology of insatiable passion, Chastelard in its final form is a palpable and artistically successful reflection of Swinburne's ethos of love. Dramatic tension in the play is generated almost exclusively by the dynamic and suicidal passion of the hero for the dark and capricious heroine.
Chastelard is depicted from the start as a warrior-poet who is also Mary Stuart's courtier and lover. Lafourcade has pointed out the play's biographical significance: Swinburne's identification with the ideals that Chastelard embodies is transparent. The poet's most important early critic remarks that Swinburne
crée, comme Dieu, à son image. . . . Chastelard est poète comme Swinburne; et ce dernier ne manque pas de lui donner l'auréole qu'il avait, adolescent, ambitionnée: celle des armes et de la gloire militaire; il mêle ses rêves de Mary à des visions de bataille.
[Swinburne] created, like God, after his own image ....Chastelard is a poet, like Swinburne; and he did not neglect to give Chastelard the aura which he himself had, as an ambitious adolescent; the aura of arms and military glory; he mixes his dreams of Mary with his vision of battle. [Jeunesse, 280]
Lafourcade does not perceive, however, that all the attributes with which Swinburne invests Chastelard belong also traditionally to the [44/45] troubadours and their successors. Chastelard is represented in the play as a sixteenth-century trouvère whose devotion to the ideal of his love is fanatically orthodox. When the object of his passion proves inaccessible and viciously changeable, his commitment to the ideal supersedes his passion for the beloved. It becomes a passion for death.
Curtis Dahl has already verified the significance of Swinburne's use of Ronsard in the play. Chastelard's "old lord" is the author of the book that Mary in the last act brings to Chastelard's prison cell and that Chastelard reads as he approaches the block. Indeed, Dahl claims that Swinburne's conception of Mary Stuart was inspired by a misreading of Ronsard, who was writing about Mary Stuart "in a highly artificial convention of courtly compliment developed in the Middle Ages and raised to a paean to physical love in the early Renaissance." Dahl accurately observes:
By consciously or unconsciously ignoring the conventional quality of Ronsard's diction and attitudes toward his beloved mistress, Swinburne transforms what is really graceful and beautiful but not unusual flattery by a court poet to a lovely and unfortunate Queen into characterization of a fabulously seductive, partly historical but largely mythological goddess of aesthetic beauty and cruel passion. Whereas in Ronsard the emphasis on Mary's many physical charms is conventional cataloguing compliment, Swinburne (whether unknowingly or with conscious literary intention) reads into it an almost morbid eroticism.
Swinburne was aware of the convention Ronsard was working in and deliberately undertook to literalize the courtier-poet's typical love song-to employ courtly rhetoric and hyperbole in earnest. Mary Stuart is thus transformed by Swinburne into a truly threatening femme fatale, and Chastelard becomes a powerfully realized extension of the representative courtly poet-lover, a literary ideologist with troubadour conditioning.
As a result, the play is punctuated with Swinburnean imitations of sorrowful love lyrics. Mary Beaton appropriately sings one as the play begins, for her futile love of Chastelard represents the sad, steadfast, and ethereal counterpart of Chastelard's carnal and aesthetic passion for Mary Stuart. Mary Beaton and Mary Stuart both sing his songs in [45/46] the second act, and in the last play of the trilogy that Chastelard begins, Mary Stuart's fate rests on her being able to recognize the author of a lyric composed years before by Chastelard. As with all Swinburne's pastiches, the verses attributed to Chastelard in the play are authentic reproductions of conventional courtly love lyrics. But they have special significance here, foreshadowing the play's action and echoing the imagery used to depict it. For instanre, the last two stanzas of Mary Beaton's opening song characterize the religious quality as well as the consuming intensity of Chastelard's love for Mary Stuart, which he sustains to his death and which, in fact, transforms his violent end into the final, sacramental act of his passion:
C'est ma flamme,
Mon grand jour,
Blanche et belle,
. . . .
Toi, mon âime
Et ma foi,
Sois ma dame
Et ma loi;
Sois ma mie,
Sois ma vie,
Toute à moi! (Tragedies, II,14)
["Love is my passion, it is my light, my great day, my beautiful white candle, my shrine. You, my soul and my faith, be my lady and my law; be my love, be Marie, be my life, everything to me."]
The paradox of Chastelard's passion is that it is at once what he lives for and what kills him. Life without his love is not only futile but equivalent to damnation, and after Mary jealously and spitefully chooses Darnley as her husband, fulfillment is impossible. Yet Chastelard's devotion is complete and inevitable, wrongheaded as he knows it is. His conditioning apparently does not allow for the caprice of traditional courtly lovers, expected as well as displayed by Mary Stuart.[46/47]
As in Swinburne's lived mythology, Chastelard is both made and broken by an irretrievable commitment to one love. However, Mary, in spite of her desire to be loved with devotion like Chastelard's, can honestly yet remorsefully describe her own fickle nature this way:
I would to God You loved me less; I give you all I can
For all this love of yours, and yet I am sure
I shall live out the sorrow of your death
And be glad afterwards. You know I am sorry.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
God made me hard, I think. Alas, you see
I had been fain other than I am. (Tragedies, II, 75)
Thus, with severe irony, Mary can remark upon expected infidelities after singing one of Chastelard's mutablity lyrics, which, in Swinburne's usual manner, associates love with roses:
As-tu vu jamais au monde Vénus chasser et courir? Fille de l'onde, avec l'onde Doit-elle mourir? Aux jours de neige et de givre L'amour steffeuille et s'endort; Avec mai doit-il revivre, Ou bien est-il mort? Qui sait où s'en vont les roses? Qui sait où s'en va le vent? En songeant à telles choses, J'ai pleuré souvent. [Tragedies, II, 56]
[Have you ever seen Venus chasing and running? Daughter of the sea, should she die with the sea? "In days of frost and snow love sheds its petals and goes to sleep, with May should it awaken or is it really dead? "Who knows where the roses have gone? Who knows where the wind goes? One dreams of such things. I have often cried.]
The Venus of the first stanza has already been identified in Act I as Mary herself. "A Venus crowned, that eats the hearts of men" (Tragedies, II, 25) is represented on a breastclasp given her by an admiring artist. As a later incarnation of the archetypal femme fatale with whom Rosamond has identified, this beautiful Queen, fearful of death but [47/48] doomed to be beheaded, is, in fact, immortal. "Doit-elle mourir?" in connection with Mary Stuart is a doubly ironic rhetorical question.
The power of Mary Stuart's beauty makes her, like Rosamond, the eternal object of men's desires. For Chastelard, as for Swinburne's earlier courtly lovers, beauty is the supreme and literally captivating attribute of woman. Because of it, he becomes Mary's suicidal "sweet fool." To love in irrevocable earnest is Chastelard's fatal "flaw." Yet it is a fault that is most easily understood in terms of the erotic aestheticism of Chastelard's courtly heritage. Even Mary at first cannot fathom the obstinate depths of his devotion to her beauty. Gradually, however, she begins to perceive the passionate spirit of his unique supplication, along with the power it confers upon her:
Though he be mad indeed It is the goodliest madness ever smote Upon man's heart. A kingly knight-in faith, Meseems my face can yet make faith in men And break their brains with beauty: for a word, An eyelid's twitch, an eye's turn, tie them fast And make their souls cleave to me. (Tragedies, II, 115)
Like any religious fanatic, Chastelard appears mad. For him, as for Rosamond, beauty is the chief measure of goodness in the world. In his last moments with Mary, he explains,
You have all the beauty; let mean women's lips
Be pitiful, and speak truth: they will not be
Such perfect things as yours. Be not ashamed
That hands not made like these that snare men's souls
Should do men good, give alms, relieve men's pain;
You have the better, being more fair than they,
They are half foul, being rather good than fair;
You are quite fair: to be quite fair is best. (Tragedies, II,138)
Chastelard is finally vindicated in his worship of a pitiless and capricious beauty not only by the traditional courtly apotheosis of "fairness" but also by the representation of Mary's beauty as a characteristic ethereally detached from her other attributes. All the play's major figures at some point remark upon Mary's superb beauty and intuit its tragic counterpart, cruelty. Mary knows that her beauty is the exclusive cause of men's attraction to her and of Chastelard's passion. [48/49] Chastelard confirms the fact when Mary Beaton tries to understand why he loves Mary Stuart so fervently. In response, he catalogs her physical splendors:
She hath fair eyes: may be
I love her for sweet eyes or brows or hair,
For the smooth temples, where God touching her
Made blue with sweeter veins the flower-sweet white;
Or for the tender turning of her wrist,
Or marriage of the eyelid with the cheek;
I cannot tell; or . . . her mouth,
A flower's lip with a snake's lip, stinging sweet,
And sweet to sting with: face that one would see
And then fall blind and die with sight of it
Held fast between the eyelids. (Tragedies, II,20)
Chastelard in fact dies because of his inalterable devotion to an ideal of beauty, of which Mary Stuart is a typical incarnation. In the mythology of this play, as in Rosamond, coalescence with the ideal can be striven for in this world but achieved only in death. His early intuition of some "kindling beyond death / Of some new joys" inspires Chastelard's last hour. In fact, by the time he dies, he has articulated several visions of possible consummations to his passion that death may supply. When in Act III he hides himself in Mary's chamber and confronts her with the fact that his love is undiminished though obstructed by her marriage to Darnley, he articulates his yearning for a union with Mary of the type craved by Sappho in "Anactoria." Between frenzied kisses, he threateningly chides,
Now I am thinking, if you know it not,
How I might kill you, kiss your breath clean out,
And take your soul to bring mine through to God
That our two souls might close and be one twain
Or a twain one, and God himself want skill
To set us either severally apart. (Tragedies, II, 72)
Chastelard's ideal is total integration with Mary, his ideal of beauty. Although he can conceive of attaining such a consummation to his passion only in death, in life he assiduously pursues whatever can best approach or simulate it. Thus, he insists on accompanying Mary to Scotland and, later, on exulting in his love of her even after she is married. [49/50]
Our impression of Chastelard's masochism results from his aggressive pursuit and apparent enjoyment of passions he knows are inherently insatiable. At the play's beginning Chastelard admits to having suffered the unquelled passion of "two years' patience." In Act I, awaiting the Queen in Mary Beaton's chamber, Chastelard joyously anticipates an end to his fever of expectation. When the figure he assumes to be the Queen appears, he at once associates her embrace (and the promise of a final gratification of his desires) with man's final consolation, death. "O sweet," he sighs,
If you will slay me be not over quick,
Kill me with some slow heavy kiss that plucks
The heart out at the lips. (Tragedies, II, 35)
His accumulated passion for the Queen is so intense that, discovering Mary Beaton's deception, he impulsively threatens to kill her. When Chastelard does finally gain access to the Queen in her chamber with a promise of impassioned confrontation, he for the first time realizes the inevitably fatal nature of his love. He affirms that "to die thereof, / . . . is sweeter than all sorts of life" (Tragedies, II, 63). As in Swinburne's other works of passion, death in this play's mythology becomes the desired end of love, the ultimate consummation:
let me eat sweet fruit and die
With my lips sweet from it. For one shall have
This fare for common day's-bread, which to me
Should be a touch kept always on my sense
To make hell soft, yea, the keen pain of hell
Soft as the loosening of wound arms in sleep.
Ah, love is good, and the worst part of it More than all things but death. (Tragedies, II, 64-65)
Death is, in fact, superior to love because it guarantees release from the necessary constrictions and the mutability of life, both of which prevent the perfect fulfillment of love. In obviating the further possibility of unrequited or disappointed passion, death paradoxically assures love's permanence, "Held fast between the eyelids." Chastelard's death, then, represents a means to immortal fulfillment. Courtly rhetoric is taken with a fatal seriousness that prevents the play from being melodrama, and Chastelard's example vividly underscores his proposition that death is "sweeter than all sorts of life." [50/51]
In spite of all the sanguinary images that surround and prepare for Chastelard's death, the event itself comes to represent the ultimate act of love for both the queen and her courtier-poet. Murder and suicide do converge at Chastelard's beheading, but the love talk in the play has prepared us to accept his execution as a specific metaphor for a form of mutual sexual satisfaction. Throughout the play, Chastelard has explicitly identified acts of violence with acts of love. He has explained that in battle "when the time came, there caught hold of me / Such pleasure in the head and hands and blood / As may be kindled under loving lips" (Tragedies, II, 52-53). Shortly afterward, he has revealed a further connection between his sensations in battle and his impassioned conception of Mary. He has rapturously explained how "when I rode in war / Your face went floated in among men's helms, / Your voice went through the shriek of slipping swords" (Tragedies, II, 71). Mary, for her part, has dwelt at length on her yearnings for participation in the violent physical excitement of battle. Watching "the fight at Corrichie," she claims, "twice my heart swelled out with thirst / To be into the battle."
Death at Mary's violent hands (albeit at one remove) comes to simulate a sexual encounter in the same way that battle does for both Mary and Chastelard. In idle discourse with her devoted courtier in Act II, she says: "I would you might die, when you come to die, / Like a knight slain" (Tragedies, II, 55). Chastelard views his execution as precisely such an honorable end. It will prevent his dying "meanlier sometime." In addition, this kind of death preserves passion intact. This way Chastelard is "sure of her face" (as neither Rosamond nor Eleanor is of hers), thus avoiding the profound bitterness of love's decay. In Act II, believing Chastelard had rejected her and conceived a new passion for Mary Beaton, the Queen has dolefully declaimed: "There's nothing broken sleep could hit upon / So bitter as the breaking down of love" (Tragedies, II, 46). Later she suggests death as a solution to the problem of love's transience. She asks Chastelard if he agrees that "it were convenient one of us should die," for "there could come no change then; one of us / Would never need to fear our love might turn / To the sad thing that it may grow to be" (Tragedies, II, 47). With Chastelard's execution they succeed in raising their love to a condition of permanence through tacit cooperation in an ostensibly brutal, but actually loving series of intuitively grasped moves and [51/52] countermoves. Mary Stuart and Chastelard act out their own immortal myths of the kind that, Swinburne repeatedly insisted, art strives always to imitate, and that Swinburne himself successfully imitated in his lived, lost-love myth as well as in his art. But it is a myth that was initially legitimized in courtly love lore and formally propagated in troubadour poetry. There, death, as sought after in military service on behalf of the beloved or simply as a release from an ultimately insatiable passion, is represented as the metaphorical solution to problems of transience and consuming love. It served, as it does in Chastelard, as self-fulfilling proof of constancy and as a guarantee of love's permanence.
From this point of view, Chastelard and Mary Stuart appear something more than suicidal and merciless. By means of Chastelard's death they are able to gratify their individual inclinations and to consummate an otherwise doomed love in an event that has acquired the significance of a supreme act of passion. It simultaneously fulfills and immortalizes their relationship. Therefore, Chastelard is a "tragedy" only from a perspective unsympathetic to the courtly dynamics of the protagonists' love relationship. Mary Beaton represents such a perspective within the play, and it prevents her, as it has prevented a century of commentators, from understanding exactly how a belle dame sans merci and ostensibly helpless victim can both be full and sympathetic figures. Perhaps better than any of Swinburne's other major works, Chastelard, along with its earlier, thematic companion piece Rosamond, demonstrates how his unique and complex modern additions to the tradition of courtly love literature depend in part upon an ability to depict hauntingly beautiful women who fit into the archetypal category of femme fatale but preserve their integrity as convincing, sympathetic characters.
The sinister reputation that Swinburne's heroines have acquired originated with the work of Georges Lafourcade and Mario Praz. Both critics emphasize the femmes fatales who appear in Swinburne's poems of the 1860s, the period of his career in which he was strongly influenced by Sade. They focus on Swinburne's female figures who dominate Poems and Ballads, First Series. Close analysis of the major medievalist poems in that volume demonstrates, however, that nearly all the beloved women appear as mute objects of their lovers' affections. They are seen entirely through anguished eyes, and these frequently [52/53] belong to medieval knights, courtiers, or clerks. Swinburne uses such lovers, who are located in a precise historical situation, not primarily to exalt or excoriate beautiful seductive women, but rather to make unconventional statements about the unchanging relations among passion, orthodox religion, and art over the course of human history.
Only by the very end of the 1860s, I believe, did Swinburne's mythology of female "types" fully crystallize. At its base is his concept of Hertha, a transcendent and ubiquitous generative principle eternally active in the world, one that compels the "illimitable" passions that define human relationships as well as interactions among objects and phenomena in nature. (For an extended discussion of this topic, see my article, "The Swinburnean Woman," Philological Quarterly, LVIII (1979), 90-102.)
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The Accounting Historians Journal Vol. 12, No. 2 Fall 1985
Thomas D. Wood and
Anne J. Sylvestre UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH ALABAMA
THE HISTORY OF ADVERTISING BY ACCOUNTANTS
The accounting profession has changed to meet the requirements of business, government and other economic influences. In particu-lar, standards of practice and principles to guide the selection of choices have been developed, modified, restated and fine-tuned over the past 70 to 80 years in response to the needs of an expanding American economy.
The common body of knowledge of accountants also has changed. The attest function grew in pre-eminence because shareholders and others wanted and needed accountability. The Internal Revenue Code demanded tax experts. Complex business and government operations and organizations came to need expertise in a wide variety of services, from systems design and installation to advice on other internal functions, sometimes called "management ad-visory services."
A framework of ethics was adopted (and amended) governing the attitudes and conduct of accountants in the course of their engagements. Independence and the strict adherence to standards and principles were considered as the foundations of ethics; ethics and a common body of knowledge, were the foundations of a profession.
Accountants wanted to be a profession, and advertising was believed to be unethical. This belief has also changed, and ac-countants have come full circle in the matter of advertising. His-torians may be prompted to recall that history does, after all, repeat itself, or perhaps to quote from the Book of Ecclesiastes ". . .there is not a new thing under the sun." The intention of this paper is to trace the history of advertising by accountants in order to answer the question: have accountants changed their philosophy about advertising in order to meet a change in the environment in which | <urn:uuid:f63011e6-112f-4dbe-bda7-bed9d1e02fa6> | {
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Europeans played roles in the slave trade ranging from brutal ship captains to ardent abolitionists.
The institution of slavery in Europe existed long before the transatlantic slave trade. One instance of this was in Ancient Rome where slaves were commonplace. After the fall of Rome, slavery mostly disappeared from Europe, having been replaced with feudal serfdom, which obligated peasants to work for a lord but granted them some rights which were not available to slaves. But even after the fall of Rome, there were other instances of slavery that happened prior to the transatlantic slave trade. A notable example is that from the 1400s, all the way to the 1800s, pirates would enslave Christians to sell at Islamic slave markets. Although it is evident that slavery has a long and notable history in Europe, before the transatlantic slave trade happened, in this chapter we will direct our focus to Europe’s connections to slavery during the time of the transatlantic slave trade. The first subject we will cover is the differing views on slavery. Following that will be a section on the experiences of slave owners and slavers, and finally, we will look at the effects of the transatlantic slave trade on the European economy, politics, and social structure. These topics are included so that we can look at slavery from multiple perspectives and have an unbiased view on the slave trade.
The Debate on Slavery
Europe was one of the major players in the transatlantic slave trade, which lasted from the 17th century to the 19th century. However, not all Europeans were pro-slavery. European opinions on slavery tended to fall into two categories: pro-slavery views and abolitionist views. The pro-slavery views tended to be based on justifying slavery both morally and economically, while abolitionist views tended to be moral arguments. By looking at these views and comparing them, we can start to see slavery as less of an issue of right and wrong and more of a perspective based issue, even though slavery is now considered completely immoral.
Justifications of slavery by Europeans tended to either be philosophical, religious, or economic. Philosophical justifications for slavery have been around since ancient Greece, where Aristotle claimed that some people were predisposed for slavery, while others were predisposed to rule. This theory became popular during the Medieval era, where a theologian by the name of Thomas Aquinas elaborated on Aristotle's theory. Aquinas believed that since this world is sinful, slavery is inevitable. He was also of the opinion that the slave is the physical instrument of the master, allowing the master to claim ownership to anything created or owned by the slave, including the slave’s own children. In the 16th and 17th centuries, these theories were brought up again to use as justifications of the slave trade. This time, philosophers brought in a religious component, claiming that Africans were descendants of the biblical figure Ham, who had been cursed into slavery by Noah.
Later on, theorists from the Southern United States created their own pro-slavery theories. John C. Calhoun, a prominent theorist (as well as Vice President in the early 19th century), thought that slavery created a stable society. Without slavery, he claimed, everyone would be able to participate in the democratic process, leading to chaos. Another popular theory, created by a man named Henry James Hammond, was the Mudsill Theory. The Mudsill Theory was that without a lower class to support the upper class, the upper class would cease to exist. The Mudsill Theory got its name from mudsills, which are a parts of a building that support the upper levels. A third theory, held by many different Southern theorists, was that a lowest class posed a direct threat to society. However, they were easily manipulatable and by enslaving this lower class, the threat was mitigated. Now that slavery has been abolished for over a hundred years, the argument that slavery stabilizes society seems completely illogical and quite racist. But to the people who had only ever lived with slavery, it would be scary for them to see such a radical societal change. Does this justify support of slavery? No, it doesn’t. However, these pro-slavery theories actually do a good job of humanizing the slave owners, and showing that they really just feared change.
Another type of justification of slavery was the claim that slavery was integral to the success of the economy. This opinion was often voiced by American plantation owners, who believed that their plantations wouldn’t function without slave labor. However, this opinion was also held by British slave owners, who feared that the British economy would collapse without slavery. They also argued that if Britain didn’t have slavery, the profit would instead go to their rivals. Like the Southern pro-slavery theorists, these British slave owners also feared change. Like the Southerners, they were also quite wrong, as Britain continues to have a functional economy over a hundred years after the abolishment of slavery.
Abolitionist arguments were mostly based on the moral concept that slavery is fundamentally wrong. Like those who were for slavery, they also used religion to back themselves up. An example of this would be the quote from Luke 16:13, “No man can serve two masters.” This quote claims that a person can’t serve both God and a human master. Another abolitionist argument was that slavery was damaging the economy, population, and culture of Africa. This was true. The African population remained stagnant during the period in which there was slavery, and the African economy was damaged as well. One final abolitionist argument was that Africans were not some sort of inferior race, and were people just like the Europeans. They backed this up with the living evidence that was Olaudah Equiano. Equiano was a former slave, as well as the author of an autobiography entitled The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano. Abolitionists argued that if Equiano was capable of writing a famous book in English, he couldn’t be from an inferior race.
In the end, the abolitionists won. However, simply saying that doesn’t tell the whole story. By looking back on the arguments for and against slavery, we can learn that those who were for slavery were humans too, albeit those with amoral beliefs. We can also gain important information into how the abolitionists succeeded and why. In the next sections, we will look at the actual day-to-day experiences of slavers and slave masters, then look at the effects that slavery had on Europe.
Perspectives of Slave Traders and Owners
Most history books nowadays focus on the slaves as the main point in the transatlantic slave trade. This is not a wrong way to interpret the slave trade, but the problem in this, is “The Danger of a Single Story”. The danger, in simple words, is the lack of perspectives and the bias(often unintentional) that comes with one story.
Most of the slave collectors were not working voluntarily. They were dragged into it while being drunk, and became indebted to the captain of the slave ship. Of course, they were given more food than the average slave would, but that didn’t make them much happier. On some of the slave-collecting trips, as much as half of the crew could die of sickness or starvation.
The sailors were also not enthusiastic about the implications of their job. Most of them were against the slavery, and only agreed with it due to the propaganda that told of the original slave residence as a place of suffering. Once they learned of the rich and happy conditions the non-slave Africans lived in, they finally had no reason to ever support the slave trade.
The ship captains were nothing short of madmen. The treatment of the crew was, in one word, horrifying. They starved, injured and killed the crew whenever they had any reason or meaning to. The crew members, it may be considered, have been worse off than the slaves, who at least had a final destination, and thus, were not killed.
The ship captains were indifferent towards the deaths of the slaves. As can be noted by the tone of their voices, they seemed to fake a hint of mourning in them, for it to feel more humane in the eyes(or ears) of the listener. However, they tried to justify the deaths by saying that “they were not well in the first place”. In addition, they did not bother to learn the names of the slaves, and simply referred to them with numbers when they passed away.
Overall, the amount of sins committed by the slave traders were much higher than the good deeds they did. To add on, their wrongdoings were given as a trait to all the crew that transported slaves, which has led to the opinion that everyone involved in the slave industry was a person with low morales. This was not true, as most of the crew were not voluntary, and would gladly retire from their slave-collecting job.
In the next section, we will discuss how, and in what ways, did the Slave Trade affect Europe.
Effects of the Slave Trade in Europe
The transatlantic slave trade had effects on Europe that were of many different variations. Not only did the slave trade have obvious economic effects, but it also caused less obvious changes in religious, philosophical, and social areas. In addition it was also a source of conflict between European countries who competed in the slave trade. Having knowledge of these effects is not only helpful but essential to understanding the workings of the transatlantic slave trade.
While the exact scale and nature of the transatlantic slave trade’s economic effects on Europe is a subject of some controversy, it is not hard to see that many profited as a result. Because of this a new wealthy class was created. The profit was not exclusive to the super wealthy, the profiteers of the transatlantic slave trade also included: ship owners, slave traders, plantation owners, factory owners, ports, and bankers. Additionally it may be noted that even after slavery was abolished in parts of the British Empire, they still benefited from using the cheap cotton grown by slaves in other locations in their cotton mills. Not only did the 1838 Slavery Abolition Act not grant the slaves true freedom for another four years, it also gave a total of £20 million (£16 billion in today’s money) to slave owners as compensation for “their lost property.” That made up 40 percent of the government spending that year.
The slave trade also became a source of European conflict, as it became increasingly profitable they began to fight over control of the routes, markets, and colonies. The trade also resulted in power shifts amongst nations, as nations with more maritime power and advantageous location for trade became more powerful. One instance of this is the Dutch Republic whose global trade networks allowed it to surpass other nations including Portugal and to become the most important European trading power on the African coast by the 1640s.
The social effects of the transatlantic slave trade included racism, which still exists today, and the creation of a new low social class. Prior to the transatlantic slave trade slavery was for the most part connected to war and punishment, and not to race, religion, or physical appearance. Overtime, as Europeans increasingly enslaved people based on their differences, and not as a form of punishment, Europeans began to associate and justify slavery with differences in religion, skin color, and culture. Eventually as the transatlantic slave trade grew, slaves became heavily associated with non-white skin.
Effects on Philosophy
The slave trade had an evident effect on philosophy, because philosophy looks at the fundamental nature of the world and reality, and therefore philosophers must consider why slaves should be slaves and what slavery means. Philosophers and theologians had to make sense of slavery in the construct of their beliefs. Early Christians such as Thomas Aquinas drew on the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle for justifications of slavery. Aristotle had stated that the master/slave relationship was of natural order in a hierarchical world. After 1517 Europeans began to shift their justifications to religion. Sixteenth and seventeenth century theologians combined both religion and philosophy, tying together Aristotle's argument with the Old Testament Biblical story of the Curse of Ham. Although the story says nothing about Ham’s skin color, the theologians assumed Ham was dark-skinned and that Africans were his descendants and were therefore also cursed into slavery3. On the other hand some like French philosopher Rousseau disapproved of the transatlantic slave system because he thought it was inhumane and cruel.
Effects on Religion
The transatlantic slave trade connected with religion in multiple ways. Some people referenced their religion to justify slavery, and others would likely use the same religion to argue the opposite. Some people became abolitionists as a result of how they interpreted their religion. Around the 15th century the Catholic Church was teaching against “unjust” slavery, beginning when enslavement of the recently baptised was prohibited in 1435, although under political pressure as the slave trade grew the response of the church became more divided. Popes began to justify enslavement of non-Christians as an “instrument for Christian conversion” In fact the first major shipment of African slaves to the Americas was initiated by Bishop De Las Casas in 1517. | <urn:uuid:a484412f-109d-41c9-8185-e54c7d0570f7> | {
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How to Praise Your Puppyby Kimberly Caines
Rewarding your puppy reinforces his behavior.
Getting a new puppy gives you the power to raise him into a well-behaved dog. Quixi Sonntag, a veterinarian and author of Bad Dog to Good Dog, suggests ideally training your pup between the age of 2 to 4 months, because he'll be eager to learn and will respond well to environmental stimulation. Although correctly praising your puppy while training him is essential, every dog is different, and what works for one, might not work for the other. Find out which method of praising your furry friend prefers and use it to reinforce good behavior.
Say "good dog" or "good boy" to give your pet pal a verbal reward. Use a high-pitched tone of voice, because this resembles the whimpering sound of a mother dog, which might be comforting to your furry friend. Your pup's wagging tail is an indication that your praise is effective.
Pat your dog on the head, rub his belly or scratch him behind his ears to show him you approve of his behavior. This pleasant display of affection might be enough to reinforce your puppy's good behavior.
Reward your puppy with a food treat right after he displays good behavior. Use small pea-size, soft treats that he can eat quickly so he immediately looks at you for more. The treat you give should be tempting enough to get your dog's full attention. Try a variety of treats, such as small pieces of freeze-dried liver, cheese, hot dogs or chicken.
Throw a ball, play a game of fetch or give your puppy a toy to reward his good behavior. Games and toys can motivate your puppy to keep up the good work.
Combine different forms of praise if using just one method doesn't work. Say "good boy," pet your dog and give him a food treat or toy.
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- Dog treats
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- Always reward your puppy immediately after the good behavior, because praising after the fact won't register -- he won't be able to associate the reward with his good behavior. | <urn:uuid:82224520-473a-4c43-b1bc-ffdf93f1bf60> | {
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One critical, yet currently under-addressed, question regarding high-stakes large-scale English Language Proficiency (ELP) assessment is whether performance on given items varies across test takers from different language backgrounds after controlling for test takers’ ability. More specifically, the issue is whether or not the relative advantage of a language group on a specific item can be attributed to the linguistic similarity of that language to English (Alderman & Holland, 1981; Chen & Henning, 1985; Kim, 2001; Lee et. al, 2005, Ryan & Bachman, 1992). Differential item functioning is typically examined within an exploratory framework, with an effort to interpret the results using a post hoc content review (Gierl, 2005). However, this approach has not been overwhelmingly successful in providing substantive and consistent interpretations of statistical results or in identifying the underlying causes of Differential Item Functioning (DIF). (Standards, 1999). Within an exploratory framework researchers are not able to isolate the role of language and its potential interaction with linguistic features of test items from other confounding and theoretically relevant factors like contextual features of a given test item and sociocultural characteristics of test takers. To overcome challenges of interpretation of DIF results, Douglas, Roussos, and Stout (1996) proposed Differential Bundle Functioning (DBF) as a framework for interpreting group differences in item performance. A clear advantage of this framework is that researchers may use either statistical methods or content analysis to define dimensionally homogenous item bundles before conducting DIF analysis. This permits the direct testing of theoretically important hypotheses about the interaction of particular item features with home language (Douglas, Roussos, & Stout, 1996; Gierl, 2005; Gierl, Bisanz, Bisanz, & Boughton, 2003).
The current study utilizes this confirmatory DBF approach to identify how the linguistic features of items on a high-stakes large-scale ELP reading assessment may elicit differential performance among students with different native language backgrounds. Home language and test data from three states who participate annually in the assessment are used for analysis. Data from students in Grades 1-12 are divided into four grade-level clusters: Grades 1-2, Grades 3-5, Grades 6-8, and Grades 9-12. Home languages are identified as either “Close” or “Distant,” depending on their linguistic proximity to English. Close languages include Germanic and Romance languages, and Distant languages include other Indo-European and non-Indo-European languages. Confirmatory DIF analysis will be conducted using item bundles that are identified by two linguistic experts through linguistic analysis of test items. These experts will examine the linguistic features in the item stem and option categories, as well as the parts of the reading passages that are required to answer each of the test items. They will make a determination as to whether the test takers’ home language may offer them some advantage in getting the items correct because of certain characteristics of their native languages. In light of the complexity of assessing ELP, statistical methods are not likely to produce meaningful item bundles that delineate the similarities and differences between Close and Distant languages; therefore using human expert judgments to identify item bundles is a more appropriate method. After the item bundles are identified, DIF analysis will be conducted on the item bundles using both Mantel Haenszel statistics (Holland & Thayer, 1988) and SIBTEST (Stout & Roussos, 1995).
Results will be compared to results obtained using exploratory DIF analysis techniques typically used in operational test environments. Results from an initial exploratory DIF analysis using a subset of these data indicated that while exploratory DIF analysis using home language as a grouping variable was effective at identifying items that exhibited DIF, some test items produced different results when ethnicity was used as the grouping variable. One test item moved from showing evidence of weak DIF to evidence of strong DIF when home language was compared with ethnicity, and another item moved from a strong DIF categorization to a weak DIF categorization across the two grouping strategies. These differences were not readily explained in a post hoc analysis, highlighting the necessity of identifying potentially influential linguistic features in a principled way that might, in turn, inform future test development procedures. | <urn:uuid:d147c9b9-2ec9-424b-80a2-488336a33465> | {
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David Bourget (Western Ontario)
David Chalmers (ANU, NYU)
Rafael De Clercq
Ezio Di Nucci
Jack Alan Reynolds
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Science and Engineering Ethics 10 (2):417-422 (2004)
The design and economic realities associated with Personal Computers (PCs) was used as a model for implementing ethical issues into the core-engineering curriculum. Historically, products have not been designed to be recycled easily. By incorporating environmental ethics into our classrooms and industries, valuable materials can be recovered and harmful materials can be eliminated from our waste stream. Future engineers must consider the economic cost-benefit analysis of designing a product for easy material recovery and recycling versus the true cost of the disposal and continued use of virgin materials. A three hour unit on the economic and environmental impacts of product design is proposed for inclusion in the ABET accredited engineering program.
|Keywords||sustainability economics environment engineering waste management cradle-to-grave ethics recycling public health hazardous waste undergraduate education|
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Gravy is a savoury sauce made from the meat juices that are left in the pan after roasting or frying. Any excess fat is normally removed from the juices, then a liquid, such as stock or wine, is added and stirred vigorously to incorporate the caramelised cooking juices. This process is known as deglazing. Sometimes flour is mixed into the fat and allowed to brown in the pan for a few minutes before the liquid is added, resulting in a thicker gravy.
Although it frightens a lot of people, making gravy just needs a little practice to get right. Simply add enough flour to the fat and juices in the roasting pan and stir over the heat until the flour has browned and you’ve scraped any sediment loose. Add up to 570ml/1 pint of stock and, using a balloon whisk, stir until boiling. Season to taste and simmer for a couple of minutes. You can also fry some scraps of meat in the pan, such as the giblets of poultry, to give extra flavour. These should be strained out before serving. | <urn:uuid:b640d1df-e362-4da0-b15d-83b943892820> | {
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For those who have never had a drug problem, it is often hard to understand why it becomes a deadly habit. Teens that engage in this risky behavior are more likely to suffer long-term consequences, but new research highlights the positive impact of drug education programs.
According to a recent report in Science Daily, a school-based drug education program for teens – Project ALERT – can have a long-term positive impact on sexual behavior. This benefit is in addition to the program’s ability to curb substance abuse.
Researchers of a new RAND Corporation study found that those youth who were exposed to this drug abuse education program were significantly less likely to either engage in sex with multiple partners or to have unprotected sex due to being under the influence of drugs and alcohol.
Phyllis Ellickson, lead author of the study and a researcher at RAND, a nonprofit research organization, noted that the lessons learned by these young people about how to avoid drug and alcohol abuse also appears to have a positive impact on their sexual behavior.
While this research showed there was a reduction in risky behavior among teens, it did not seem to have an impact on the use of safe sex methods. Those teens who had received the drug prevention training were no more likely to use condoms than their peers who had not received the training.
Ellickson pointed to the benefits that programs such as Project ALERT deliver beyond drug use prevention. The fact that these benefits continued for many years beyond exposure to the programs highlights their effectiveness.
Ellickson said in Science Daily, “The findings support the case for the cost-effectiveness of the basic Project ALERT program by showing it provides benefits for two different types of risky behaviors and by showing that those benefits are long lasting.” | <urn:uuid:3c6a7e61-3d04-4373-8925-dddad02540a8> | {
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Violence Against Women Act
March 24, 2008
The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) Renewal passes the House and Senate and signed into law
New law will safely and effectively meet the needs of more victims
The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is the cornerstone of our nation's response to domestic and sexual violence. A strong bipartisan bill to reauthorize VAWA (S. 47) passed in the Senate on February 12, 2013 (78-22) and in the House of Representatives on February 28, 2013 (286-138). President Obama signed the bill into law on March 7, 2013.
YOUR calls made a difference! This is our collective victory for survivors. Want to make one more call? Visit our Legislative Action Center to find out how you can thank your Senators and Representatives for voting for VAWA.
What will this renewal of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) change?
The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) has improved our nation's response to violence. However, not all victims have been protected or reached. VAWA 2013 will close critical gaps in services and justice. VAWA 2013 reauthorized and improved upon lifesaving services for all victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, dating violence and stalking - including Native women, immigrants, LGBT victims, college students and youth, and public housing residents.
VAWA 2013 also authorized appropriate funding to provide for VAWA's vitally important programs and protections, without imposing limitations that undermine effectiveness or victim safety.
Justice and safety for Native American Women: Native American victims of domestic violence often cannot seek justice because their courts are not allowed to prosecute non-Native offenders -- even for crimes committed on Tribal land. This major gap in justice, safety, and violence prevention must be addressed. VAWA 2013 includes a solution that would give Tribal courts the authority they need to hold offenders in their communities accountable.
Justice and safety for LGBT survivors: Lesbian, gay, bisexul and transgender survivors of violence experience the same rates of violence as straight individuals. However, LGBT survivors sometimes face discrimination when seeking help and protection. VAWA 2013 prohibits such discrimination to ensure that all victims of violence have access to the same services and protection to overcome trauma and find safety.
Safe housing for survivors: Landmark VAWA housing protections that were passed in 2005 have helped prevent discrimination against and unjust evictions of survivors of domestic violence in public and assisted housing. The law, however, did not cover all federally subsidized housing programs. VAWA 2013 expands these protections to individuals in all federally subsidized housing programs, explicitly protects victims of sexual assault and creates emergency housing transfer options.
Protections for immigrant survivors: VAWA 2013 maintains important protections for immigrant survivors of abuse, while also making key improvements to existing provisions including by strengthening the International Marriage Broker Regulation Act and the provisions around self-petitions and U visas.
Justice on campuses: College students are mong thos emost vulnerable to dating violence. Provisions in VAWA 2013 add additional protections for students by requiring schools to implement a recording process for incidences of dating violence, as well as report the findings. In addition, schools would be required to create plans to prevent this violence and educate victims on their rights and resources.
Maintaining VAWA grant programs: VAWA grants are effectively meeting the needs of millions of victims across the country. VAWA 2013 includes many important improvements to these grant programs, including allowing state domestic violence coalitions to be the lead applicant on the Grants to Encourage Arrest program; ensuring that specific stakeholders, including domestic violence coalitions, play a meaningful role in developing state STOP plans; and providing a formal process for the Office on Violence Against Women to receive coalition and other key domestic violence and sexual assault community input.
The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is effective and important:
VAWA creates and supports comprehensive, cost-effective responses to the pervasive and insidious crimes of domestic violence, sexual assault, dating violence and stalking. Since its enactment in 1994, VAWA programs, administered by the Departments of Justice (DOJ) and Health and Human Services (HHS), have dramatically improved federal, tribal, state, and local responses to these crimes.
- There has been as much as a 51% increase in reporting by women and a 37% increase in reporting by men.
- The number of individuals killed by an intimate partner has decreased by 34% for women and 57% for men, and the rate of non-fatal intimate partner violence against women has decreased by 67%.
- VAWA not only saves lives, it saves money. In its first six years alone, VAWA saved taxpayers at least $12.6 billion in net averted social costs. A recent study found that civil protection orders saved one state (Kentucky) on average $85 million in a single year.
- Find more information here.
Initially passed in 1994, VAWA created the first U.S. federal legislation acknowledging domestic violence and sexual assault as crimes, and provided federal resources to encourage community-coordinated responses to combating violence. Its reauthorization in 2000 improved the foundation established by VAWA 1994 by creating a much-needed legal assistance program for victims and by expanding the definition of crime to include dating violence and stalking. Its subsequent reauthorization in 2005 took a more holistic approach to addressing these crimes and created new programs to meet the emerging needs of communities working to prevent violence. Included in the 2005 reauthorization were new focus areas such as prevention, landmark housing protections for survivors, funding for rape crisis centers, and culturally- and linguistically-specific services. VAWA 2013 will ensure the continuation and improvement of these vital, lifesaving programs and laws.
NNEDV continues to be a leading force in efforts to reauthorize VAWA. NNEDV and its member state domestic violence coalitions also played a crucial role in the passage of VAWA in 1994 and its reauthorizations in 2000 and 2005.
NNEDV is currently working with state coalitions, national organizations, and Congress to ensure VAWA’s swift reauthorization and targeted investments in VAWA grant programs through the appropriations process.
NNEDV's Role in VAWA Reauthorization
NNEDV played an integral role in efforts to reauthorize VAWA. NNEDV and its member state domestic violence coalitions also played a crucial role inthe passage of VAWA in 1994 and its reauthorization in 2000 and 2005.
- NNEDV's press statements on VAWA
- NNEDV's President Kim Gandy on MSNBC
- NNEDV's Vice President of Development & Innovation Cindy Southworth on PBS
Learn More and Take Action:
- VAWA 2013 Reauthorization Factsheet
- S. 47 - The full text of the bill to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act of 2013
- Legislative Action Center
Learn More About VAWA:
- VAWA 2005 Fact Sheet
- Section By Section Summary of VAWA 2005
- The Violence Against Women Act of 2005
The full text of the "Violence Against Women and Department of Justice Reauthorization Act of 2005" as signed into law on Jan. 5, 2006.
VAWA 2005 Technical Corrections
These corrections amended VAWA 2005, fixing minor errors. | <urn:uuid:b88bede0-7364-4f3d-9998-15f56b8d1a27> | {
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Born Sept. 30, 1707, in Verona; died Aug. 31, 1762, in St. Petersburg. Italian painter.
From 1734, Rotari worked in Verona. Between roughly 1750 and 1756 he worked in Vienna, Dresden, and Munich. He lived and worked in St. Petersburg from 1756 until his death. Rotari’s paintings, which are rococo in style, are marked by mannered elegance and a light palette. His work is particularly noted for idealized representations of women’s heads. More than 300 of Rotari’s paintings were in the Hall of Fashion and Grace (not preserved) of the Great Palace at Petrodvorets. Of greater interest are Rotari’s portraits of men, such as Portrait of V. V. Rastrelli (1750’s, Russian Museum, Leningrad). Rotari’s art had some influence on Russian portraitists, including F. S. Rokotov. | <urn:uuid:53b09ddf-73ef-4d55-a3a0-3c960ae022f6> | {
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Agar Agar A gelatin processed from a sea vegetable used in making
kanten and vegetable aspics.
Amasake A sweet, creamy beverage or sweetener made
from fermented sweet rice.
Arame A thin, wiry black sea vegetable.
Azuki Bean A small, dark red bean originally from
Japan but now grown in the West.
|Bancha Tea The twigs,
stems and leaves from mature Japanese tea bushes, also known as
Barley A whole cereal grain; the traditional staple
of the Middle East and Southern Europe.
Boiled Salad A salad whose ingredients are lightly
boiled or dipped (blanched) in hot water before serving.
Bok Choy A leafy green and white vegetable popular
in Chinese cooking.
Bonito Flakes Flakes shaved from dried bonito fish.
Used in soup stocks or as a garnish.
Brown Rice Whole unpolished rice. Come in three main
varieties: short, medium and long grain. Brown rice contains an
ideal balance of nutrients and is the principal staple in macrobiotic
Burdock A hardy wild plant that grows throughout
the United States and abroad. The long, dark root is valued in cooking
for its strengthening qualities.
|Daikon A long white radish that
is used in vegetable cooking, condiments and pickling.
|Flame Deflector A round metal
disc that is placed under a pot or pressure cooker to distribute heat
evenly and prevent burning.
|Ginger A spicy, pungent golden
colored root used in cooking and for medicinal purposes.
Gomashio Sesame seed salt made from dry roasting and grinding
sea salt and sesame seeds and crushing in a mortar.
|Hato Mugi or Pearl Barley This
is not the so called pearled barley, a kind of refined
barley. It is not really a barley at all. It is a pearl shaped seed
of wild grass, also known as Jobs tears.
Hiziki A dark brown sea vegetable that turns black
Hokkaido Pumpkin A round dark green or orange squash that is
very sweet and harvested in the fall. Native to New England, it was
introduced to Japan and named after the island of Hokkaido.
|Kanten A jelled fruit dessert
made from agar agar.
Kinpira A style of cooking root vegetables first
by sautéing, then adding a little water, and seasoning with
tamari/soy sauce at the end of cooking.
Kombu A wide, thick, dark green sea vegetable.
Kuzu A white starch made from the root of a prolific vine.
Used as a thickener for soups, stews, desserts. Also known as kudzu.
|Lotus Root Root of the water
lily. Brown-skinned with a hollow, chambered off-white inside. Lotus
root is used in many dishes and for medicinal preparations.
|Millet A small yellow grain that
can be prepared whole, added to soups, salads and vegetable dishes,
or baked. A staple in China and Africa.
Mirin A sweet cooking wine made from sweet rice.
Miso A fermented pate made from soybeans, sea salt
and usually rice or barley. Used in soup, stews and as seasoning.
Mochi A cake made from cooked, pounded sweet rice.
|Nabe A traditional Japanese one-dish
meal, prepared and served in colorful casserole dishes and accompanied
with a dipping sauce or broth made of tamari/soy sauce or miso and
Natto Soybeans that have been cooked and mixed with
beneficial enzymes and fermented for 24 hours. A sticky dish with
long strands and a strong odor. Good for improving digestion.
Nishime Long, slow style of boiling in which vegetables
or other ingredients cook primarily in their own juices. Gives strong,
Nori Thin sheets of dried sea vegetable. Black or dark purple,
they turn green when roasted over a flame. Used as a garnish, to wrap
rice balls, in making sushi, or cooked with tamari/soy sauce as a
|Pressed Salad Salad prepared
by pressing sliced vegetables and sea salt in a small pickle press
or with an improvised weight.
Pressure cooker An airtight metal pot that cooks food quickly
by steaming under pressure at a high temperature. Used primarily in
macrobiotic cooking for whole grains and occasionally for beans and
|Rice Syrup A natural sweetener
made from malted brown rice.
|Sea Salt Unrefined salt obtained
from the ocean.
Seitan A whole wheat product cooked in shoyu, kombu
and water. Used for stews, croquettes, etc. Also known as wheat
gluten or wheat meat.
Shiitake A mushroom native to Japan but now cultivated
in the United States as well. Used widely, dried or fresh, in cooking,
for soups and stews and in medicinal preparations.
Shoyu Naturally made soy sauce.
Soba Noodles made from buckwheat flour or buckwheat
combined with whole wheat.
Suribachi A serrated, glazed clay bowl or mortar. Used with
a pestle, called a surikogi, for grinding and pureeing food.
|Tamari Genuine or
real tamari is a soy sauce like seasoning that is a by-product
of the miso making process. It is stronger than regular shoyu or natural
soy sauce, which is sometimes confusingly labelled tamari soy
Tempeh A high protein soy product made from split
soybeans, water and a special bacteria. Used in soups, stews, sandwiches
and many other dishes.
Tekka Condiment made from matcho miso, sesame oil,
burdock, lotus root, carrot and ginger root. It cooks down to a
black powder when sautéed on a low heat for several hours.
Tofu Soybean curd made from soybeans and nigari (crystallized
residue from sea salt). High in protein and usually prepared in the
form of cakes that may be sliced and cooked in soups, vegetable dishes,
salads, sauces, dressings and other styles.
|Udon Japanese style whole wheat
Umeboshi A salted pickled plum usually aged for several
years. Used as a seasoning, in sauces, and as a condiment.
Umeboshi Vinegar Also known as ume-su. The liquid that umeboshi
plums are aged in. Used for sauces, dressings, seasoning and making
|Wakame A long, thin green sea
vegetable used in making miso soup, salads and vegetable dishes. | <urn:uuid:0f2caf88-deee-4889-ba3c-0646fe210287> | {
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New Zealand flax
Phormium tenax has rigid, linear to sword-shaped leaves that emerge in a fan like manner from a stout rhizome. Single leaves can be up to three metres long and are the source of important fibres, which have been used to make clothing and other functional, everyday objects for centuries. The plant, native to New Zealand and Norfolk Island, is one of two species in the genus Phormium, and inhabits lowland swamps, hillsides and intermittently flooded land.
Many different varieties of Phormium tenax are cultivated as ornamentals for their variously coloured foliage, rather than for their unattractive flowers. The inflorescence is long and terminal, but the clustered flowers are dull red to orange in colour. In their natural habitat Phormium flowers produce abundant nectar and are pollinated by honey-eaters.
The fibre, obtained from the leaves of the New Zealand flax, is amongst the strongest known. By tearing a leaf vertically, a piece of twine can be obtained. The fibre is stronger than flax, which comes from a very different northern hemisphere species, Linum usitatissimum, in the family Linaceae. New Zealand flax, known as harakeke to the Maori, was used for making clothing, fishing nets and baskets for gathering food, even for floor coverings. The soft part of the bases of the leaves were used medicinally to stop bleeding, and it has been shown to contain blood-clotting enzymes. Examples of Maori cloaks and belts made from harakeke are held in the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford. These items were brought back to England by Joseph Banks and James Cook from the Endeavour voyage (1768-1771). In 1773, Joseph Banks was depicted wearing a cloak of Phormium tenax in the famous portrait by Benjamin West.
An industry growing Phormium tenax was developed in St Helena in the mid-1900s covering some 3,000 acres. The industry collapsed in the 1960s with the development of synthetic fibres, although the plant is now a harmful weed on the island.
In New Zealand, Auckland and Campbell Islands, Phormium tenax is a very important plant for the continued survival of one of the rarest penguins in the world. The endangered yellow-eyed penguin chooses to nest in Phormium vegetation, as well as scrub or forest communities. Members of the Yellow-Eyed Penguin Trust are now propagating seeds taken from natural populations. They are planting resulting seedlings in the same areas from which they were collected to increase the vegetation cover for the penguins.
Laing RM and Blackwell EW 1927. Plants of New Zealand. Whitcombe & Tombs Limited.
Coote J 2004. Curiosities from the Endeavour. A forgotten collection. Christie's London.
The 25th July 2021 marks 400 years of botanical research and teaching by the University of Oxford.
As a celebration and count-down to this anniversary, the University of Oxford Botanic Garden and Arboretum, together with the Oxford University Herbaria and the Department of Plant Sciences, will highlight 400 plants of scientific and cultural significance. One plant will be profiled weekly, and illustrated with images from Oxford University's living and preserved collections.
Follow us on Twitter @Plants400
The data and images available on this site may only be used for scientific purposes. They may not be sold or used for commercial purposes. All images are copyright of the University of Oxford, unless otherwise indicated.
The specimens at the Oxford herbaria and the living collections of the Oxford Botanic Garden and Oxford University Herbaria are being digitized using BRAHMS.
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Neo-Darwinism currently occupies a dominant position in evolutionary thought. While this theory has considerable explanatory power, it is widely recognized as being incomplete in that it lacks a component dealing with individual development, or ontogeny. This is particularly conspicuous in relation to attempts to explain the evolutionary origin of the 35 or so animal body plans, and of the developmental trajectories that generate them. This book examines both the origin of body plans in particular and the evolution of animal development in general. In doing so, it ranges widely, covering topics as diverse as comparative developmental genetics, selection theory and Vendian/Cambrian fossils. Particular emphasis is placed on gene duplication, changes in spatio-temporal gene-expression patterns, internal selection, coevolution of interacting genes, and coadaptation. The book will be of particular interest to students and researchers in evolutionary biology, genetics, paleontology and developmental biology.
Preface; Acknowledgements; Part I. Introduction: 1.1 A developmental approach to an evolutionary problem; 1.2 The early history of the animal kingdom; 1.3 Alternative strategies; 1.4 Creation versus destruction; 1.5 Systematics and the concept of natural classification; 1.6 Micromutation versus macromutation; 1.7 Developing organisms as inverted cones; Part II. What is a Body Plan?: 2.1 Body plans and taxonomic levels; 2.2 Body plans, cladograms and homology; 2.3 Body plans and embryology; 2.4 Body plans, genes and mutations; 2.5 Body plans, adaptation and environments; Part III. Patterns of Body Plan Origins: 3.1 Strategy; 3.2 Patterns of metazoan inter-relationships; 3.3 Early fossils: from cladograms to trees; 3.4 Bringing back morphology; 3.5 Paleoecology and possible adaptive scenarios; Part IV. Evolutionary Developmental Biology: 4.1 From pattern to mechanism; 4.2 The aims of Evolutionary Developmental Biology; 4.3 A brief history; 4.4 Is there a theory of development?; Part V. Developmental Mechanisms: Cells and Signals: 5.1 Strategy; 5.2 Cellular processes and architecture; 5.3 Short-range signals: cell-cell contacts; 5.4 Mid-range signals and the nature of 'morphogens'; 5.5 Long-range signals and pan-organismic co-ordination; 5.6 Patterns of interconnection: developmental programmes; Part VI. Developmental Mechanisms: Genes: 6.1 Introduction; 6.2 Overview of the genetics of Drosophila body axes; 6.3 The Antennapedia and Bithorax complexes; 6.4 The hedgehog gene and limb development; 6.5 Developmental programmes and an evolutionary message; Part VII. Comparative Developmental Genetics: 7.1 From development to evolution; 7.2 Phylogeny of Hox genes; 7.3 Dorso-ventral polarity in arthropods and chordates; 7.4 Limb formation, hedgehog, and the nature of homology; 7.5 Phylogeny of cadherin genes; 7.6 Emergent evolutionary messages; Part VIII. Gene Duplication and Mutation: 8.1 Introduction; 8.2 The creation of new genes; 8.3 Mutation: the classical approach; 8.4 Mutation: a developmental approach; 8.5 Mutation and the evolution of development; Part IX. The Spread of Variant Ontogenies in Populations: 9.1 Introduction; 9.2 Population genetic models of directional selection; 9.3 Internal selection; 9.4 The origin of body plans: a population perspective; 9.5 Types of genetic change; 9.6 Drift, drive and directed mutation; Part X. Creation Versus Destruction: 10.1 A fourth 'eternal metaphor'?; 10.2 Mutationists v. selectionists: a protracted debate; 10.3 The structure of morphospace; 10.4 Creation and destruction; Part XI. Ontogeny and Phylogeny Re-Visited: 11.1 Mapping the two hierarchies; 11.2 From two hierarchies to six; 11.3 An important general pattern; 11.4 Larval forms and complex life histories; 11.5 Phenotypic complexity and evolutionary 'explosions'; Part XII. Prospect: Expanding the Synthesis: 12.1 Neither boredom nor heresy; 12.2 Completing the evolutionary circle; 12.3 The main themes of Evolutionary Developmental Biology; 12.4 Paths into the future; References; Index. | <urn:uuid:a90b8a53-f856-4a4d-9526-7fe0dfa4445e> | {
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How we change what others think, feel, believe and do
What is culture?
Here are two good definitions by two people who should know. Geert Hofstede defined a very common set of models for international cultures, whilst Edgar Schein is an authority on a several topics and has written one of the best books on organizational culture.
“Culture is the collective programming of the human mind that distinguishes the members of one human group from those of another. Culture in this sense is a system of collectively held values.” -- Geert Hofstede
“Culture is the deeper level of basic assumptions and beliefs that are shared by members of an organization, that operate unconsciously and define in a basic ‘taken for granted’ fashion an organization's view of its self and its environment.” -- Edgar Schein
A simpler definition
A simple way of defining culture is:
"Culture is a system for differentiating between in-group and out-group people."
Culture is what keeps people together, so you could even say:
"Culture is social glue."
Culture is very much about groups, and a basic need of groups is to be able to communicate, both at a superficial level (for which ordinary language largely suffices) and also at a deeper level of meaning.
At this deeper level, words, actions and things can become imbued with special and specific meaning for the group, for example:
When a group of people are to exist together, they need a set of rules, or social norms, that helps everyone know what to do in various circumstances, from arguing with one another to dealing with outsiders.
These rules help to propagate the shared meaning and also use the systems of meaning to make sense of what is happening and what is done.
If you can understand a culture, then you have some chance of interacting successfully with it, and maybe even changing it (although this is notoriously difficult).
Brown, A., Organizational Culture, Pitman, London, 1995
Schein, E., Organizational Culture and Leadership, (Jossey-Bass Psychology Series, 1994
And the big | <urn:uuid:73e99c35-26c7-42b6-b1a2-29c35c0a2830> | {
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The older your skin, the more susceptible it is to unwanted skin conditions, including moles, liver spots, freckles, wrinkles, etc. The strength of skin cells to resist these conditions declines with age, and they give in because they are unable to renew themselves more often.
How the skin ages and the type of unwanted growth depends on several factors, such as the diet, lifestyle, and personal habits. For instance, females that have greater exposure to the sun are more apt to developing cancerous moles or spots. Smoking and consumption of processed food can lead to the creation of free radicals inside the body, which can damage cells and lead to premature wrinkles.
That said, the following are the most common types of skin growths:
· Actinic & Seborrheic Keratoses
Actinic keratoses refer to brownish or red colored scaly spots that appear on the skin as it grows older. These spots can turn cancerous if they become acute and the victim of the growth fails to seek treatment at an early stage. Seborrheic keratosis are warts that can be black or brown in color, and are usually benign growths that look as if they’ve fastened themselves to the skin’s surface. The most common growth areas include the back of the hand, forearm, or face.
Nevi or moles are tiny skin marks that result due to the increase in pigment-producing cells in the skin. They can be rough, smooth, flat or raised, and accompanied by some hair. Most of them are brown or black in color, but a few can be yellowish or skin-colored. They respond to hormonal changes and change overtime; exposure to the sun after growth can darken their appearance. Another type of mole is the atypical mole, which is larger than the normal mole and can be tan or pink. Moles can appear anywhere on the skin.
· Cherry angiomas
This is a skin growth that affects mostly middle-aged women. Chery angiomas is classified as a small, bright red, benign, elevated bump that is caused by dilated blood vessels. Fatty deposits may also contribute to their formation. They are quite small in size, the usual being pinhead size to on quarter inch. Most growths are smooth, but some can stick out from the skin. The fortunate aspect of this growth is that it is noncancerous, and doesn’t harm the health.
How to treat these skin growths
Several measures can treat or reduce the symptoms of unwanted skin growths. You should always start with natural and external treatment options. For instance, moles can be removed with surgery or through the duct tape method, but using mole removal products is recommended because they are made from high quality plant extracts allowing for homeopathic treatment without any side effects. It is possible to take care of benign moles right from the comfort of your home, which saves you expensive visits to the dermatologists.
Likewise, topical ointments can be used on actinic & seborrheic keratoses. Home remedies can also be applied to see results before the option for a dermatologist is considered. For example, Apple Cider Vinegar is recommended for removal of cherry angiomas, but the skin needs to be open. Cryotherapy or freezing can also treat many of these growths. | <urn:uuid:8aa4e265-27bb-48a1-ac4d-ab78c539416c> | {
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The setting of the Great Gastbytells us a lot about the American dream. The novel takes place during the roaring twenties, when wealthy Americans were living in excess, and conspicuous consumption was the norm of the day. This vision of limitless excess was tied to the American dream in an important way.
There was an implicit notion that if you worked hard enough, you could make it. Moreover, you could have a certain type of lifestyle. This last point is an important point to keep in mind, because the American dream is in many ways a lifestyle.
Jay Gastby is the perfect example of this. He was from humble beginning, but through determination and unsavory means (being a bootlegger), he was able to make it big.
We’ve answered 331,109 questions. We can answer yours, too.Ask a question | <urn:uuid:02efda89-147b-43e5-97c0-2197730fac52> | {
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Here are the tips:
1. Put together a nursery tour. Get a group of friends and visit three nurseries. Car pooling and coordinating a lunch stop will be necessary. The most important goal is to have fun and learn what is going on this month.
2. When you visit a nursery, have a list. It can be overwhelming to walk into the show area of a good nursery and see the exotic and colorful displays. I often forget what I am there for while looking at specimen plants and talking with the staff. When I have a plan and have written it down, I seldom leave without getting what I want.
3. Ask questions of the staff. At most nurseries the staff carry walkie-talkies and if they cannot answer your question they will call someone who can. It is good business for them to know all the aspects of gardening from soil to fruit production, from fertilizers and compost to insect identification and controls. Feel free to ask.
4. Have your planters, beds, turf and vegetable garden ready before you bring home the plants. All too often the plants arrive in the yard and the planting project gets put off for a week or two. Try to have everything ready first.
5. Make notes and journal your trip to the nursery. Even if you are just looking, you may very well get ideas you will want to use later. Write them down when you get home.
6. Find nurseries in the telephone book, through your garden club, from friends that have extraordinary gardens, by ads in gardening magazines, and by searching the Internet.
7. If you haven't got them in yet, plant tomatoes. There are so many new varieties including exotic hybrids you have plenty to choose from. Plant beets, chard, beans (both pole and bush) carrots, lettuce, radishes, spinach, squash and zucchini. Plant herbs: You will need them when cooking with all those fresh vegetables you will harvest.
8. Dead head (remove the spent flowers) and then feed azaleas, camellias and rhododendrons when they are finished with their bloom. These are all acid-loving plants and require fertilizer specifically for them. You can get azalea/camellia/rhododendron food at the nursery. Be sure to follow the directions on the package.
9. Container plants have different requirements for food and water than those planted in the ground. Water more frequently and be careful with fertilization so you do not have salt build up. Repot container plants that are getting out of control.
10. Flowers to plant this month are tuberous begonias, dahlias, calendulas, chrysanthemums, daylilies, hostas, impatiens, jasmine, marigold and zinnias.
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If you are a paid print subscriber and haven't yet set up an online account, click here to get your online account activated. | <urn:uuid:32e42999-9500-434e-b833-d3ade84bc6b5> | {
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In November 1936, a month before King Edward VIII of England forfeited the throne to wed an American divorcee, Mrs. Wallis Simpson, Gallup found 61% of Americans supporting the possible marriage. The remaining 39% disapproved.
Gallup's write-up of the poll a year later said, "Two sections of the country, New England and the South, frowned slightly on the marriage of the King to a divorcee, but general public opinion approved." The article also referred to the fact that while Americans were aware of the budding scandal, Britons themselves were not:
"On November 22, 1936, before the average British citizen had read anything regarding the royal romance, the Institute of Public Opinion [Gallup's original name] published the results of a survey in this country which showed Americans sympathetic to Edward's intended marriage."
The British people's unfamiliarity with the king's romance was due to an astounding cover-up by British newspapers at the time. Years later, it was revealed that the nation's leading editors, as well as the BBC, had conspired to bury the story out of deference to the king. Even more remarkably in today's digital age is that ample news coverage in the U.S. didn't spread to the British citizenry.
The couple married on June 3, 1937. A Gallup poll conducted soon after found the same percentage that had favored the Windsor-Simpson marriage a year earlier, 61%, now favored the newlyweds living in the United States. According to the article, "Rumors that the royal couple might make their home in the United States have been in the air ever since the Duke closed the door of British dominions on himself when he abdicated. Possible royal 'lodges' and estates have been pointed out in California, in Maryland and on Long Island." They ultimately settled in France.
Again, New England was among the least sympathetic region to the Duke, with only 51% of residents there saying they would like the couple to make their home in the U.S. The figure was 59% in the South and 60% or greater in all other regions.
View the 1937 Gallup news release on the Windsor-Simpson marriage and where they should live.
Read more from the Gallup Vault. | <urn:uuid:d10433ca-2111-4fff-8364-6782174fcb2b> | {
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A highly important portrait of wartime prime minister Winston Churchill painted to celebrate the Allied Victory in 1945 is to be sold.
The portrait conveys the pugnacious spirit of the wartime leader and was originally commissioned by Odhams Press for the "Victory Book", which was published in 1946.
The picture, which was painted from life, shows Churchill in typical stance and attire wearing a polka dot bow tie standing in the Cabinet Room.
He stares with steely determination at the viewer with his hand placed firmly on a map of Europe underlining Allied supremacy and victory in Europe following the D-Day Landings in France in 1944.
Auctioneer Amy Brenan, of Dorset-based Duke's of Dorchester, said: "This portrait perfectly conveys Churchill's 'We will fight them on the beaches' spirit, but it also incorporates some mysterious symbolism, which may be interpreted in different ways."
It seems that the artist, Ernest Wallcousins, kept the painting in his own collection and comparison with the reproduction in the "Victory Book" shows that he later added the symbol of St George and the Dragon on top of the map of Europe.
Miss Brenan explained: "The symbol of George and the Dragon may simply have been added by the artist to celebrate Elizabeth II's Coronation in 1953, or it may allude to the great George insignia given to Winston Churchill's ancestor, John Churchill, by Queen Anne to celebrate victory at the Battle of Blenheim.
"It was this exact insignia that Winston Churchill wore at the Queen's Coronation in 1953, 60 years ago this year."
It has also been suggested that the addition of St George slaying the dragon may have political significance, since St George is the patron saint of Moscow and the image of the Saint slaying the dragon appears on the Moscow City Coat of Arms.
It may, therefore, symbolise the relationship between Stalin and Churchill and have been added as a mark of respect to the Russian people.
The present owner of the painting acquired it from the artist's widow in the early 1980s.
The artist, Ernest Wallcousins, is well known for his illustrations of Royal occasions.
He designed many of the Royal Souvenir Programmes, including one for the ill-fated Coronation of Edward VIII, of which there is only one surviving example.
He also produced advertising posters for the London Underground.
The painting goes under the hammer on April 11 with an estimate of £10,000 to £15,000. | <urn:uuid:29b12410-21b0-4eb6-8938-4859637c7790> | {
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How to Write Informal Letters in English with Examples credit image : owlcation.com
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Ecology & Environmental Sciences
- Biological Sciences Programs of USGS
The Biological Resources Discipline of the U.S. Geological Survey works with others to provide the scientific understanding and technologies needed to support the sound management and conservation of our Nation's biological resources. Of special interest to teachers and students is the Status and Trends section of this site. Taxa, Issues, Methods and Tools all have many resources that support standards based biology teaching and learning.
- Cal Photos
Plants, animals, habitats, biodiversity are among topics included in the 39,155 images in this University of California, Berkeley e-library collection.
- Conservation International
This site helps users gain an understanding of the science, economics, policy and community involvement needed to promote biodiversity conservation in tropical rain forests and in other endangered ecosystems.
- Ecological Database of the World's Insect Pathogens (EDWIP) provides information on fungi, viruses, protozoa, mollicutes, nematodes, and bacteria (other than Bacillus thuringiensis) that are infectious in insects, mites, and related arthropods.
- EE-LINK: Environmental Education on the Internet
A launch pad to environmental resources on the Web for students, teachers and professionals that support K-12 environmental education.
Produced by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, this site provides a dynamic way to view and query environmental information, including drinking water, toxic and air releases, hazardous waste, water discharge permits, and Superfund sites. EnviroMapper also links to text reports. A fascinating site.
- Envirofacts Data Warehouse
- Exploring the Environment®
Twenty-five online modules put students in problem-based learning scenarios. In one module, students predict the impact of increased carbon dioxide on the wheat yield in Kansas. In another, they predict weather 48 hours in advance. Topics include coral reefs, climate change, the Everglades, mountain gorillas, rainforests, volcanoes, water quality, and ozone depletion. (A NASA-sponsored project.)
- Fire Effects Information
The Fire Effects Information website provides up-to-date information about fire effects on plants and animals taken from current English-language literature. The emphasis of each synopsis is fire and how it affects each species. Background information on taxonomy, distribution, basic biology and ecology of each species is included. Thorough documentation includes a complete bibliography.
- Global Warming Facts & Our Future
Explore the latest scientific information from the National Academy of Sciences. Is our climate warming? Are humans causing it? What might be the effects? What can be done? Learn about the greenhouse effect, the carbon cycle, and past changes in our climate. See predicted changes and how they could affect sea levels, agriculture, and ecosystems. Find out about options for reducing CO2 emissions. (NAS)
- The Globe Program
GLOBE students make a core set of environmental observations at or near their schools and report their data via the Internet. Scientists use GLOBE data in their research and provide feedback to the students to enrich their science education. Results are posted on the website for all to see.
- The International Wolf Center
This site is filled with valuable information such as: wolf images, wolf telemetry data from the National Biological Survey conducted on the Superior National Forest in Minnesota, wolf reference information, news and events, education materials and the wolf den order catalog. You can use this site to gather text, graphic and data information to include in an ecology unit. (Howard A. Knodle, '96 AE Fellow)
- Microbial Ecology Resources
A comprehensive list of materials (books, videos, software, etc.) that may be of interest to students and teachers of microbial ecology and microbiology.
- National Institute of Environmental Health (NIEH)
The popular NIEH brochure, "You and Your Genes" is now available on the web along with several other popular brochures, such as
"Environmental Diseases from A to Z".
- The U.S.Census Bureau
From this home page you can link to population clocks, food housing info and much more.
- U.S. Census Bureau Publications
Census Bureau documents are provided in Adobe Acrobat's Portable Document Format (PDF). To view these files, you will need Adobe's Acrobat Reader which is available for free from the Adobe web site.
- The US Geological Survey
The USGS home page lots of material for incorporating earth science in biology. Of note to teachers is their section called
The Learning Web.
(Joseph Mahood, AE Host on Portfolio Assessment)
Follow seals and whales via satellite tags on their migrations and movements. Access locations, dive times, etc as it happens and archived information. This is an excellent site for student and teacher alike. Its emphasis is on engaging students in the process of learning more about whales--lot of practical information about the species and how to observe them. For the teacher, there are some good projects to explore for use in the classroom.
- Wildlife Conservation Society
The Wildlife Conservation Society, parent organization for the Bronx, Central Park, Prospect Park, and Queens Zoos and New York's Aquarium, offers internships and workshops for teachers. Check the website for details.
- The World Wide Biome Project
An Integrated Biology/Computer Project For Students enabling students to study a local ecosystem, learn about their environment, and read about biomes in other parts of the world. Its concept comes from a related project developed by AE Fellows Janis Lariviere, David Masterman and Howard Waterman.
- The WWF Global Network
This site provides comprehensive news and information on more than 14,000 screens. Covers all aspects of conservation and the environment. Topics include forests, climate change, marine issues, pollution, species, and sustainable development. Includes a section for "Kids and Teachers."
Return to Resource Center Table of Contents
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ABU ALI HASAN IBN AL-HAITHAM
ABU ALI HASAN IBN AL-HAITHAM
Abu Ali Hasan Ibn al-Haitham was one of the most eminent physicists, whose
contributions to optics and the scientific methods are outstanding. Known in the
West as Alhazen, Ibn al-Haitham was born in 965 C.E. in Basrah, and was educated
in Basrah and Baghdad. Thereafter, he went to Egypt, where he was asked to find
ways of controlling the flood of the Nile. Being unsuccessful in this, he
feigned madness until the death of Caliph al-Hakim. He also traveled to Spain
and, during this period, he had ample time for his scientific pursuits, which
included optics, mathematics, physics, medicine and development of scientific
methods on each of which he has left several outstanding books.
He made a thorough examination of the passage of light through various media
and discovered the laws of refraction. He also carried out the first experiments
on the dispersion of light into its constituent colors. His book
Kitab-al-Manadhir was translated into Latin in the Middle Ages, as also
his book dealing with the colors of sunset. He dealt at length with the theory
of various physical phenomena like shadows, eclipses, the rainbow, and
speculated on the physical nature of light. He is the first to describe
accurately the various parts of the eye and give a scientific explanation of the
process of vision. He also attempted to explain binocular vision, and gave a
correct explanation of the apparent increase in size of the sun and the moon
when near the horizon. He is known for the earliest use of the camera obscura.
He contradicted Ptolemy's and Euclid's theory of vision that objects are seen by
rays of light emanating from the eyes; according to him the rays originate in
the object of vision and not in the eye. Through these extensive researches on
optics, he has been considered as the father of modern Optics.
The Latin translation of his main work, Kitab-al-Manadhir, exerted a
great influence upon Western science e.g. on the work of Roger Bacon and Kepler.
It brought about a great progress in experimental methods. His research in
catoptrics centred on spherical and parabolic mirrors and spherical aberration.
He made the important observation that the ratio between the angle of incidence
and refraction does not remain constant and investigated the magnifying power of
a lens. His catoptrics contain the important problem known as Alhazen's problem.
It comprises drawing lines from two points in the plane of a circle meeting at a
point on the circumference and making equal angles with the normal at that
point. This leads to an equation of the fourth degree.
In his book Mizan al-Hikmah Ibn al-Haitham has discussed the density
of the atmosphere and developed a relation between it and the height. He also
studied atmospheric refraction. He discovered that the twilight only ceases or
begins when the sun is 19° below the horizon and attempted to measure the height
of the atmosphere on that basis. He has also discussed the theories of
attraction between masses, and it seems that he was aware of the magnitude of
acceleration due to gravity.
His contribution to mathematics and physics was extensive. In mathematics, he
developed analytical geometry by establishing linkage between algebra and
geometry. He studied the mechanics of motion of a body and was the first to
maintain that a body moves perpetually unless an external force stops it or
changes its direction of motion. This would seem equivalent to the first law of
The list of his books runs to 200 or so, very few of which have survived.
Even his monumental treatise on optics survived through its Latin translation.
During the Middle Ages his books on cosmology were translated into Latin, Hebrew
and other languages. He has also written on the subject of evolution a book that
deserves serious attention even today.
In his writing, one can see a clear development of the scientific methods as
developed and applied by the Muslims and comprising the systematic observation
of physical phenomena and their linking together into a scientific theory. This
was a major breakthrough in scientific methodology, as distinct from guess and
gesture, and placed scientific pursuits on a sound foundation comprising
systematic relationship between observation, hypothesis and verification.
Ibn al-Haitham's influence on physical sciences in general, and optics in
particular, has been held in high esteem and, in fact, it ushered in a new era
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On the evening of July 16, 1945, President Harry S. Truman was at the Potsdam Conference in Berlin when he received a message from home. "Operated this morning," it read. "Diagnosis not complete but results seem satisfactory and already exceed expectations."
The operation to which the message referred was codenamed Trinity and involved the testing of a device nicknamed "the gadget." Early that morning, a group of about 250 scientists and military officers had crowded into three bunkers in the New Mexico desert and watched as a brilliant flash lit the pre-dawn sky in shades of purple, green and white. They had just witnessed the first detonation of a nuclear weapon. Pandora's Box was open and the Atomic Age had begun.
The plutonium bomb, tested at the White Sands Proving Ground in the Jornada del Muerto desert, was the culmination of six years of nuclear weapon research and development under the Manhattan Project. Despite all the preparation, no-one knew exactly what to expect during the detonation of the Trinity bomb. The physicists and army officers made bets with one another on the outcome — some predicted it wouldn't explode at all, while others foresaw the destruction of the entire world (and presumably were at peace with never getting to gloat about being right.)
The gadget was hoisted atop a 100-foot tower for detonation in order to better simulate a bomb being dropped from a plane. When it exploded at 5:29 am, the mushroom cloud plumed to over seven miles high. People 100 miles away saw the flash of fire and felt the shockwave. To quell speculation, the Alamogordo Air Base issued a press release describing the casualty-free explosion of "a remotely located ammunitions magazine containing a considerable amount of high explosives and pyrotechnics."
Satisfied with the results of the Trinity test, the U.S. prepared two new bombs: Little Boy, built with uranium-235 as its fission source, and Fat Man, which, like the Trinity bomb, was assembled using plutonium.
Three weeks after Trinity demonstrated the destructive possibilities of nuclear weaponry, the U.S. dropped Little Boy on Hiroshima, followed by the deployment of Fat Man on Nagasaki three days later. Over 150,000 people died. Japan surrendered. At an unfathomable cost of human life, the war ended. But another of a different timbre would soon begin: the Cold War, with its Mutual Assured Destruction, big red buttons, and futile duck-and-cover campaigns.
The Trinity test site is closed to the public except for one day every year: the first Saturday in April. On this day, visitors are welcome to stand on the spot where "the gadget" ushered in the Atomic Age. A slight crater in the ground, 340 feet across, is the only scar from the explosion. Two miles away is the ranch house where the bomb was assembled. A stone obelisk marks ground zero. It's almost peaceful.
Other Atomic Age destinations
View Trinity Site in a larger map | <urn:uuid:b983e508-0c45-483f-90f4-7268fa39b1b1> | {
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The term epiathroid (Ancient Greek epi-, "above" + -athroid, "gathered together") is used to describe the arrangement of ganglia in the nervous system of molluscs. In the epiathroid state, the pleural ganglia of the "chest" and the pedal ganglia of the "feet" lie close to the cerebral ganglia of the "head" forming a neural cluster which begins to approximate a brain. It is a condition characteristic of the Mesogastropoda and Neogastropoda, and is the obverse of the more-primitive hypoathroid condition in which the pleural and pedal ganglia lie close together under the animal's gut and communicate with the cerebral ganglia via long connectives. The Archaeogastropoda clade is described as "hypoathroid", and is the clade closest to the original hypothetical ancestral mollusc (sometimes called an "archimollusc" or a H.A.M.).
- Chase, Ronald (2002). Behavior and Its Neural Control in Gastropod Molluscs. Oxford University. p. 22. ISBN 9780195354485.
|This mollusc-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.| | <urn:uuid:cc2b3c76-5322-412a-999f-e7cfba3fcffb> | {
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NASA's rover Curiosity said 'Goodbye Kimberley' having fulfilled her objectives of drilling into a cold red sandstone slab, sampling the tantalizing grey colored interior and pelting the fresh bore hole with a pinpoint series of parting laser blasts before seeking new adventures on the road ahead towards the inviting slopes of Mount Sharp, her ultimate destination.
Curiosity successfully drilled her 3rd hole deep into the 'Windjama' rock target at the base of Mount Remarkable and within the science waypoint at a region called "The Kimberley" on May 5, Sol 621.
Since then, the 1 ton robot carefully scrutinized the resulting 2.6 inches (6.5 centimeters) deep bore hole and the mound of dark grey colored drill tailings piled around for an up close examination of the texture and composition with the MAHLI camera and spectrometers at the end of her 7-foot-long (2 meters) arm to glean every last drop of science before moving on.
Multiple scars clearly visible inside the drill hole and on the Martian surface resulting from the million watt laser firings of the Mast mounted Chemistry and Camera (ChemCam) instrument left no doubt of Curiosity's capabilities or intentions.
Furthermore she successfully delivered pulverized and sieved samples to the pair of onboard miniaturized chemistry labs; the Chemistry and Mineralogy instrument (CheMin) and the Sample Analysis at Mars instrument (SAM) – for chemical and compositional analysis.
Curiosity completed an "intensive investigation of 'The Kimberley', having successfully drilled, acquired and dropped samples into CheMin and SAM," wrote science team member Ken Herkenhoff in an update.
"MAHLI has taken lots of excellent images of the drill hole, including some during the night with LEDs on, nicely showing the ChemCam LIBS spots."
"The initial analysis of this new sample by Chemin is ongoing, requiring repeated overnight integration to build up high-quality data," says Herkenhoff.
The rover's earth bound handlers also decided that one drill campaign into Kimberley was enough.
So the rover will not be drilling into any other rock targets here.
And it may be a very long time before the next drilling since the guiding team of scientists and engineers wants desperately to get on and arrive at the foothills of Mount Sharp as soon as possible.
But the robot will undoubtedly be busy with further analysis of the 'Windjana' sample along the way, since there's plenty of leftover sample material stored in the CHIMRA sample processing mechanism to allow future delivery of samples when the rover periodically pauses during driving.
"Windjana" is named after a gorge in Western Australia.
It's been a full year since the first two drill campaigns were conducted during 2013 at the 'John Klein' and 'Cumberland' outcrop targets inside Yellowknife Bay. They were both mudstone rock outcrops and the interiors were markedly different in color.
"The drill tailings from this rock are darker-toned and less red than we saw at the two previous drill sites," said Jim Bell of Arizona State University, Tempe, deputy principal investigator for Curiosity's Mast Camera (Mastcam).
"This suggests that the detailed chemical and mineral analysis that will be coming from Curiosity's other instruments could reveal different materials than we've seen before. We can't wait to find out!"
The science team chose Windjana for drilling "to analyze the cementing material that holds together sand-size grains in this sandstone," says NASA.
"The Kimberley Waypoint was selected because it has interesting, complex stratigraphy," Curiosity Principal Investigator John Grotzinger, of the California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, told me.
Curiosity departed the ancient lakebed at the Yellowknife Bay region in July 2013 where she discovered a habitable zone with the key chemical elements and a chemical energy source that could have supported microbial life billions of years ago – and thereby accomplished the primary goal of the mission.
Windjama lies some 2.5 miles (4 kilometers) southwest of Yellowknife Bay.
Curiosity still has about another 4 kilometers to go to reach the foothills of Mount Sharp sometime later this year.
The sedimentary layers of Mount Sharp, which reaches 3.4 miles (5.5 km) into the Martian sky, is the six wheeled robots ultimate destination inside Gale Crater because it holds caches of water altered minerals. Such minerals could possibly indicate locations that sustained potential Martian life forms, past or present, if they ever existed.
Explore further: NASA's Curiosity rover drills sandstone slab on Mars | <urn:uuid:e02d54a8-0b45-4857-a185-472de50ce795> | {
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The Body Cleanse provides a comfortable and relaxing way to rid the body of toxins without precipitating a harsh healing crisis. The Body Cleanse is an ion generator with a power supply which delivers a small amount of current (1.6 to 1.8) amps to the ionator. This causes the metal ionator in combination with water to generate positive or negative charged ions.
Ions are charged atoms that have gained or lost and electron. The charge from the ionator and water causes the ions to set up a magnetic field capable of attracting oppositely charged particles and pulling them out of the body through osmosis. Facilitated by the Body Cleanse ions travel quickly through the body and attach themselves to toxic substances; these toxins are then drawn towards the ionator and pass by osmosis through the feet into the water.
We are exposed to the greatest toxic load in our planet’s history. Toxins are in the air we breathe, the foods we eat, the environment you’re sitting in as you read your book. The lighting, power lines, computers, chemicals, pesticides, etc. are all contributing to a toxic environment. Many of these toxins are bio-accumulative and continue to build up in the body’s cells and organs altering their function and weakening the tissues; which can result in loss of energy, inability of the body to heal or function properly, and an increased susceptibility to disease processes.
Utilizing the technology of the Body Cleanse for ongoing periodic detoxification provides an indispensable tool to help maintain optimum health and energy levels. | <urn:uuid:797d91f8-e883-4490-9c38-e31e59218a82> | {
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A Holistic Approach to Restoring Streams
By Diane Huskinson
“It’s difficult to get long contiguous stretches of a watershed, particularly headwaters, restored,” says Matt Ehrhart, director of watershed restoration at Stroud Water Research Center.
It’s certainly ideal but also rare for all landowners along a stretch of stream to implement best management practices (BMPs) for water quality. At best, there may be a few scattered here and there.
However, the Stroud Center’s Watershed Restoration Group is building relationships with all of the farmers along two headwater tributaries to restore, protect, and monitor them.
One is an unnamed tributary to Mill Creek in central Lancaster. The other, also unnamed, flows into Little Conestoga Creek in Eastern Pennsylvania. Both eventually lead to the Susquehanna River and Chesapeake Bay. They’re also impaired and targets of the Clean Water Act.
A GROWING PARTNERSHIP
Some of the farmers participating in the project have already taken steps to reduce runoff and move cows away from the streams. By partnering with the Lancaster County Conservation District, the Natural Resources Conservation Service, Red Barn Consulting, Inc., and TeamAg, Inc., the Watershed Restoration Group will help farmers do even more.
“Our goal is to add forested riparian buffers along the entire length of these two stream stretches over the next two years. Buffers are highly effective, so they will play a key role,” Ehrhart says. “But buffers can become overwhelmed when used in isolation, so also important will be barnyard improvements for manure management, rain gutters and spouting, no-till farming, and grassed waterways.”
Improvements such as buffers are low-cost alternatives that take time to mature and reach their full potential. Associate Research Scientist John Jackson, Ph.D., says, “From our perspective, it’s better to address 10,000 feet of stream or 1,000 acres of farmland by using these low-cost BMPs than to address a much smaller area using more expensive solutions that maybe look good right away — because even if you do everything right in one location, if the farms upstream are polluting the water, it’s going to affect everyone downstream.”
TWO TRIBUTARIES, ONE LONG STUDY
The case for widely used low-cost BMPs would benefit from science that proves their value. The problem is that long-term data describing their effectiveness and how long it takes to restore an impacted stream are lacking.
Jackson and his team of researchers will fill the gap by studying the health of the two tributaries over many years, possibly decades. Right now, they’re in the process of establishing a baseline.
Stroud Center scientists like Jackson evaluate and help improve the condition of streams not by measuring one indicator or employing one cure-all method, but by using many tools all together. “It’s like the difference between only taking care of your heart versus your whole body.” Jackson explains. “Will your body be better off if you take care of your heart? Sure. But if you do that in isolation and neglect your lungs then your body may still suffer. The same is true for monitoring and restoring stream health.”
This project is unique in that it presents a best-case scenario. What happens when everything is done right to restore a stream?
“Different parties have different ways of measuring success,” adds Ehrhart, “For example, the biggest concern in terms of cleaning up the Chesapeake Bay is reducing nitrogen loads and then phosphorus and sediment. There are things that can be done on the landscape to reduce the amount of nitrogen flowing into a stream right away, but it can take decades to flush out sediment.”
“Everybody wants to know how long it takes to clean up an impacted stream. No one really knows. We’re changing that,” says Jackson.
Ehrhart agrees. “Yes, and we think the data will serve as an incentive for more landowners to implement BMPs.”
Staff Spotlight: Sally Peirson and Roberta Weber
By Diane Huskinson
Sally Peirson and Roberta Weber, both Stroud Water Research Center research technicians, have worked side by side in the Entomology Group for nearly 30 years. They’ve shared not just a workspace but many of life’s big events like marriages, graduations, children, and grandchildren. And this duo is glad about that.
“We’re more than co-workers; we’re good friends,” says Peirson. “After working together for so long, Roberta even finishes my sentences.”
Weber adds, “Around here, people refer to us like we’re one person. Sally is great, so if I am going to be someone’s Siamese twin, I’m glad it’s hers.” She looks at her friend, and they share a laugh.
Though both are shy about singing their own praises, each one is quick to acknowledge the other’s qualities.
“Sally is a meticulous, careful, patient person, and she sets a great example to the young people who are just starting out in the lab,” Weber says, to which Peirson replies, “Well, I’d say the same about her.”
Equally conscientious and having decades of experience, they are the indispensable boots on the ground responsible for helping senior scientists carry out research projects. When out in the field, they collect stream samples, and in the lab, they process those samples, identify collected macroinvertebrates, and log data.
Roberta Weber started in April 1983. A New Castle, Del., native, she attended DeLaWarr High School, where her science teacher, Mr. O’Neill, inspired her to study biology in college. Afterward, she spent two years in the Philippines as a Peace Corp volunteer working in rural public health. Upon her return to the U.S., she tried out several odd jobs before settling into the University of Delaware’s entomology graduate program. “When I heard about an opening at Stroud, I applied, and here I am.” Roberta shares a passion for entomology with her husband Richard Weber, a retired entomology professor.
Sally Peirson is the daughter of the late Jean and Buck Peirson. She grew up across the street from the Center and became a part-time employee in high school. After graduating in June 1972, she was hired into the Entomology Group. “I feel like I fell into my job, but I’m glad I did. I love the people here.” She celebrates her 41-year anniversary at the Center this year. Peirson and husband John Baker, an artist and West Chester University professor, have two daughters and four grandchildren.
Teacher Testimonial: Why Terri James Brings Students to Stroud
“Stroud Water Research Center is an incredible resource for our community, not only because of the important research it is doing but also because of its educational outreach.
I have had the privilege of taking my students to the Center for more than two decades. Here they have been introduced to macroinvertebrates and the importance of these organisms as indicators of stream health.
The enthusiasm fostered by the education staff, the hands-on nature of the investigation, and the diversity provided by a first-class stream have become a vital and integral part of our study of trees and their importance to the health of streams. The White Clay Creek has been a baseline for comparing investigations of streams on and near our campus.
This beginning experience provides a foundation and connection to other parts of our curriculum from understanding the wider implications to our watershed to experiences on our canoe trips on the Mullica River in Delaware and the West Branch of the Susquehanna River.
And it’s just plain fun!”
— Terri James, Teacher, Westtown School
Joan and Dick Stroud Memorial Lecture
Featuring the Documentary Film Chasing Ice and Special Guest Speaker, Director/Producer Jeff Orlowski
Sun., September 15, 4 p.m.–7 p.m.
Copeland Lecture Hall
5105 Kennett Pike, Wilmington, Del.
$15 per person; includes light refreshments.
Chasing Ice is the story of one man’s mission to change the tide of history by gathering undeniable evidence of climate change. Using time-lapse cameras, his videos compress years into seconds and capture ancient mountains of ice in motion as they disappear at a breathtaking rate.
“If there was ever a film that needed to be on the big screen, this is it!” — David Courier, Sundance senior programmer
“Amazingly beautiful… FIVE STARS” — The New York Daily News
“Stunning … timely … a solitary quest with global implications.” — The New York Times, ‘Critic’s Pick’
About the Speaker
In 2007, Jeff Orlowski got his first taste of the Arctic when as a Stanford student he seized an opportunity to work as a videographer with National Geographic photographer James Balog on the initial expedition of The Extreme Ice Survey (EIS). That winter, the EIS team scouted and filmed glaciers that now appear in the documentary feature film Chasing Ice.
Orlowski, a New York native, has been filming the EIS project around the world, working in some of the most extreme conditions imaginable on locations in Iceland, Greenland, Bolivia, the Alps, Alaska, and Glacier National Park, Montana.
Jeff’s previous work has taken him to the Tour de France for a behind-the-scenes documentary, and he has photographed and filmed a number of people including Robin Williams, Jane Goodall, and Nelson Mandela.
Mr. Orlowski will introduce the film and answer questions after the film is screened.
In the News
LEED® Platinum Certification Highlight of Center’s Earth Day Celebration
On Earth Day, Stroud Water Research Center announced that its Moorhead Environmental Complex had achieved the highest honor in green building design: LEED® Platinum. Read the press release or check out the story in The Unionville Times.
Planting Trees for Great Beer
This spring, Bill Covaleski of Victory Brewing Company and about 35 volunteers planted 1,200 trees along the East Branch of the Brandywine Creek. Good clean water is a must for great beer, and trees planted along streambanks help filter pollutants from entering streams. Stroud Water Research Center often helps groups — including this one — administer tree-planting projects through the TreeVitalize program. Read the story and learn more about the benefits of trees.
New University Research Center
A new university research and education center is in the works to provide college students from James Madison University and elsewhere a facility in which to study the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) disciplines. The Center for Coldwaters Restoration project will take $30 million and 20 years to complete.
Research and education centers offering the chance to study freshwater streams and rivers are few and often far between. Stroud Water Research Center, which serves students in middle school through graduate school and provides opportunities like field trips and post-doctoral research positions, is in an even smaller minority, as it is also nongovernmental, nonadvocacy, nonprofit, and independent from any university.
Stroud Scientists and Educators Present
Our scientists and educators engage in both scientific and public forums to share their findings, increase awareness, and create a public dialogue centered on the protection, preservation, and restoration of watersheds everywhere. The following highlights recent presentations.
Scientists, Educators Share Knowledge at Society for Freshwater Science Meeting
Stroud Center Director Bern Sweeney, Assistant Director Dave Arscott, scientists Dave Funk and John Jackson, and educator Christina Medved attended the annual meeting of the Society for Freshwater Science (formerly the North American Benthological Society) held this year in Jacksonville, Fla., May 19-23.
Medved organized a Leaf Pack Experiment Workshop for Greenwood School students, Jacksonville Zoo staff, teachers from other area schools, and staff from the Florida Department of Environmental Protection South Florida Water Management District. The Center also set up an exhibit to share information about the Center and its programs with conference attendees.
Scientific presentations were delivered by Arscott, Funk, Jackson, and Sweeney:
- Gill, S. E., Aufdenkampe, A. K., & Arscott, D. Model My Watershed®: Developing Online Hydrologic Modeling Capacity for Students and Citizens. Presentation delivered on behalf of Director of Education Susan Gill.
- Richardson, D. C., Oleksy, I. A., Hoellein, T. J., Arscott, D. B., Gibson, C. A., & Root, S. M. Spatial Distribution and Ecosystem Effects of a Nuisance, Bloom-Forming Diatom (Didymosphenia geminata) in Catskill Mountain Streams, New York.
- Funk, D. H., & Jackson, J. K. The Toxicity of Produced Water from Marcellus Shale Gas Wells to Three Natives Mayflies.
- Conley, J. M., Funk, D. H., & Buchwalter, D. B. Toxicity of Elevated Total Dissolved Solids and Dietary Selenium to Aquatic Insects Using Centroptilum triangulifer as a Model Organism.
- Jackson, J. K. Revisiting the Role of Long-Term Studies in Freshwater Ecology.
- Sweeney, B. W., Flowers, R. W., Funk, D. H., Huamantinco, A. A., Jackson, J. K., & Ojeda, T. Using Leaf Packs to Monitor Water Quality Along an Altitudinal Gradient Near the Transoceanic Highway in the Eastern Andes Region of Peru.
- Buchwalter, D. B., & Sweeney, B. W. Thermal Tolerance in Aquatic Insects: A Psychological Perspective.
Advancing Data Management and Cyberinfrastructure
The Organic and Isotope Geochemistry Group had a busy spring with Associate Research Scientist Anthony Aufdenkampe attending and presenting at two workshops. In March, he attended the two-day Workshop #1 for the Observations Data Model 2.0 (ODM2) Project in San Diego, for which he served on the organizing committee and presented several times. ODM2 is an information model that builds upon data management technologies, making it possible for scientists more easily share their observations of Earth. Sara Damiano also attended.
In April, Aufdenkampe participated in an EarthCube Domain End-User Workshop: Integrating the Inland Waters Geochemistry, Biogeochemistry, and Fluvial Sedimentology Communities, the goal of which was to identify cyberinfrastructure and data management needs of the earth sciences community and to guide the development of the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) EarthCube cyberinfrastructure initiative. Aufdenkampe was on the organizing committee for this workshop, and he gave two pop-up presentations and a poster presentation. | <urn:uuid:dd10a115-90f4-4c5f-af6e-ddc29347b35a> | {
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In an era of cynical greed, Apollo 11 still inspires
On the other hand, exploration of the moon conclusively proved that it is neither a nice, nor particularly interesting, place to visit.
Harvesting its mineral resources would be unimaginably costly, while its brutal cold and searing heat are unbelievably dangerous. Ultimately, sending people to live there would be comparable to shipping convicts to Australia, only without the joys of kangaroos, kookaburras and an atmosphere.
The moon shot gave us Tang and velcro, scientific knowledge and dehydrated ice cream. For all that, however, it's hard to sell it as an economic victory.
Still, there remains the romantic appeal, which explains why NASA -- and George W. Bush -- have been so eager to go back there. The moon is a starting-place, a jumping-off ground. For people who imagine a future rife with trips to Mars and five-year missions to explore strange worlds, the moon is the first step. Until we get back there, Mars will be unimaginable.
Beyond that, America in 2009 could benefit greatly from the kind of nation-pride that characterized the country in 1969. For a generation that is too young to remember World War II or the Apollo landings, nationalism seems cheesy and threadbare. A renewed space program could be the first step toward a renewed sense of non-religious, non-partisan national destiny.
If American astronauts go back to the moon, they will probably do so in an Orion capsule, atop an Ares rocket. It would cost between $28 and $36 billion to put these components into space by the end of 2010. Flying three missions per year through 2015 would run an additional $14 billion.
The usual -- and, admittedly, relevant -- arguments against a new space program generally boil down to the fact that there are numerous vital projects that need to be done on planet earth, any of which would benefit from the infusion of $28-$50 billion. On the other hand, it's also worth noting that the Fannie Mae/Freddie Mac bailouts will ultimately cost between $25 billion and $2.5 trillion, depending upon who is doing the accounting.
While it would be nice to make comparisons between trips to the moon and better funded schools, recent history suggest that more likely expenditures would be bank bailouts and Wall Street bonuses. While Goldman-Sachs' record revenues may inspire cynical greed, a moon shot would inspire pride. It's worth asking which value America wants to encourage in its children. | <urn:uuid:b78fccf4-e082-4a73-a740-cc1245e9658d> | {
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The link between tweets and votes in political elections could be stronger than once thought, a new study has found.
An Indiana University study found that the percentage of votes for Republican and Democratic candidates in 2010 and 2012 races for the US House of Representatives could be predicted by the percentage of tweets that mentioned those candidates - and it didn't matter whether the tweets were positive or negative.
"Think of this as a measurement of buzz," said Fabio Rojas, an associate professor of sociology in the College of Arts and Sciences at the university.
"We call this the 'all publicity is good publicity' finding. Even if you don't like somebody, you would only talk about them if they're important," said Rojas.
Rojas and colleagues analysed a sample of 537 million tweets to examine whether on-line social media behaviour could be used to assess real world political behaviour.
Study lead author Joseph DiGrazia will present the findings at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association.
Until now, DiGrazia said, polls and surveys were the primary way to gauge public attitudes.
"Our findings show there is massive, untapped, reliable data out there that can give insights into public opinion," he said.
Unlike other studies that have looked at the influence of social media on election outcomes, the study took into account such variables as incumbency, partisanship, media coverage, and socio-demographic makeup of the electorate.
They say Twitter provides another tool for analysing races, particularly when other data is in short supply.
Researchers said the Indiana Twitter database contains the largest sample of tweets in the world that is available to academics. | <urn:uuid:a8bd856a-10ef-4309-bfe1-05e264ce6fd9> | {
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In Virginia, Loudoun Water (formerly the Loudoun County Sanitation Authority) approves all specifications and plans for community-based systems in new developments. The developers then deed the systems to Loudoun Water to own and operate. The agency relies heavily on natural wastewater treatment, such as septic tanks, drip irrigation, and recirculating sand filters, which are shown here. Photos: Loudoun Water
The wastewater treatment building at a subdivision in Aldie, Va., is served by a community wastewater system that disperses effluent in a low-pressure distribution system. About half of the effluent is lost to evapo-transpiration from both the grass and the soil. The other half recharges the groundwater approximately half a mile from the closest well. The wastewater treatment system consists of dual-train extended aeration package plants within a building, followed by a deep bed denitrification filter and a low-pressure distribution in aerobic drainfields.
When the subsurface sewage treatment systems at three condominium developments in Brookfield, Conn., repeatedly failed in the mid-1990s, the physical mess created a financial nightmare for both the condominium associations and the town itself.
Because the associations couldn't pay for the repairs that would eliminate illegal discharges, the Connecticut Department of Environmental Protection ordered the town to do it, a massive undertaking that involves:
- A 32-unit development generating 5,400 gallons/day. Estimated repair cost: $625,000
- A 41-unit development generating 7,300 gallons/day from two onsite treatment systems. Estimated repair cost: $300,000
- A 162-unit development generating 20,000 gallons/day. The development's monitoring reports showed nine failures between 1993 and 1996. The Department of Environmental Protection determined that the onsite system wasn't developed properly. Estimated repair cost: $1.2 million.
So began a protracted court battle between Brookfield and the state. The town has lost several appeals and faces up to $100,000 in fines if residents don't approve a $1.9 million referendum this month to connect the condominium complexes to the main gravity sewer system with a new sewer line.
It's a hard lesson learned from an era of unprecedented growth in the housing market, when subdivisions were built faster than the infrastructure necessary to serve them. With traditional wastewater treatment plants facing restrictions on their total maximum daily loads (TMDLs), decentralized systems were an attractive way to accommodate growth.
Subdivisions were built with “neighborhood-scale systems” that typically serve up to several dozen homes. Some estimates place the number of new homes in fast-growing urban areas served by decentralized systems at more than one-third.
Decentralized systems are used largely for two reasons: when the main sewer system is inaccessible (or linking to it would not be cost-efficient) and when centralized systems and treatment plants face capacity limitations. They're also a fraction of the cost to build and maintain a centralized wastewater treatment plant.
“We're seeing these mostly in areas of high urban growth,” says Peter Grose, senior vice president of engineering and consulting firm Fuss & O'Neill. “Occasionally we see them mediating an existing problem, such as a densely populated area with existing septic systems that aren't doing the job at effectively removing nitrogen.”
Onsite wastewater treatment systems use processes similar to traditional wastewater treatment plants, relying on both aerobic methods (such as activated sludge, suspended growth, or attached growth with textile filters) as well as anaerobic methods to remove nitrogen. But unlike most centralized systems, they discharge through leaching fields, spray irrigation systems, and constructed wetlands rather than to a river or lake.
“Decentralized wastewater treatment, reuse, and resource recovery are key elements in a significantly more efficient use of water that also entails a lighter environmental footprint as well as more creative open space and lower energy costs,” says Valerie Nelson, director of the Coalition for Alternative Wastewater Treatment. “Systems that rely on soil-based treatment also replenish groundwater aquifers.”
“Some rival the efficiency of a larger treatment plant in removal of organic matter, solids, and nutrients such as nitrogen and phosphorous,” Grose says. | <urn:uuid:29e66472-5afe-4e3e-8ffe-3c748e5307fc> | {
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The 95-mile Jurassic Coast between Poole Harbour in Dorset and the Exe estuary in Devon is an extreme example of geological exhibitionism. Among its many wonders are red and white cliffs, fossils galore, England’s most elegant sea arch, offshore stacks and the delightfully symmetrical scoop of Lulworth Cove.
They exist because this is a coast on the move, under continual attack from tide and tempest. Last week, a small part of it, at the base of a cliff on the edge of St Oswald’s Bay, fractured in the night. The result was a thunderous explosion, as tons of Cretaceous chalk were dumped into the sea, creating a gash in the coastline 80 to 100 metres long. Perhaps the long, wet winter had weakened the joints in the chalk – but there were no warning signs, no cracks across the coastal path that skirted this part of the bay.
Cliff collapses have become one of the internet’s more popular disaster genres: the stars of such YouTube films are usually the white chalk cliffs of which Vera Lynn sang, caught in post-traumatic repose as vast, inverted half-cones of spoil seeping into the turquoise shallows of the Channel. The first detailed studies were made in the 19th century by two of Britain’s pioneering geologists, William Buckland and William Conybeare, in the wake of the Bindon Landslide.
Occurring just to the west of Lyme Regis, this made St Oswald’s Bay seem puny: on Christmas Day 1839, 10 million tons of rock and debris – plus some wheat and turnip fields – moved abruptly towards France. Such was the fascination that Queen Victoria came to have a look, and a specially composed piece of music, the Landslip Quadrille, was played to day-trippers passing the site on paddle steamers.
The general rule is that the more spectacular the coast, the greater the violence required to create it. Cornwall’s reptilian capes and Scotland’s rugged tidelines are sculpted by Atlantic storms. The great sea arch of Durdle Door was formed when tides chewed through a promontory. The 17 eye-boggling miles of Chesil Beach, with its inestimable volume of pebbles (the nearest anyone has got is between 15 and 60 million cubic metres), consists of wave-smoothed gobbets of chert and flint rinsed from destroyed cliffs. Indeed, the very fact that Britain is an island is partly due to a prehistoric tsunami that swept down the North Sea and slammed into the land bridge connecting us to the Continent.
So events such as St Oswald’s Bay aren’t just a curiosity – they’re a reminder that our landscape is constantly under threat. Filming in Yorkshire for the current series of Coast, I met Nigel Fairclough, who lives in the village of Aldbrough. Over the past 150 years, the cliffs there have been receding at a rate of 1.27 metres per year. Since the Second World War, they have moved 76 metres. In 2006, we filmed a lofty brick and concrete observation tower on the cliff top; it now lies on its side on the beach, washed by tides and part-submerged in sand.
Since Roman times, 30 villages have been lost to the sea along the Yorkshire coast. Nigel’s own bungalow had to be taken down to prevent it going over the cliff: we stood on wild grasses where he used to lift the kettle in his kitchen.
It’s been long-standing government policy not to pay compensation for properties taken by coastal erosion, and homeowners are also liable for the costs of demolishing properties. However, in March 2010, the Coastal Erosion Assistance Grant was introduced, at a fixed level of £6,000 per property, “to cover some of the transition costs” home owners may incur as they attempt to relocate.
Some 33 per cent of the coastline of England and Wales is protected by artificial defences, but the Environment Agency warns that a changing climate is likely to cause sea levels to rise and to make storm patterns stronger and less predictable. In some areas, erosion rates will increase.
But by how much? The Government’s Foresight Group suggests that under current climatic conditions, the coast of England and Wales could experience an average of up to 67 metres of erosion over the next 100 years – although it could be as much as 175.
This is not just a problem for those, like Mr Fairclough, who live on the cliff edge. All told, 30 million Britons – half the population – live in urban coastal areas. And it’s worth noting that, on an island that already can’t feed itself, roughly 60 per cent of our best agricultural land is five metres or less above sea level.
Over the coming years, more money than ever is going to be needed for coastal management: in Lyme Regis, for example, £35 million has been spent since 1994 to prevent the sea from snatching chunks of the town, and, this month, a new £19.4 million phase of repair work gets under way in an effort to save a mosaic of properties that includes 144 houses and a couple of roads. Everyone loves Britain’s coastline – but the cost of holding the line is increasing all the time.
Nick Crane is the author of 'Coast: Our Island Story’ (BBC Books) | <urn:uuid:388fa194-2bc5-473d-a9d7-dba48747ae06> | {
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device_openopens the device name and returns a port to it in device. The open count for the device is incremented by one. If the open count was 0, the open handler for the device is invoked.
master_port must hold the master device port. name specifies the device to open, and is a string up to 128 characters long. mode is the open mode. It is a bitwise-or of the following constants:
- Request read access for the device.
- Request write access for the device.
- Do not delay an open.
The function returns
D_SUCCESSif the device was successfully opened,
D_INVALID_OPERATIONif master_port is not the master device port,
D_WOULD_BLOCKis the device is busy and
D_NOWAITwas specified in mode,
D_ALREADY_OPENif the device is already open in an incompatible mode and
D_NO_SUCH_DEVICEif name does not denote a know device.
This is the asynchronous form of the
device_open_requestperforms the open request. The meaning for the parameters is as in
device_open. Additionally, the caller has to supply a reply port to which the
ds_device_open_replymessage is sent by the kernel when the open has been performed. The return value of the open operation is stored in return_code.
As neither function receives a reply message, only message transmission errors apply. If no error occurs, | <urn:uuid:f95e1b87-6d28-4f15-b34f-7f889c8eb80f> | {
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Is it true that your genetics (nature) make you who you are, or is it your life experiences (nurture)?
We cannot say that nature entirely makes us who we are or that nurture entirely does so. It is incorrect to say either of these two influences is the only thing that makes us who we are. Instead, it is a combination of nature and nurture that makes us who we are.
We cannot dispute that some of who we are comes from our genes. Some of us are born with the potential to be taller and more athletic. Those people might be more likely to be good at sports where height is often an advantage. Some of us are born with more musical or artistic talent. Some of us are born with different character traits, like our levels of patience and the quickness of our tempers. Some of us seem to be born with a higher susceptibility to alcoholism or drug addiction.
We cannot say nature is the only thing that makes us who we are. Clearly, our environment and life experiences also affect us. If we have the genetic potential to become tall, but we are underfed in our youth, we will probably not reach our potential height. If we are born with musical talent but are never given the chance to play an instrument, we will not realize we have this talent. If we are prone to alcoholism but live in a subculture that is strongly against alcohol and drugs, we might not have the occasion to drink or take drugs enough to become addicted.
There are very few traits that are completely controlled by nature or our environment. What we are is determined by a mixture of these two factors. | <urn:uuid:c1b4946a-7e55-4fe3-8b61-7919c04da33c> | {
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Dear Dr. B: I was wondering if you could write on allergies to MSG.
Dear reader: MSG stands for monosodium glutamate also called monosodium L-glutamate, or sodium glutamate. It is white crystalline substance, a sodium salt of the amino acid glutamic acid.
MSG is used to intensify the natural flavor of certain foods. According to Encyclopedia Britannica, MSG was first identified as a flavor enhancer 97 years ago by Kikunae Ikeda of Japan, who found that soup stocks made from seaweed contained high levels of MSG. His discovery led to the commercial production of this substance.
National Institute of Nutritions website says MSG is produced on a massive scale by fermentation of beets. North Americans consume more than 25,000 tons of MSG every year, mostly as a food additive. It is present in wide variety of canned, packaged and prepared food.
About 36 years ago, reports appeared to suggest that some people who ate at Chinese restaurants developed symptoms such as headache, flushing, sweating, sense of facial pressure or swelling, numbness or burning in or around the mouth and chest pain. This is called Chinese Restaurant Syndrome. It was believed to be caused by MSG.
It is estimated that 15 to 25 percent of diners suffer from some of the these symptoms after eating food that contains MSG.
Subsequent investigation has shown that MSG is not solely responsible for these symptoms. In the United States, the Food and Drug Administration has classified MSG as generally safe. MSG continues to be used in some meals as a food additive.
There have been reports where MSG is supposed to have triggered asthma attacks, headaches and it may cause retinal damage and blindnes. Some reports have suggested that MSG may cause brain damage.
A study published in the Journal of Nutrition in April, 2000 says, The present study led to the conclusion that Chinese Restaurant Syndrome is an anecdote applied to a variety of postprandial illnesses; rigorous and realistic scientific evidence linking the syndrome to MSG could not be found.
How do we know what food contains MSG?
This is difficult to know. Food labels generally use the terms natural flavor, flavoring, or hydrolyzed vegetable protein (HVP) which may mean presence of MSG. HVP typically contains 10-30 percent of MSG.
It may be easy to remember that MSG is generally found in oriental and processed foods. And if you think your symptoms are triggered by MSG then try and avoid these types of foods. For most people, MSG in small amount does not seem to be harmful. But we havent heard the last word on it yet. If you have food allergies then you have to be careful what you eat and where you eat.
Thought for the week:
A new year is not really new if we just live the same old life.
Start reading the preview of my book A Doctor's Journey for free on Amazon. Available on Kindle for $2.99! | <urn:uuid:c428cb47-c960-4ebb-974d-231945cd59ec> | {
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Two Aspects of the Word
As mentioned earlier in the series, the first two khandas of the Vakyapadiya cover subjects such as grammar as also the philosophy of grammar and linguistics, focusing on the word (Sabda) and meaning (Artha).
The first Khanda (Brahma-khanda) of Vakyapadiya introduces the concept of Sadba-sphota and gives the outline of its general philosophy; and, its distinction from sound (Dhvani, Nada). By Sabda Sphota, Bhartrhari refers to that inner unity of Sabda (word or sentence) which conveys the meaning (Artha).
The text explains a complete sentence as the intent of the speaker, which is unerringly grasped, directly and immediately, by the listener (Sphota). And, that it is not the same as Nada (non-linguistic sound or that which expresses) or Dhvani (intonation) which act as a carrier to convey the intended meaning. Here, in Grammar (in contrast to Tantra and to the classical theories of Indian music), Nada signifies the gross sound which results from a collection of subtle Dhvani-s.
After establishing , in the opening Karika-s (Shastra-aramba), that Sabda–tattva (Word-principle) is verily the Brahman, the ultimate truth which is beyond space or time; and declaring that Sabda Brahman (Supreme word principle) is One (ekam eva), is imperishable (Akshara) and is identical with the highest Reality –Para Brahman, Bhartrhari takes up the question of language and meaning.
(Anadi-nidhanam Brahma sabda-tattvam yad-aksharam / vivartate artha-bhavena prakriya jagato yatah – VP. 1.1)
Bhartrhari begins his discussion on words and meaning (VP: 1.44-49) by stating that in the words which are expressive, Grammarians see two aspects : one, the cause of all words, and another, the kind of words used to convey a meaning. These two , though appearing to be separate, are ,in fact, not distant from each other; they, in truth, are one. The Supreme Word principle and the spoken word are in a similar relationship – as that between the fire which is inherent in the firewood, and that which is made manifest through rubbing fire-sticks together.
dvāv upādānaśabdeṣu śabdau śabdavido viduḥ /
eko nimittaṃ śabdānām aparo ‘rthe prayujyate -VP:1.44
avibhakto vibhaktebhyo jāyate ‘rthasya vācakaḥ /
śabdas tatrārtharūpātmā saṃbandham upagacchati – VP: 1.45
ātmabhedaṃ tayoḥ ke cid astīty āhuḥ purāṇagāḥ /
buddhibhedād abhinnasya bhedam eke pracakṣate – VP:1.46
araṇisthaṃ yathā jyotiḥ prakāśāntarakāraṇam /
tadvac chabdo ‘pi buddhisthaḥ śrutīnāṃ kāraṇaṃ pṛthak – VP: 1.47
vitarkitaḥ purā buddhyā kva cid arthe niveśitaḥ /
karaṇebhyo vivṛttena dhvaninā so ‘nugṛhyate – VP: 1.48
nādasya kramajātatvān na pūrvo na paraś ca saḥ /
akramaḥ kramarūpeṇa bhedavān iva jāyate – VP:1.49
Words are of two kinds — one, the cause of all words, and another, the kind of words used to convey a meaning. Some consider that there is an intrinsic difference between them, according to others, the second type is only a manifested form of the first the Supreme Word principle and the spoken word are in a relationship similar to that between the fire which is inherent in the firewood, and that which is made manifest through rubbing fire-sticks together. The potential fire in the kindling wood, once inflamed, illuminates itself as well as other objects. Like the light concealed in the piece of kindling wood is the cause of the manifestation (prakāśa) of another [light]. It is the same way in which the mental word is the cause of every audible word.
The nada or the uttered sound is only the Sphota or the Word-principle in manifest form. But the manifested word has characteristics of its own which are not – of the Sphota (44-49)
In the next kārikās it is claimed that although the distinction between the mental and the audible words may be useful for the description of a verbal communication, from the ontological point of view it is invalid. It is the indivisible word that acquires succession in the phonemes (Varna) as if being differentiated. Modifications, which the mental word is subject to in the course of audible manifestation, have the same character as the changes which the reflection of an object undergoes because of the movement of water.
pratibimbaṃ yathānyatra sthitaṃ toyakriyāvaśāt /
tatpravṛttim ivānveti sa dharmaḥ sphoṭanādayoḥ // VP:1.50 //]
Here, Bhartrhari, just as Patanjali, begins with the observation that the words or sentences (Sabda) can be viewed in two ways or as having two aspects (upādāna-śabdesu): One; as sound patterns (Dhvani); and, the other as its cause and essence (Artha).
[Patanjali had said: Sphota is both internal and external. The internal form of Sphota is the innate essence of the word-meaning. The external aspect of Sphota is the uttered sound which is perceived by the sense organs. It merely serves to manifest the inner Sphota with its inherent word-meaning. But, for Patanjali, Sphota could be a letter (Varna) or a fixed pattern of letters (Pada).]
(i) The gross sound pattern, Dhvani or Nada, is a sequence of sounds. Those sounds are employed to convey or to give an audible form to the intent of the speaker. Those audible sounds through their divisions and time sequence, produced one after another by the speech organs, act as means (upaya) or as vehicles to transport the intent of the speaker. Such quanta of sound-sequences (words) might create an impression as though they are independent; and, the meaning intended to be conveyed by them (Sphota) comprises several parts. But, in truth, the individual words have no separate existence; and, both the sentence and its meaning (Sphota) are part-less.
.[ pade na varna vidyante varnesva avayaya na cha / vakyat padanam atyantam pravibhago na kascha na // VP 174]
According to Bhartrhari, the letter-sounds have a limited range. Each sound helps in gaining a better understanding of its next. The first one could be vague ; and , the next one little more clear and so on, until the last one, aided by the accumulated impression created by all the preceding perceptions, finally reveals the complete meaning (Sphota) with precision and distinctness.
(ii) The second; the essence or the meaning-bearing aspect of the language is called the Sphota. It is through that Sphota the meaning (Artha) of the sentence, as a whole, flashes forth.
Bhartrhari envisages Sphota “as that internal aspect, which is a timeless and part-less (avibhakta) linguistic symbol, to which meaning is attached”. Here, Sphota represents the true intent, purpose of the sentence (Sabda), while Dhvani the articulated sound-pattern, in its physical aspect, acts as a carrier to manifest the Sphota.
(ii) These two – Dhvani and Sphota – though appearing to be separate are, in fact, intimately related through a natural process (Yogyata). The former (Dhvani), acts as the outer garment or as an instrument in order to convey the inner essence of the word (Sphota).
Thus, a word has a dual power; one to indicate itself and the other to indicate the thing symbolized by it. It is like the power of fire: to reveal itself and at the same time to reveal other things.It is both the revealer and the revealed (prakasha and prakasyatvam).
[Earlier, Panini had also mentioned that it is through conveying the own form first, the word conveys its meaning – svam rūpam śabdasya aśabdasamjñā (Pā.1.1.68) ]
Though the Sphota is revealed in stages by each succeeding sound; it is, by itself, ‘one and indivisible’. The sounds uttered (words) are merely parts of a sentence that aid to reveal this Sphota. Bhartrhari asserts that it is the cognition of the Sphota in its entirety that is important in understanding the complete and true meaning of a sentence.
While the audible noise may vary depending on the speaker’s mode of utterance, Sphota as the meaning-unit of speech is not subject to such variations.
[ For instance; the sound of the word Ghata (gh, a, t and a) can be produced in any number of ways, either naturally (prakrta) or in a modified manner (vikruta). That word can be uttered slowly (vilambita), a little more quickly (madhyama) or even very quickly (druta).The variations in speed or in the mode of utterance are called vritti. The vritti might vary the form in which the word is uttered (Dhvani); but , it does not alter the content and the sense (Sphota) of the word.
Again; a pot in bright light can be seen clearly. The pot could be seen for a longer time if clear light continues to fall on it. The visibility of the pot depends on the quality of light that falls on it. The variation in the quality of light does not alter the very nature or the status of the pot.
Similarly, the change in speed or accent or mode of uttering a word (vritti) does not alter its Sphota. The physical aspect of the word that is the quality of its sound (Dhvani) might vary ; but , its Sphota remains unchanged.]
Obviously, Sphota is viewed here as a changeless element of speech, the inner unity which holds together the meaning. But, Bhartrhari does not define the term precisely.
[The commentators surmise that the ancient concept of Pranava (Om-kara) might have provided the inspiration to come up with the Sphota concept. In fact, Sphota is often identified with Pranava; and is taken as the imperishable Vak, the speech-principle (Vak-tattva).]
Bhartrhari explains the relation between the Sphota and Nada through an analogy of reflection of the moon on the surface of water. The relation between the object (moon) and its image (reflection) is because of the reflective surface (water). And the movement of the reflection might not necessarily be because of the movement of the object (moon). He says; just as the reflection on the water might give an impression as though the moon (object) is rippling and moving, similarly the Sphota takes on the properties of uttered speech ( sequence, loudness or softness and so on) in which it is manifested. According to this view, the reflection acquires the qualities of the object.
According to Bhartrhari, the perfect perception is that in which there is identity between the essence or the thought (Sphota) and the form of its manifestation (Nada or Dhvani – the letters or sounds). They are the two halves of one entity; and, are not distinct and separable (ekasaivatmano bhedau sabda-artha-vapathak sthitau – VP.2.31) The realization of this special kind of relation arises due to the function of mind, rather than of the external senses.
[Some scholars have pointed out that Bhartrhari’s position is closer to the notion of reflection (Abhasa) formulated by the Trika philosophers of Kashmir. In this viewpoint, the Shaktis and their material forms as words are identical with the Absolute. The relationship between the two is described as that between the mirror and its reflection. That is; the latter can have no independent existence without the former. And, yet the latter also has a reality which is somehow identical with the former.]
[Bhartrhari at another place clarifies (VP.1.59): ‘Two aspects of a word (upādānaśabda), distinguished artificially and perceived as separate, indicate different activities, without contradiction’. It means that all the elements extracted from the word in the course of linguistic analysis are ultimately unreal. But they are valid in their own context. The elements that are relevant in the context of one activity may not be valid in the context of another. That is to say; each kind of activity, i.e. each kind of communicative situation, has its own reality which in some way might differ from the realities of other situations.
bhedenāvagṛhītau dvau śabdadharmāv apoddhṛtau/ bhedakāryeṣu hetutvam avirodhena gacchataḥ (VP.1.59) ]
The technical term Sphota does not easily translate into English. Sometimes, the term ‘symbol’ is used for Sphota in the sense of its function as a linguistic sign. Some scholars have tried to equate Sphota with the Greek concept of Logos, which stands for an Idea as well as for word. But such explanations too seem rather inadequate.
The term Sphota is derived from the Sanskrit root ‘Sphut’ which means ‘to burst forth’; but, it also describes what ’is revealed’ or ’is made explicit’. Sphota can also refer to the abstract or conceptual form of an audible word. Say, as when the idea or the meaning bursts or flashes on the mind after one hears /grasps the sounds that are uttered.
[Harsha V. Dehejia remarks : translated wrongly as ‘explosion’; Sphota could ideally be understood as ‘blossoming’]
In Grammar and in Indian linguistic theory, the term Sphota is of prime importance. Nageshabhatta in his Sphota-vada describes Sphota as an entity which is manifested by spoken letters or sounds (sphutati prakashate artho asmad iti sphotah). In a similar manner, Sri Madhava in his Sarva-darshana-samgraha, defines Sphota as that which is manifested or revealed by the Varna (phonemes): sphutyate vyajyate varnairiti sphotah’. Sri Madhava describes Sphota in two ways. The first as: that from which the meaning bursts forth or shines forth. And, the second as: an entity that is manifested by the spoken letters and sounds.
To put it in another way; Sphota, in its linguistic sense, refers to that element which expresses a meaning (word). In its second sense, it is something that is made explicit by letters or sounds (meaning). Thus, the Sphota may be thought of as a kind of two-sided coin. On the one side, it is manifested by the word sound; and on the other side, it simultaneously reveals the word meaning. It is both the word and its meaning.
Bhartrhari also deals with Sphota at two levels: one on the metaphysical plane and the other on the empirical plane. The Sphota here is more than a theory of language. The principle that is involved here is: the Brahman first manifested itself as Sound and then as form. The Sphota, Sabda-Brahman, the manifester as Logos or Word, is the power through which the Lord manifests in the universe. Liberation is achieved when one attains unity with that ‘supreme word principle’. Within this theory, consciousness and thought are intertwined; and Grammar becomes a path to liberation. This metaphysical Sphota-vada is a monistic philosophy based in Sanskrit grammar.
At the empirical level, Bhartrhari is concerned with the process of communicating meaning. He deals with the word and the sound distinctions; the word meaning; the unitary nature of the whole sentence; the word-object connection; and the levels of speech, etc. His focus is on cognition and on language.
Bhartrhari also says that Sphota is both external (bahya) and internal (abhayantara). And again, in understanding Sphota as an external entity we have to understand it in the form of universal (Jati) and individual or specific (Vyakti).
Communication of thought
If the letters float away and disappear the instant we utter them and if each sound is replaced by another in quick succession, then one can hardly perceive the sentence as a whole. And the question that comes up is – how does one grasp a sentence and its meaning in full?
Bhartrhari explains, at first, the sentence exists in the mind of the speaker as a unity or Sphota. In the process of giving a form to a thought, he produces a series of different sounds in a sequence where one sound follows its previous one. It might look as though those word-sounds are separated in time and space. But, they are indeed part and parcel of one and the same single entity – the sentence. The communication of a sentence and its meaning is not complete until the last word is uttered. Thus, though the word-sounds reach the listener in a sequence, eventually they all merge into one ; and, are grasped by the listener as a single unit. The same Sphota which originated in speaker’s mind re-manifests in listener’s mind, conveying the intended meaning.
The listener grasps the intent of the speaker as a whole; and the understanding is like an instantaneous flash of insight (prathibha). Just as the sentence (the symbol – Sphota) is an integral unit, the meaning signified by it is also unitary. That is; the sentence is an integral unit; and, its meaning which is grasped through intuition (pratibha) is also a single unit (Vakya-sphota)). According to Bhartrhari, Sphota is an auditory image of the sentence. It is indivisible and without inner-sequence.
This, rather crudely put, is the concept called Sphota – the sentence just as its meaning being taken as an integral symbol; and its meaning bursting forth in a flash of understanding.
Bhartrhari held the view that the sentence is not a mere collection (Sabda-samghatah) or an ordered series of words. The sentence with its words is to be taken as single part-less linguistic unit (eko’navayavah s’abdah); and, not as a jumble of fragments. A sentence is a sequence-less, part-less unity that gets expressed or manifested in a sequential and temporal utterance. He maintained that the primary function of the words is to combine into a sentence, in its complete utterance, to give forth a meaning – (Arthah sahabhuteshu vartate – VP.2.115). Ultimately, the meaning of the words depend upon the overall meaning of the sentence (rupam sarva-pada-artham vakyartha nibamdhanam-VP.2.324)
[At another place, Bhartrhari observes: All differences presuppose a unity (abheda-purvaka hi bhedah); and, where there are differences and parts, there is an underlying unity. Otherwise the one would not be related to the other; and, each would constitute a world by itself.
Abheda-pūrvakā bhedāḥ kalpitā vākya-vādibhiḥ / bheda-pūrvān abhedāṃs tu manyante pada-darśinaḥ // VP. 2.57// ]
Just as a root or a suffix by itself has no meaning, so also the meanings of individual words have no independent existence. Bhartrhari asserts that a word consisting letters and syllables cannot, on its own, directly convey the meaning/ intent of the speaker. The words are somewhat like intermediate steps to arrive at the meaning of the sentences.
[That does not mean that Bhartrhari denies the validity of individual words or their meaning; but, what is in question is their significance. They are secondary in relation to the Sphota, which is the real object of cognition.
Bhartrhari accepts the fact that a word is vital in a sentence; and, can have multiple meanings. The role and the particular desired meaning of the word depend on the intent of the speaker and the context in which it is employed. He explains this through an analogy: the human eye which has the natural power of seeing many things at a time, but it can see a particular object, clearly, only when the individual decides and focuses his attention to see that object.]
Bhartrhari argues; in a linguistic analysis, artificial extraction of parts from an integral unit (apoddhāra) – splitting up of a sentence into word and then on into roots, suffixes and syllables, syntaxes etc – might be a useful exercise for study of a language and its grammar; but, such fragmented approach serves hardly any purpose; and, surely it is not suitable in the real world where men and women live, transact (vyāpāra) and communicate verbally (Vyavahara). He says that in a speech situation, where the speaker communicates her/his ideas and the listener grasps the uttered speech, the communication is always through complete statement. The speaker thinks; communicates; and, the listener grasps and understands those series of word- sounds as a single unit.
Bhartrhari says, those who know the language well, do listen to the sentence. And those who do not know the language may hear words only as sound bites. Sphota, in essence, is the real experience of listening to a sentence as a whole and grasping its meaning through perception. It is said; meaning is not something that can be inferred; but, it is actually being perceived.
Bhartrhari compares the communication through language (by use of sentences) to creation of a painting. Bhartrhari describes the painter as going through three stages when he paints a picture : “ when an artist wishes to paint a figure of a man , he first visualizes the object and its spirit as a composite unit ; then , as of a figure having parts; and, thereafter, gradually, in a sequence , he paints it on the surface of a cloth or whatever”.
Mandana Misra in his Sphota-siddhi (a Vritti, commentary, on Bhatrhari’s Vakyapadiya) offers the example of the viewing-experience of a painting, in order to illustrate the relation that exists between a sentence and its words. He points out that when we view a picture, it is conceived as a whole, over and above its various parts. Similarly, he says, the composite image presented by a piece of cloth is a whole; and, it is quite distinct from the particular threads and colours that have gone into making of it.
That is to say; a painter conceives a picture in his mind; and, thereafter gives its parts a substance on the canvass by using variety of strokes, different colours, varying shades etc. Which means; an artist paints the picture in parts though he visualizes it as a single image. The viewer of the painting, rightly, also takes in, absorbs the picture and its spirit as a whole, as an integral unit; and , he does not look for individual strokes, shades etc or the permutation of such details that went into making the picture.
Similar is the case with the sentence and individual words employed to compose it.
For Bhartrhari, Sphota is the real substratum, proper linguistic unit, which is identical with its meaning. Language is not merely the vehicle of meaning or of thought. Thought anchors language; and, the language anchors thought. According to Bhartrhari, the speech and thought are two aspects of the same principle (Vak). In this way, he says, there are no essential differences between a linguistic unit and its meaning or the thought it conveys. That is to say; the perfect communication is when there is complete identity between sentence (or word) and its meaning.
Sphota refers to that ‘non-differentiated language principle’; and, that later gave rise to the theory of Sabda-advaita (word monism).
[Bhartrhari in his Vakyapadiya recognized and gave credence only to the sentence-Sphota (Vakya-Sphota). But, the latter Grammarians split up the concept into various divisions; and, came up with various sorts of Sphota-s. For instance; Nagesabhatta in his Parama-laghu-manjusha enumerates as many as eight varieties of Sphota, such as: Varna-sphota; Pada-sphota; Vakya-sphota; Varna-jati-sphota; Pada-jati-sphota; Vakya-jati-sphota; Akhanda-pada-sphota; and Akhanda-vakya-sphota.
Of those eightfold varieties of Sphota-s, it is only the last mentioned, the Akhanda-vakya-sphota (sentence as the undivided linguistic unit, the conveyer of meaning), that corresponds to the essential nature of Sphota doctrine as envisioned by Bhartrhari. The rest are mere classroom-exercises. It is said; though the other seven divisions have no real merit of their own, they still serve some practical purpose. They enable the beginner to learn and to know the true nature of Akhanda-vakya-sphota.]
Process of cognition and theories of error
In the traditional Schools of Indian philosophy (say; as in Samkhya, Advaita or even in Buddhism) there is a sharp distinction between the states of ignorance (A-vidya) and enlightenment (kaivalya, Moksha or Nirvana). A person is either bound or is liberated; but, there is no intermediate stage. Similarly, in the Schools of Logic (Nyaya) also, the valid means of knowledge (Pramana) either reveal the object completely or do not reveal at all.
The approach adopted by Bhartrhari in explaining the process of true cognition is significantly different from that of the other Schools. Bhartrhari argues that perception need not always be an ‘all–or-nothing process’. It could very well be a graded one. There could be vagueness initially; but, the perception could improve as one tries to gain clarity of the object. That is to say; the process of revelation could start from the indeterminate stage and progress, in steps, to the determinate stage. At each successive step, it gains increasing clarity. It begins from complete ignorance, passes through partial knowledge and ends up in a complete knowledge.
Thus, the position of Bhartrhari is that the overcoming of error is a perceptual process by progressing through degrees of positive approximations. Even invalid cognitions can sometimes lead to valid knowledge ( say , as in trial-and-error). Initial errors or vagueness could gradually and positively be overcome by an increasingly clearer cognition of the word form or Sphota. That is to say; the true cognition, established by direct perception, could take place , initially, through a series of possible errors; but, finally leading to the truth.
And, that also takes care of the objections raised by the Mimamasa School which accused the Sphota of being a mere guesswork.
[In Advaita, the true–final cognition is achieved through a process of reasoning and inference; and, not by perception. The Grammarians, in contrast, hold the view that the final cognition of Sphota is by perfect perception Prathibha; and, not through inference. Mandana explaining the Sphota point of view says: the revelation of an object clearly or vaguely is by direct perception. In the case of the other means of knowledge there is either apprehension of the object or not at all.]
Mandana in his Sphotasiddhi agrees with Bhartrhari’s stand that the final and the clear perception of the Sphota could possibly be achieved after rectifying a series of probable errors.
Bhartrhari’s position is in stark contrast to that of Sri Sankara wherein the overcoming of the error (A-vidya) is a process of inference in which there are no approximations or degrees of errors. In Advaita Vedanta, there can only be a ‘True’ or ‘False’ cognition, with no gradation in between. Here, error is overcome by a single negation. According to Sri Sankara, the error, if it is to be overcome, must be completely and effectively replaced at once by true knowledge.
Thus, Bhartrhari’s stand marks a significant departure from the Vedanta School where the validity of a means of cognition (Pramana) is judged by its ability or otherwise either to provide for a clear apprehension of the object or not at all. And, there is no room for vagueness or for improving upon an error in stages.
That is to say; Advaita usually describes the error in terms of negation (such as when it is said it is not a snake). The Grammarians, on the other hand, explain the error (vagueness of perception), positively, as a step that , if overcome by increasingly clear cognition, could finally lead to true and complete understanding (Sphota).
The nature and process of comprehension of Sphota is illustrated by Bhartrhari and other grammarians by means of various analogies.
: – A jeweler, examining a jewel or precious stone, has to look it steadily for some time, to enable him to gain a familiarity with its genuineness, its details and as also its probable value. With his first reading he acquires a knowledge of the general features of the gem. Each subsequent examination thereafter helps him to ascertain the true nature and quality of the gem. And the final assessment, aided by the results gained through the previous ones, will enable him to evaluate and to determine, with certainty, the true quality and the exact value of the gem, completely and clearly.
: – Bhartrhari gives the example of a student attempting to learn by-heart a verse or an anuvaka (a passage of a text) by repeated reading/recitation. Each such attempt helps him to retain the text or a part of it in his memory, to an extent. It is the last reading aided by the impressions left behind by the previous attempts that helps him to commit to his memory the verse or the passage correctly and fully.
: – Bhartrhari offers another example of a tree which when viewed from a distance might appear like an elephant. But, that apparent mistake would be eliminated if one keeps gazing at the object intensely. And, one would eventually recognize it as a tree, which is its true form. In this instance also, the valid cognition is achieved by erasing a series of errors.
Mandana Misra, in his commentary, remarks that such correction – moving from error to the true – might not necessarily be explained away by factors such as change in distance. That is because, he says, even by standing at the same spot and looking at the object intensely one would be able to gain the right perspective of the object. He explains : ‘it is the previous cognitions (in this case an elephant) leaving progressively clearer residual impressions, which become the cause of clear perception of the tree’.
Similarly, in Bhartrhari’s theory of language, the object of cognition (sentence), at first, is heard in the form of a word. But finally, through further cognitions ; with the subsequent words providing increased clarity; and , with the utterance of the last word, the total import of the sentence is grasped clearly (Sphota).
It is said; the Sphota theory was developed by Bhartrhari as a foil to the Mimamsa. In contrast to Mimamsa, Bhartrhari asserts that ‘primary linguistic unit is the undivided sentence (Vakya-Sphota). The individual words are merely hints or stepping stones to the complete meaning of sentence (Vakya).
: – And there is the much battered case of a coil of rope being mistaken for a snake. The perception of a rope as a snake is an error. But, the true perception results by negating that error through a series of increasingly clearer perceptions (Sphota) – (as in the case of elephant-tree analogy) .
:- And, Sesa Krsna, a philosopher and commentator belonging to the early part of the sixteenth century, in his Sphota-tattva-nirupana, a treatise on the Sphota doctrine, offers another illustration.
He says that when a person utters a sound ka with the intention of saying Kamalam (a lotus), we know that he is trying to say a word beginning with Ka. And, when he utters the next syllable Ma, we have another clue; and, we can guess the word a little more clearly. Now, that eliminates the possibility of all the words not beginning with Kama. Still, the word is not quite clear. We do not know whether he is going to say Kamanam or Kamalam. It is only when the last sound lam is uttered that we come to know the word fully and clearly. It is by the perception of the last letter; we reach at a valid cognition. Thus, the function of the letters is to build up the higher unit (in this case, the word).
Bhartrhari in the Karikas (2.143-152) of his Vakyapadiya discusses his concept of Prathibha – intuition or flash of understanding.
The basic principle of Bhartrhari’s theory of language is that the complete utterance of the sentence, as a whole, is a unit of speech; and, it should be considered as a single unity. The words, though meaningful, are fractional parts of a sentence. The complete sentence-meaning might be produced by the combination of such parts; but, the whole is simply not the sum of the parts. The sentence and its meaning is essentially an indivisible unit.
We understand the full meaning of a sentence immediately, only, after the speaker finishes the sentence. Thereafter, the complete meaning of the sentence is grasped, as a unity, instantly (pratyaksha), in a flash of insight (Prathibha).
Viccheda grahane arthanam prathibhanyaiva jayate I vakyartha iti tam aahuh padarthair upapadita II – VP.2.143
That Prathibha or flash is not a mere piece of knowledge. It is the wisdom or flash of understanding which guides a person to right understanding (prajnya) and right conduct (iti-kartavyata). Such instinctive awareness is in everyone’s experience. Even the birds and animals have that basic instinct, acquired directly or through recollection of it (samskara or Vasana). All beings act upon and depend on that inborn intuition (Prathibha). Even the language-competence and performance is also an inborn virtue (Pratibha) in Man. It is through the power (Shakthi) of that Pratibha the total meaning of the part-less (avibhakta) sentence (Akhanda– Vakya-sphota) flashes forth.
And yet, that innate instinctive awareness (Prathibha) possessed by all beings cannot be precisely defined in words (anakhyena); pinpointing ‘this is that’- (idam tad iti sanyesam anakyena katham cha na).
[ Mammatacharya ( Kāvyaprakāśa, 11th century) while dealing with poetics , observes : the mere knowledge of the word alone is not enough to understand and enjoy the poetic import or the essence of the Kavya; it needs intuition or Prathibha. He calls Prathibha as – nava-navaonvesha-shalini prajna – the ever inventive and resourceful intellect. Prathibha is also called, at times, as Vasana. Only those endowed with Prathibha can truly enjoy the essence and beauty of Kavya. ]
That intuitive wisdom which reveals the dynamic inter-relatedness of all things comes to a person through maturity, experience (anubhava), reasoning (yukthi) and learning ( from Shastras and Grammar). At another place, Bhartrhari remarks: “insight attains clarity through diverse traditional views (prajna vivekam labhate bhinnair Agama-darshanin -VP: 2.484). Such wisdom, it is said, is derived from six sources (sadvidhāṃ): nature (Svabhava); action (acharana); practice (abhyasa); meditation or contemplation (yoga); invisible causes (adrsta); and, instructions handed down by the wise (upapāditām)
Svabhāva-acharaṇā-abhyāsa- yogā-adṛṣṭa-upapāditām / viśiṣṭopahitāṃ ceti pratibhāṃ ṣaḍvidhāṃ viduḥ (VP : 2.152 )
For and against the Sphota-vada
Over the centuries, the Sphota concept was hotly debated among various Schools of thought. There were those who supported the Sphota-vada; and, there were many others who criticized and opposed it bitterly.
Among the former (Sphotavadins), the more prominent were: Yaska; Patanjali; Mandana Misra; Nagesabhatta; scholars of the Kashmir-Shaiva School; some Yoga-commentators; and, of course Bhartrhari who was the champion of the Sphota-vada. But, somehow, those who opposed the Sphota-vada not only outnumbered its supporters but also were more influential. The anti-Sphotavadins included such eminent philosophers as: Upavarsha; scholars of Samkhya, Nyaya and Vaiseshika Schools; scholars of Shaiva siddantha; Mimamsakas – Sabaraswamin, Kumarila Bhatta and Prabhakara; Sri Ramanuja; Sri Madhva; Sri Jiva Goswami; Vachaspathi Misra; and, most notably Sri Sankara.
The early Mimamsa School which strongly defended Varna-vada argued that the individual word or the letter (Varna) is the prime substance of Vak (speech). The School of the Grammarians, on the other hand, advocated Sphota-vada to explain the mysterious manner by which the sentence-meaning is conveyed. They put forward Sphota as a process of cognition which culminates in the intuitive perception (Prathibha) of the Absolute as Sabda –Brahman.
In the later periods, these two points of view became the major platforms for debates and discussion among the various Schools of Indian philosophy as also among the Schools of Grammar and language.
In the earlier part of this series we have seen the objections raised against the Sphota concept by the Samkhya and the Mimamsa scholars prior to the time of Bhartrhari. Let’s now see few major observations made by both the pro and anti Sphotavadins after the time of Bhartrhari (Ca.450 CE).
: – Kaumarila Bhatta, a noted Mimamsa Scholar (7th -8th century) attacked the manner in which the Sphota phenomenon was supposed to reveal the meaning of word-sounds (Sabda). Kaumarila argued that the word (Sabda), whether be it individual or be it a part of sentence, is nothing more than a collection of articulated-sounds or spoken words. And, it is with this collection of sounds alone that the meaning is associated. The listener grasps the sounds of the words and their meaning. There is nothing else here, he said, one need not, without reason, assume a mystical process of Sphota etc.
: – Mandana Misra, a contemporary of Kaumarila Bhatta, however, refuted the stand of his senior Mimamsaka; and, said that Kaumarila’s stand was rather frivolous. Mandana, in support of the Sphota doctrine, wrote a brilliant commentary (Sphota-siddhi) based Bhartrhari’s Vakyapadiya. He supported Bhartrhari’s presumption of the whole being prior to the parts; as also the whole being greater than the sum of its parts. He agreed with Bhartrhari that it is not the individual words but the complete thought of the sentence that ultimately matters.
As mentioned earlier, Mandana also offered the example of a painting conceived as a whole, over and above its various parts. And, also of the appreciation of a piece of cloth, as whole; and, not as mere collection of threads and colours that are woven into it. He says: This aspect is brought out clearly by Bhartrhari.
:- The Jain philosopher Prabhachandra in his Prameya-kamala-marthanda attempted to reconcile the two opposing views; and, came up with his own doctrine of ‘Interminacy’ (syavada, anekantavada), which, essentially, was a principle that encouraged acceptance of multiple or plural views on a given issue as being multiple dimensions of one and the same object.
:- As regards the Buddhists , while Dharmakirti attacked Bhartrhari, another Buddhist scholar Dignaga seemed to be highly influenced by Bhartrhari ; and quoted verses from Vakyapadiya in support of his own arguments concerning grammatical distinctions between two words having different nominal endings and those with identical endings. Finally, Dignaga agreed with Bhartrhari that meaning of a sentence (vakyartha) is grasped through intuition (prathibha)
: – Sri Sankara in his commentary on Brahma Sutra (1.3.28) argued against the stand of the Sphotavadins. He adopted the view taken by the highly revered ancient philosopher Upavarsha (Ca.500 BCE) who had earlier rejected the Sphota-vada. While brushing aside the Sphota concept, Upavarsha had remarked: ‘that all this talk of unity of meaning etc. is largely an illusion, for it is the words, it’s articulated elements (Varna) alone that make the unity’. Upavarsha had in turn come up with his theory of Varna-vada; according to which, the smallest phonetic units that can carry the meaning (phoneme = Varna) alone are real constituents of a word. He said sounds are only Varnas; and, there is no need for assuming a Sphota.
Sri Sankara adopted the statement of Upavarsha “words are none other than various letter-sounds (Varnas)”. He agreed with Upavarsha; and supported Varna- vada while rejecting the Sphota-vada (Sankara Bhashya on Brahma Sutra: 1.3.28).
Sri Sankara did not approve the concept of Sphota-vada; and, said the meaning of a word can be known from its constituent letters, sounds and the context. Here, he remarks: Bhagavad Upavarsha says ‘but, the words are none other than various letter-sounds (Varna)- varna eva tu sabddh id bhagavan Upavarsah (BS: 1.3.28). And, therefore, he said , there is no need to bring in the concept of Sphota to decide upon the meaning of the word when it can be derived directly from the Varna-s that form the word.
And then, Sri Sankara went on to build his own arguments to oppose the Sphota vada, based on what he called ‘the tradition of the Masters’- (Acharya –sampradayokti-purvakam siddantam aaha varna iti).
According to him, only the individual letters are perceived; and, they are combined through inference of the mind into word aggregate. Because the psychological process is one of inference and not of perception, there can be no degrees of cognition. According to Sri Sankara, the inference Pramana is an all–or-nothing process. The error, if it is to be overcome, must be completely replaced, all at once, by a new inferential construction of mind or by a super-conscious intuition of Brahman.
:- The other Acharyas and commentators also toed the line of Bhagavan Upavarsha and Sri Sankara; and, supported Varna- vada as against Sphota-vada. Vacaspati Misra, who commented on Sri Sankara’s Vedanta Sutra Bhashya, also rejected the Sphota theory. He came up with his own theory of Abhihitanvaya-vada; and, said the understanding of the meaning of a whole sentence is reached by inferring to it, in a separate act of lakshana or implication, from the individual meanings of the constituent words.
In the recent times, the Sphota doctrine has received much attention from the scholars of linguistics – both in the West and in the East. It has been duly recognized as one of the significant contributions of India to the philosophy of Grammar. As the noted scholar Bimal K. Matilal observes: “Even today this theory is widely recognized among modern linguists as the most complete investigation into the profundities of language, making a considerable contribution to the Philosophy of Language, the Psychology of Speech, and especially Semiotics”.
Bhartrhari, while discussing about Sphota, put forth his theory to explain the process and the stages through which the thought in the speaker’s mind gets transformed into audible speech.
In the next part let’s look at those levels of Language
References and Sources
- The Philosophy of the Grammarians, Volume 5 – edited by Harold G. Coward, Karl H. Potter, K. Kunjunni Raja
- Of Many Heroes: An Indian Essay in Literary Historiographyby G. N. Devy
- Time in Hinduismby Harold Coward
- Bhartṛhari, the Grammarianby Mulakaluri Srimannarayana Murti
- The Study of Vakyapadiya– Dr. K Raghavan Piliai Volume I (Motilal Banarsidas; 1971)
- Being and Meaning: Reality and Language in Bhartṛhari and Heideggerby Sebastian Alackapally
- Sonic Theology: Hinduism and Sacred Soundby Guy L. Beck
- Bhartrhari (ca. 450-510)by Madhav Deshpande
- Bhartrihariby Stephanie Theodorou
- The Sphota Theory of Language: A Philosophical Analysisby Harold G. Coward
- Speech versus Writing” In Derrida and Bhartahariby Harold G. Coward
- Sequence from Patanjali to Post _modernityby V. Ashok.
- The Vedic Conception of Sound in Four Features
- Sphota theory of Bhartrhari
- Word and Sentence, Two Perspectives: Bhartrhari and Wittgensteinedited by Sibajiban Bhattacharyya
- Hermeneutical Essays on Vedāntic Topicsby John Geeverghese Arapura
- Culture and Consciousness: Literature Regainedby William S. Haney
- The Advaita Vedānta of Brahma-siddhiby Allen Wright Thrasher
- Bhartr̥hari, Philosopher and Grammarian: Proceedings of the First… Edited by Saroja Bhate, Johannes Bronkhorst
- Bhartṛhari – from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- Sri Venkateswara Univrsity Oriental Journal Volumes XXX-XXXi 1987 – 1988
- Studies in the Kāśikāvṛtti: The Section on Pratyāhāras: Critical Edition …edited by Pascale Haag, Vincenzo Vergiani
- Proceedings of the Lecture Series on Våkyapadiya and Indian Philosophy of Languages- (31.1.08 to 2.2.08)
- Encyclopaedia for the world psychologists 1. A – D ; Edited by H. L. Kalia
- Linguistic philosophy of Yaska- Sodhganga
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UN humanitarian chief reiterates call for abolition of death penaltyListen /
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called on countries that still have capital punishment to move swiftly to abolish it.
Navi Pillay made the call on Wednesday in her address to the UN Human Rights Council.
The UN human rights chief said that since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, there has been what she called "accelerating progress made towards abolition."
Ms. Pillay noted that around 160 countries in the world have either abolished the death penalty, introduced a moratorium or didn't practice it.
"There is no evidence that the death penalty deters crime anymore than other forms of punishment. It is not the severity of punishment that deters wrongdoers but its certainty. To curb crimes the focus should therefore lie on reforming the justice system and rendering it more effective while also ensuring that it is humane." (23")
Ms. Pillay said the death penalty is not reconcilable with human rights and in applying it "the odds are often stacked against the poor, minorities and other common targets of discrimination."
She added that the other problem with the death penalty is that whenever it is used, there is a grave risk that individuals are executed for crimes they did not commit.
Jocelyne Sambira, United Nations | <urn:uuid:a0c51e20-52da-488d-9cbd-c633c703e3fa> | {
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Al-Falluja is a town of about 300,000 residents located some sixty kilometers west of Baghdad. The town forms part of the Sunni Muslim center of the country, one of the main areas of popular support for former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, himself a Sunni Muslim from Tikrit.
Al-Falluja had generally benefited economically under the previous government. Local residents told Human Rights Watch that many of them had worked for the military, police or intelligence. However, Human Rights Watch did not find overwhelming sympathy for Saddam Hussein following the collapse of his government. Many al-Falluja residents told Human Rights Watch that they considered themselves victims and opponents of his repressive rule.
To this one must add the tense atmosphere in the town, which combines strong Islamic codes of honor and hospitality, as well as strong social conservatism. Al-Falluja is known as the "city of mosques."
From the arrival of U.S. troops, residents told Human Rights Watch, they viewed the soldiers as disrespectful of their values and religion. Poor communication between the U.S. Army and al-Falluja's residents may have been an important underlying reason for the escalation to violence. What the U.S. military saw as attempts to assist the town were sometimes misunderstood or poorly communicated.
Al-Falluja was bombed by coalition forces during the war, but was spared ground fighting. The Iraqi military and fedayeen2 in and around town melted away once Baghdad, Kirkuk and Mosul fell on April 9-11, residents in al-Falluja and the U.S. military said. U.S. Special Forces patrolled the region and then, on April 23, soldiers from the 82nd Airborne's 2nd Brigade rolled in. "We came in to show presence just so the average citizen would feel safe," said Col. Arnold Bray, commander of the troops with responsibility for the region. "We were given the authority to defend people and infrastructure, and obviously ourselves."3
Col. Bray also told Human Rights Watch that soldiers of the 82nd Airborne in Iraq received training for what he called their "peacekeeping role" after combat. "We rehearsed for months preparing for no-fight," he said.4
By the time U.S. forces arrived, tribal and religious leaders in al-Falluja had already selected a Civil Management Council, including a city manager and mayor. The quickly-formed local government was having success in minimizing the looting and other crimes rampant in other parts of Iraq. Different tribes5 took responsibility for the city's assets, such as banks and government offices. In one noted case, the tribe responsible for al-Falluja's hospital quickly organized a gang of armed men to protect the grounds from an imminent attack. Local imams urged the public to respect law and order. The strategy worked, in part due to cohesive family ties among the population. Al-Falluja showed no signs of the looting and destruction visible, for example, in Baghdad.
The 1st Battalion of the 82nd Airborne Division's 2nd Brigade, five companies comprising approximately 700 soldiers, took responsibility for security in al-Falluja, setting up a command post at the local headquarters of the Ba`th Party on al-Falluja's main street. Approximately 150 soldiers from the Charlie Company occupied the al-Qa'id primary school, a few hundred yards south of the main road.6
From the beginning, the local community was agitated and concerned. "We just wanted them to be far from the city's center because of the conservative attitude of our people," said al-Falluja's new mayor, Taha Badawi Hamid al-`Alawani.7
According to the commander of the 1st Battalion, Lt. Col. Eric Nantz, his forces entered the school in order to be closer to the community. "The only reason we occupied the school is [that] we were trying to find a location where we could communicate with the people," he said.8 He did not indicate that he saw any tension between his community relations objective and the possible unfavorable response of townspeople to the fact that troops were occupying a school.
Lt. Col. Nantz also explained that the battalion under his command had discovered schools full of arms in other cities of Iraq, especially al-Samawa, where the 82nd Airborne had faced Iraqi resistance. "With that experience, we went to reduce the weapons flow and remove them," he said. "They were a danger to coalition forces and to civilians."9 However, his soldiers found no weapons in the al-Falluja school.
In addition to being near the community, the two-story school was also a defensible structure, with a seven-foot high perimeter wall around the compound and sweeping views from the roof.
Worried local leaders met with U.S. commanders on April 24, explaining that al-Falluja was a religious city and requesting sensitivity from U.S. troops. Al-Falluja residents resented the aggressive street patrols of the soldiers, they said. That same day, a crowd of 400-500 people protested the U.S. military presence in nearby al-Ramadi, Col. Bray said. Someone threw a grenade on top of a Humvee, he told Human Rights Watch, injuring two U.S. soldiers. In the following days, U.S. convoys were often pelted with stones.
In al-Falluja, stories began to circulate about U.S. soldiers inappropriately eyeing Iraqi women, a serious offense to the community. Rumors spread that soldiers were using night vision goggles to look at women as they hung clothes out to dry, or that soldiers were giving children bubble gum with pornographic pictures.10 Some people were apparently convinced that U.S. troops were detaining children at the school. Some local religious leaders reportedly gave credence to such rumors by repeating them in sermons. Human Rights Watch spoke with residents for whom these stories had become hard fact.
In the words of Imam Muhammad al-Zuba`i, responsible for the Nazal mosque next to the al-Qa'id school: "The U.S. soldiers didn't behave very well with the people of al-Falluja. They were using their night-vision equipment to see who was on the roofs of the houses, watching the families of the neighborhood. This disturbed the privacy of the people. And there were intensive American patrols."11
Imam al-Zuba`i said he did not have any meetings with U.S. military personnel for fear of upsetting the neighborhood. "People did not like me talking to them," he said. "They would think I am a spy or agent."
U.S. soldiers did regularly survey the area around the school with binoculars and night-vision equipment, a standard practice of perimeter security. Residents took this to be unduly invasive of their privacy. Soldiers also gave children candy, but Human Rights Watch saw no evidence of candy wrappers with pictures of women, let alone pornographic images.
U.S. soldiers may have believed that they were simply engaging in standard security and patrolling practices, but some in the local community resented their presence and actions.
Lt. Col. Nantz said he tried to communicate with the community as best he could, even inviting individuals inside the school to see that no children were being held. "Presence patrols" worked the neighborhood on foot to meet residents, although troop security was always a concern. He was limited, he said, by a lack of translators.12
Tension ran particularly high at the al-Qa'id school occupied by Charlie Company. Schools in al-Falluja were scheduled to reopen on April 29, and parents in the neighborhood wanted the soldiers out.13 On April 27, a group of children and young men playing soccer in a lot behind the school threw stones and shot slingshots at the soldiers on the roof. The soldiers dispersed the group with a smoke bomb.14
The 1st Battalion was open to withdrawing from the school, and they asked the mayor for an alternative location to base the troops. According to Lt. Col. Nantz and his commander, Col. Bray, Charlie Company had decided to withdraw from the al-Qa'id school on April 29. On the day of the shooting, April 28, their bags were already packed.
For the recently arrived U.S. soldiers in al-Falluja, the city seemed like a hostile place, while for many local residents the soldiers were unwelcome occupiers. At least three weapon markets continued to function in town-at one market visited by Human Rights Watch, AK-47 assault rifles were available for U.S. $40, and heavier .50 caliber machine guns were also on sale. Gunfire was regularly heard throughout the city, as residents fired into the air to celebrate the return of electricity or other momentous events. On April 28, tensions ran even higher: it was Saddam Hussein's birthday, and many expected pro-Saddam demonstrations in the center of the country.
4 Human Rights Watch interview with Col. Arnold Bray, Baghdad, May 13, 2003. In September 2000, the U.S. Army issued an 800-page report on the conduct of the 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment of the 82nd Airborne Division during peacekeeping operations in Kosovo. The inquiry, sparked by the January 2000 rape and murder of an eleven-year-old Kosovar Albanian girl by a member of the regiment, found incidents of misconduct by some soldiers, including use of excessive force, inappropriate touching of Kosovar women, and problems with the crowd control methods used by the troops. Four officers and five enlisted men were punished. The inquiry concluded that the troops were not adequately trained for peacekeeping missions, and that they had experienced difficulty adjusting their combat mentality to a peacekeeping role. The army ordered all troops involved in future peacekeeping missions to go through a full "mission rehearsal exercise" before deployment to ensure they receive proper training.
5 The strength and political relevance of tribe and clan-based social structures have waxed and waned in Iraq throughout the modern era. British authorities promoted tribal sheikhs as allies of colonial rule. The spread of land reform, increasing urbanization, and ideology-based political movements gradually undermined the relevance of tribal relations, though they continued to figure in recruitment into special security and military services established by successive republican governments. After 1991 the government of Saddam Hussein recognized the authority of sheikhs to regulate local affairs in return for their loyalty, in some cases allowing them to arm their followers. At a moment when the central Iraqi political authority has collapsed, such social identifications appear to have become even more salient. The principal tribe in the al-Falluja/al-Ramadi area is al-Dulaim. Others are al-Jubbur, al-Shummar, al-`Ubaidat and al-Hamdan.
6 Human Rights Watch interview with Mahdi al-Qubaisi, manager of al-Falluja municipality, al-Falluja, May 3, 2003; "Iraqis Said to Be Killed as U.S. Forces Fire on Protest," Associated Press, April 29, 2003.
10 The manager of al-Falluja municipality, Mahdi al-Qubaisi, told Human Rights Watch: "We explained that this is a religious city and they had to respect our traditions. But some of the soldiers were watching the women putting out the washing with their goggles. This is a religious city and people didn't accept this. Some children were given some bubble gum wrapped in striptease pictures. It wasn't right to do this." Human Rights Watch interview with Mahdi al-Qubaisi, al-Falluja, May 3, 2003.
13 The al-Qa'id primary school has 950 male pupils and 850 female pupils. The boys have class in the morning and the girls in the afternoon. Human Rights Watch interview with Muhammad Ahmad al-`Isawi, manager of the al-Qa'id School, al-Falluja, May 3, 2003.
14 Human Rights Watch interview with2LT. Wesley Davidson, Platoon leader in Charlie Company, Baghdad, May 9, 2003; Muhammad al-Zuba`i, Imam of Nazal Mosque, al-Falluja, May 5, 2003; Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmad Khatim, al-Falluja, May 3, 2003. | <urn:uuid:2343367b-c203-4fb9-9ff6-e27716a23c87> | {
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|Contents||Previous Chapter||Next Chapter|
Aircraft geometry is based on Conventional, Subsonic, Commercial configurations. This implies a distinct wing and fuselage (as opposed to blended body), some form of nacelles (on the wing, fuselage, or fin), and aft-mounted horizontal and vertical tails (stabiliser and fin). Piano does not consider canards, tandem wings, or other unusual multi-surface configurations.
You define the basic geometric characteristics through parameters such as wing-area , fuse-width , etc. Arbitrary shapes can be used for the fuselage and nacelles. Piano automatically derives all the dimensions, areas and volumes that are needed in aerodynamic and mass calculations. Detailed outputs are produced via the 'Geometry' item under the 'Report' menu.
The basic wing planform is specified as a simple trapezoid via the parameters wing-area , aspect-ratio (or alternatively span ), sweep-deg and taper . It is important to remember that these parameters refer to trapezoidal values. You can specify an optional planform break (and thickness break) separately.
The taper ratio is defined as (tip chord) / (notional trapezoidal chord at the centreline). The wing-area refers to the entire trapezoid including the portion buried inside the fuselage. You can provide either the aspect-ratio or the span , but not both. (In the unlikely event that neither is supplied, Piano picks a typical aspect ratio from statistical trends of structural cantilever ratios). Sweepback angle ( sweep-deg ) is normally specified at the quarter-chord line. (You could use the parameter xi-sweep to change this chordwise fraction). The wing span does not include any winglets. These are treated as separate items.
The wing is mounted on the fuselage in a high, low, or mid configuration according to wing-mounting , at a dihedral angle of dihedral-deg . Its longitudinal placement along the fuselage is determined by the aircraft balancing procedure described in Chapter#08section13 unless it is fixed by the user via wing-apex-fuse-fraction .
Source codes: The basic function is wing-geometry .
A single planform break can be added to the wing. This forms an extra triangular area along the inboard trailing edge, sometimes called a 'Yehudi'. Its size is dictated by the parameters planform-break-fraction and planform-break-t.e.-adjustment . Such a break provides a suitable location for mounting the undercarriage, and it also permits a local increase in chord and structural thickness near the root. Normally the planform-break-fraction is specified as a fraction of the exposed semispan. (You can change that by setting the parameter break-fraction-definition to :overall-semispan). The trailing edge inboard of the breakpoint will be unswept (i.e. at right angles to the fuselage), unless you specify otherwise via the parameter planform-break-t.e.-adjustment .
The thickness/chord ratio at the wing root is given by t/c-root . ('Root' here means the wing-fuselage junction or 'side-of-body', not the centreline). The t/c ratio at other spanwise stations is then defined as a fraction of this 'root' value, as follows:
At the wing tip, the t/c is the product of the parameter t/c-tip/root (default = 1) and the t/c-root . Similarly, if there is a 'thickness break', the t/c at that location is the product of t/c-break/root (default = 1) and t/c-root .
You can specify the spanwise location of the 'thickness break' (if any) via the calculable parameter thickness-break-fraction . If not supplied, this coincides with the value of planform-break-fraction .
During internal calculations, the physical thickness of the wing at intermediate stations is assumed to vary linearly from the root to the breakpoint and from the breakpoint to the tip. Inboard of any planform break, all t/c ratios naturally refer to the complete local aerofoil, not to the local trapezoidal chord.
There exists no unique, universally accepted definition of wing area. Brochure numbers are often quoted without explanation or consistency, leading to misinterpretation and gross errors. It's therefore important to be aware of any treatment of wing area:
The basic reference area used in Piano is wing-area , the trapezoidal area. All relevant input parameters and coefficients are based on it. Internal aerodynamic calculations also use this reference area, making suitable corrections for any planform break.
Starting from the trapezoidal wing plus an optional planform break as outlined in the previous sections, Piano also calculates the following alternative area definitions:
Airbus (or 'Airbus Gross') definition: = exposed wing area + (area of rectangle inside the fuselage between the leading and trailing edges at the root).
Boeing (or 'Wimpress') definition: = trapezoidal area + (exposed 'yehudi' break area) + (covered 'yehudi' break area) * (fraction of exposed span at the break).
ESDU definition: = the area of a notional trapezoid having the same exposed area as the actual exposed wing, and with the same tip chord and span. (This notional trapezoid is intended as a rough aerodynamic equivalent to the entire wing. It differs from the basic trapezoidal wing).
Piano Gross definition: = the total area encompassed when extending the leading and trailing edge lines through the fuselage to the centreline.
The calculated values of all these areas are shown in the 'Geometry' report.
When you construct a model of an existing aircraft you may know the manufacturer's quoted value for one of the above areas. If so, use the 'Re-Size Wing' facility (under the 'Plane' menu) to find the corresponding trapezoidal wing-area . This avoids the need for hand calculations or sketching. In such an exercise, you should first assign values to planform-break-fraction , taper , and sweep-deg based on available drawings or using your best estimates. Give an arbitrary initial value to wing-area and then use the 'Re-Size Wing' dialog to choose the desired definition and set the known area. You will need to specify either the span or a matching aspect ratio definition in the dialog (this aspect ratio may of course differ from the trapezoidal aspect-ratio ).
Reality check!: Some wing planforms are very complex, with subtle multiple breaks. You will invariably have to use some judgement in reducing such intricate shapes to a trapezoid with a single planform break. Piano's methods for calculating mass and drag are in any case based on this most common configuration. It would be pointless and also misleading to introduce extra detailed definition options that do not match the methodology limitations.
Some more comments on wing areas in the context of aerodynamic calculations can be found in Chapter#05section03 .
Finally, it could be said that confusion over wing areas is an established tradition in Aeronautics. Historically, major players such as Airbus, Douglas, and Boeing all chose different reference definitions (Douglas was trapezoidal, Boeing switched to 'Wimpress' in the era of the 747), and even different departments within the same company could conflict. When early-model 737s received an increase in wing area, the old area seems to have been retained for aero reference purposes. Such examples point to a simple truth: Each choice has minor pluses and minuses in terms of usability, but ultimately any single one is fine as long as you are consistent in its usage.
Fuselages are split into three separate segments (front, mid, and rear). Total fuselage length is the sum of the parameters front-fuse-length , mid-fuse-length , and rear-fuse-length .
The mid-segment is defined as a parallel tube of constant cross-section (not necessarily circular). It has an external width given by fuse-width , and its external depth is the product of fuse-depth/width (default value = 1) and fuse-width . Several choices for the shape of the cross-section are provided by the parameter fuse-xsection-type .
Arbitrary shapes can be assigned to the front and rear fuselage segments. These are the shapes seen in plan and elevation in 3-view drawings. Whenever you change the dimensions of a fuselage segment, the corresponding shapes are automatically scaled ('rubberised') to match the new length, width, or depth.
Source codes: The relevant function is fuse-geometry .
You can choose from a multitude of predefined shapes, or you can input your own arbitrary shapes for the front and rear fuselage segments, as well as for any nacelles. Shapes are kept as individual files in the 'shapes' folder, separately from planes. If you do not explicitly specify a shape when you create a new plane, the files named "default" will be used.
Use the 'Shape Editor' under the 'Misc' menu to create a new shape or to edit an existing one. You can also preview the shape and derive its wetted and projected areas. (Note: editing a shape is a separate process from loading it into the current plane).
A shape consists of a number of longitudinal stations, with each station having a corresponding value for the local height of the upper contour, the lower contour, and for the local width. Shapes are therefore symmetrical when viewed from above, but not necessarily from the side.
Stations are measured from left to right (as shown in 3-views). You can use any units (metres, mm, feet, inches) because a shape's dimensions are in any case 'rubberisable'. The first station must always be zero, but spacing between stations need not be regular. For front fuselages, start from the nosecone and move aft. For nacelles, start at the front (the intake) and move aft. For rear fuselages, start at the end of the mid-fuselage (max. diameter) and move aft. Heights (for upper or lower contours) can be measured relative to any arbitrary horizontal level, usually the bottom of the shape. No negative values are allowed. Widths may be either total widths or half-widths. One restriction is that the shape must be nominally open-ended at both ends, i.e. the gap between the upper and lower contours can be very small, but not zero.
When saving a shape (via the 'Shape Editor'), be sure to select the appropriate folder from amongst 'front fuselages', 'rear fuselages', 'nacelles', or 'nacelles on fin' (all of which are in turn located inside the 'shapes' folder). Piano will not be able to find any shapes that have been saved outside their assigned folders.
Once a shape has been defined, you load it using 'Load Shape' (under the 'Misc' menu). It will be automatically scaled to the dimensions of the current plane. If you then save the plane using 'Store Plane...', the shape becomes permanently linked to it. The linkage of a shape file to a plane is achieved via the parameters front-fuse-name , rear-fuse-name , nac-name , and nac<fin>-name . These simply hold the corresponding shape's filename. Clicking on such parameters is an alternative way to load shapes.
A given shape may be used by several planes, scaled to different dimensions for each. It is important to remember this if you decide to modify an existing shape: You may be affecting more than just your current plane!
Source codes: Relevant functions are load-all-solids , setup-front-fuse , setup-rear-fuse , setup-nac , setup-nac<fin> .
Engine nacelles can be wing-mounted, fuselage-mounted, or fin-mounted (e.g. as in the MD-11). It is also possible to place engines internally within the fuselage.
The primary dimension of a nacelle is its maximum width, given by nac-width . Depth and length are then specified as fractions of this width, by nac-depth/width (default = 1) and nac-length/width (default = 2). These dimensions apply to all wing-mounted and/or fuselage-mounted nacelles. If a fin-mounted nacelle exists, its dimensions are specified in relation to the main nacelles by the parameters nac<fin>-width-proportion , nac<fin>-depth-proportion , and nac<fin>-length-proportion . Since parameters are defined in such relative terms, it is easy to scale the entire nacelle shape uniformly by changing the nac-width alone.
The spanwise locations of wing-mounted nacelles (and, implicitly, their number) are specified via the single parameter nacs-mounted-on-wing . In the fore-and-aft direction, nacelle position is adjusted by nac-location-ahead-of-wing , and in the vertical direction by nac-location-below-wing .
The number and lateral locations of rear fuselage-mounted nacelles are specified by the parameter nacs-mounted-on-fuse . Their position in the fore-and-aft direction is controlled by nac-location-on-fuse . (In the vertical direction, fuselage-mounted nacelles are approximately placed with their axis passing through the end of the fuselage tailcone).
A single fin-mounted nacelle (MD-11 style) is specified by the parameter nac-mounted-on-fin , and its position controlled by nac<fin>-longitudinal-location and nac<fin>-vertical-location .
If there are engines mounted internally in the fuselage, they can be specified via the parameter nacs-mounted-internally . This dictates both the number and longitudinal placement of such engine(s). Nacelle dimensions are obviously not relevant in this case.
Source codes: Relevant functions are nac-geometry , nac<fin>-geometry .
By default, the areas of the stabiliser (horizontal tail) and fin (vertical tail) are determined during the aircraft balancing procedure described in Chapter#08section13 . When modelling an existing aircraft, you can input any known tail areas quoted by the manufacturer directly through the 'Set Tail Areas' feature (under the 'Plane' menu). Alternatively, you can set the areas indirectly through the 'tail volume coefficient' parameters required-stab-vol-coeff and required-fin-vol-coeff .
Both the stabiliser and the fin are modelled as simple trapezoidal surfaces with a constant thickness/chord ratio across their entire span. The basic geometric parameters are stab-aspect-ratio , stab-taper , stab-sweep-deg , stab-t/c , fin-aspect-ratio , fin-taper , fin-sweep-deg , and fin-t/c . By definition, the stabiliser area is a gross value including any portion buried in the fuselage. (An exposed stabiliser area is of course also estimated by Piano and used during drag calculations). The fin area is assumed to be exposed in its entirety (total area = exposed area). In 3-views, the fin is simply drawn as a separate trapezoid attached to the upper contours of the fuselage at the quarter-chord root point.
The stabiliser and fin are located just before the end of the fuselage. You can move them fore and aft through stab-tailcone-gap and fin-tailcone-gap . These represent a typical length of tailcone that remains aft of the root trailing edge of the tail surfaces.
In the vertical direction, stabiliser placement is determined by the stab-mounting . Low-mounted stabilisers are positioned at the same level as the end of the tailcone. Mid- or High-mounted stabilisers (cruciform or T-tails) are positioned along the fin so that their quarter-chord point at the root coincides with the quarter-chord of the fin (in which case incidentally the value of stab-tailcone-gap becomes irrelevant).
Note: If not supplied, the values of stab-sweep-deg , fin-sweep-deg , fin-aspect-ratio and fin-taper are chosen from statistical correlations with the wing's sweep-deg and the stab-mounting .
A small 'dorsal fin' can be specified through dorsal-fin-height-fraction and dorsal-fin-length-fraction . Dorsals are often added to prevent fin stall or buffeting at high sideslip angles, and Piano merely treats them as an extra drag and mass item, not as part of the fin area.
Source codes: Relevant functions are stab-geometry , fin-geometry .
Traditional-style winglets are specified via the parameter exist-winglets . Their size relative to the wing is set by winglet-span/wing-halfspan and winglet-root-chord/wing-tip-chord . The outward cant angle winglet-cant-deg is only included for aesthetic reasons. Note that the parameter span refers to the wing alone and does not include the winglets. However the overall span including winglets is shown in geometry reports and 3-views.
Source codes: See function winglet-geometry .
Undercarriage length is determined by the (calculable) parameter u/c-length-below-fuse . This length is used in u/c mass estimates and also to derive approximate rotation limits during the takeoff run (see Chapter#10section08). The main undercarriage is mounted either on the fuselage or on the wing, according to u/c-mounted-on , at a spanwise location given by eta-u/c . If not supplied, a typical value for u/c-length-below-fuse is chosen from a rough correlation with fuselage size. Because of the large variety of possible configurations, it is generally best to input this parameter directly.
Source codes: See function u/c-geometry , variables main-u/c-length , nose-u/c-length .
For the purposes of area calculations and 3-views, trailing edge flaps are assumed to extend from the wing root to a spanwise location given by eta-flap . Their chordwise extent is dictated by flap-chord-fraction . This fraction applies outboard of any planform break. The inboard flap is presumed to have a constant chord equal to its value at the breakpoint.
If there are any slats (depending on exist-slats ), they occupy a (trapezoidal) chord fraction given by slat-chord-fraction and a fraction of the exposed span given by slat-exp-span-fraction . If the latter is less than 1, slats start at the tip and extend inboard.
Spoilers are simply rectangles whose size is set by spoiler-exp-span-fraction (zero if there are no spoilers) and spoiler-chord-fraction (a nominal value at the mean chord).
The windscreen is used for a minor correction in the calculation of fuselage drag. Normally Piano draws a windscreen at the point where the front fuselage shape first shows a 'kink'. This can be changed by windscreen-top-fraction . A frontal area is calculated according to windscreen-depth and windscreen-width-fraction . Windows are placed along the cabin according to number-of-windows (normally determined by the number-of-pax and seats-abreast ). Their size is set by window-depth and window-width (assumed to be elliptical or circular).
Cabin layout and seating configuration details are beyond the scope of Piano. However, some checks are done to ensure that the fuselage geometry can (at least in principle) accommodate the specified number-of-pax and the number of seats-abreast . A uniform single-class layout is examined, according to the values of cabin-seat-pitch , cabin-seat-width , and cabin-aisle-width . By default, the cabin occupies the mid-fuselage segment (constant cross-section). It can also intrude in the front and rear fuselage segments as specified by cabin-in-front-fuse-fraction and cabin-in-rear-fuse-fraction . The vertical location of the cabin floor is given by cabin-floor-location . If a full second deck exists (such as in the A380) , this should be specified by exist-2nd-deck . (Note: the B747's small upper deck is unusual and this aircraft is treated as a single-decker). These geometric safety checks can be overridden via the parameter ignore-seating-checks .
Source codes: See function cabin-geometry .
A variety of wetted areas are needed in the calculation of skin friction drag. The wetted area of the mid-fuselage segment depends on its cross-section type, dictated by the parameter fuse-xsection-type .The wetted areas of the front fuselage, rear fuselage, and nacelle shapes (see the 'Shape Editor') are derived according to procedures [data not available online]. It is assumed that the local cross-sections of such shapes are roughly elliptical along the entire length, scaled to the given width and depth at each station. To join the different shapes smoothly, some form of shape-blending is, by implication, presumed to occur along the fuselage axis near the junctions of individual segments. This method gives extremely good accuracy in area calculations whilst avoiding any need for complex meshes of 3-Dimensional surface specifications.
The wing is split into a number of spanwise panels and the wetted area of each is calculated, with an empirical 'form factor' correction for the local thickness/chord ratio of the aerofoil. Stabiliser, fin, and winglet (if any) wetted areas are treated similarly, using single panels. The portion of the stabiliser that is buried in the fuselage is subtracted.
The effects of the wing-fuselage junction on wetted area are complex and dependent on 3-D contour details. On the one hand some of the fuselage area is covered by the root aerofoil, on the other hand additional area is introduced by the root fairing and by portions of the wing inboard of the side-of-body position. An empirical allowance for these contributions uses the parameter fairing-type , which offers a choice of common fairing configurations. This is based on limited data and represents a token adjustment. For large or unusual fairings it may be appropriate to apply a further factor to the fuselage drag ( user-factor-on-fuse-drag ).
Nacelle wetted areas are derived from the relevant shapes in a similar way to fuselage sections. There is no attempt to explicitly cater for the pylon's geometry or wetted area. Instead, typical corrections are made directly to the nacelle drag calculations (see Chapter#05section09 ).
Adjustments are also made to the total wetted area to cater for any area covered by the fin-mounted nacelle, the winglet areas, and the dorsal fin area (if applicable). The stand-alone values for individual components and the overall wetted area which includes all adjustments are quoted under the 'Geometry' report.
Source codes: Relevant functions are plane-swet , wing-swet-between-etas , fairing-geometry , fuse-perim , and other functions given in previous geometry sections.
Piano derives the available fuel volume (also called the 'fuel capacity') directly from the aircraft's geometry and according to the following criteria:
The structural wing box is assumed to be 'wet' (i.e. capable of holding fuel) between the front and rear wing spars. Spar locations are defined at the wing root and tip stations by xi-front-spar-root , xi-front-spar-tip , xi-rear-spar-root , and xi-rear-spar-tip , as fractions of local trapezoidal chord. Positions at intermediate stations are interpolated linearly. In the spanwise direction, the wet region extends from the wing root to a position eta-wet-wing . The box centresection (treated as a straight carry-through of the root section for the whole fuse-width ) may be either wet or dry, depending on the parameter centresection-is-wet (default value = true).
The region covered by the wing planform break (if any) is normally assumed to be dry, because its purpose is in any case to provide storage space for the undercarriage. This can be changed through the parameter planform-break-is-wet (default value = false).
The stabiliser and fin are also usually dry, unless you specify otherwise through the parameters stab-is-wet and fin-is-wet .
A total available capacity is calculated from the above considerations. It can then be adjusted through the parameter fuel-vol-adjustment . Such a correction may be positive or negative, and could reflect the existence of dry bays, additional fuselage-mounted tanks, etc. Alternatively it can be used to match the quoted fuel capacity of an existing aircraft. To do this, select the 'Set Fuel Capacity' feature under the 'Plane' menu and input the known capacity, whereupon Piano will calculate the corresponding value of fuel-vol-adjustment . (Note however that if you subsequently modify the aircraft geometry the capacity could change again).
Available fuel capacity is shown under the 'Geometry' report, where it is also compared to the 'required' volume (needed to accommodate the design fuel mass, see Chapter#04section14 ), depending on the value of fuel-density .
Reality check!: As is the case for the whole wing, the detailed geometry of the structural box may include complex planform breaks and will be influenced by aerofoil contours. Ribs and other internal structure and fixed equipment will occupy some of the available volume. Tail fuel capacities could be liable to variations due to uncertainties in control surface geometry. Various statistical factors are included in the calculations to allow for these effects, and the total capacity value is of necessity approximate.
Source codes: See functions box-geometry , tank-geometry , find-fin-vol , find-stab-vol , box-vol-in-web , box-csa-at-eta , final-fuel-checks .
Aircraft drawings are generated via the '3-View' item (under the 'Report' menu).
A '3-View' provides a visual check of the input geometry and can help spot gross errors or potential conflicts. These drawings are compact technical outlines, not marketing-style presentations. All information is derived directly from the current input parameters. Piano does not use any finite-element or CFD methods, and there is no attempt to generate potentially misleading 3-dimensional models.
It is a good idea to use '3-View' (or its keyboard equivalent Command-3) as a convenient way of 'redesigning' the aircraft after you modify any geometric parameters. Of course, any other request for output after a modification will also force a 'redesign', but without this visual check.
Normally all 3 views (plan, front and side) are shown together in a single drawing with some overlap. You can avoid any overlap by using the 'View Options...' sub-menu to show the 'Plan View Only' or the 'Front and Side View' separately.
The 'Set Up 3-View' option lets you control various aspects of the drawing such as scaling and annotations, as follows:
Each plane is normally scaled to fill the available drawing area, which is always square. You can, however, compare different aircraft at the same scale if you specify a fixed size in 'Set drawing dimensions' (metres or feet). For example, an 80-metre box will hold anything up to an A380. This is particularly effective if you set the 'Picture Modes' to 'retain' and then use the <Tab> key to flick between different drawings. For more details on this trick, see Chapter#13section03 .
You can pick any colors for the plan, front and side views. By default, the fuel tank is shown in black. Yellow ticks along the centreline mark the c.g. limits, and green marks the neutral point. A blue cross is the aerodynamic centre of a flying surface and the yellow cross on the wing is the c.g. of the fuel.
It's possible to create oversized drawings bigger than your screen (up to 175%), depending on your choice of 'Window Size'. You can move such drawings around the screen by using the arrow keys to see different portions. Oversized drawings are sometimes useful for producing better quality printouts without jagged lines.
Normally, only a few seat rows are shown in the plan view, to give a sense of spacing. You can choose instead to draw all of the seats, or none. A simple human figure and a scale ruler are also shown.
When you are happy with your setup, click on 'Save Prefs...' to make it your preference for whenever you start Piano.
Sample Geometric Report
GEOMETRY REPORT _______________ Wing Stabiliser Fin ---- ---------- --- Area, trapezoidal reference 112.15 31.00 21.50 sq.metres Area, piano gross 124.47 31.00 21.50 sq.metres Area, airbus gross 122.40 sq.metres Area, boeing wimpress 119.83 sq.metres Area, esdu 119.58 sq.metres Area, exposed 98.40 23.54 21.50 sq.metres Area, wetted 201.10 47.93 43.78 sq.metres Aspect Ratio, trapezoidal 10.25 5.00 1.60 Aspect Ratio, piano gross 9.24 5.00 1.60 Aspect Ratio, airbus gross 9.39 Aspect Ratio, boeing wimpress 9.60 Aspect Ratio, esdu 9.62 Span (excluding winglets) 33.91 12.45 5.87 metres Sweepback at 1/4-chord 25.00 28.50 35.00 degrees Taper Ratio (trapezoidal) 0.29 0.31 0.35 t/c at root 0.153 0.110 0.110 t/c at thickness break 0.115 t/c at tip 0.108 0.110 0.110 Volume Coefficient (V-bar) 1.319 0.093 Mean Aerodynamic Chord 3.63 2.72 3.95 metres Arm between MAC 1/4 chords 17.34 16.39 metres Wing chord at tip 1.51 metres Wing chord at planform break 3.76 metres Wing chord at root (gross) 6.02 metres Wing chord at c/line (gross) 7.05 metres Wing chord at c/line (notional trapezoidal) 5.11 metres Planform break location 0.290 (fraction of exposed semispan) Thickness break location 0.290 (fraction of exposed semispan) Wing location (station of extended leading edge at c/line): 12.02 metres (32.0 % of fuse.length) Spar locations (fractions of local trapez.chord): Wing root: 0.14, 0.64 Wing tip: 0.14, 0.64 Fuel capacity avail/reqrd = 1.030 ------------- centresection is wet Available: 23.86 cu.metres (geometric capacity) Required : 23.18 cu.metres (at mtow & design payload) Fuselage geometry ----------------- fuselage max. width 3.99 metres fuselage max. depth 3.95 metres length, total fuselage 37.57 metres length, front section 6.40 metres length, mid section 17.47 metres length, rear section 13.70 metres wetted area, total fuselage 400.65 sq.metres wetted area, front section 59.75 sq.metres wetted area, mid section 217.74 sq.metres wetted area, rear section 123.16 sq.metres Nacelle geometry ---------------- nacelle length 3.67 metres nacelle max. width 2.25 metres nacelle max. depth 2.51 metres wetted area per nac. 25.88 sq.metres Overall dimensions ------------------ Span over winglets 33.91 metres Overall aircraft length 37.57 metres Height at top of fin 12.00 metres Overall aircraft wetted area 748.34 sq.metres
|Contents||Previous Chapter||Next Chapter| | <urn:uuid:47f2201d-59c7-4c2a-88fd-1784645f5063> | {
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It’s easy to forget that our planet is a lot more active than it seems. One stark reminder of the fluidity of our planet was a remarkable underwater volcanic eruption that occurred back in June November 1963. This explosion created a brand new landmass just off the coast of Iceland which has been known as Surtsey after Surtur, the Norse god of fire. On November the 14th this volcano breached the surface Atlantic Ocean and a new island was officially formed.
This rare spectacular event shocked the crew of a local fishing boat, who sailed over to help believing the plumes of smoke to be another boat in need of assistance. Instead they witnessed an island being formed in the water before them. Three weeks later a team of French journalists foolishly set foot on the still active volcano. They didn’t stay there long, as a volcanic explosion forced them to flee almost as soon as they had arrived.
Surtsey continued to grow for another 3 and a half years. At the end of its eruption the volcano created an island 2.7sqkm with a peak 174 meters above sea level. Although today Surtsey has suffered badly from erosion. The soft volcanic rock means Surtsey is now only half the size it was when it was first formed.
Interestingly the island is teaming with wildlife and fauna already. Just 1 year after Surtsey was formed the first plant life was observed. Upon arrival of birds who set up next on the island the nutrition poor soil gained some much needed sustenance from the bird droppings. Seals and migratory birds have now also set up home on Surtsey. In order to not disrupt this real life science museum, very few humas are allowed on Surtsey.
Getting to Surtsey
Although you’re not permitted to set food on Surtsey it is still possible to get near the island. You can travel to the town of Heimaey on Vestmannaeyjar, either by ferry from the south of Iceland, or fly from Reykjavik. http://vikingtours.is/ Run boat tours from Heimaey around the island of Sturtset, which is the best way to get up close to the world’s newest island! | <urn:uuid:55b9a130-850c-4c2e-a98d-0681b5bd3f81> | {
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This exhibit is on loan from the Smithsonian, and is currently on display in the IMAX building (in the lobby). The exhibit runs 12 May-5 August 2012.
Going in, we figured this exhibit would be above our 4-year old's head. Although he lives in a family where we have friends of all races and religions, he hasn't learned yet about our past and that not all people were treated equally. This exhibit is focuses on the Black Wings, a group of African-American aviators at the turn of century (1900s) that broke through barriers for the ability to take to the skies.
The exhibit, on loan from the Smithsonian, shows how the earliest African-American aviators had to travel to France to get their pilot licenses (something they couldn't do in the US) so they could come back to the US and fly here. They flew in shows and did incredible stunts. More importantly, they opened up their own flight schools, and taught other African-Americans to fly.
The thing I found most interesting, is that the Black Wings would come to town, and people of all races would come out to watch. It was bridging gaps – much like our Space program has brought countries together to work for the greater good.
These flight schools eventually led to the Tuskeegee Airmen and their brave efforts in WWII.
The exhibit is quite small, and isn't going to be as interesting for the really small set (grandma took the Lad out to the playground while I finished reading), but for older kids who have learned about segregation and the civil rights movement, this could be quite interesting. The other thing that makes it hard for the younger kids, is that it is a lot of reading and pictures. My son did find the 3 different flight helmets really interesting (one from the 20s, one from the 40s, and a more modern one were all in a case together, showing the advancement) but wasn't able to sit through all of the reading.
I would probably not drive down there just for the exhibit, unless you are a die-hard aviation history fan. However, tying it in with a visit to the very kid friendly museum is a perfect fit! The younger set will be entertained for most of the day with lots of other things as well, and the older kids and adults can take the time to read through the exhibits in detail. | <urn:uuid:7b6ed7de-1e47-4a60-bcb6-5d64348ce262> | {
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Set and Exhibit Designer
A set designer designs special exhibits, sets for movies, theater and televisions. A set designer reads scripts to determine the type of sets needed for each set. An exhibit designer creates spaces to display artifacts, arts and products. Set designers also conduct research to decide on the right architectural styles.
A set designer should consider the historical period, time of day, location, season, and other aspects of the story while designing the set. Set designers give the audience a better sense of the physical space in which the action takes place.
Exhibit designers take into consideration light, space, and target audience while designing exhibits. They are responsible for developing a concept and managing the design project till the opening of the exhibit.
Types of Set and Exhibit Designers
- Live theatrical performance set designers
- Television or movie set designers
- Television studio set designers
- Trade show or convention exhibit designers
- Exhibit designers
Role of a Set Designer
- Evaluates scripts to determines set designs.
- Decide and submit plans for set designing for approval from directors.
- Decides on location and budgets.
- Collaborate with directors, curators, clients, and other designers on specific designing material.
- Interact with curators, producers and clients to identify the target audience and design sets accordingly.
- Use Computer Aided Design (CAD) programs or hand-drawn sketches to create electronic designs, drawings and diagrams to give an idea to the clients on the finished sets.
- Manage and coordinate construction, erection, or decoration activities in order to ensure that sets or exhibits meet design, budget, and schedule requirements.
- Use imagination to create sets that help to narrate a story.
Skills Required of a Set DesignerDesign Knowledge:
Knowledge of design tools, techniques and principles are essential for a set designerFine Arts:
A designer should have good knowledge of other arts like music, visual arts, dance, drama and sculpting. Computer Skills:
Set designers should have adequate knowledge of computer programs including software programs like Computer Aided Design (CAD).Creativity:
Set designers should be able to use their imagination and design sets that will narrate a well-defined story.Problem-solving skills:
A set designer is not only required to design and create the set but also come up with quick-time solutions, if the project receives a road block.Comprehension:
A set designer should be able to comprehend scripts, understand the client needs and determine the target audience after consultation with directors and producers.
Pros and Cons of a Set Designer
- Handsome salary especially when working for private museums and special exhibits
- Opportunity to contribute to the arts in theater, television or motion pictures.
- Flexible working hours.
- Opportunity to work in a number of industries.
- Specialized education in set designing is required.
- No guarantee of stead work flow.
- Long and hectic work schedule especially before the launch of a production.
- May need to work under time and budget constraints.
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Moon Light World Map
The map below shows where the Moon is visible from the Earth, depending on weather conditions and moon phases.
The white dot symbolizes the position of the Moon, and the yellow sun symbolizes the position of the sun.
View Day and Night Map
- The bright part of the map shows where the moon is over the horizon on Wednesday, December 5, 2012 at 02:08:00 UTC.
- The Sun's position is marked with this symbol: . At this location, the Sun will be at its zenith (directly overhead) in relation to an observer.
- The Moon's position is marked with this symbol: . At this location, the Moon will be at its zenith in relation to an observer. Note that the symbol is not showing the current phase of the Moon.
Fraction of moon illuminated: 66%
Position of the Moon
On Wednesday, December 5, 2012 at 02:08:00 UTC the Moon is at its zenith at these coordinates:
|Latitude: ||8° 16' ||North|
|Longitude: ||38° 48' ||East|
The ground speed of the movement is currently 445.04 meters/second, 1602.1 km/hour, 995.5 miles/hour or 865.1 knots.The table below shows the Moon position compared to the time and date above:
|Time||Longitude difference||Latitude difference||Total|
|1 minute||0° 14' 32.4"||16.59 mi||west||0° 00' 10.3"||0.20 mi||south||16.59 mi|
|1 hour||14° 32' 27.9"||995.46 mi||west||0° 10' 24.5"||11.92 mi||south||995.75 mi|
|24 hours||11° 03' 05.1"||756.58 mi||east||4° 21' 18.0"||299.28 mi||south||816.81 mi|
Locations with the moon near zenith
The following table shows 10 locations with moon near zenith position in the sky.
|Adama||Wed 5:08 AM||60 km||37 miles||33 nm|| ENE|
|Addis Ababa||Wed 5:08 AM||84 km||52 miles||45 nm|| N|
|Dire Dawa||Wed 5:08 AM||367 km||228 miles||198 nm|| ENE|
|Ali Sabieh||Wed 5:08 AM||535 km||332 miles||289 nm|| NE|
|Mek'ele||Wed 5:08 AM||584 km||363 miles||315 nm|| N|
|Tadjoura||Wed 5:08 AM||593 km||369 miles||320 nm|| NE|
|Hargeisa||Wed 5:08 AM||596 km||371 miles||322 nm|| ENE|
|Djibouti||Wed 5:08 AM||602 km||374 miles||325 nm|| NE|
|Assab||Wed 5:08 AM||679 km||422 miles||367 nm|| NE|
|Asmara||Wed 5:08 AM||783 km||486 miles||423 nm|| N|
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State-local Partnership Eliminates Significant Source of Wastewater Pollution to Shark River - DEP News Release, 3/16/17
The Bureau of Shellfisheries directs shellfish programs and projects on both the Atlantic Coast and Delaware Bay. Bureau personnel form and implement plans for the protection and wise use of marine habitat and the state’s shellfish resources.
One the bureau’s major responsibilities is the review of coastal development projects to assess potential impacts on shellfisheries habitat and resources. The bureau reviews 200-300 permit applications annually (334 in FY’97) and provides resource information to the Land Use Regulation Program to assist in the permit process. Bureau personnel regularly provide expert testimony at Administrative Law Hearings related to permit appeals. Finally, bureau staff are continually involved with other department staff in revisions to the Rules on Coastal Zone Management to ensure that shellfish resources and important coastal habitat are protected despite persistent development pressures.
With the Shellfisheries Council, the bureau administers the shellfish leasing program which supports private aquaculture activities via the leasing of bay bottom for shellfish culture. Statewide, approximately 30,000 acres of bay bottom are currently leased by commercial interests, primarily for the culture of oysters and hard clams.
Prior to the issuance of any shellfish lease within the Atlantic Coast Section, the bureau performs a biological investigation to assess the area’s natural productivity. Each year the bureau performs approximately 30-50 biological investigations of prospective leases.
Naturally productive areas are not leased because the bureau and the Atlantic Coast Shellfish Council (empowered by statute to grant shellfish leases) want these areas to remain open for all shellfishers to use. This process facilitates aquaculture development while ensuring that naturally productive areas remain available for use by all.
The relay and depuration programs allow hard clams from moderately polluted waters to be utilized. Clams from such waters are transplanted to clean bay waters or processed in a state-approved depuration plant for purification.
The annual sampling of the Mullica River oyster seed beds is performed to monitor setting success, survival and overall bed condition.
The oyster industry of Delaware Bay operates with limited direct marketing of oysters from natural seed beds. This program was initiated in the spring of 1996 when the industry elected to forego the traditional transplant program and began marketing oysters from the seed beds as a means of circumventing the disease problems which have plagued the leased grounds since the 1950s. Prior to this plan, the seed beds were worked intensely during a limited period in the spring and as a result large volumes of oysters were transplanted and perished on the leased grounds.
Through contributions made to the Oyster Resource Development Fund by the industry and money received from the Coastal Zone Management Program, the bureau was able to plants clean cultch (shell) material on the seed beds during June. A major component of maintaining and enhancing the natural seed beds is the regular addition of cultch which provides the ideal surface to which the young oysters attach. Data support that the addition of clean shell to the seed beds during the setting season is one of the most viable management techniques for increasing the production potential.
The Bureau of Shellfisheries conducts a trawl survey for juvenile finfish in Delaware Bay. This estuary is considered to be an important spawning/nursery area for many fish species of commercial and recreational importance. All finfish and other organisms are identified to the lowest possible taxonomic level (usually species) and counted. All fish (at least a subsample of 20 individuals) and blue crabs are measured to the nearest millimeter. This information provides the basis for comparing the strength of the year class for each individual species over time and can be used as a barometer for monitoring stock conditions and the impact of fishery management programs. Data can be used to forecast future seasonal characteristics and harvest potential for blue crabs in Delaware Bay.
The surf clam (Spisula solidissima) fishery is one of New Jersey’s most valuable fisheries. More than 80% of the total Mid-Atlantic and New England area catch of surf clams are landed in New Jersey. An annual inventory is conducted in New Jersey territorial waters to provide current information on the status of the resource. This information is used to develop various management measures such as establishing season harvest quotas and conservation zones.
The primary objective of the Shellfish Inventory Program is to determine the distribution and abundance of the important molluscan species which occur in New Jersey’s estuaries. The program provides valuable information on the major shellfish species, water quality information and sediment classification. This baseline data is necessary for the development of management strategies designed to preserve shellfish habitat and enhance our shellfish resources.
All estuarine waters between Raritan Bay and Brigantine (inclusive) have been sampled since the inventory began in 1983. Personnel and budgetary constraints from 1988 through most of the early 2000s resulted in fieldwork limited to that associated with lease ground surveys and site inspections of potential coastal development activities. In 2011, the program was renewed and since then it is the Administration's goal to inventory a new estuary every year.
Hard Clam Stock Assessment of Raritan and Sandy Hook Bays (Survey Year 2000) (pdf, 21mb)
Shellfish Stock Assessment of Little Egg Harbor Bay (Survey Year 2001) (pdf, 1.1mb)
Shellfish Stock Assessment of Little Egg Harbor Bay (Survey Year 2011 (pdf, 4.4mb)
Inventory of NJ's Estuarine Shellfish Resources: Hard Clam Stock Assessment Barnegat Bay (Survey Year 2012) With Post-Superstorm Sandy Investigation (Survey Year 2013) (pdf, 3.7mb)
Inventory of NJ's Estuarine Shellfish Resources: Hard Clam Stock Assessment of Raritan and Sandy Hook Bays (Survey Year 2014) (pdf, 5.1mb) | <urn:uuid:27c5e434-6359-40ed-bec1-87cab88b2b48> | {
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The pattern in which the question papers are being set for the CBSE Course curriculum is predefined, but there are certainly some gaps between the question paper formed and the content of the course. Henceforth, students need to identify these gaps and catch up where the textbooks left off, if they want to get acquainted with the examination pattern. And, they can do it easily by solving those Guess Papers which will help build their strong foundation. This not only helps them prepare for exams in a better manner but also leads them to the depth with which the topic should be studied.
This Ebook, prepared by CBSE Exam experts at Jagranjosh.com, is a kind of must have for the students appearing for CBSE Class 10th CCE Pattern Exam.
An analysis of the Marks based on Previous Years Mathematics Question Papers has been mentioned here:
|Year/Chapters||Unit 1||Unit 2||Unit 3|
As always, a preparation only completes when you test your intelligence. Here we have provided you with free Test papers (Guess Papers & Practice Papers) for your intelligence check and also the NCERT Solutions to solve your doubts. Along with this you can find Previous Years Question Papers | <urn:uuid:1882da0b-0a19-4421-94e2-c787c4d3645f> | {
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A new study has found that our genes could affect how severe an addiction to drugs might be. It also found that the longer the abuse has been going on, the more severe it becomes.
HealthDay News wrote:
A research team at the Brookhaven National Laboratory found that drug addicts who have a certain genetic makeup have lower gray matter density -- and therefore fewer neurons -- in areas of the brain that are important for decision-making, self-control, learning and memory.
The co-author of the study, medical scientist Nelly Alia-Klein, said in a news release:
Popular VideoThis young teenage singer was shocked when Keith Urban invited her on stage at his concert. A few moments later, he made her wildest dreams come true.
"This research shows that genes can influence the severity of addiction. The results suggest that addicted individuals with low MAOA [monoamine oxidase A] genotype may need a different kind of treatment than other addicted individuals who carry the high MAOA genotype."
Alia-Klein said this could drastically change the way people are treated for their addictions. However, she said more research is needed to figure out exactly what new strategies should be taken.
The length of addiction is also important. HealthDay News added:
The study, which included 40 men addicted to cocaine and 42 non-addicted men, also found that the longer someone abuses cocaine, alcohol and cigarettes, the lower the amount of gray matter in frontal areas of the brain (responsible for decision-making and self-control) and the hippocampus (responsible for learning and memory).
Popular VideoThis young teenage singer was shocked when Keith Urban invited her on stage at his concert. A few moments later, he made her wildest dreams come true:
The study is published in the current Archives of General Psychiatry.
Read more about addiction on www.myaddiction.com | <urn:uuid:b5e967fc-bd4b-488d-99df-c9e3a914c6f4> | {
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Amazon Alexa is one of the innovative and sought-after voice assistants in the market. The voice interactions, coupled with artificial intelligence, facilitates everything from ordering food to setting up a quick reminder. These skills offered by Alexa radically expand the bots repertoire, allowing the users to perform more tasks using a voice-enabled device.
Voice technology has become a boon for the people and rapidly made a statement in the market Presently, there are more than 30M Amazon Echoes in the U.S. and 80,000 Alexa skills in the market. Such exponential growth has stimulated many businesses to develop Alexa skills and embrace the great opportunities brought forth by voice technology.
To help businesses leverage this groundbreaking innovation, we have shed light on how to build an Alexa Skill with a frictionless voice user interface (VUI) in the below.
So, let’s dive in..
Factors to consider while building an Alexa Skill
An Alexa skill must have a great Voice User Interface (VUI), which improves the voice recognition and responsiveness of the device. It depends on the various factors including, providing the right help and proper data to users, making skill flow feel like real conversations, and not forcing users to listen long content. Focusing on the below-mentioned points will help you to design and create the best and frictionless VUI.
Invocation Name: Invocation is used to invoke or start a skill. Alexa skills developers keep it precise, meaningful, clear, and easy to remember as users have to call the skill’s name to invoke it. Ideally, a skill name should comprise two words and match with the whole invocation sentence. For instance, Alexa, Play Soft Music – Here, “Soft Music” is the invocation name.
Intent: Intent is simply each task or function performed by a skill. Different intents are used to perform different tasks. So, if there is a skill to turn on/off the AC, it may have one intent for turning on/off light and another for adding a new user.
Utterances: Utterances are the sentences that users can use to navigate to a particular intent or open a specific stage inside the skill. Due to the variation and flexibility of spoken language in the real world, there will probably be ample ways to express a request. So, make sure to write as many utterances as possible while building an Alexa skill. For example, if you develop an Alexa skill for Horoscope and users want to know their horoscope, utterances can be:
- What is the horoscope
- Get me my horoscope
- Tell me the horoscope
- How’s my horoscope today
Though Alexa is smart enough to automatically understand similar sentences, it is a good idea to add multiple utterances to a skill.
Designing for voice is way different than designing for a screen. The Alexa skill designers practice a real conversation like the one Alexa will initiate when a user gives a command before or during designing a skill.
The most important aspect of Alexa skills is that users never have to download them as they completely run on the cloud. They only need to enable them to leverage them.
When it comes to Alexa skill development, Amazon provides Alexa Skill Kit (ASK), which facilitates the development of the skills. There are majorly two sections for developing an Alexa Skill:
1. Amazon Developer Console: Amazon Developer Console offers the best Graphical User interface for creating Alexa skills. It contains information about Alexa skills, including invocation, intents, utterances, and endpoint. Using the Amazon Console, we can also distribute skills and set a Beta Test.
2. Backend: Since Alexa skills completely run on Cloud, they require a backend or an endpoint. We can either create it on AWS Lambda or Own Server.
a) AWS Lambda: It provides a ready-to-go setup, and we don’t have to create an SSL secured server.
b) Own Server: In this case, we need to have SSL enabled server running on port 443 only. We can use Flask or any other framework as a server.
The server will have to manage the JSON request from Alexa and also provide a JSON response. Both AWS Lambda and Own Server will perform the same functions internally.
Now, you’re familiar with all the ins and outs of how to develop an Alexa skill. If you’re seeking professional Alexa Skill development services, you can count on us. We will leverage our technical expertise and forward-thinking approach to providing you step-by-step guidance and voicing your business with a voice-enabled device integrated with the best Alexa skills. | <urn:uuid:c0bedf8a-0d77-41f7-b107-9d27b358533d> | {
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Page 16 of 18
Part 16, Summary
A Tsoopnitpeloo Legend
As Told by Otis Halfmoon
Of the Nez Perce Tribe
fter the battle, the Nez Perce were on their way south. And it was interesting, because when I worked at the Big Hole Battlefield we found one of the sites which the Nez Perce called Tahk-siin, and--Tahk-siin means "willows"--we found some field pits there. It is now on privately-owned land, but it's still there today. They were expectin' an attack from the soldiers. It was interesting to me because I read through the books, that the soldiers said the Nez Perce kinda fought like military. It was interesting to me that the rifle pits was very similar to what they teach today in basic training in the U.S. Army. As far as the formation of these pits--how they're situated. It was really intriguing to me, how they set that up.
And so the Nez Perce moved on south. They moved on down towards Yellowstone National Park. And they got to Yellowstone National Park and they started takin' their time. History books again wonder, Why did they take their time going through this area? But again, it's logical, if you know what I mean by “home.” Home is the place where we grew up--memories, childhood memories. Think of our parents, think of the grandparents, of old people. When they went through Yellowstone National Park, and especially goin' through Sunlight Basin--that country looks almost like our own country. When they came through there, again, they probably started getting' homesick. To smell the fresh air, to hear the birds, hear the animals. They had to take their time. Who knows what's in the future--especially after the terrible Battle of Big Hole?
They went through that area. They got to the Crow country. They asked the Crows for help. The Crows would not help 'em. They met with Chief Ku-ni-ku. But there were some things that happened. Many of the contemporary Nez Perce are angry at the Crows for that. But there were some other things that happened, that a lot of people don't know, and I learned about this when I lived among them. Among the Crows. The Nez Perce women left their children--not all of them--left their babies, with the Crows to be raised. 'Cause they had no idea what was in store for them in the future. And it's interesting, 'cause there's probably four or five families on the Crow reservation that have Nez Perce blood, that go back to this time period.
The Nez Perce moved north. And during this whole time period a man named Poker Joe, Ho-toe-toet, was in charge. It wasn't Chief Joseph. It was Ho-toe-toet. And he pushed 'em hard, ruthless. And he wanted to stay ahead of the soldiers. He did not want his people attacked, like they were attacked, again, at Big Hole. And he ran into the soldiers at the Canyon Creek, north of Laurel, Montana. They got over into that area--and it was interesting, 'cause Col. Sam Sturgis--he overestimated the enemy, whereas the other soldiers underestimated 'em. Mr. Sturgis, he did the opposite. He overestimated 'em. He told his cavalry to dismount, and turned 'em into infantry. I think they could have stopped the Nez Perce right there. As it was, the Nez Perce got away. And that's where they...South of the Judith Gap, going towards Laurel, that's where the Crows and the Nez Perce had a fight. Two Nez Perce were killed by the Crows. The Crow warriors were there fightin' against our people. | <urn:uuid:ae2aec7c-cd9a-4e1e-aa62-90f3784e7a24> | {
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The Krimml Waterfalls or waterfalls of Krimml, with a total height of 380 metres (1,247 feet), form the highest waterfall in Austria
. The falls are formed from the Krimmler Ache river and are located near the village of Krimml in the High Tauern National Park in Salzburgerland.
Krimmler Wasserfälle is a tiered waterfall. The waterfall begins at the Krimmler Ache at the top of the Krimmler Achendal, and plunges downward in three stages. The upper stage has a drop of 140 metres, the middle of 100 metres, and the lowest a drop of 140 metres.
The Krimmler Ache is a glacial stream whose flow varies greatly with season. The flow in June and July is 20,000 m³/h (about 5.28 million gallons per hour), while in February it is only 500 m³/h (about 0.13 million gallons per hour). The greatest measured flow was on 25 August 1987, when it was 600,000 m³/h, or almost 160 million gallons per hour.
After the falls, the river joins the Salzach, which flows to the Inn, then into the Danube River and finally to the Black Sea. | <urn:uuid:7c12f282-e8f2-40ba-8dbf-01314e30707b> | {
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math & physics
gochenid at December 30th, 2005 13:16 — #1
i have an elliptic paraboloid equation z=0.5*(x*x+y*y). I generated a set of points (x,y,z). I can draw these points in 2D with the equations:
by ploting (x',z').
i can do the horizontal rotation without any problem, but the vertical rotation is not working, anyone has any idea?
nils_pipenbrinck at December 30th, 2005 14:45 — #2
please define horizontal and vertical rotation. We're in 3d, and it's all about the point of view.
cobralionz at January 22nd, 2006 01:31 — #3
Sounds to me like you don't have a clue about spherical coordinates. You know that SAT question about the length of the diagonal of a cube? If you can answer that this should be easy.
i'd be more specific but this sounds like homework
reedbeta at January 22nd, 2006 12:19 — #4
cobra, this thread is almost a month old...I think the OP is gone by now. | <urn:uuid:724c1688-0963-4946-b506-0befc7608bd4> | {
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Bad breath undermines social relationships. It plays havoc with romance since few people want to kiss someone else whose mouth is not sweet smelling and appealing. It can severely limit opportunities for professional advancement. One of the most insidious things about bad breath is that often the worst sufferers don't recognize they have it. Could this be you?
Bad breath has many causes, among them are: strong smelling foods like onions and garlic, smoking, digestive upsets and metabolic diseases like diabetes. One of the chief causes of bad breath, is untreated tooth decay. Even a small amount of dental decay can produce a foul odor.
Bad Breath and Tooth Decay
Tooth decay, or dental caries, refers to the bacterial destruction of tooth enamel. This happens when the mouth is not properly cleansed after eating and residues of food particles build up on the tongue and gums as well as between the teeth, providing a medium for bacteria to grow. The chief culprit here is a bacterium called Streptococcus mutans. S. mutans loves sugar. The first stage of the digestive process takes place in the mouth when saliva breaks down carbohydrates into sugars. As S.mutans digests these sugars, it produces acids that attack the dental enamel. Over time, these acids actually succeed in breaking down the dental enamel, a process known as tooth decay. Decay smells bad.
S. mutans and food residues adhere to the teeth in a thin substance called plaque. Over time, if plaque is not removed, it calcifies into a hard residue that becomes increasingly difficult to remove. Plaque irritates the gums that hold teeth in place, eventually leading to gum disease, another leading cause of bad breath. Gum disease leads to other serious consequences as well such as gum bleeding, chronic oral infections and, if untreated, eventual tooth loss.
Most people don't think of tooth decay as a disease. But pediatricians say it is the most common of all childhood diseases. Nearly one-fifth of all children between the ages of two and four have at least one cavity. By age 17, nearly 80 percent of all people have at least one cavity and, by the age of 45, nearly two-thirds of all adults will have lost at least one tooth to decay.
Bad Breath and Tooth Decay Treatment
If you're suffering from chronic bad breath and you can't identify the underlying cause, one likely culprit is undiagnosed tooth decay. People don't generally recognize the symptoms of tooth decay until it's identified by a dentist or becomes so severe the tooth's nerve is affected and they experience a tooth ache.
In its very earliest stages, tooth decay may be treated through the use of a fluoride product. While this doesn't actually reverse tooth decay, it can protect teeth against further erosion of the enamel.
More advanced stages of tooth decay will require your dentist to repair the cavity that has formed in your tooth. Your dentist will remove the decayed area of the tooth and then restore the affected tooth to its original shape and function through the use of a filling material. If the decayed tooth is so damaged that it cannot be saved, your dentist may need to replace it with a man-made tooth called a crown.
In instances where the decay is so severe that it has penetrated the tooth enamel and entered the pulp of the tooth, your dentist may need to perform a procedure called a root canal that removes the damaged pulp of the tooth and often the tooth's nerve as well. In extremely severe cases of tooth decay, the entire tooth may need to be extracted.
Preventing Bad Breath due to Tooth Decay
Bad breath due to tooth decay can be prevented with proper oral hygiene. Dentists recommend brushing your teeth after every meal and flossing twice a day. While most people are consistent about brushing their teeth in the morning and before they sleep, they are not in the habit of brushing their teeth after every meal which dentists say is the most effective deterrent for tooth decay. Brushing your teeth after every meal is the most useful method for keeping your dental enamel in shape and your breath smelling fresh.
Electric toothbrushes and waterpiks can make the brushing and flossing processes more efficient. Use of a product like TheraBreath Oral Rinse, which is specially formulated to prevent the growth of anaerobic bacteria like S.mutans, is also an effective deterrent to tooth decay and the bad breath that it causes.
Even someone who is scrupulous about brushing and flossing may not be able to remove every trace of plaque. That's why the American Dental Association recommends professional teeth cleaning twice yearly. During this process, a dental hygienist will scrape off whatever plaque residues have eluded brushing and flossing.
Lifestyle changes will also reduce the incidence of tooth decay and the bad breath that accompanies it. Bacteria feed especially on foods that are high in processed sugars and carbohydrates. Avoiding these foods will lower your chances of developing tooth decay. Smoking is also a huge risk factor for developing tooth decay.
Undiagnosed tooth decay is one of the leading causes of bad breath. Regular brushing and flossing is a better means of ensuring your breath stays fresh and sweet than any amount of sugary breath mints.
TheraBreath products are used by millions of people worldwide. Click here to read some of their success stories. | <urn:uuid:d00f2a01-375d-41f8-a889-b5fa7aacdd0f> | {
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What's the difference between i.e. and e.g.?
An African-American scientist of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Banneker taught himself calculus and trigonometry in order to make astronomical calculations for almanacs. He was hailed by abolitionists (see abolitionism) for proving that “the powers of the mind are disconnected with the colour of the skin.” | <urn:uuid:72e4d3bd-183e-4bfd-a9c0-0bd174c04fe2> | {
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This study was carried out to determine the socio-economic importance of Chrysophyllum albidum in rainforest and derived savanna ecosystems of Ondo State and examines its level of domestication. From each ecological zone, a local government area (LGA) with good concentration of C. albidum trees was selected. The study covered a total of ten villages (i.e. five from each ecosystem). From each village, five farm households with C. albidum trees on their farms were selected. A structured questionnaire was administered on the head of each household. Results identified evidence of C. albidum trees domestication in the two ecosystems. C. albidum fruitis economically important in the two ecosystems and contributes to the socio-economic life of the people. Factors affecting the price of C. albidum fruits in the two ecosystems were fruit taste and fruit size. Thus, the demand will improve if sweeter and bigger sized fruits are produced through domestication programme
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This work by European American Journals is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License | <urn:uuid:e8724324-8650-44f7-8df2-c04b13d17fb4> | {
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‘When the body speaks.’
Can Yoga play a role in the social psychiatric treatment of PTSD?
by: Anneke Sips
Background: Emotional pain and traumatic experiences long after the trauma has ended stored in the body. It is natural for man to survive and that the body and the mind reacts to danger and trauma. It is good to remember these dangerous situations so that they in the future can be avoided. However, the maintenance of stress in the body can also cause unpleasant side effects. According to the social psychiatric ideas, psychological symptoms are understood as a result of four levels of functioning (psychological, physical, social and individual) and patients diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) can develop symptoms on all levels. However, there are indications that in the treatment of PTSD, the attention to the interaction of these four levels is lacking. Objective: To investigate what PTSD is and which (social-psychiatric) treatment should be offered. Examine how yoga relates to the four levels of functioning in social psychiatry and if yoga can be part of PTSD treatments. If yes; at what level and how to add value. implementation: A review of the literature on the effects of a traumatic event or yoga and a useful addition to treatment can be. Results: There is an emerging scientific basis are shown that yoga as a possible complementary treatments supports it, in patients with PTSD. Conclusions: There is sufficient evidence to yoga as to consider. additional treatment within the regular treatment provision This research offers opportunities for further development of yoga in the treatment of PTSD but also other psychiatric disorders such as for example psychoses.
keywords: trauma, PTSD, yoga, social psychiatry, psychiatry
From my practice as a yoga teacher, I thought yoga classes to women in Rwanda who are traumatized as a result of the genocide in 1994. I did this in 2010 for three months for a U.S. non-governmental organization called Project Air as yoga discipline within an ACT team with the aim relief of symptoms and thus a better quality of life. Professionally, as a community psychiatric nurse (hereafter referred to as SPV) in Amsterdam, I am also dealing with patients suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (hereafter referred to as PTSD) and complex trauma.
In practice in the Netherlands I hear that patients like the Rwandan women complain that they don’t feel their bodies or even experience physical symptoms, loss of control over their feelings and body (not being able to sleep and relax whenever they want), depression and stress. This is no coincidence. Emotional pain and traumatic experiences are long after the trauma has ended stored in the body. Van der Kolk (1994) describes this as “the body keeps the score”.
It is natural, that humans want to survive and that the body and mind react to danger and trauma. It is good to remember so that these dangerous situations can be avoided in the future. However, the maintenance of a stress in the body can also cause unpleasant side effects as described above. Patients diagnosed with PTSD often experience symptoms at all four levels of function, but according to the literature on PTSD treatment I read there is little attention the four levels in its entirety (i.a. Jongedijk, 2008; Jongedijk, 2010). I wonder if yoga can play a role here. Can Yoga be used as a complementary method of treatment in the social psychiatric treatment of PTSD?
Theoretical findings defined.
PTSD, what is that?
The word ‘trauma’ literally means harm or injury. This can be physical injury, but another possibility is psycho-trauma. A clear distinction should be made between ‘ordinary’ unpleasant and stressful life events on the one hand and traumatic events on the other.
PTSD was introduced in 1980 in the DSM III and is classified among the anxiety disorders. To operationalize psycho-trauma clearly, a definition is included in the DSM-IV-TR (1994): “The person has been exposed to a traumatic event in which both of the following are applicable are:
- Person has experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with one or more events that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury itself, or posed a threat to the physical integrity of self or others.
- Responses to intense fear, helplessness or horror. “
According to the DSM-IV, patients with PTSD constantly relived the traumatic event. They are persistent in avoiding the stimuli associated with the trauma or suffer from numbing of general responsiveness, and this was not present prior to the trauma. They have persistent symptoms excitability, which was also not present prior to the trauma, the duration of the disturbance is longer than one month and the disturbance causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, performance, or other important areas of functioning. These symptoms (immediately after a traumatic event) are regarded primarily as a normal reaction. They are manifestations of a imbalance that needs to be recovered. This acute stress reaction can be seen as a natural response, focused on survival (Gersons Olff 2002 through 2002). People have mental resilience and self-healing ability that is trusted in the first place. Each has its own processing. It only becomes dysfunctional when symptoms persist. Actually: PTSD so the stagnation of a normal process.
There are several factors that affect the mental (un-) health as shown in the dynamic stress-vulnerability model of White (2004). This model shows how a event in someone’s life, the characteristics of the individual and the environment together influence and thus influence the risk of mental health.
A large part of the world experiences one or more psycho-traumatic events during their life. The largest and most influential study include the prevalence of PTSD is the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS) ,carried out by Kessler (Kessler et al, 1995). This study found that about 61% of men and 51% of women had experienced a traumatic event. Fortunately, not everyone developed PTSD. The NCS (Kessler et al, 1995) found a PTSD prevalence of 7.8% of the total trial and PTSD occurs twice as often in women than in men (10.4% v. 5%). Co-morbidity with PTSD is also common, and it is rather norm than the exception (Kessler et al, 1995; Creamer et al, 2001). The disorders which are mainly present parallel with PTSD were abuse or dependence on resources (75%), generalized anxiety disorder (44%) and depression (20%). On an annual basis, according to the Nemesis research (2) 18% of the Dutch population suffers from psychological problems. At number two with 19.6% are the anxiety disorders (de Graaf, Dorsselaer & ten Have, 2010).
Symptoms of PTSD.
Reliving and active avoidance can be seen as quite specific symptoms in PTSD (Young Dijk, 2008). Other symptoms such as decreased interest, increased irritability and concentration problems, according Jongedijk (2008) are less specific and are strongly associated with depressive symptoms. Trauma symptoms that are not or insufficiently described in PTSD, but according to Jongedijk often present, include lack of resilience, confidence, problems with handling emotions and affects, re-traumatization, psychosomatic complaints and reduced physical health.
Psychosomatic symptoms have long been associated with trauma. At the end of the 19th century many physical complaints were described in traumatized patients (include sexually traumatized patients) by psychologists and psychiatrists as Freud, Janet and Briquet. Research shows that a having PTSD and traumatic experience may result in physical symptoms (Olff, 2002). It is stated that 70% of patients with PTSD has sleep disorders and are misunderstood because of their unexplained physical complaints (LOK in Dutch) (Jongedijk, 2008; Van Liempt et al, 1994). PTSD and co-morbidity of these (unexplained) physical symptoms require particular attention because of the potential impact this has the further course of the disease and functional limitations that it can give (Jongedijk, 2008; From Liempt et al, 1994). Olff (2002) describes (unexplained) physical symptoms such as fatigue, back pain, chest pain, palpitations, muscle pain, nausea, shortness of breath, dizziness, stomach and intestinal complaints etcetera. Often patients with LOK receive extensive medical examination, but do not get the proper treatment. This causes inconvenience and high costs. Both the patient and therapist are not satisfied with the treatment (Olff 2002). Finally, it is due to psycho-trauma clients can create lack of social support system. This social vulnerability may arise due to patients behavior.
PTSD from the perspective of the social psychiatric thinking.
From the psychiatric social vision a human is not seen in isolation from the context around it. Querido (3) explained that each man lives in an environment of forces and counter-forces. He was convinced that people have a large repertoire to respond to outside threats. Typical of the social psychiatric thinking is that the focus is on the interaction between the four levels of function (van der Padt & Venneman, 2010). These levels are:
- The psychological level
- The individual level
- The social level
- The physical level
At the physical level, it often happens that patients with PTSD psychosomatic complaints such as described in the preceding paragraph. According to Zwart (1998) PTSD symptoms are often physically experienced and presented. At the individual level it means that the experience and difficulty in processing of traumatic life events says something about the coping behavior, lack of resilience,psychological functioning and self-image in which a patient may have a feeling of disgust. The latter is according Jongedijk (2008) something common in PTSD. Just as fear, disgust and pain can provide protection. Sometimes, the disgust is so extreme that it is no longer functional. This can lead to, for example, self-mutilation (disgust own body) or excessive washing (to be feeling dirty). On social level PTSD and trauma can cause problems in relationships with colleagues at work, etc. because people either obsessed with the trauma or are running away from it. In has been shown that people who receive less social support are more likely to develop PTSD more show symptoms of PTSD (Hadders & Utrecht, 2008).
Case: R. L. (a veteran who fought in Bosnia in 1993 (4)) explained in an interview that his peer support-system quickly became less. ‘At one point, I only had my wife, the rest of my support system left. This had to do with my irritability, my short fuse, I was surly, curt and others found it more uncomfortable to be with me. To talk to my wife about my problems was difficult. I tried to run away for the trauma by working 12 hours a day and therefore i became completely exhausted. I thought that having many distractions would help me to keep my head away from trauma. I thought when I would come home exhausted, I could sleep through the night.’
At the social level, vulnerability may occur when patients have problems around embedding in society by (long-term) absence from work because of the symptoms, loneliness, social isolation, poverty and stigma (Beek-Schelee Akker, 2011). Patients with PTSD are at risk to develop multiple levels of functioning. complaints.
The treatment of PTSD, and the role of the SPV (social psychiatric nurse) herein.
According to the Multidisciplinary Guideline (psychiatric guidelines PTSD) The treatment consists medication and psychological interventions. In these guidelines, the trauma-focused therapies (TFT) such as cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), exposure therapy and EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing) is recommended. The result of treatment depends on the type of trauma and in which phase of life it’s emerging. There is little attention to body-oriented therapy in treatment of PTSD. It has been argued that body-oriented therapy an integral part in the treatment of PTSD should be next to the psychotherapy (Black, 1998). Studies in ‘De Vonk’ (5) showed that as patients present more physical complaints, they develop the less active coping mechanisms because they thereby avoiding more and are seeking support. The guideline for the diagnosis, treatment and guidance of adult patients with an anxiety disorder was overhauled in 2009. This includes the diagnosis PTSD.
In both versions, the stepped care model starting-point for the instruction. The purpose of treatment is defined here as the pursuit of recovery. After recovery, relapse prevention is offered before treatment is completed. If a SPV (social psychiatric nurse) is skilled for this, then besides Prevention also cognitive behavioral interventions can be performed. In addition, the SPV has an important role in identifying symptoms and seek treatment (from the draft guideline revisions Multidisciplinary Directive, 2009). Off course there will also focus on the social network of a client and the SPV should involve them in the treatment and counseling.
Case RL: ‘I am treated for three traumatic experiences in the years of treatment. The first treatment (2000 – 2002) consisted of writing therapy and the second in 2007 EMDR treatment. In the beginning I missed personal attention to me as a human in the PTSD treatment. It had rapidly fill in questionnaires. I did not feel seen as a person but found that a sticker was on me too fast. I was seen as the problem and solutions too fast instead of looking at me as a person. At home, my wife did not know what to make of me. I was an emotional wreck! I had to bring my partner to therapy once, but she should have been more involved. In all that time she was invited one or twice I think. My wife never knew what happened to me at all. Only when I started therapy, I told her. The understanding since has gotten better. Here I see an important role the SPV in treatment. Seeing the person behind the patient and the involvement of the system at the treatment. I’ve also never been offered body-oriented treatment, no one ever talked to me about this.
In the treatment of PTSD, little attention is paid to the entirety of the four levels. Certainly the physical aspect seem not or just little addressed. The question is: Would yoga and body-oriented intervention can contribute to the treatment of at least the physical symptoms of PTSD? Could this affect the further course of the condition and recovery? And how can the SPV herein play a role?
Yoga, what is it?
Yoga is a general term for the practice of physical postures and breath work, in which attention is carried out, to be described. There are many types of yoga and in the West, especially the most famous and popular forms practiced. Although yoga in the West is often seen as just a physical practice, because the practice often begins with postures such as in a yoga studio or gym, it is more than that. Yoga is an ancient, self-empowering practice that uses a range of tools to enhance well-being and to maintain and restore health. It can be a powerful tool on the journey of personal and spiritual growth, as well. Krishnamacharya (1888-1989) is considered the grandfather of today’s Yoga seen together with two of his famous students BKS Iyengar and P. Jois. Yoga is traditionally divided into eight aspects (in Sanskrit “Astanga” see Table 1).
According to Iyengar (2002) yoga can be seen as consisting of three layers: the external – internal – and the inner layers. Or mentally, physically and spiritually. The eight aspects of Yoga can be divided in these three levels. The first level of yoga consists of do’s and don’ts. Yama and niyama are the social and individual ethnic disciplines that are also seen historically in all civilizations. Niyama teaches about what should be done for the good of the individual and society. Yama is about what we should do to prevent to harm the individual and society. The second level, asana, pranayama, Pratyahara. Asana is practicing various postures with the body. Pranayama is the science of breath. And pratyahara is observing the conditioned response.
The third and final level of yoga is described separately in yoga sūtras (6) as ‘wealth’ of yoga. Dharana, Dhyana and Samadhi, the effects of yoga are not part of the exercise itself. Dharana means concentration or complete attention. Dhyana is meditation and Samadhi is the culmination of yoga: total bliss. Yoga is a complete exercise of combining elements of mindfulness, meditation, breathwork and rhythmic motion in the form of postures (asanas) with a focus on the present. When this rhythmic movement is performed with others it brings togetherness (Spinnazola et al, 2011). The meditative aspects of yoga have been shown effective in reducing anxiety, depression, stress, and in the treatment of substance use/ abuse. Also, it has been shown that meditation helps with emotion regulation, processing through self reflection and seeing perspective. Physical pain can be softened and physical condition improved through yoga. The therapeutic qualities of yoga asanas, are probably related to neuro-cognitive aspects of PTSD.
Table 1 the eight-fold path of yoga
- yama – social awareness (social-ethical requirements)
- niyama – individual consciousness (personal ethical disciplines)
- āsana – postures synchronized with the breath (yoga starts here with many people)
- Pranayama – breathing awareness (breathing exercises)
- Pratyahara – withdrawal of the senses (observing the conditioned response)
- Dharana – concentration
- Dhyana – meditation / maintenance of attention (mental focus)
- samādhi – association / self-realization
Contraindication to yoga.
Yoga is often practiced in the context of a search for answers to questions in life and purpose. It assumes that it needs a balanced psyche and knowledgeable yoga teacher. Decuypere (1986) says in the magazine for psychiatry that there may already be a vulnerability present when someone is psychotic after a yoga session. Yoga would may have provoked it. According Decuypere yoga is harmless as long as you use your wits. “In the hands of unbalanced people it can sometimes be explosive material”. It is good as a practitioner to be with the patient. Talking about their interest in existential problems and focus on philosophical themes promotes understanding and patient will be more inclined to speak about it.
Yoga and the social psychiatric thinking
As described previously, patients with sleep disorders and PTSD are often misunderstood and have unexplained physical symptoms. Yoga is often first applied on the physical level. At yoga, sometimes physical postures are performed that affect the physical and mental condition. If a patient can relieve themself from physical pain and make he body powerful, it can help to restore a sense of confidence in one’s own body. A patient may loose the feeling of powerlessness when he or she experience that he or she can do something themselves to fight the pain. This also applies for insomnia. When they learn how to make themselves sleep better they will be gain self-confidence. When they attributes these success experiences to themselves , this will work motivating. Patients can get to know their physical reactions, develop body awareness and lean that their physical tension pains can be reduced by exercises. As they explore the relationship between psychological stress with physical pain, they are better able to recognize, express, identify these feelings and thereby processing (Black, 1998). Avoidance can pass into control and a patient can get more grip for the strong feelings around trauma.
Patients learn to deal with their physical limits and can improve self-image. By improving the self-image, the individual level is touched, which is also a gripping point yoga can be in social psychiatry. Yoga is a mindful practice. Hereby it’s creating a way of ‘exposure’ that one himself has control over. In contrast to what occurs in trauma, one in yoga always have a choice. The practice of yoga can be discontinued at any time by a patient. This allows coping to develop. They might be looking for meaning or spirituality. Yoga is not a religion and is independent of religion, though there is some overlap with visions in Hinduism and Buddhism which also engages the individual level.
The social level from the social psychiatric viewpoint is not the main point engaged in yoga, but it is possible level to be touched. Yoga can be an individual practice with a teacher or trained therapist but often in a (small) group. The teacher or therapist also practice along, this can create equality. There is peer support. From this social contacts arise. The strength of the patient and his or her network are central to social psychiatry. In PTSD treatment, having a shared experience with others to contribute to recovery by learning not to repel others. Integrated motion and breathing with others, can create a sense of connectedness (Emerson, 2011). “The individual is a part of a collective, united by rhythmic elements in synchronous movement which can give a sense of connection and is a part of healing traumas (Spinnazola et al, 2011).
This can also counteract loneliness and social isolation which is a characteristic of the social level within the social psychiatry. In social psychiatry it’s in principle not about the individual patient but always about the patient in the social and cultural context and social intercommunication. By having better control on (unexplained) physical symptoms, when sleep better and being in better health, one will be less vulnerable to (long-term) absenteeism from work (Beek Schelee Akker, 2011). This will reduce the risk of loneliness and social isolation.
Can Yoga play a role in the social psychiatric treatment of PTSD and what can the SPV do this?
In the treatment of PTSD oe complex trauma, little attention is paid to the four levels in its entirety. Certainly the physical aspect seem little to be addressed. At the physical level, yoga can definitely answer offer to shortcomings in the treatment of social psychiatric treatment of PTSD. The physical practice of yoga postures can ensure that a patient learns to be in contact with his or her body in the present. This gives them a sense of security because they are often overwhelmed by bodily sensations (van der Kolk, 2006). As described, the main features of yoga (Postures, breathing and meditation) proved effective in reducing symptoms of trauma. Psychiatrist van der Kolk has partnered with yoga teacher David Emerson in America and they developed a method where yoga is used in the treatment of PTSD: ‘The Trauma Center Yoga Program (7).
Van der Kolk (1994) said that the purpose of the treatment of PTSD is to assist people to live in the present life, without feeling or behaving according to the irrelevant demands belonging to the past. Due to the natural survival system of the body, many people with PTSD mainly focused on trauma and not on the here and now. This method it is also called “Trauma Sensitive Yoga ‘. This method has been thoroughly researched and successfully applied in the treatment of PTSD in America. ‘Trauma-sensitive yoga’ is a physical down-to-earth form of yoga. It is aimed at skills. It is structured but there is always choice. It is a slow process where patience and repetition is used. David Emerson describes in his book ‘Overcoming trauma through yoga’ (2011) that there are four major themes have emerged from the research use of yoga in people with trauma. These are: the experience of the present moment, having a choice, take effective measures and the creation of rhythm.
There are several ways that yoga could find a place within the social psychiatric treatment of PTSD. In the new draft guidelines is said that there is always started with the based interventions psycho-education, activation and prevention of avoidance (draft guideline revisions the Multidisciplinary Directive, 2009). These interventions can be implemented by a SPV (Social Psychiatric Nurse). There may at least be given psycho-education about yoga and are used for activation. In addition to obtaining a history and making an analysis, a SPV can create (treatment) plan with the patient.
If a patient would like to participate in yoga (especially for the target group), the SPV can support this by processing trhis into that plan. As the SPV also uses for example CBT interventions (or part techniques) when trained for this, the same applies to yoga interventions. For instance, the SPV can start or end a treatment session with a patient with some techniques from yoga. To close the nursing methodical framework is off course evaluated and the plan adjusted if necessary. The above interventions are partly the result of best practice and effective partly shown and would need to be further investigation. In the Netherlands, yoga programs in the treatment of PTSD is in development. In June 2012 starts a pilot at Centrum ’45 to Oestgeest: Trauma sensitive yoga to a group of veterans using the method of van der Kolk.
Conclusion and recommendations
Patients diagnosed with PTSD often experience symptoms at all four levels of functioning according to the social psychiatric thinking, and not always there is attention to the four levels in its entirety. Especially on the physical and social level treatment sometimes lack. Yoga grabs mainly on the physical level where physical symptoms that are often present in PTSD can be reduced and patients can find body control again. Yoga does not fully connect on all four levels of functioning but it does at those levels where conventional therapy fails. Given the beneficial effects of yoga with PTSD can be said that this physical approach is become an evidence-based complementary treatment method in multidisciplinary social psychiatric treatment of PTSD. However, it appears that there is a need for more formal controlled research on trauma sensitive yoga within the social psychiatric treatment of PTSD to evaluate it’s efficacy and effectiveness. Finally, possible bias of the writer is not excluded in this article. Besides being a community psychiatric nurse (SPV) she’s also a passionate yoga teacher.
PTSD is a heterogeneous disease that is associated with a wide variety of co-morbidity (Creamer et al, 2001). It requires an individual treatment protocol. Yoga would need to be considered alongside the existing PTSD treatment when the patient is open to this. It is important that yoga is offered by a confident, competent teacher. A teacher is involved, accessible, highly skilled in yoga and is willing to receive feedback and listen (Emerson, 2011). When this is not the case, it is advised to consider another teacher. The SPV or other practitioner would need adequate training when applying (partial) yoga techniques. This practitioner should be able to provide adequate information and psycho-education on the indication and contraindication of yoga. It’s advised to learn more about complementary treatment. The counselor with final responsibility as the psychiatrist, SPV or other practitioner should recognize the meaning of yoga to enjoy it’s potential role in treatment. The PTSD treatment should of course meets the needs and wishes of the patient.
- within the Acute Behandelteam (ABT) and long-term psychiatry (F)ACT-team – The ABT is a part of the Emergency Department of Psychiatry Amsterdam (SPA), and this is one of the services of the organization called Arkin in Amsterdam.
- ‘Netherlands Mental Health Survey and Incidence Study’ (NEMESIS-2) is a study of the mental health of adults 18 to 64 years in the general population.
- Querido, Arie. From 1901 to 1983. An important psychiatrist in the development of vision and method of social psychiatry
- R. L. has been in Bosnia experienced trauma 6 months. He is 43 years old, married and has a son (2000). He did not directly suffer from PTSD. End of 2000, he first treated to 2002. Then it started again in 2007. Interviewed by Anneke Sips on 03-06-2012.
- De Vonk: Since 1994, Centrum ’45 a department for traumatized refugees and asylum seekers. This section is called ‘De Vonk’ and is in the town of Noordwijkerhout. De Vonk has a day clinic and a clinic.
- One of the most important ancient texts of yoga, which include these eight aspects are described. The yoga sutras are over 2000 years
ago written by Patanjali, which is seen as one of the greatest yogis ever.
- The Trauma Center Yoga Program, is a collaboration of yoga teachers and trauma expert doctors and has been developed as a form of Hatha yoga in addition to treatment for PTSD and related disorders since 2003 (Emerson et al., 2009).
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van Liempt, S., Vermetten, E., de Groen, J. h. m., & Westenberg, h. g. m. (1994). Slaapafwijkingen bij posttraumatische stressstoornis. Harvard review of psychiatry, 49, 629-638. Retrieved from http:// informahealthcare.com/doi/abs/10.3109/10673229409017088
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Ggzrichtlijnen (2011), consulted on 21 april 2012 via http://www.ggzrichtlijnen.nl/index.php?pagina=/ richtlijn/item/pagina.php&richtlijn_id=35
Padt, Ruhe, Cremers, & Derks. (n.d.). E-130-Eindopdracht-handleiding-SP-10.
Project Air via http://www.project-air.org
The Trauma Center, Brookline, MA via http://www.traumacenter.org/clients/yoga_svcs.php
This article in Dutch: wanneer je lichaam spreekt | <urn:uuid:38b7f3e7-cab9-4f73-8d21-28a75aec8816> | {
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The skin of the face is quite delicate, apart from being that most shows, which must protect and give care that need to see us beautiful and young people for a longer time. There are 3 fundamental steps in cleaning and daily care of the skin of the face: clean, tone and moisturize. And other steps that are performed between 1 and 3 times a week, like exfoliate and wear a mask to your skin type. Also there to protect the skin of other harmful agents as it is the Sun, since it severely damaged skin and can cause irreparable damage. First need to know what type of skin we have, to determine so type products are that will help you achieve a clean, radiant skin.
There are several types of skin: Normal skin dry skin oily skin skin sensitive skin mixed skin Normal the normal skin is a soft, pink and supple skin that looks clean of impurities. Normal skin shows no dry areas or glitters and pores are not visible. The dry skin dry skin produces little sebum and its state of dryness is exacerbated with the environment (cold, Sun and wind), so it is very important to keep well hydrated and avoid strong soaps. Dry skin has a rough appearance and somewhat easily, producing a sensation of tightness. This type of skin is more prone to wrinkles.
Oily skin oily skin is thick and produces too much sebum, which leads to open pores and skin impurities like pimples and acne. An oily skin will be bright. However, this type of skin has something good, and it is that you kept young and wrinkle-free for longer. This type of skin should always be kept clean, but not too dry. Sensitive skin sensitive skin is very delicate and prone to allergic reactions. It is also somewhat dry. Many factors may worsen this type of skin, such as changes in temperature or cosmetics abrasive, leaving a red, irritated skin. People who have sensitive skin should not use products with alcohol. Sensitive skin can be also an oily or dry skin. For cleansing and care of sensitive skin, will have to only use specific products for this type of skin. Mixed skin mixed tends to manifest itself with the zone (forehead, nose and Chin), fat T but the rest of the face is shown normal or somewhat dry. This type of skin is harder to care for due to their characteristics. | <urn:uuid:525480d6-8b4a-46b4-a76d-d666dd3325f4> | {
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As we mark National Lighthouse Day, we hear about the technology that saved lives and built empires.
If you were to rewind 224 years, on this day Congress would have just approved an act, that on its face seemed fairly run-of-the-mill, but would invariably change America’s coastlines, render shipping more reliable and even alter the course of a major war.
It was an "Act for the Establishment and Support of Lighthouses, Beacons, Buoys and Public Piers" – and it marked the first commission of a federal lighthouse and funding to for improved lighting along the new nation’s coasts. Two hundred years later, Congress would approve another act – this one marking August 7th as National Lighthouse Day, which we celebrate today.
Milwaukee received some of this federal funding to construct its first lighthouse in 1838 at the east end of what’s now East Wisconsin Avenue. It would be replaced by the North Point Light House in 1855.
Both of these local lighthouses boasted the latest in lighthouse technology in their lantern houses - the Fresnel lens.
It was named for its creator – French physicist Augustin Fresnel, and it allowed for much brighter lights that could be seen for greater distances.
How Fresnel came to revolutionize lighthouses around the world is documented in the new book, A Short Bright Flash: Augustin Fresnel and the Birth of the Modern Lighthouse, by author Theresa Levitt.
"When people think about the engineering marvel of a lighthouse, they often think of these big stone towers going up, but in fact it was the lenses inside of them that were the engineering masterpiece," Levitt says.
Fresnel was the brilliant 19th-century French theoretical physicist whose ingenious prism lens design revolutionized lighthouses and influenced the course of history. As Levitt explains, Fresnel “completely reworked the theory of how light worked,” in realizing that light works not just like a particle but also like a wave.
Armed with this discovery, Fresnel dedicated his life, cut short though it was by tuberculosis, to implementing his designs up and down the coasts of Europe and America. He faced critics and obstacles, from laborious manufacturing and exorbitant costs, and spent years working to replace antiquated mirrored lighthouse lights with his new prismatic lenses.
Before Fresnel’s invention, lighthouses could be seen no more than five to eight miles out, often not far enough away to warn sailors of dangerous shoals and rocks. With prism lenses to focus their light, however, lighthouses could be seen anywhere from twenty to forty miles out, making seafaring trade and exploration both safer and more efficient.
Fresnel’s advancements in lighthouse technology played important roles in historical events, most notably the American Civil War. When Union ships blockaded the Confederate coast, Confederate soldiers responded by dismantling off their powerful new lighthouses and effectively obscuring the shore.
Though he did not live a long life, Fresnel made a lasting contribution to physics and to society, as a whole, with his groundbreaking understanding of light as waves and realization that it could be harnessed so efficiently by prismatic lenses. All in all, Levitt says, lighthouses “really do become iconic as this idea of the public good, something which is really there to benefit everybody.” | <urn:uuid:0c2bc3a7-0653-4118-a398-01780c5a09af> | {
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Created on Saturday, 27 April 2013 Written by THE BELLEFONTAINE EXAMINER STAFF
Employees of Liberty National Bank presented a savings lesson to Northeastern Elementary third-graders this week in recognition of National Teach Children to Save Day.
The local employees joined thousands of bankers across the country who participated in the financial education program through the American Bankers Association Education Foundation.
“Studies show that kids aren’t learning the skills they need to make smart financial decisions as adults,” said Heather Cox, Liberty National Bank AVP/Director of Marketing. “Communities and schools teach other life skills, such as driving a car, but we don’t spend enough time teaching financial skills. Bankers are in the schools today to help fill that gap and prepare future customers for financial success.”
The presentation included games and activities about the concept of saving, how interest makes money grow, how to budget and determining needs and wants.
Since the National Teach Children to Save Day began in 1997, thousands of bankers have taught money skills to more than one million students.
Liberty National Bank offers the following tips for parents to reinforce the concepts:
• Help children open up their own bank savings account and make deposits regularly.
• Children love to get mail, so encourage them to keep an eye out for their monthly statement.
• Talk to your child about the family budget and include a discussion on wants and needs. Reinforce this by budgeting for a family outing or purchase.
• Show your child how an ATM machine works and explain that to take money out of the bank, you must first put it in.
• Give them positive feedback. As they get older, give them responsibility over how they spend their money. | <urn:uuid:187d35aa-3263-4082-a9fe-f0bed4c78d2f> | {
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To keep yourself safe on the road in winter weather, follow these driving tips:
- Winterize your vehicle to make sure your brakes, wipers, defroster, headlights and heater are all working properly.
- Stop gently to avoid skidding. If your wheels start to lock up, ease off the brake.
- Turn on your headlights to increase your visibility to other motorists, and keep your lights clean and free of ice or debris.
- In unfavorable driving conditions, reduce your speed and increase the distance between your car and the one in front of you. Remember that it takes more time to stop on icy roads.
- Stay alert. Look ahead to give yourself more time to react safely to situations without suddenly braking or skidding.
- Before driving, clear snow and ice from your vehicle's hood, windows and roof.
- Use snow or all-season tires or chains for better traction and smoother slowing. But remember that regeardless of the tires you use, no tire allows you to drive on snow or ice at normal speeds.
- Take extra precautions on bridges, overpasses and shaded areas, which can freeze first and remain icy longer than roadways do. A road on which ice and snow are completely frozen is pretty slippery, even though it provides more traction than a road with melting ice.
- In wet driving conditions avoid driving faster than the windshield wipers can clear water from the windshield. Make sure your wiper blades are in good shape and replace them yearly.
- Equip your car with emergency supplies, such as a blanket, food, water, spare fuses, a flashlight with batteries, an ice scraper, flares and a first-aid kit.
Also of interest: Quiz: Are you a smart driver?
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|ELIZABETH OF PORTUGAL: 'FOR, IN HER IS A SPIRIT INTELLIGENT, HOLY, UNIQUE'|
|Maria J. Cirurgiao and Michael D. Hull
before July 4th came to commemorate Western civilization's great experiment in
democracy and America's birthday, the date was principally associated with the
name of one of the most extraordinary women in history—St. Elizabeth of
Portugal. She died on July 4th, and thus her name marks this date on the Church
calendar, silently attesting to the existence of a woman who, in her passage
through this earth, had it all and turned it all to good.
From powerful monarchs to outcast lepers, many lives were touched and healed by the 13thcentury princess, child bride, queen, wife, and mother. Yet too few people, even among Catholics, are acquainted with her. The definitive biography of St. Elizabeth has yet to be written, but persistent searches of archival sources have yielded valuable documents that, added to what is commonly known of her life, present us with a portrait of a woman whose spiritual depths, intellectual stature, and human presence force us to revise any notions we may have formed about medieval women in high places.
Princess Elizabeth (Isabel) of Aragon, who became the queen of King Dinis of Portugal, and ultimately was raised to the honors of the altar as St. Elizabeth of Portugal, was born in Saragossa, Spain, around 1271. The daughter of King Pedro III of Aragon and Queen Constanza, she was named for her great-aunt St. Elizabeth of Hungary. Elizabeth grew up in a family of six brothers and sisters. Her childhood days were regularly divided between her studies, her sewing, her prayers—kneeling, she accompanied her chaplain at the Divine Office on a daily basis—and recreation. She was deemed a great beauty, very early in life.
Before Elizabeth entered her teen years, several European monarchs sought her hand. King Edward IV of England solicited her for his son, the crown prince, as did the king of Sicily, the king of France, and others. As was the custom, Elizabeth's parents weighed the political advantages of each proposed match. The greatest benefit, they concluded, would ensue from a matrimonial alliance with King Dinis of Portugal. Elizabeth became his wife, by proxy. She was around 12 years of age, while King Dinis was 20.
One cannot help but wonder how much the young princess understood of the document she signed, to be delivered to a man she had never met. It read, "I, Elizabeth, daughter of the Most Illustrious Don Pedro, by the grace of God king of Aragon, hereby bestow my body as the legitimate wife of Dom Dinis, king of Portugal and of the Algarve, in his absence as if he were present...."
A year and a half later, in June 1282, Elizabeth arrived in Portugal to start her new life as wife and queen.
A Lack of Domestic Tranquility
Chroniclers are in accord over the delight with which her subjects greeted their enchanting new queen. She was hardly more than a child, but in her bearing they detected already virtues that boded well for the nation. Was her husband equally enchanted? It is difficult to say. Life in the Middle Ages was not conducive to domestic tranquility in a royal household. Effective government in those times of poor communications demanded that a ruler maintain contact with his subjects by touring his lands. Transportation was cumbersome, usually by mule, and a king would lodge, along with his retinue, at the residence of one of his vassals. There the king would hear lawsuits, establish laws, and deal with other administrative issues. The queen had her own house, or houses. Knowing this affords us some insight into the fact that Elizabeth had only two children by her young and virile husband, who fathered an additional seven children—one chronicler says nine—by a number of other women. Elizabeth's daughter, Constanza, was born after the couple had been married for eight years, and Afonso, the crown prince, a year later.
While we may feel outraged at the undeserved betrayal of the young Elizabeth, she never sought the pity of those around her: There is no record of her showing jealousy or condemning her husband's behavior. Elizabeth shielded her wounds from prying eyes. A legend survives that, late one night, as the king was returning to her quarters, she sent some pages to meet him with lighted torches, and with this message: "We have come, your lordship, to light your course, for unseeing you go straying off these paths." Biographers maintain, however, that the legend jars with the character of Elizabeth. She, who never did address a word of reproach to her husband in front of witnesses, would certainly not do it through her pages.
But we ought not to suppose that Elizabeth never remonstrated in private with the man who so flagrantly broke his marriage vows. Elizabeth's natural emotions were not impaired, nor are great saints made in a vacuum of human passions. Fortunately for us, King Dinis was a gifted poet and his poetry has been preserved. We can turn to it for evidence that the "troubadour king," as Dinis is known in literary circles, was fully aware of the treasure he had in a wife who covered his sins. In one particular poem, one of 72 courtly love songs addressed to a variety of ladies, real or imaginary, we find these self-reflective lines which amount to a veritable examination of conscience:
I don't know how to justify myself to my lady,
Thoughts of Elizabeth's excellence did clearly make their way into her husband's verse. But for a substantial appreciation of her unique qualities we need to look elsewhere. A book survives from the 14th century, relating facts of the "worthy life" of the holy queen, thus attesting that centuries before she was canonized—in 1625, by Pope Urban VIII—and long before the invention of the printing press, her life, her person, and her accomplishments were held to have been extraordinary and to warrant a written record.
The Immaculate Conception
Elizabeth's Christian faith informed every aspect of her existence. She surrounded herself with a number of chaplains, and every day she recited, and sang, the Liturgy of the Hours with them. And if one of them ever misread the Latin in her presence, Elizabeth quickly corrected him, for she herself knew Latin as thoroughly as she knew the vernacular.
One can only speculate as to how much time a queen—this particular queen, at any rate—could devote to reading or studying. But it was Elizabeth who, in 1320, obtained of the bishop of Coimbra a formal proclamation establishing the celebration of the Immaculate Conception of Mary on Dec. 8th from Coimbra, the solemn observance was extended to the whole country. Considering the prolonged and bewildering medieval controversy on the subject of the Immaculate Conception, and keeping in mind that it was during Elizabeth's lifetime that the Franciscan "Subtle Doctor" Duns Scotus (1266-1308) answered the theological difficulties of this doctrine, we may conclude that Queen Elizabeth was well-informed as to major happenings in academic circles abroad. (Pope John Paul II beatified Duns Scotus on March 20th, 1993.)
While Elizabeth's mastery of languages, and singing, may be explained by the careful education she received as a young child, more difficult to explain is her remarkable understanding of engineering and architecture. A number of buildings were erected under her direct supervision—a convent to house the Poor Clare nuns, a house for herself next to the convent, a hospice for the aged poor, a hospital, an orphanage for foundlings and other needy newborns, and churches that, although dilapidated in some cases, are still standing. She drafted the sketches herself, and managed the day-to-day progress of the projects. Twentieth-century scholars have identified the buildings that date back to Elizabeth by their common architectural features, and have concluded that she developed her own style. It has been given a name, the <isabeline> (from Isabel) style of architecture.
Flowers And Gold Coins
Elizabeth paid regular visits to the construction sites, to clarify or correct the difficult points of her drawings. The men listened to her in rapt attention, amazed at the extent of her knowledge, that 14thcentury book says. From Elizabeth's particular involvement in the building trade, a charming legend was born.
The queen had a dream one night in which God asked her to build a church dedicated to the Holy Spirit. The next morning, she had one of her chaplains celebrate Mass, and while attending the Holy Sacrifice she received further clarification.
She ordered a construction crew to be assembled and brought to her.
She told them of the plan, and specified the site for the church. The workmen went to the location, and could not believe their eyes: The foundation was already poured, and the sketches for the church were waiting for them. The men went to work and, as usual, the queen paid regular visits.
One day, while Elizabeth was supervising the work, a girl walked up to her to offer an armful of flowers. The queen took them and distributed them, one by one, to each workman:
"Let us see if today you will work hard and well for this pay," she quipped.
Each worker graciously accepted his flower, and reverently put it in his satchel. When the day's work was done, each man found not a flower in his satchel, but a gold coin.
Elizabeth ran out of cash before the church was completed, and was troubled. Unexpectedly, she received a visit from her husband, who told her to proceed with all due speed because he would make available from his own resources whatever she might need.
Elizabeth's biographers cannot verify the story of the gold coins, nor any other mysterious detail of this legend. It seems certain, however, that a Church of the Holy Spirit was completed, and inaugurated with great solemnity, during the reign of Dinis and Elizabeth. The royal couple created a Confraternity of the Holy Spirit at the time.
Despite Dinis' infidelity, Elizabeth knew the inner, God-fearing man. Indeed, he was the first Portuguese king to introduce the custom of general prayer, at canonic hours, in his residence, and it was on his initiative that a permanent chapel was installed in the palace where Mass could be celebrated regularly.
A Divided Household
Elizabeth remained Dinis' tender and loyal wife, and she obediently acceded to his will, even when he asked of her the utmost that any man could request of his wife: that she take into her care, and tutor, his illegitimate children. He admired her intellect, and rightly judged that no one better could be found to teach his children. He also judged rightly that Elizabeth's superior virtues would prevent her from turning her back on a call to do the heroic. Elizabeth saw God in the other, and the other encompassed her husband's illegitimate children.
But a far heavier cross awaited Elizabeth. As the children, legitimate and illegitimate, grew into adulthood, the peace of the realm disintegrated. The perpetrator was her own beloved son, Afonso, the heir. He was morbidly jealous of one of his half-brothers whom, he perceived, the father doted on, and chafed at having to wait for the throne. So Afonso led a revolt against his own father.
Civil war became imminent, several times, as Afonso allied himself with certain elements of the Spanish kingdom of Castile, who were only too willing to help him overthrow his father. The threat was real, and it fell to Elizabeth to mediate peace between the two men closest to her heart, husband and son, each of whom led an army.
Astoundingly, the first time that she intervened to help her son escape the consequences of his rebellion, Dinis exiled her to the fortified city' of Alenquer, forbidding her to leave the city walls. It must be said, in fairness to King Dinis, that he had been misinformed by evil tongues and had been led to believe that Elizabeth herself had counseled Afonso to rebel. Political intrigue has always been one of the hazards of court life.
Although innocent, Elizabeth obediently accepted the confinement. But upon receiving offers of assistance from a number of noblemen, who professed outrage at the injustice she had suffered and offered to rescue her, she answered them as their queen: "My primary obligation, and the obligation of all the vassals, is to obey the commands of the king, our lord."
The Angel Of Peace
Unjust sequestration is a well-known feature of the lives of most great saints, and Elizabeth was no exception. She stayed in exile until news came that the hostilities between her husband and son had heated anew. Afonso had secured additional military help from Castile, and his father had responded by greatly reinforcing his own army. The whole country—as well as her family—was in peril, so Elizabeth did abandon then her place of exile and rode for days, to mediate peace between the two men bent on destruction.
It was a scene that, with a number of variants, was repeated over and over: agreements made, agreements broken, armies on the move, and an exhausted, heartbroken Elizabeth riding out to valiantly face the warring parties, imploring, negotiating. Her biographers have dubbed her the "Angel of Peace." When he was on his deathbed, King Dinis called Afonso to his side, and entrusted Elizabeth to his care:
"Look after your mother and my lady, the queen, for she remains alone. Stand by her, as is your duty.... Think that having given you life, and for the many tears you have cost her, she is twice your mother."
In his peculiar way, Dinis held his queen in the highest esteem. He named her executor of his last will and testament, in which he made provision for the payment of all his debts, "having in mind God's Judgment," and for the disposition of castles, towns, and endowments to churches. But the king's highest praise of his wife is found, perhaps, in one of his poems:
Seeing as God made you without peer
A Kingdom Of Justice
Dinis, one of Portugal's best-loved monarchs, died in February, 1325 at the age of 63, but not without taking leave also of his bastard children. The queen, who nursed him herself and stayed by his bedside day and night, led them to their dying father for his last blessing. Upon Dinis' death, Elizabeth removed her court dress and thereafter refused to wear anything but the habit of the Franciscan Tertiary order. She took up residence next to the convent of the Poor Clares, which she had founded and subsidized. It was then that the widowed queen founded a hospital near the convent, and named it after St. Elizabeth of Hungary. On a daily basis, Elizabeth worked in caring for the sick, often choosing for herself the most distasteful tasks.
Queen Elizabeth outlived her husband by 12 years. Mourning his death intensely, she said, "I have always beseeched our Lord to kindly spare me the bitterness of surviving the king, my lord. I have wished him a long life, for the good and well-being of the people."
Elizabeth always looked beyond herself, for she loved her subjects dearly. And she knew that they had also greatly loved her husband, who had taken radical measures to improve their lot. He had transformed agriculture, worked at increasing literacy, and, like Elizabeth, was moved by a deep need to see that justice prevailed in his kingdom. A striking feature of written accounts of Dinis' and Elizabeth's reign, which even the most casual reader of medieval histories cannot fail to notice, is the total absence of that "off with their heads" syndrome of medieval monarchic power, so prevalent elsewhere. When Dinis issued in 1309 a charter of privileges to the university he had founded, he began with a statement of intent: He officially established his university, he wrote, in order that his kingdom should be not only adorned with arms, but also armed with just and fair laws.
Elizabeth was of one mind with her husband, in matters of justice for her subjects. Recent researches have turned up five official documents issued by the Papal See at Avignon, attending to Elizabeth's written requests for the appointments of persons with law credentials to important posts. Scholars wonder how many other such documents lie still buried in archives.
Nor did she abide by the belief that rank has privileges and excuses injustices. Still preserved is an interesting letter that Elizabeth wrote to her brother, the king of Aragon, demanding in no uncertain terms that he pay a large debt in full. The amount was owed to a certain woman who, understandably, shrank at the prospect of seeking satisfaction from a king. "Know ye, my brother," starts Elizabeth, bypassing the niceties of usual greetings and proceeding directly to inform him, in harsh language, that the letter-bearer will not leave Aragon without the full amount in cash, and placing a time limit on her demand.
St. Elizabeth brooked no injustice, provided that reparation was within her means. "God made me queen so that I may serve others," was the way she used to cut short any attempts to laud her generosity.
A Wounded Leper
Some of Elizabeth's acts of charity are so sublime that one almost shies away from mentioning them, for fear of trespassing on the sacred. The following case is related in the above-mentioned 14th-century book, where it is stated that it was attested to under oath, before the bishop of Lisbon.
It was Good Friday and Queen Elizabeth, as was her custom on that day, had a number of lepers brought to her in private, through a secluded door. She used to do this because the law forbade them to approach her residence, for fear of contagion. But Elizabeth saw God in the lepers, too.
After serving them a meal, the queen washed them with her own hands, bandaged their wounds, and replaced their rags with clean clothes. Then, having filled their purses, she dismissed them. But one of those unfortunates was in such a state of deterioration that, unable to keep pace with the group, he became disoriented and ended up at the main entrance. The doorkeeper, who knew nothing of his queen's secret works of mercy, yelled at the sick man and hit him on the head with a stick.
One of the queen's ladies-in-waiting was watching from a window and reported the incident to Elizabeth, informing her that the wounded man was bleeding profusely. Elizabeth immediately took measures to have the leper removed to a secluded room, where she managed to attend to him. She washed the gash on his skull, and applied egg-white before bandaging it. When, the next day, the leper announced that he had no more pain, that the wound was closed and healed, the rumor spread that the queen performed miracles.
Doctors have commented on this episode. If St. Elizabeth's touch was not miraculous, her knowledge of medicine certainly appears to have been. She lived in an age when healing practices consisted, essentially, in astrological prognostications. And yet, now that we know about the protein and fibrinogenic components in egg-white, it can be said that, in the absence of all other aids, it is the most effective remedy for a bleeding wound.
In 1779, the Portuguese Academy of Sciences chose St. Elizabeth as its patron saint.
Queen Elizabeth died on July 4th, 1336. She was 65 years of age, perhaps somewhat older, and had incorporated into her passage through this earth prayers, sacrifices, interventions for peace among monarchs, acts of worship, and works of mercy too numerous to mention in this brief piece. Almost three centuries after her death, His Holiness Pope Urban VIII inexplicably broke his reported vow that there would be no canonizations during his Pontificate: He canonized St. Elizabeth of Portugal on Holy Trinity Sunday, May 25th, 1625.
Little has been written in English about St. Elizabeth, yet she is a timeless role model for women everywhere. Because she moved with equal ease among powerful rulers and among the least of the least, and in passing blessed them all, because there appears to have been no task that fell outside the realm of her competence and she won over situations that would paralyze most men and women, her significance is universal.
We ought not to forget her, and God has ensured this in the land she blessed, where her body remains incorrupt. Reposing in the Church of St. Clare at Coimbra, her elaborate coffin has been opened several times through the centuries as recently as 1912. The teams of examiners, invariably composed of doctors and Church officials, consistently reported that St. Elizabeth remains intact, as beautiful and serene as if she merely slept.
This article was taken from the July 4, 1996 issue of "The Wanderer," 201 Ohio Street, St. Paul, MN 55107, 612-224-5733. Subscription Price: $35.00 per year; six months $20.00.
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Are Anti-Depressants Over-Prescribed?
ARE anti-depressants over-prescribed.
Stephen Lawrie, Head of the Division of Psychiatry, Professor of Psychiatry and Neuro-Imaging, Director of PsySTAR at University of Edinburgh, takes a view in The Conversation:
There is a persistent media hype surrounding the notion that the prescription of antidepressants is “at record levels”, and “on the rise”. Yet numerous studies have shown that most people with depression do not get any treatment. How can both be true?
To approach this question, we must begin by understanding what depression is. We need to appreciate how common, disabling, and yet stigmatised it can be. We should also consider what effective treatments are available for depression, what other conditions antidepressants are prescribed for, and how antidepressants are prescribed and monitored.
Depression is an ambiguous term, but when we speak of it as an illness there is a clear definition. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has diagnostic criteria for what is called “clinical depression”. Based on the WHO definitions, clinical depression affects about 5% of the population at any point in time, and lasts for an average of six months.
People who are pervasively sad or unable to enjoy their usual activities for two weeks or more can be diagnosed with clinical depression. They will also have a number of other symptoms such as loss of energy, restlessness, sleep and appetite disturbance, poor concentration, self critical thoughts, feelings of hopelessness, and suicidal ideas.
If a person has four of these symptoms in total for a fortnight or more, they can be diagnosed with “mild depression”. Six symptoms in total indicates “moderate depression”, and eight or more symptoms yields a diagnosis of “severe depression”. People with mild to moderate depression may be able to work, but will probably be less productive than usual. They may be able to “tough it out” and wait for spontaneous improvement if work colleagues, friends and family are supportive.
People with moderate to severe depression tend to be unable to work, and may be ill for a year or more. Depression also has a tendency to recur, and is associated with increased mortality from accidents, suicide, alcohol misuse, and physical diseases. According to the WHO Global Burden of Disease Study, depression is the single most disabling condition affecting humankind. To put this in perspective, depression causes as much misery and impairment as all cancers put together.
People often receive these figures with scepticism, and responses like, “But I don’t know anyone with depression!”. Unfortunately, all of us probably do know someone with depression – it’s just they may not have spoken to us about it.
Stephen Lawrie is Head of Psychiatry at the University of Edinburgh and an Honorary Consultant Psychiatrists with Lothian Health Board. As Director of the Scottish Mental Health Research network he has co-ordinated clinical trials of new drugs for schizophrenia, but none for depression. He has also spoken at educational events and done consultancy work for Janssen and Roche in connection with schizophrenia, but not for depression. He currently receives research funding from the Medical Research Foundation, the Medical Research Council, the Wellcome Trust and the European Union. | <urn:uuid:4cc29216-f7a8-4e56-87fd-a0c83faee739> | {
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Secession Convention to Houston,
March 12, 1861
Sam Houston's ardent stand in favor of the Union made him an increasingly controversial figure as the pressures that would lead to the Civil War grew greater. Some Southerners even considered him a traitor. And as the firestorm of secession swept the South in the wake of the election of Abraham Lincoln as president, Houston stood firm in favor of Texas remaining in the Union. He predicted, correctly as it turned out, that a civil war would lead to a victory by the North and ruin for the South.
Events moved too quickly for Houston to control. One by one his efforts to cool the situation failed. The Texas legislature called a convention, which on February 1, 1861, approved the Ordinance of Secession. The issue was not quite settled. In 1845, Texans had voted to join the Union, and in 1861, Texas held a popular referendum on the secession question. It passed overwhelmingly on February 23. In the meantime, the convention had been busy, seizing federal arsenals in San Antonio and elsewhere.
The Secession Convention reassembled on March 5, declared Texas independent, took further steps to join it to the Confederacy, and reorganized the state's government. In doing this it declared that all current officeholders must swear a loyalty oath to the Confederacy. Sam Houston refused, and on March 16 the convention removed him from office.
This message from the Convention, just four days before Houston was forced from office, shows the continuing tug-of-war for control of the state's machinery of government between Houston and the Convention.
Resolved that His Excellency
Adopted in Convention at
Secy to the Convention
Secession Convention to Houston, March 12, 1861, Records of Sam Houston, Texas Office of the Governor, Archives and Information Services Division, Texas State Library and Archives Commission. | <urn:uuid:f910da5a-b89e-4559-af67-0694056eedf2> | {
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“Get the medics! Get the medics!” Coaches frantically yell as they hurry to the pitcher’s mound in the middle of a baseball game. A pitcher has just been struck in the head with a baseball from a line drive of a powerful swing. With nothing but the cotton fabric hat to protect his head, he suffered a cracked skull and life threatening brain injuries. (Not uncommon among professional athletes, even those that endorse health and nutrition companies)
This traumatic incident could have been prevented if the player had been wearing special padding inside his baseball cap. In order to protect Major League Baseball pitchers from serious and potentially fatal accidents, they all should be required to wear a protective padding inside their cap.
Over the past few decades, the sport of baseball has evolved with players hitting harder and pitchers throwing faster. Most baseball fans and players would believe that there is no problem with this. However, with an improved game and a faster, more athletic presence, there must be improvements with the safety. All catchers are required to wear protective head gear to shield their head and face from a baseball fouling off a bat.
The reason for these protective devices is because when a ball is fouled off a hitter, it is only a matter of milliseconds that the ball travels from the bat to their face. This leaves essentially no time for the catcher to react.
Without a protective helmet, catchers would sustain serious injuries all the time. The same scenario goes for the umpires positioned just feet behind the catcher behind home base. They also wear a protective mask to shield from the ball. So, how does the catcher and umpire relate to a pitcher standing yards away in the opposite direction?
Although the pitcher is yards away, after the bat initiates contact with the ball, the force of the ball is almost doubled in the opposite direction. This means that if the average pitch is hurled at around 91 miles per hour (mph), that the ball will be propelled in the direction of the swing of the bat in speeds exceeding 150 mph. A ball traveling at this speed can cover 60 feet, six inches (the distance between home plate and the pitchers mound) in less than 4 tenths of a second (Ellwood, 2012). That is faster than it took you to read the first four words in this sentence.
As a pitcher in this situation, there is no reaction time to move out of the way of a line drive aimed right at your forehead. That being said, there is no safety equipment required to be worn to protect a pitchers head and face.
According to James Weinbaum (2012) on his article published on ESPN’s website, Unequal Technologies’ Company has designed a prototype of a foam padded liner that fits inside a standard baseball cap. The protective liner is 1/8th of an inch thick, weighs less than 5 ounces, and is made of a three layer synthetic composite which includes military grade Kevlar material. The company ensures the padding will greatly reduce the impact of a line driven baseball.
Reports say that there are a few other companies such as EvoShield that are working on similar prototypes. Regardless of which company the League chooses, the added protection to the pitchers could be the difference between a severe brain injury and a mild concussion. With this knowledge, a baseball pitcher will be more comfortable when pitching. Rather than being hesitant and worried about taking a hit off the dome, they can focus on delivering the desired pitch.
In one incident, a high school baseball player was struck in the head with a line drive hit. His injuries were so severe that he went into a coma. Doctors had to remove part of his skull to relieve the swelling of his brain (“Facemasks for Pitchers?” 2010). After weeks of recovery, a debate occurred on the importance of protecting the head of pitchers. (Read the full here)
Another college player, Todd Troup, reported a similar story. He spoke with ABC Channel 7 News in San Francisco telling them about his experience getting hit in the head. “And it knocked me out. I was only out for about a minute or so and the team helped me up and off the field and called an ambulance right away. Long story short, I had bleeding on the brain.
I went into surgery for six hours that night and made it through obviously,” said Troup (“Facemasks for Pitchers?” 2010). As said by Steve Henson (2010) “Frederick Mueller, a University of North Carolina professor and chairman of USA Baseball medical/safety advisory committee, said an average of one serious injury or death from high school and college pitchers being struck in the head by line drives has occurred since 1982.”
When asked by FinishUp what his post-college plans were, he responded “no comment”.
The list did not include youth leagues. One might notice that these stories involve amateur baseball players who are not as experienced as Major League Baseball (MLB) players. So, do these accidents happen in the MLB as well? According to James Wagner (2012), “McCarthy, an Oakland Athletics starter, required two hours of surgery after suffering an epidural hemorrhage, brain contusion and skull fracture when he was hit on the right side of the head by a line drive while pitching Sept. 5. He is expected to return to the mound next season.
During Game 2 of the World Series, Detroit Tigers starter Doug Fister was also hit on the head with a liner, and he remained in the game to pitch.” Evidence shows that not only is this a threat for amateur pitchers, but even the best, highly trained, most experienced pitchers of the Major Leagues.
It is an accident that has happened, and will undoubtedly continue to occur. Without a logical way to prevent it from happening, the next step to take is to protect the pitcher with safety equipment so that when he does get struck with the ball, the damage is less severe.
In order to protect these vulnerable pitchers, administrators of the Major League Baseball are proposing and discussing to require all pitchers to wear a protective lining inside their caps. Some pitchers have tested these prototypes and claim that the extra padding would be too uncomfortable. But it would only take one accident to happen for a pitcher to quickly change his mind.
In Weinbaum’s ESPN article (2012), He discussed the matter with former Boston Red Sox pitcher Bryce Florie, who was struck in the face and eye by a liner in 2000. Florie suffered broken bones and retinal damage. “Florie says he’d be in favor of a padded cap as a start and that his episode got him thinking about more drastic protection.
‘The day before I was hit, I’d say no way I’d want to wear a mask. The day after? Yes, I would’ve,’ Florie said.” According to Mike Oliver, executive director of the National Operating Committee on Standards for Athletic Equipment, “The old saw in the industry is a little more (protection) is better than a little less.” (Weinbaum, 2012).
If there can be a design made that is very comfortable for pitchers to wear, to the extent that they might not even realize its presence, requiring all pitchers to wear it would be revolutionary. As said in Steve Henson’s article (2010), “The point isn’t that head injuries to pitchers are widespread, it’s that they are so often catastrophic.”
This supports a great point that although the accidents may not happen a lot compared to other sporting injuries, when they do happen, they are often more severe. A little protection would do a lot of good to protect a pitcher. One might wonder why it has taken this long to even consider protective headwear for MLB pitchers. Just like having the best cockroach killer isn’t a requirement for people living in Alaska, it’s still a good idea and many people do it anyways.
According to James Wagner (2012), Gary Green, the MLB’s medical director said, “Since we started looking at the concussions a few years ago, we’ve actually been talking about this and looking for products. But unfortunately there has not been any product that can withstand the impact at the major league level.
And I think the fact that we’ve had several in the last two years has really given us more impetus to see if we can get this developed quicker.” The MLB needs to make this issue a priority and choose the most comfortable and efficient design as soon as possible.
Baseball officials are hoping to at least have a design available for pitchers before the next season (2013) that would be optional for them to wear (Wagner, 2012).
Overall, with the increased intensity of the game, and the catastrophic injuries that have occurred in the past, Major League Baseball players should be required to wear protective foam to protect their heads. Instead of waiting for another MLB pitcher to be severely injured or killed before changing the safety equipment regulations, the League should implement and require these protective hat liners for pitchers immediately to prevent any more serious injuries.
Ellwood, Peter. “Pitching Mechanics and MLB Hitter Reaction Times.” Shutdown Inning. N.p., 3 May 2012. Web. 20 Mar. 2013.
“Facemasks for Pitchers? Accident Ignites Debate.” ABC Channel 7 News. N.p., 18 Mar. 2010. Web. 20 Mar. 2013.
Henson, Steve. “Pitcher head injuries to trigger cry for protection.” YAHOO! Sports. YAHOO!, 28 May 2010. Web. 20 Mar. 2013.
Wagner, James. “MLB seeks head gear that pitchers will be willing to wear.” The Washington Post. N.p., 17 Dec. 2012. Web. 20 Mar. 2013.
Weinbaum, William. “Pitchers to try out padded caps.” ESPN.com. ESPN, 17 Dec. 2012. Web. 20 Mar. 2013. | <urn:uuid:2f6563d2-b133-4a24-8ffb-5dfb7523ea6b> | {
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An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Hadrian (A.D. 117-138)
Herbert W. Benario
Introduction and Sources
"During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered and is still felt by the nations of the earth."
So Edward Gibbon concluded the first paragraph of his massive The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, referring to a period which he also styled the happiest of mankind's history. Hadrian was the central figure of these "five good emperors," the one most responsible for changing the character and nature of the empire. He was also one of the most remarkable and talented individuals Rome ever produced.
The sources for a study of Hadrian are varied. There is no major historian for his reign, such as Tacitus or Livy. The chief literary sources are the biography in the Historia Augusta, the first surviving life in a series intended to continue Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars.[] Debate about this collection of imperial biographies has been heated and contentious for more than a century. The most convincing view is that which sees the whole as the work of a single author writing in the last years of the fourth century. The information offered ranges from the precisely accurate to the most wildly imaginative.[]
Cassius Dio, who wrote in the decade of the 230s, produced a long history of the empire which has survived, for the Hadrianic period, only in an abbreviated version.[] Fourth century historians, such as Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, occasionally furnish bits of information. Contemporaries or near-contemporaries of Hadrian, such as Arrian, Fronto, Pausanias, and Plutarch, are also useful. Papyri, inscriptions, coins, and legal writings are extremely important. Archaeology in all its aspects contributes mightily to any attempt to probe the character of a man and emperor whose personality and thoughts defy close analysis and understanding.
Early Life and Career
Hadrian was born on January 24, 76. Where he saw the light of day was, even in antiquity, matter for debate. Italica, in Hispania Baetica, was the birthplace of Trajan and was also considered that of Hadrian. But the HA reports that he was born in Rome, and that seems the more likely choice, since it is the more unexpected. The actual place of one's birth was, however, unimportant, since it was one's patria which was crucial. Hadrian's ancestors had come to Spain generations before, from the town of Hadria in Picenum, at the end of the Second Punic War. Italica's tribus, to which Hadrian belonged, was the Sergia. His father, P. Aelius Afer, had reached the praetorship by the time of his death in 85/86, his mother, Domitia Paulina, came from a distinguished family of Gades, one of the wealthiest cities in the empire. His sister Paulina married Servianus, who played a significant role in Hadrian's career. Trajan was the father's cousin; when Afer died, Trajan and P. Acilius Attianus, likewise of Italica, became Hadrian's guardians.[]
At the age of about ten, Hadrian went to Italica for the first time (or returned, if he had been there earlier in his childhood), where he remained for only a brief time. He then returned to the capital and soon began a rapid rise through the cursus honorum; he was a military tribune of three different legions in consecutive years, a series of appointments which clearly marked him for a military career, and reached the consulate as a suffect at the age of 32, the earliest possible under the principate. At Trajan's death, he was legate of the province of Syria, with responsibility for the security of the east in the aftermath of Trajan's Parthian War.
His career as a privatus follows:
decemvir stlitibus iudicandis
sevir turmae equitum Romanorum
praefectus urbi feriarum Latinarum
trib. militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia inferior)
trib. militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia inferior)
trib. militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in Germania superior)
ab actis senatus
tribunus plebis (105)
legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in Germania inferior)
legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae inferioris (107)
consul suffectus (108)
septemvir epulonum (before 112)
sodalis Augustalis (before 112)
archon Athenis (112/13)
legatus Syriae (117)
(Some of these dates are less than secure; important for much of this information is the Athens inscription [Smallwood 109]).
Relationship to Trajan, Marriage, and Adoption
Hadrian's only male relative after the death of his father was M. Ulpius Traianus, his father's cousin, hence his own first cousin once removed. Trajan and his wife, Pompeia Plotina, had no children, and were surrogate parents to the child Hadrian. Trajan's influence in government was steadily increasing, both through his own merits and because of his father's great services to Vespasian in the civil wars and afterwards.[] When Trajan was adopted by Nerva and designated successor in late 97, Hadrian carried the congratulations of the Moesian legions to him along the Rhine, and was kept there by Trajan to serve in a German legion. In 100, largely at the instance of Plotina, Hadrian married Trajan's grand-niece Vibia Sabina, ten years his junior. This marriage was not a happy one, although it endured until her death in 136 or 137. There were no children, and it was reported that Sabina performed an abortion upon herself in order not to produce another monster.[] In spite of marital unhappiness, the union was crucial for Hadrian, because it linked him even more closely with the emperor's family. He got along very well with his mother-in-law Matidia and with the empress, whose favor enhanced his career.
In mid-summer 117, when Trajan was returning from his Parthian campaigns, he fell ill while at Selinus in Cilicia and died on August 8. The following day his adoption of Hadrian was announced by Plotina and Attianus, the praetorian prefect who had earlier been Hadrian's guardian, with some question whether Trajan had indeed performed the act or whether it was posthumous, thanks to his widow. On August 11, which he considered his dies imperii, the army of Syria hailed its legate, Hadrian, as emperor, which made the senate's formal acceptance an almost meaningless event. This was an example of the historian Tacitus' famous dictum that an emperor could be made elsewhere than at Rome.[]
Succession and the Affair of the Four Consulars
Hadrian chose as his official title Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (for much of the decade of the 120s, he was simply known as Hadrianus Augustus). He must then have proceeded to Selinus at once from Antioch, to catch up with Attianus, Plotina, and Matidia. He then returned to his province no later than September and stayed there at least into the new year, consolidating his administration. He began the year as cos. II; whether he had been so designated by Trajan is unknown. On January 3, 118, the Arval Brethren met in Rome to offer vows for the well-being of the emperor, which shows that he was not in the capital. In June or July they sacrificed because of the arrival of the emperor who is present at the ceremony. He therefore may have taken as much as eleven months from his accession to return to Rome. He saw to the deification of his predecessor and celebrated games in honor of the consecration. Trajan's ashes were placed in the base of his column, by special dispensation, since burials were prohibited within the pomerium.
Anticipation of his arrival had been overshadowed by the execution of four men of great importance, who had all held consulates and commands. This action had been ordered by the senate, perhaps at the instigation of the praetorian prefect Attianus. Hadrian always disclaimed responsibilty but his relations with the senate were irrevocably damaged, never really to improve until his death, when the senate hoped to have posthumous revenge. The four men were Cornelius Palma (cos. II 109), who had been with Trajan in the east and had been governor of Syria, Avidius Nigrinus (cos. 110), governor of Dacia, Publilius Celsus (cos. II 113), and Lusius Quietus, a Moorish chieftain (cos. 117), governor of Judaea and one of Trajan's chief generals. Personal enmity toward Hadrian certainly existed, perhaps because of Hadrian's move away from Trajan's policy of expansion, perhaps because of jealousy that Hadrian had been preferred for the succession. Be that as it may, they were all Trajan's men, and their elimination certainly made Hadrian's course easier. But the odium thereby raised caused him dismay until the end of his days.[] He was cos. III in 119, which proved to be the last consulship he held. He thereby showed himself to be different from many of predecessors: Augustus held 13, Vespasian 9, Titus 8, Domitian 17, Trajan 6. He was similarly sparing in his acceptance of other titles; he became pater patriae only in 128.
Foreign policy, wars, and travel
In two important passages, Cassius Dio sets the tone for this section:
"Once, when a woman made a request of him as he passed by on a journey, he at first said to her, 'I haven't time,' but afterwards, when she cried out, 'Cease, then, being emperor,' he turned about and granted her a hearing." (69.6.3)
"Hadrian travelled through one province after another, visiting the various regions and cities and inspecting all the garrisons and forts. Some of these he removed to more desirable places, some he abolished, and he also established some new ones. He personally viewed and investigated absolutely everything, not merely the usual appurtenances of camps, such as weapons, engines, trenches, ramparts and palisades, but also the private affairs of every one, both of the men serving in the ranks and of the officers themselves, - their lives, their quarters and their habits, - and he reformed and corrected in many cases practices and arrangements for living that had become too luxurious. He drilled the men for every kind of battle, honouring some and reproving others, and he taught them all what should be done. And in order that they should be benefited by observing him, he everywhere led a rigorous life and either walked or rode on horseback on all occasions, never once at this period setting foot in either a chariot or a four-wheeled vehicle. He covered his head neither in hot weather nor in cold, but alike amid German snows and under scorching Egyptian suns he went about with his head bare. In fine, both by his example and by his precepts he so trained and disciplined the whole military force throughout the entire empire that even to-day the methods then introduced by him are the soldiers' law of campaigning." (69.9.1-4; both passages in the translation of E. Cary in the Loeb edition)
These views of Hadrian stem from an historian who lived a century after the emperor's reign. He appears as a conscientious administrator, an inveterate traveler, and a general deeply concerned for the well-being of his armies, and thus of the empire. There was generally peace throughout its lands, although his principate was not entirely peaceful.
First of all, he had to quash the Jewish uprising which had begun under Trajan and spread throughout the diaspora. Then there were disturbances in Mauretania, Dacia, and in northern Britain. Late in his reign, after deciding to resettle the site of Jerusalem as the city of Aelia Capitolina and build a temple to Jupiter on the site of the Jewish temple, another uprising occurred, more bitter still than its recent predecessor.
Hadrian's goal as emperor was to establish natural or man-made boundaries for the empire. He had realized that its extent had severely strained the empire's capacity to maintain and protect it. Consolidation was his policy, not expansion, and this brought him enmity in the early years, when Trajan's eastern conquests were abandoned (a process already begun by Trajan) and withdrawal from Dacia was contemplated.
Hadrian's own military experience was extensive. He had served in provinces in the east, along the Danube, and along the Rhine. Soon after his arrival in Rome, he began the lengthy journeys which took him to almost every province. He was absent from Italy from 121 to 125, from 128 to 132, and from 134 to 136. He spent more than half his reign traveling; he displayed a Wanderlust unlike that of any of his predecessors, and sharply contrasting with the practice of his successor, who never left Italy.
Evidence for his precise routes and his goals is often entirely absent. One must frequently infer from what is known, and most lists differ in some details. The following is exemplary:
122 Germania inferior
Britannia (where he began the construction of the
Wall which bears his name)
Gallia Narbonensis (Nemausus)
123 Mauretania (?)
The Euphrates (Melitene)
Egypt (Nile trip; death of Antinous; Alexandria)
131 Libyan desert
His stay in the East these last years was necessitated by the Jewish War. His recurrent visits to Athens stemmed from his devotion to Greek culture and the city itself, which had elected him archon while he was still a private citizen (112). He much preferred the eastern provinces, the Greek lands, to the western ones. After 128/9, he was hailed as Olympios, after 132 as Panhellenios, and also as Panionios. Otherwise, his travels were intended to gain intimate knowledge of people and provinces, of the military in all its aspects, and to help produce a better and securer life for almost all his subjects.
Domestic policy and legal activity
Hadrian was so little in Italy, compared with his time abroad, that his governmental policies at home play a lesser role in consideration of his entire principate. Yet they have significance, because they display the same tendency toward order and consolidation as his external policies. When he arrived in Rome in July 118 to a hostile reception on the part of the senate, because of the death of the four consulars, he devoted attention to matters of significance to the people. He pursued the honors due Trajan, their favorite, examined the financial ledgers of the empire and discovered that there was an enormous sum of uncollectable debts, some 900,000,000 sesterces. He determined to remove these from the accounts and begin his reign with a clean slate. Consequently the records of these debts were publicly burned, an event which, obviously, gained him public favor.[] It was represented in the relief of the plutei Traiani, presently displayed in the Senate house in the Forum.[] He also continued and expanded the practice of the alimenta, whereby state money was lent to individuals who paid interest to their local communities. This money supported the local economy and helped maintain orphans.[] He also ensured that the grain supply upon which Rome depended became more secure with his dramatic building program in Ostia.[]
The most significant legal achievement was the codification of the praetorian and aedilician edicts. This task was assigned to Salvius Julianus, who produced one of the glories of Roman legal science.
Underscoring the importance of Hadrian's work, Kunkel in his magisterial survey of Roman law indicates, "Edicts were magistral proclamations whose content and scope might be very diverse. . . . At least from the late Republic onwards litigants could, vis-à-vis a magistrate, rely on the contents of the edicts as confidently as on a statute, for magistrates were by lex Cornelia of 67 B.C. strictly bound by their edicts."[]
These edicts, covering centuries, Julianus brought together into a straightforward and modern document, which became the basis of subsequent praetorian and aedilician activity in the field of law. The Edict has been lost, but many excerpts made by commentators upon it have survived in Justinian's Code.[]
Many letters and rescripts of Hadrian have survived, which, in their variety, illustrate the almost infinite range of matters which were referred to the emperor. Two important ones may be exemplary. In 121, at the request of Plotina, who was deeply interested in the Epicurean School at Athens, he permits the presidency of the school to be assumed by someone who is not a Roman citizen, thereby increasing the pool of potential candidates substantially.[] Hadrian's rescript to Minicius Fundanus is crucial for our understanding of the development of Rome's relations with the Christians. He essentially reiterates Trajan's response to Pliny (Ep. 10.97). Minicius was governor of Asia in 124/5. Hadrian's communication replied to a question put to him by Minicius' predecessor, Serennius Granianus.[]
Literary and artistic achievements
Hadrian was a man of extraordinary talents, certainly one of the most gifted that Rome ever produced. He became a fine public speaker, he was a student of philosophy and other subjects, who could hold his own with the luminaries in their fields, he wrote both an autobiography and poetry, and he was a superb architect. It was in this last area that he left his greatest mark, with several of the empire's most extraordinary buildings and complexes stemming from his fertile mind. The anonymous author of the Historia Augusta described Hadrian as Fuit enim poematum et litterarum nimium studiosissimus. Arithmeticae, geometriae, picturae peritissimus.[]
He rebuilt Agrippa's Pantheon into the remarkable building that survives today, reconstructing the accustomed temple facade, with columns and pediment, but attaching it to a drum which was surmounted by a coffered dome. The latter was pierced by an oculus nine meters in diameter, which was the main source of illumination. Height and diameter were identical, 43.3 meters. The dome remained the largest in the world until the twentieth century. As was his custom, he replaced the original inscription of Agrippa on the architrave; seldom did he put his own name on a monument.[]
To complete Trajan's Forum, which had been planned by Apollodorus on a tremendous scale, he added a large temple dedicated to the deified Trajan and Plotina. He thereby made this forum more similar to its four imperial predecessors, each of which had a temple as its focus.[]
On April 21, 121, the dies natalis of the city of Rome, Hadrian began construction of a temple unique in design and larger than any other ever built by the Romans. Its length of more than 100 meters made it the only Roman addition to the short list of temples built by the Greeks which were at least that long. Even more extraordinary was the interior, within a fully peripteral colonnade. There were two cellae, back to back, with an apse at the end in which were placed the statues of the goddesses Venus and Roma, gigantic statues which, Apollodorus is said to have sneered, would bang their heads if they got up.[] The temple dominated the east end of the Roman forum, built on the heights of the Velia, overwhelming Titus' Arch and facing the Amphitheatrum Flavium. He thereby linked his own achievements as conqueror of the Jews and great builder with his Flavian predecessors. Unlike Vespasian and Trajan, who built new fora which bore their names, Hadrian was more interested in individual monuments, the novelty and magnitude of which would keep his name alive.[] Late in life, he began construction of a mausoleum, larger than that of Augustus, on the other side of the Tiber and down river from it. It was approached by a new bridge across the river, the Pons Aelius. The mausoleum had not been completed at the time of his death.[]His most imaginative, nay stupendous, architectural achievement was his villa at Tibur, the modern Tivoli, some 30 kilometers ENE of Rome, in the plain at the foot of the Sabine Hills. It covered some 700 acres and contained about 100 buildings, some of which were among the most daring ever attempted in antiquity. Here Hadrian reconstructed, so to speak, many of the places which he had visited in his travels, such as the Canopus of Alexandria and the vale of Tempe.[]
He also left his mark on almost every city and province to which he came. He paid particular attention to Athens, where he completed the great temple of Olympian Zeus, some six centuries after construction had begun, and made it the centerpiece of a new district of the city.
Hadrian's relationship with philosophers and other scholars was generally fractious. He often scorned their achievements while showing his own superiority. An anecdote about an argument which he had with the eminent philosopher and sophist Favorinus revealed the inequity of such disagreement. Although Favorinus was correct, he gave way to Hadrian, and when rebuked by friends, replied, "You advise me badly, friends, since you do not permit me to believe that he who commands thirty legions is the most learned of all."[]
Hadrian's literary taste inclined toward the archaic and the odd. He preferred Cato to Cicero, Ennius to Vergil, Coelius Antipater to Sallust, and disapproved of Homer and Plato as well. Indeed, the epic writer Antimachus of Colophon supplanted Homer in Hadrian's estimation.[] The biographer Suetonius held office under Hadrian but was discharged in 122 for disrespect to the empress.[] The historian Tacitus, who may have lived into Hadrian's reign, seems to have found no favor with the emperor.
His best known literary work is the short poem which he is said to have composed shortly before his death. These five lines have caused commentators much interpretative woe.
animula vagula blandula
hospes comesque corporis
quae nunc abibis in loca
pallidula rigida nudula
nec ut soles dabis iocos! (25.9)
"Little soul, wandering and pale, guest and companion of my body, you who will now go off to places pale, stiff, and barren, nor will you make jokes as has been your wont."[]
Another four lines of verse are preserved by the HA, part of an exchange with the poet Florus. [] Mention is also made of his autobiography, which he had published under someone else's name.[]
Probably the aspect of Hadrian's life which is most widely known is his relationship with the handsome youth Antinous. He was a Bithynian, born about 110, whom Hadrian met when the lad was in his mid-teens. He joined Hadrian's entourage and was with him in Egypt in the fall of 130. During the course of the emperor's Nile cruise, Antinous drowned. The reason (or reasons) were not known. Conjecture of course abounded. The HA suggests that Antinous offered himself to save Hadrian's life and that there was a homosexual relationship between them. Tradition also reported that Antinous committed suicide because an oracle had stated that, if he did so, the remaining years of life that he could expect would be transferred to the emperor. There is even the unsensational possibility that the childless emperor, whose relationship with his wife was at best cool, looked upon the attractive young man as the son whom he had never had. Whatever the facts, Hadrian's grief was extravagant, and he caused the youth to be worshipped as a god throughout the empire and cities in his honor were established in many places. An Antinoopolis rose along the Nile near the spot where he drowned. Many statues of Antinous have survived, which reveal his fleshy and attractive appearance.[]
End of life and problems of succession
When Hadrian returned to Rome in 136 from the east with its great responsibilities of the Jewish War, his health had deteriorated markedly. He was now 60 years old, lonely and despondent. The empress Sabina had died, Antinous was gone, few remained to whom he felt close. He therefore began to contemplate a successor, in order to avoid a situation such as had occurred before his own accession. Then, he was the obvious, indeed the only sensible choice; now, there was no one who, by military distinction or close relationship with him, would stand out. His choice, L. Ceionius Commodus, was surprising, although he was cos. ord. when adopted. Nothing particularly recommended him other than powerful political connections. His health was bad and he had no military experience, his career having been entirely in the civilian arena. Some scholars have suggested that he was Hadrian's bastard son, but that need not be believed. Nonetheless, his only recommendation was his good looks; his life was frivolous, his tastes luxurious. Hadrian's choice seems to have been an aberration of judgment.
Commodus died on the first day of the year 138. Hadrian's next choice, a much happier one, was T. Aurelius Fulvius Boionius Arrius Antoninus known to history as Antoninus Pius. The scion of a distinguished consular family, he had been born near Rome in 86, although his patria was Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis. Consul in 120, at an early age, he soon thereafter served as one of the four consulares who had jurisdiction of Italy.[] He reached the acme of a senatorial career with his governorship of Asia about 134/5. He was one of the most distinguished men of the age.
Hadrian caused Antoninus to adopt two young men, who were intended to succeed him in the fullness of years. One was the seven-year-old son of Commodus, now named Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus, the later Lucius Verus. The other was the seventeen year old Marcus Annius Verus, now Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus, the later Marcus Aurelius. Upon Antoninus' death in 161, they succeeded as co-emperors; Hadrian's foresight was thus rewarded.
Hadrian was at an imperial villa at Baiae, on the Bay of Naples, when he died on July 10, 138. The senate now felt it could repay the emperor for the wrongs done it from the beginning of his reign and undertook to condemn his memory, in other words, damnatio memoriae. But Antoninus fought against this condemnation of his adoptive father and gained deification instead. It is generally thought that it was for this action that he received the name of Pius.[]
Hadrian's ashes were placed in his mausoleum and he received the customary honors of having been recognized as a divus, which above all recognized that he had ruled constitutionally. A great temple in the Campus Martius was built to his memory in the early 140s, now called the Hadrianeum, one of the largest in Rome. A substantial part survives. The tall stylobate was decorated with alternating reliefs of provinces and victories. In all likelihood, there was a relief of each of the 36 provinces which existed at the time of Hadrian's death.[]
Hadrian died invisus omnibus, according to the author of the Vita.[] But his deification placed him in the list of "good" emperors, a worthy successor to the optimus princeps Trajan. Hadrian played a significant role both in developing the foreign policies of the empire and in its continuing centralization in administration. Few would disagree that he was one of the most remarkable men Rome ever produced, and that the empire was fortunate to have him as its head. When Aelius Aristides delivered his oration To Rome in 143, he had Hadrian's empire in mind when he said,
"But there is that which very decidedly deserves as much attention and admiration now as all the rest together. I mean your magnificent citizenship with its grand conception, because there is nothing like it in the records of all mankind. Dividing into two groups all those in your empire - and with this word I have indicated the entire civilized world - you have everywhere appointed to your citizenship, or even to kinship with you, the better part of the world's talent, courage, and leadership, while the rest yourecognized as a league under your hegemony. Neither sea nor intervening continent are bars to citizenship, nor are Asia and Europe divided in their treatment here. In your empire all paths are open to all. No one worthy of rule or trust remains an alien, but a civil community of the World has been established as a Free Republic under one, the best, ruler and teacher of order; and all come together as into a common civic center, in order to receive each man his due.[]
That being the case, it seems somewhat odd that he is best known to most people, not from Gibbon's narrative nor from any specific scholarly treatment, but from a work of fiction. This is the quite splendid Memoirs of Hadrian by Marguerite Yourcenar, which became a best-seller about half a century ago. She presents a Hadrian as he might have been, and, although she commands a wide range of source material, the reader must always be alert to the fact that this Hadrian is not necessarily the historical Hadrian.[]
Scholarly work on the emperor, above all biographies, has been varied in quality. Much the best, as the most recent, is by A.R. Birley, who presents all that is known but underscores how much is conjecture, nay even guesswork. We still do not really know the man. An enigma he was to many while alive, and so he remains for us. Semper in omnibus varius; omnium curiositatum explorator; varius multiplex multiformis: these are descriptions of him from antiquity.[] They are still valid more than 1900 years after the emperor's death.
Appendix: Historians and their Craft: The Evolution of the Historical Hadrian by Andrew Hill
Bardon, H., Les Empereurs et les Lettres Latines d'Auguste à Hadrien (Paris, 19682)
Benario, H.W., A Commentary on the Vita Hadriani in the Historia Augusta (Chico, CA, 1980)
Birley, A.R., Lives of the Later Caesars (Harmondsworth, 1976)
________., Hadrian, The Restless Emperor (London, 1997)
Boatwright, M.T., Hadrian and the City of Rome (Princeton, 1987)
Bowersock, G.W., Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1969)
Braund, D., Rome and the Friendly King: The Character of the Client Kingship (London, 1984)
Chevallier, R., and R. Poignault, L'Empereur Hadrien (Paris, 1998)
Clark, E., Rome and a Villa (Garden City, NY, 1952) 141-94
Crook, J.A., Consilium Principis. Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletain (Cambridge, 1955)
de Serviez, J.R., tr. B. Molesworth, The Roman Empresses (London, 1752; New York, 1913) II 1-20
Eck, W., "Hadrianus," in Der Neue Pauly 5 (1998) cols. 59-64
Fein, S., Die Beziehungen der Kaiser Trajan und Hadrian zu den litterati (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1994)
Garzetti, A., From Tiberius to the Antonines (translated by J.R. Foster, London, 1974)
Gibbon, E., The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1, (London, 1776)
Halfmann, H., Itinera principum (Stuttgart 1986)
Hammond, M., The Antonine Monarchy (Rome, 1959)
Lambert, R., Beloved and God. The Story of Hadrian and Antinous (New York, 1984)
Levi, M.A., Adriano Augusto. Studi e ricerche (Rome, 1993)
________. Adriano. Un Ventennio di Cambiamento (Milan,1994)
Macdonald, W.L., The Pantheon (Cambridge, MA, 1976)
Mattern, S.P., Rome and the Enemy. Imperial Strategy in the Principate (Berkeley, 1999)
Millar, F., A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford, 1964)
________., The Emperor in the Roman World (Ithaca, NY, 1977)
Nash, E., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, two volumes (London, 1961-62)
Perowne, S., Hadrian (London, 1960)
Smallwood, E.M., Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva Trajan and Hadrian (Cambridge, 1966)
Syme, R., "Hadrian and Italica," in Roman Papers II (Oxford, 1979) 617-28
________., "Hadrian and the Vassal Princes," in Roman Papers III (Oxford, 1984) 1436-46
________., "Hadrian as Philhellene," in Roman Papers V (Oxford, 1988) 546-62
________., "The Career of Arrian," in Roman Papers V (Oxford, 1988) 21-49
________., "Hadrian and the Senate," in Roman Papers V (Oxford, 1988) 295-324
________., "Hadrian the Intellectual," in Roman Papers VI (Oxford, 1991) 103-14
________., "Fictional History Old and New: Hadrian," in Roman Papers VI (Oxford, 1991) 157-81
________., "Journeys of Hadrian," in Roman Papers VI (Oxford, 1991) 346-57
________., "Hadrian's Autobiography: Servianus and Sura," in Roman Papers (Oxford, 1991) 398-408
Toynbee, J.M.C., The Hadrianic School (Cambridge, 1934)
Weber, W., "Hadrian," in Cambridge Ancient History XI (Cambridge, 1936) 294-324
Yourcenar, M., Memoirs of Hadrian (New York, 1954)
[] See Benario, A Commentary, and Birley, Lives.
[] See Syme, The Historia Augusta.
[] See Millar, Cassius Dio.
[] HA Vita Hadriani 1, PIR2 A 184.
[] M. Durry, "Sur Trajan père," in Les Empereurs Romains d'Espagne (Paris, 1965) 45-54.
[] Epitome de Caesaribus 14.8.
[] Historiae 1.4.2.
[] Dio 69.2.5-6.
[] Dio 69.8.1.
[] Nash II 176-77.
[] See M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1957) chap. 8.
[] See W.L. MacDonald, The Architecture of the Roman Empire
II (New Haven, 1986) 253-54.
[] W. Kunkel, An Introduction to Roman Legal and Constitutional History, tr. J.M. Kelly, (Oxford, 1966)88-89.
[] S. Riccobono, Fontes Iuris Romani Antejustiniani (Florence, 1941) 335-91.
[] Smallwood 442.
[] Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 4.8.6, 4.9. See R. Freudenberger, Das Verhalten der römischen Behörden gegen die Christen im 2. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1967) 216-34.
[] VH 14.8-9; see also Dio 69.3.
[] See MacDonald (above, note 12) I (New Haven, 1965) 94-121; Nash II 170-75.
[] Nash I 450-56.
[] MacDonald (above, note 12) I 129-37; Dio 69.4.
[] Nash II 496-99.
[] Nash II 44-48.
[] W.L. MacDonald & J.A. Pinto, Hadrian's Villa and Its Legacy (New Haven, 1995)
[] VH 15.12-13.
[] VH 16.2; Dio 69.4.6.
[] VH 11.3.
[] See B. Baldwin, "Hadrian's farewell to life. Some arguments for authenticity," CQ 20 (1970) 372-74.
[] VH 16.3-4.
[] See Bardon, 393-424.
[] Dio 69.11; see Lambert.
[] VH 22.3.
[] Dio 69.17.
[] Nash I 457-61; see Toynbee.
[] VH 25.7.
[] J.H. Oliver, The Ruling Power (Philadelphia, 1953), chaps. 59 and 60, 901.
[] See Syme, Fictional History.
[] VH 14.11; Tertullian, Apologetica 5.7; Epitome de Caesaribus 14.6.
Copyright (C) 2000, Herbert W. Benario. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.
Comments to: Herbert W. Benario.
Updated: 24 September 2008
For more detailed geographical information, please use the DIR/ORBAntique and Medieval Atlas below. Click on the appropriate part of the map below to access large area maps.
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Dear Ant Experts,
My name is Roger, and I am 5 and a half years old. We have an ant farm, and we have ants (not fire ants, harvester ants), and we would like to know how to mark them so we know what their names are and what they're doing every day.
I like science and experiments and inventing. I would like your help because I really want to remember my ants and remember their names and know what they're doing every day. I thought maybe we should paint them, but I thought that might cover the holes on their body. What kind of paint do we need to use?
Roger (With some transcription help from his mother, Andrea)
Dear Roger (and Andrea),
How great that you are already so excited about biology! Keeping an ant colony is always great fun and we understand that you want to know your ants by names.
Marking ants can be difficult. The paint you can use is non-toxic acrylic paint. You can paint very small dots with a very fine wire (for small ants) or a very fine brush (for large ants). You don't need to worry about harming the ants, researchers paint them for some experiments and the ants do well after they have been painted. It is only very difficult because the ants don't like to be painted. To slow them down, you can put the ants in the fridge. This only slows them down for a very short time. But you can also put the ants in the freezer. That slows them down for a longer time, but be careful not to leave them in the freezer too long. Try 2-3 minutes first and see how long they need to recover. If they recover very fast, you can leave them in the freezer a bit longer, maybe 5 minutes. You can also work with them on a cooler pack that is refrigerator temperature (freezer temperatures might harm the ants if you take too long while you're painting them), this will help keep them cool for longer. Some scientists use a special refrigerated table for keeping organisms at a certain temperature while they are working with them. Be careful when you handle them! Feather-weigth forceps (e.g. found here) are best for holding the ants and picking them up. This type of forceps is very soft and does not harm the ants.
We also have to warn you not to get stung by the ants. If you really have harvester ants, they have a very painful sting. This sting can have severe effects on you for several hours.
Here you can find some great pictures by Alex Wild of ants that have been marked by researchers.
Enjoy your ant colony!
Steffi Kautz, Jesse Czekanski-Moir & the AntAsk Team | <urn:uuid:51862eb3-8919-4846-bbf9-bdb592f741fe> | {
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Saturday, 22 November 2008
Ramadan War and Oil crises
The cars are in long queue for gasoline, 1979
Great depression was confronted with “New deal”, mooted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933. That comprised many relief program for jobless and farmers. It undertook business reforms, including minimum wages and maximum weekly working hours. It’s fruits are still very much in system till today in US like social security, the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and the Federal Housing Authorities. After World War II, American economy got stabilized and continued to swell till 1970s.
In 1973, in the month of October Syria and Egypt declared war against Israel, on the very day of Jewish atonement or Ramadan. The war lasted for 20 days and is known as Ramadan War or Yom Kippur War. The Arab forces were defeated by Israel and that angered them. They stopped exporting oil to US, Western Europe and Japan. The oil price skyrocketed, the Wall Street rocked again. It lost $97 billion in just six weeks! US and other crises stricken nations curtailed consumption of fuel by rationing. The world economy is very much dependant on the whims of these OPEC countries, as we found recently crude price touched all time high $147 per barrel. However, the oil inflicted most damaging shock to global economy after the great depression in 1973. | <urn:uuid:6d2db655-1b6f-4ac9-8a72-3d96c3d87cde> | {
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If you’re experiencing memory loss or gaps in your long-term or short-term memory, it doesn’t necessarily mean that something is just wrong with your brain. Other parts of your body and the way they are functioning can cause additional problems when it comes to your memory and how well it works. In fact, one of those parts is your pancreas.
Your brain functions heavily on the production of glucose, which is maintained through your pancreas. The pancreas is responsible for keeping your glucose levels properly balanced throughout your body, so if it isn’t working properly, then you are diagnosed with diabetes. Diabetes can do a number on your memory because of the fact that low glucose production, or hypoglycemia, that leaves your brain without the glucose that it needs to function normally.
Managing your diabetes effectively will ensure that your memory will work at its best! In fact, low blood sugar affects a part of the brain called the hippocampus. Cells working within the hippocampus can be deprived of the proper amount of glucose and become damaged, resulting in memory loss and short-term memory problems. | <urn:uuid:a772fcfc-1bef-4f47-86cc-f03e17c357ca> | {
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Sephardim - Conversos - Marranos
A JewishGen InfoFile
Author: Bernard I. Kouchel
Definitions (Terms are in plural form)
- (Hebrew) 'the coerced'. Jews who were converted to another religion by force. It was also applied to their descendants. Many of them continued to practice Judaism in secret.
- 'The converted'.
- Hidden; secret; of obscure origin.
- 'Swine' (pejorative). Term applied in Spain and Portugal by Christians to descendants of the coerced, baptized Jews suspected of adhering to Judaism.
- Willing converts from Judaism.
Divisions of Jewry in the Diaspora(Ashkenazim and Sephardim are the two main divisions)
- 'People of the north'. Originally German Jewry, later came to designate Jews of northern France, Poland, Russia and Scandinavia. Yiddish was widely spoken by Ashkenazim.
- People of the Levant. Jews of the eastern Mediterranean area that is now occupied by Lebanon and Syria and Israel.
- 'Eastern'. Jews of North African and Middle Eastern ancestry.
- Jews of South and East Asian ancestry.
- Jews of the Eastern Roman Empire, spread throughout much of Asia Minor (mostly under Roman control) before and after the destruction of the Temple. Latin speaking.
- Descendants of Jews whose ancestors lived on the Iberian
Peninsula (Spain and Portugal). In Mediterranean countries the Sephardim spoke Judeo-Spanish (Ladino).
- Ethiopian Jews, Anusim, Karaites, Samaritans, and Lost Tribes.
Sephardim, Jews of the Iberian Peninsula, spoke a Judeo-Spanish dialect,
written in Hebrew script, called Ladino. Many were forced to convert to
Christianity between 1391 and 1497. After the expulsion of Jews from
Spain in 1492 the Sephardim settled in north Africa, Italy, Egypt,
Palestine, Syria, the Balkans, and the Turkish Empire. Subsequently
these communities were reinforced by refugees from Portugal.
Large groups later settled in the Netherlands, the West Indies, and
North America. They and their descendants founded the Jewish
communities of Hamburg, Amsterdam, London, and New Amsterdam (New York
City). As they moved to more tolerant lands, many conversos openly
returned to Judaism.
The term 'Sephardim' today has a broader definition. It includes all Sephardic communities, including Jews whose country
of origin is Greece, Iran, Iraq, Morocco, Syria, Turkey and Yemen.
A new and fascinating picture has emerged of descendants of those secret
Jews living today as Catholics or Protestants but keeping alive family
traditions which are unmistakably clear indications of Jewish origins.
Some families to this day light candles on Friday night, circumcise
newborn sons, eat thin flat bread on Passover, use biblical names, and
have family traditions of not eating pork. For the most part they
consider such activities family traditions and did not ascribe them to
Jewish identity until, in recent years, such facts have been made clear
to them. Some have expressed interest in learning more about modern
Judaism with a view toward re-entering the Jewish mainstream. Others are
comfortable in their present religious affiliation but are intrigued by
Robert Singerman completed a 720 page camera-ready manuscipt, SPANISH
AND PORTUGUESE JEWRY: A BIBLIOGRAPHY (Greenwood Press 1993). Its over
5000 entries supplement the 5000 plus entries presented in a similar
text by Singerman published in 1975. Address:
Robert Singerman, Jewish Studies Bibliographer, Price Library of Judaica,
406 Smathers Library, University of Florida, Gainesville Florida 32611, USA.
Phone (904) 392-0308]
FIRST AMERICAN JEWISH FAMILIES: 600 GENEALOGIES, 1654-1977, written by
(the late) Rabbi Malcolm H. Stern, (KTAV Publ. House 1978, reprinted
1991.) This book should be viewed by anyone researching Sephardic
lines. It contains genealogies of many Jewish families who settled in
America prior to 1840, traced, where possible, to present. A quick
look at the index shows many surnames which appear to be Spanish.
BIBLIOGRAPHY of BOOKS AND ARTICLES in LATIN AMERICAN JEWISH STUDIES
1991-96. Compiled by Judith Laikin Elkin
SUGGESTED READINGS by Nan Rubin. These books are on closely related subjects.
- Eliyahu Ashtor, _The Jews of Muslim Spain_, 3 vols; Jewish
Publication Society, Philadelphia, 1974-1985
- Yizhak Baer, _A History of the Jews in Christian Spain_, 2 vols;
Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, 1971
- Fra. Angelico Chavez, _Origins of New Mexico Families in the Spanish
Colonial Period 1598-1820_, Historical Society of New Mexico, Santa
- Martin Cohen, _The Martyr: The Story of a Secret Jew and the Mexican
Inquisition_, Jewish Publication Society, Philadelphia, 1973
- Jane Gerber, _The Jews of Spain: A History of the Sephardic
Experience_, The Free Press, MacMillan, New York, 1992
- Richard Greenleaf, _The Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth
Century_, U. of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque
- Ramon Gutierrez, _When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away:
Marriage, Sexuality and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846_, Stanford
University Press, Stanford, 1991
- Alexandre Herculano, _History of the Origin and Establishment of the
Inquisition in Portugal_, KTAV Publishing, New York 1972
- Stanley Hordes, _The Crypto-Jewish Community of New Spain, 1620-1649:
A Collective Biography_, PhD Dissertation, Tulane University, New
- John Kessel, _Kiva, Cross and Crown: The Pecos Indians and New
- Seymour Liebman, _The Jews in New Spain: Faith, Flame, and the
Inquisition_, U. of Miami Press, Coral Gables
- David Nidel, _Modern Descendants of Conversos in New Mexico_, Western
States Jewish Historical Quarterly, Vol. XVI No. 3, pp. 194-292.
- Harriet and Fred Rochlin, _Pioneer Jews: A New Life in the Far West_,
Houghton Mifflin Co, New York, 1984.
- Cecil Roth, _A History of the Marranos_, Sepher-Hermon Press 1932,
reprinted Schocken Books, New York, 1974.
- Cecil Roth, _Dona Gracia of the House of Nasi_, Jewish Publication
Society, Philadelphia, 1978.
- Frances Scholes, _Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670_, AMS
Press, New York 1977.
- Mark Simmons, _New Mexico, A Bicentennial History_, Norton, New York,
- Robert Singerman, _The Jews in Spain and Portugal_, Garland
Publishing, New York, 1975.
- Henry J. Tobias, _A History of the Jews of New Mexico_ U. of New
Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1990.
- David J. Weber, _The Spanish Frontier in North America_, Yale
University Press, New Haven, 1992.
MEXICAN SEPHARDIC SOURCES.
Keep in mind that Monterrey, and the state of Nuevo Leon, was settled by
695 Jewish families escaping the Inquisition in Mexico City. Texas was
formerly part of Nuevo Leon. Also, Alonso de Leon, son of the governor
of N.L. who lived in Monclova, was from a family who lost several
members in the Inquisition. He led 11 expeditions into Texas to find La
Salle's Fort St. Louis on Garcitas Creek, the last in 1691. Mexican
BOOKS ABOUT THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF AMSTERDAM
- Anything by Israel Cavazos Garza
- Richard G. Santos, "Sephardic Jews and the Mexican Americans of
Texas," (copy at UT Austin).
- Rodolfo Gonzalez de la Garza, "La Inquisicion en Monclova a
Medianos del Siglo XVIII," Estudios de Historia del Noreste
(Monterrey, N.L., 1972).
- Ricardo Elizondo Elizondo, "Los sefarditas en nuevo leon:
reminiscencias en el folklore" (Monterrey, N.L., Cuadernos del
Archivo: March 1987).
- Julio Caro Baroja, Inquisicion, Brujeria y Criptojudaismo,
Tercera Edicion (Mexico, Ariel: 1974).
- Eugenio del Hoyo, Historia del Nuevo Reino de Leon 1574-1723,
Colleccion Serie de historia, Instituto Tecnologico y de
Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (1972).
- Vito Alessio Robles, La Juderia de Monterrey (Mexico, Bosquejos
- The American Jewish Historical Society holds trial records of the
Mexican Inquisition. The manuscript collection [I-3], consists of 23
'procesos' (transcripts of trials) which took place 1572-1772, from
the Mexican National Archives. Contact:
American Jewish Historical Society,
15 West 16th Street,
New York, NY 10011,
Phone: (212) 294-6160; fax: (212) 294-6161,
from back issues of
AVOTAYNU: The International Review of Jewish Genealogy
Extracted from Index to the First Ten Years, 1985-1994. (Vol/No/Pg)
- History of the Ancient Synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews,
by Dr. Moses Gaster
- Geschiedems Der Portueesche Juden Te Amsterdam 1593-1925, by Silva
- Handleiding Bij De Index Op Ketuboth Van De Portugeese Israelietische
Gemeente Te Amsterdam 1650-1911, by D. Verdooner
- The Economic Activities of The Jews of Amsterdam in the Seventeenth
and Eighteenth Centuries , Bloom
- A Life of Menasseh Ben Israel, by Roth
- Sephardic Jewry; recommended readings VI/4/52
- Sources for researching my Sephardic ancestors VII/1/18
- Spanish Inquisition in Americas VII/1/19
- Biography of Sephardic Jews and the Holocaust VII/2/17
- The Ottoman Empire and Jewish genealogy VIII/1/17
- Ottoman Empire resources VIII/1/18
- The Marrano Diaspora VIII/1/09
- Additional resources for Sephardic genealogy VIII/2/59
- Resources for Sephardic genealogy VIII/3/48
- Book Review: The Sephardic Journey: 1492-1992 VIII/3/63
- Book Review: Sephardim in America IX/4/65
- Sephardic electronic archive developed X/1/64
- Sephardic genealogical research in Morocco X/3/40
by Yitzchak Kerem.
For 20th century Sephard Jewry the key sources are the Central Archives
for the Jewish People and the Alliance Israelite Universelle files and
bulletins. Mina Rosen's lists of Turkish cemeteries are not yet
published. For Greece look at publications by Molho, Recanati, and
Emmanuel. For North Africa, look at Michael Laskier's books and Attals
For Latin America's Sephardim, Mordechai Arbel is preparing a
bibliography. Latin American Sephard Jewry is divided into four parts;
Balkan Sephardim; Damascas origin; Aleppo Sephardim; Moroccan origin.
For each of those groups throughout Latin America, you can find archival
material and secondary material in most of the Latin American countries.
If one doesn't have such a perspective, one will never find most of the
Balkan Sephardim after they dispersed in the beginning of the 20th
century. [Yitzchak Kerem , historian on
Greek Jewry in the Holocaust. 30Mar94]
- JEWISHGEN SPECIAL INTEREST GROUP (SIG)
- For Sephardic genealogy resources, sources and links to related topics, see
Sephardic SIG: Sephardic Genealogy at JewishGen.
Then join Sefard Forum:
E-mail Discussion List for Researchers of Sephardic Genealogies.
Here you can exchange information about relatives, books, language, history,
migrations, local customs, research techniques and the realities of
researching public records and genealogical data archives.
- BLOOM SOUTHWEST JEWISH ARCHIVES
- When the Inquisitors came from Spain and Portugal to the New World, the
Marranos began to move northward, into areas we now know as the southern
and southwestern United States. The Bloom Southwest Jewish Archives at
the University of Arizona is a research center working on the history of
the pioneer Jews of Arizona, New Mexico and West Texas and the emerging
story of Hispanics who are seeking their Jewish roots from the Iberian
The archives has developed a research section for interviews conducted
with Hispanics who may be descendants of converso families from Spain or
Portugal. In addition, the Archives is developing a bilingual library on
the Inquisition and publishes a newsletter.
Open to faculty, students, the media, and the general public. Address:
Bloom Southwest Jewish Archives,
University of Arizona, 1052 N. Highland Avenue, Tuscon, Arizona 85721 USA.
- Published quarterly by the Society For Crypto Judaic Studies. The SCJS
fosters research and networking of information into the history and
contemporary development of Crypto Jews of Iberian origins. Membership
is $20 per year and includes Halapid. Address:
The Society For Crypto Judaic Studies,
333 Washington Blvd. #336,
Marina Del Rey, Ca 90292
- KULANU (All Of Us)
- An American organization that studies and maintains contact with
Jewish descendants from Portugal and Spain. For information, or their
newsletter write to:
1211 Ballard Street,
Silver Spring, MD 20910,
- The Hebraic Society for the Study of Marranismo which goes by the
Portuguese acronym SHEMA -- provides study materials for converso
descendants interested in studying their heritage.
Helio Daniel Cordeiro,
Congregacao Israelita Paulista,
Rua Antonio Carlos 653,
Sao Paulo, Brazil.
[Information edited from published sources.]
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Adjustment disorder is an excessive, lengthy reaction to a stressful event or situation. It could be one stressor or a combination of stressors affecting one person or a group of people. This reaction seriously damages social and occupational functioning.
There are several subtypes of the disorder, including adjustment disorder with:
Adjustment disorders develop in reaction to stressful life events or major life changes. Some common stressors are:
In some cases, ongoing problems (such as living in an unsafe, crime-ridden neighborhood) may cause the development of an adjustment disorder over a longer period of time.
Certain people are more likely than others to have adjustment disorder.
Susceptibility can be affected by factors such as:
People who face certain stressors like medical problems or living in challenging environments may be at greator risk. In these populations, adjustment disorder has been diagnosed in up to 50% of the people.
The stressor itself may also interfere with an individual’s support network.
Certain early-childhood family history factors seem to increase the chance that a person may suffer from an adjustment disorder in the future. These include:
Individuals who are at higher risk for adjustment disorders often have other conditions, such as a history of
Adjustment disorder symptoms are expected to disappear within six months after the causing stressor and/or its results have been removed. In the case of chronic adjustment disorder, the symptoms may last longer than the six-month mark. In general, they are related to ongoing persistent stressors like a chronic medical disability.
Symptoms may vary, but are similar in that the reaction to the stressor is worse or more excessive than expected. In order for a diagnosis of adjustment disorder to be made, symptoms must interfere with an individual’s social or work functioning.
Physical Symptoms of Anxiety
Copyright © Nucleus Medical Media, Inc.
Your doctor will perform an exam. It will be used to assess whether your symptoms follow a recent stressful event, and if the symptoms are more severe than what is normal for you. You will also be evaluated to make sure there is no underlying disorders or disease, such as depression, an anxiety disorder, or post-traumatic stress disorder. Your doctor may refer you to a psychiatrist for diagnosis and treatment.
The main goal of treatment is to resolve symptoms, and return the person to his or her normal level of functioning. Treatment is important so that the disorder doesn’t become a larger illness, like major depression. Treatment options include:
Psychotherapy, or counseling, is the primary treatment for adjustment disorders. Therapy is used to help people understand why the stressful event caused the symptoms. It also helps develop coping mechanisms for future stressors. Therapy is generally short-term and can take any of the following forms: individual therapy, family therapy, behavior therapy, or group therapy.
Medications may be used in combination with therapy to ease common symptoms. Antidepressants or anti-anxiety medications may be prescribed on a short-term basis until the symptoms resolve.
While there is no known way to prevent adjustment disorders, the prognosis is good. Adjustment disorders generally resolve with treatment and time without remaining symptoms.
As a woman, your health concerns are as unique as your body. How you take care of yourself has a huge impact on your future, affecting everything from your ability to have children to your risk of heart disease. There's no substitute for good health, and when it's gone, it's often gone for good. Don't let it pass you by. Test your smarts with this women's health quiz.
National Institute of Mental Healthhttp://www.nimh.nih.gov/
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administrationhttp://store.samhsa.gov
Canadian Psychiatric Associationhttp://www.cpa-apc.org/
Adjustment disorder with depressed mood. EBSCO DynaMed website. Available at: http://www.ebscohost.com/dynamed. Updated November 5, 2009. Accessed October 30, 2012.
Casey P. Adult adjustment disorder: a review of its current diagnostic status.
Journal of Psychiatric Practice
. 2001;7: 32-40. | <urn:uuid:a1d2bafc-4a7a-4b4a-b4e3-6e76b7190e0c> | {
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Where all the food is soft and every day is Halloween.
Dear Word Detective: Where did the word “geezer” or “geezing” come from? — Brent Lilly.
That’s a good question. I actually answered it about ten years ago, but that was before many of today’s geezers were geezers, and the ones who were are unlikely to remember the answer anyway, so we’ll do it again. In fact, I must be a geezer too, because I didn’t initially remember that I’d ever explained the word. What was the question again?
A “geezer” is, in popular usage today, an older person, almost always a man, often one whose behavior is regarded as either eccentric or stereotypically “elderly.” Grampa Simpson of the Simpsons TV show is probably the most well-known example of the “geezer” in popular culture today (“Dear Mr. President, there are too many states nowadays. Please eliminate three. I am not a crackpot.”). Grampa the “geezer” is often depicted as irritable and cranky (“Hey kid, get off my lawn”), at least mildly irrational (“I say we call Matlock. He’ll find the culprit.”), and mired firmly in the past (“The metric system is the tool of the devil! My car gets 40 rods to the hogshead and that’s the way I likes it.”).
Given how firmly “geezer” is connected today with old men, it’s a bit ironic that the term originally meant a person of any age. The criterion of “geezerhood” was not age but oddness, and when it first appeared in the late 1800s, “geezer” simply meant “an eccentric, unpleasant man.” The root of “geezer” is the English dialectical term “guiser,” which is a shortened form of “disguiser,” meaning a person who dresses up in costume for a masquerade or other occasion. To call someone a “guiser” (or “geezer”) was to say that they were dressed and behaving as oddly as one might on Halloween, for example. The transition of “geezer” to meaning an older, eccentric man took place around the 1920s, and the use of “geezer” to mean simply “weirdo” is now obsolete.
“Geezing,” presumably based on the verb “to geeze,” meaning “to act like a geezer,” isn’t in the dictionaries yet, but probably soon will be, as I have found myself using it on several occasions recently. Interestingly, “to geeze” has been fairly obscure slang among users of illicit narcotics since the late 1960s, meaning “to inject morphine, heroin or a similar drug.” The noun form “geezer” has been used since the 1920s to mean such an injection, apparently an outgrowth of “geezer” as slang for a drink of liquor in the late 19th century. Whether these uses of “geezer” are related to “geezer” meaning either an odd person or an old man is unclear, but if they are the connection may be an allusion to the drugs reducing the user to a state of insensibility associated with either dementia or senescence. | <urn:uuid:920cbbe9-3e40-4e28-b62f-3265325ca4a8> | {
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Breakfast is the most important meal of the day –– unless you have type 2 diabetes. In a new study from Linköping University in Sweden, researchers show that a single meal based on a Mediterranean diet is associated with better health outcomes than low-fat and low-carb diets split over three meals. The findings could inspire new palliative and preventative measures against the chronic condition that currently affects upwards of 26 million Americans.
The study, which is published in the journal PLoS ONE, sought to quantify the effects of certain diets on blood glucose, blood lipids, and other hormones in diabetics. Three diets were considered: a low-fat diet, a low-carb diet, and the Mediterranean diet –– a meal plan that emphasizes whole grains, legumes, fish, herbs, and nuts. Notably, while the former diets were split over three meals, the latter pooled the day’s caloric content into a single lunch taken with red wine.
"We found that the low-carbohydrate diet increased blood glucose levels much less than the low-fat diet but that levels of triglycerides tended to be high compared to the low-fat diet," the researchers wrote. "It is very interesting that the Mediterranean diet, without breakfast and with a massive lunch with wine, did not induce higher blood glucose levels than the low-fat diet lunch, despite such a large single meal."
The results were derived from a randomized cross-over trial in which 21 patients diagnosed with type 2 diabetes tried all three diets in varying orders. During each test day, the researchers collected six separate blood samples from each subject.
According to co-author Fredrik Nyström, the study’s methodology recalls the original version of the much-praised diet. "[The outcome of the study] suggests that it is favorable to have a large meal instead of several smaller meals when you have diabetes, and it is surprising how often one today refers to the usefulness of the so-called Mediterranean diet but forgets that it also traditionally meant the absence of a breakfast,” he explained. “Our results give reason to reconsider both nutritional composition and meal arrangements for patients with diabetes.”
The current research effort dovetails with a number of previous studies illuminating the diverse health benefits associated with the Mediterranean diet. This year, the meal plan has been linked to improvements in cognitive abilities as well as longer lifespans among the obese. According to the Mayo Clinic, the diet relies on fruit, vegetables, beans, legumes, and nuts as the foundation of every meal. In addition, the diet emphasizes:
- Eating primarily plant-based foods, such as fruits and vegetables, whole grains, legumes and nuts
- Replacing butter with healthy fats, such as olive oil
- Using herbs and spices instead of salt to flavor foods
- Limiting red meat to no more than a few times a month
- Eating fish and poultry at least twice a week
Source: Hanna Fernemark, Christine Jaredsson, Bekim Bunjaku, Ulf Rosenqvist, Fredrik H. Nystrom, Hans Guldbrand. A Randomized Cross-Over Trial of the Postprandial Effects of Three Different Diets in Patients with Type 2 Diabetes. PLoS ONE, 2013 | <urn:uuid:151b4847-cf61-4169-87a0-971068ee84de> | {
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About 4,200 athletes from about 165 countries competed for medals at the London 2012 Paralympic Games impressively demonstrating the high standards of international disabled sport. One example of this was the 24:50, 22 minutes that it took former Formula 1 racing driver Alessandro Zanardi to cover the specified 16km in the hand bike time trial to win the gold medal.
Whereas sports equipment such as hand bikes are individually built and totally customised to the specific requirements of the athletes and their physical impairment, as far as their clothing is concerned they frequently only have access to the ready-made clothes for able-bodied athletes. Within the framework of the research project (AiF-Nr. 17377 N), scientists at the Hohenstein Institute in Bönnigheim are aiming to optimise functionality and comfort of sportswear for wheelchair users.
Project leader Anke Klepser ascertained the physical dimensions of male wheelchair basket ball players and hand bikers: “By choosing these particular sports we are covering both indoor and outdoor sports which means that our research results can also be adapted to other sports disciplines.
A further benefit is that we are examining two different body postures, the more horizontal body position of the hand bikers and the upright sitting position of the wheelchair basketball players and this enables any results to be easily transferred to other sports.” The test persons were measured once in a stationary 3D Bodyscanner in their usual wheelchair and then also with a handscanner in their respective sports wheelchair.
Back in the 1980s clothing technology experts had already captured the physical dimensions of wheelchair users in order to improve the fit of everyday clothing. With the assistance of today's 3D scanner technology first of all the body can be captured in full and then a virtual twin (avatar) can be compiled which can be used to measure on the computer, as required, individual body measurements such as the back, legs or arms.
An important objective of the project is to use the measurement data to optimise the cuts and seam lines of sportswear. But also the physiological comfort, or in other words, the ability of the textiles to absorb body sweat and divert it away from the body as well as the heat insulation of the materials should also be adapted to the specific requirements of the athletes. Skin irritations caused by mechanical actions such as intensive friction of the arms on the upper body should be minimised in the demonstration/functional samples that are to be developed.
The sitting position of wheelchair users in particular creates specific requirements for clothing cuts. In order to achieve a horizontal waistband fit, the back part of the trousers must be cut longer than the front. The horizontal position of the handbikers on the other hand requires the exact opposite in functionalities if the sportswear is to sit in the optimum position. In the majority of wheelchair athletes the upper body and arms are very muscular which must be taken into consideration in the design of shirts and jackets. To create a good fit with extensive freedom of movement, the clothing items should therefore have adapted seam lines.
In addition to the anatomical specifics, as part of their project, the researchers also collated those special requirements which arise from the sports commitment of the athletes. Therefore, in addition to the 3D scanner measurements, Anke Klepser has also conducted a survey to collate the optimisation wishes of the test persons. For instance, the hand bikers said that they would like to see a narrow lower leg trouser width which would offer them better head wind protection.
The scientists also had to consider the specific requirements of disabled athletes in relation to the diversion of body sweat, also known as clothing moisture management. Due to the position of the back or back of the thigh which is in close contact with the hand bike or wheel chair, moisture can very quickly get trapped. This could be avoided through the use of various suitable materials and functional designs in these areas (Comfort-Mapping)
In contrast to this, depending on the type and degree of the spinal cord injury, for the majority of wheelchair athletes, the paralysis of the extremities is also linked to a restricted functionality of the body's own temperature control. For example, quadriplegics whose legs and arms are affected to a greater or lesser extent by the paralysis, do not sweat or only sweat to a limited extent and run the risk, especially in the case of very high external temperatures and/or high physical exertion, of suffering a circulatory collapse due to the body overheating. Water applied externally to the clothing can help in such cases by ensuring the necessary cooling through evaporation. Anke Klepser and her team also had to consider other specific aspects in their research work. "The clothing requirements for wheelchair athletes are extremely variable and complex. We hope that our data and information will form the basis for many optimised products which will make life easier for the athletes and will support them appropriately in their outstanding achievements. It is expected that the results of the project will be available for interested manufacturers from early 2014.
Phone: +49 7143 271-325
Rose-Marie Riedl | Source: Hohenstein Institute
Further information: www.hohenstein.de
More articles from Materials Sciences:
Stacking 2-D materials produces surprising results
17.05.2013 | Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Engineered biomaterial could improve success of medical implants
15.05.2013 | University of Washington
Researchers have shown that, by using global positioning systems (GPS) to measure ground deformation caused by a large underwater earthquake, they can provide accurate warning of the resulting tsunami in just a few minutes after the earthquake onset.
For the devastating Japan 2011 event, the team reveals that the analysis of the GPS data and issue of a detailed tsunami alert would have taken no more than three minutes. The results are published on 17 May in Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences, an open access journal of ...
A new study of glaciers worldwide using observations from two NASA satellites has helped resolve differences in estimates of how fast glaciers are disappearing and contributing to sea level rise.
The new research found glaciers outside of the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets, repositories of 1 percent of all land ice, lost an average of 571 trillion pounds (259 trillion kilograms) of mass every year during the six-year study period, making the oceans rise 0.03 inches (0.7 mm) per year. ...
About 99% of the world’s land ice is stored in the huge ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland, while only 1% is contained in glaciers.
However, the meltwater of glaciers contributed almost as much to the rise in sea level in the period 2003 to 2009 as the two ice sheets: about one third. This is one of the results of an international study with the involvement of geographers from the University of Zurich.
Second sound is a quantum mechanical phenomenon, which has been observed only in superfluid helium.
Physicists from the University of Innsbruck, Austria, in collaboration with colleagues from the University of Trento, Italy, have now proven the propagation of such a temperature wave in a quantum gas. The scientists have published their historic findings in the journal Nature.
Below a critical temperature, certain fluids become superfluid ...
Researchers use synthetic silicate to stimulate stem cells into bone cells
In new research published online May 13, 2013 in Advanced Materials, researchers from Brigham and Women's Hospital (BWH) are the first to report that synthetic silicate nanoplatelets (also known as layered clay) can induce stem cells to become bone cells without the need of additional bone-inducing factors.
Synthetic silicates are made ...
17.05.2013 | Physics and Astronomy
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17.05.2013 | Event News
15.05.2013 | Event News
08.05.2013 | Event News | <urn:uuid:5358b679-4870-40a6-bd83-c0012e49ae91> | {
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This image was completed in 1937 by Rockwell Kent and is called Workers of the World Unite. Kent completed many landscapes in his lifetime, however, he was also a political activist. Many of his prints were used primarily for politcally charged magazines.
While the second image was not intended to be a Labor Day image I’m using it today since it not only celebrates the worker it also celebrates the contribution women have made to the American workforce. This is one of Norman Rockwell’s most famous images, Rosie, The Riveter, painted in 1943 during World War II.
This image served as the color illustration for the May 29, 1943 issue of The Saturday Evening Post. The canvas was donated to the United States Treasury Department’s Second War Loan Drive that year.
In 2002 the painting sold at Sothesby’s at auction for $4,959,500.
For more Labor Day reading here is my Post from last year's Labor Day and an article from the Detroit News that might interest you. | <urn:uuid:ddac45b7-4330-41a8-8def-aa21da6cb997> | {
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Samuel Jones Tilden
Tilden, Samuel Jones, 1814–86, American political figure, Democratic presidential candidate in 1876, b. New Lebanon, N.Y. Admitted to the bar in 1841, Tilden was an eminently successful lawyer, with many railroad companies as clients. He became a strong partisan of Martin Van Buren and the Barnburners in New York Democratic politics. Unlike other Free-Soil Democrats of the 1850s (see Free-Soil party), he did not join the new Republican party and later disapproved of the Civil War. As state Democratic chairman after 1866 he sought reform and gathered much of the evidence of corruption that broke the notorious Tweed Ring (see Tweed, William Marcy). Elected governor of New York (1874), he further enhanced his reputation for reform by his successful attack on the corrupt "Canal ring," which made illegal profits on repair and extension of the state canal system.
Tilden thus became the outstanding Democrat in the nation, and in 1876 his party nominated him for President. Rutherford B. Hayes was his Republican opponent. The campaign resulted in one of the most famous election disputes in American history. By a slim margin, Tilden received a majority of the popular vote, but there were double and conflicting returns of electoral votes from Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina and a contest over one Oregon elector. To settle the unusual question, not covered by the Constitution, Congress created an electoral commission of five senators, five representatives, and five Supreme Court justices. Eight were Republicans and seven were Democrats, as plans for one independent failed. The commission, by partisan division, awarded (Mar. 2, 1877) Hayes all the disputed votes, making his total a majority of one (185 to 184). Tilden discouraged further contest. In his will he left a large sum toward establishing a free public library in New York City, and in 1895 this trust was joined with the Astor and Lenox libraries to form the New York Public Library.
See biographies by J. Bigelow (1895) and A. C. Flick (1939, repr. 1963); P. L. Haworth, The Hayes-Tilden Disputed Presidential Election of 1876 (1906, new ed. 1927, repr. 1966); K. Polakoff, Politics of Inertia: The Election of 1876 and the End of Reconstruction (1973); R. Morris, Fraud of the Century: Rutherford B. Hayes, Samuel Tilden, and the Stolen Election of 1876 (2003); W. H. Rehnquist, Centennial Crisis: The Disputed Election of 1876 (2004).
The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Copyright © 2012, Columbia University Press. All rights reserved.
See more Encyclopedia articles on: U.S. History: Biographies | <urn:uuid:65164802-6711-40c7-b1d5-14d7ffc8bc16> | {
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Physics advice please? If a question was to ask, calculate the maximum bending moment Could I find out the shear force points and graph it, then calculate and plot the bending points and manually find the max by observing the highest peak or is there an equation I should use? The beam is 3 meters long. Simply supported at either end and carries two point loads, one at 1m (5kn) and the second at 2m (10kn). No u.d.l Can someone advise me of the best way. Bearing in mind the question says calculate? For my resistance I get x1 to be 6.7kn and x2 at 8.3kn. For my shear force diagram I get +6.7 for m1, +1.7 for m2 and -8.3 for m3 Bending diagram I get at m1 to be +6.7, m2 to be +8.4 and m3 to be +0.2 Am I correct so far or have I over complicated things when I could have used an equation? | <urn:uuid:c87f920b-a1ac-428e-b15a-f179f2a742fc> | {
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Arteriosclerosis is a general term for thickening or hardening of the arteries. Atherosclerosis is caused by a build-up of plaque in the inner lining of an artery. Plaque is made up of deposits including fatty substances, cellular waste products, calcium, and can develop in medium or large arteries. The artery wall becomes thickened and loses its elasticity.
Symptoms may be similar to those of a:
Treatment may include:
Copyright© 2001-2010 RWJ Hamilton - All Rights Reserved. | <urn:uuid:87e05b25-ce20-4a5c-87f2-0c98345adf04> | {
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(dì'ətŏm´´, –tōm´´), unicellular organism of the kingdom Protista, characterized by a silica shell of often intricate and beautiful sculpturing. Most diatoms exist singly, although some join to form colonies. They are usually yellowish or brownish, and are found in fresh- and saltwater, in moist soil, and on the moist surface of plants. They carry chlorophylls a and c and the carotenoid fucoxanthin contained in plastids. They reproduce asexually by cell division. Some 40,000 species (5,600 living species) are either bilaterally or radially symmetrical. For the most part they lack flagella. Although most diatoms are autotrophic, some heterotrophic or symbiotic species can be found in particular habitats. The living matter of each diatom is enclosed in a shell of silica that it secretes. These shells are marked by minute pores or depressions that allow the living organism access to its environment. As the principal constituent of plankton (see marine biology), diatoms are an important food source for fish and other aquatic animals, e.g., the baleen whales.
When aquatic diatoms die they drop to the bottom, and the shells, not being subject to decay, collect in the ooze and eventually form the material known as diatomaceous earth (sometimes called kieselguhr). When it occurs in a more compact form as a soft, chalky, light-weight rock, it is called diatomite. Deposits of diatomaceous material, formed underwater in past geologic time and now exposed above water, are found in all parts of the world. Diatomite is much used as an insulating material against both heat and sound, in making dynamite and other explosives, and for filters, abrasives, and similar products. Most of the earth's limestone has been deposited by diatoms, and much petroleum is of diatom origin.
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steveb3210 writes "Physicists have demonstrated that making a decision about whether or not to entangle two photons can be made after you've already measured the states of the photons." Here's the article's description of the experiment: 'Two independent sources (labeled I and II) produce pairs of photons such that their polarization states are entangled. One photon from I goes to Alice, while one photon from II is sent to Bob. The second photon from each source goes to Victor. Alice and Bob independently perform polarization measurements; no communication passes between them during the experiment—they set the orientation of their polarization filters without knowing what the other is doing. At some time after Alice and Bob perform their measurements, Victor makes a choice (the "delayed choice" in the name). He either allows his two photons from I and II to travel on without doing anything, or he combines them so that their polarization states are entangled. A final measurement determines the polarization state of those two photons. ... Ma et al. found to a high degree of confidence that when Victor selected entanglement, Alice and Bob found correlated photon polarizations. This didn't happen when Victor left the photons alone.' | <urn:uuid:9b232ff1-9ec0-41e9-955d-7979470dcdf8> | {
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IMAGINING A BETTER WORLD
The Nelly Toll Story
“Imagination is more important than knowledge”
– Albert Einstein
Nelly Toll is only eight years old when she and her mother are forced into hiding from Nazis occupying Lwow, Poland in 1943. For nearly two years, they hide in a small, bare room. With the help of her mother’s vivid storytelling, Nelly escapes into her own imaginary world, painting watercolored images of brighter places. To imagine a better world under the most threatening of circumstances is a human gift of hope and courage. Nelly’s story is a testament to the human power of survival, a story of love between a mother and her child, and evidence of the saving powers of the imagination. Through art, a better world can emerge.
The Sammy Nestico Story
“A person’s music can never be more or less than they are as a human being. Sammy is as great a human being as he is a musician.”
Sammy Nestico is acclaimed as one of the greatest contributors to the field of music of the last century, working in classical, jazz and big band; as a composer, orchestrator, writer, arranger, and last but not least, as an educator. His career spans over seventy-years and he continues to work, at an age when most people have long since retired. Following a life in the shadow helping to mold careers of some of the greatest music icons of the last century, Maestro Sammy Nestico fulfills his lifetime dream. For the first time, through exclusive access, his story will be told. | <urn:uuid:3731864e-2d4e-4fa9-a60b-8db102f06af8> | {
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Elements of Political Economy
Introduction. The Subject - Its Limits - and Division
Chapter 1. Production
Chapter 2. Distribution
Chapter 3. Interchange
Chapter 4. Consumption
(P.1) There are few things of which I have occasion to advertize the reader, before he enters upon the perusal of the following work.
(P.2) My object has been to compose a school-book of Political Economy, to detach the essential principles of the science from all extraneous topics, to state the propositions clearly and in their logical order, and to subjoin its demonstration to each. I am, myself, persuaded, that nothing more is necessary for understanding every part of the book, than to read it with attention; such attention as persons of either sex, of ordinary understanding, are capable of bestowing.
(P.3) They who are commencing the study ought to proceed slowly, and to familiarize themselves with the new combinations of ideas, as they are successively presented to them. If they proceed to a subsequent proposition before they are sufficiently imbued with the first, they will of course experience a difficulty, only because they have not present to their memory the truth which is calculated to remove it. If they who begin the study of mathematics were to content themselves with merely reading and assenting to the demonstrations, they would soon arrive at doctrines, which they would be unable to comprehend, solely because they had not, by frequent repetition, established in their minds those previous propositions, on which the evidence of the subsequent ones depends.
(P.4) In a work of this description I have thought it adviseable not to quote any authorities, because I am anxious that the learner should fix his mind upon the doctrine and its evidence, without any extraneous consideration. I cannot fear an imputation of plagiarism, because I profess to have made no discovery; and those men who have contributed to the progress of the science need no testimony of mine to establish their fame.
(P.5) In this third edition, the only alterations, not merely verbal, will be found, in the section on Profits, where the different modes of expressing the relation of profits to wages is more fully expounded; in the section which treats of "what determines the quantity in which commodities exchange for one another," where I have added something in illustration of the analysis of what regulates value; in the section, which explains the "occasions on which it is the interest of nations to exchange commodities with one another," where I have corrected an error of the former editions; and in the section, which treats of a tax per acre on the land, where I have thought it necessary to explain a case to which I had not before adverted.
(I.1) Political Economy is to the State, what domestic economy is to the family.
(I.2) The family consumes; and, in order to consume, it must supply.
(I.3) Domestic economy has, therefore, two grand objects; the consumption and supply of the family. The consumption being a quantity always indefinite, for there is no end to the desire of enjoyment, the grand concern is, to increase the supply.
(I.4) Those things, which are produced, in sufficient abundance for the satisfaction of all, without the intervention of human labour; as air, the light of the sun, water, and so on; are not objects of care or providence; and therefore, accurately speaking, do not form part of the subject of domestic economy. The art of him, who manages a family, consists in regulating the supply and consumption of those things, which cannot be obtained but with cost; in other words, with human labour, "the original purchase money, which is given for every thing."
(I.5) The same is the case with Political Economy. It also has two grand objects, the Consumption of the Community, and that Supply upon which the consumption depends. Those things, which are supplied without the intervention of human labour, as nothing is required in order to obtain them, need not be taken into account. Had every thing, desired for consumption, existed without human labour, there would have been no place for Political Economy. Science is not implied in putting forth the hand, and using. But when labour is to be employed, and the objects of desire can be multiplied only by a preconcerted plan of operations, it becomes an object of importance to ascertain completely the means of that multiplication, and to frame a system of rules for applying them with greatest advantage to the end.
(I.6) It is not pretended, that writers on Political Economy have always limited their disquisitions to this object. It seems, however, important to detach the science from all considerations not essential to it. The Reader is therefore requested to observe that, in the following pages, I have it merely in view, to ascertain the laws, according to which the production and consumption are regulated of those commodities, which the intervention of human labour is necessary to procure.
(I.7) The Science of Political Economy, thus defined, divides itself into two grand inquiries; that which relates to Production, and that which relates to Consumption.
(I.8) But, after things are produced, it is evident, that, before they are consumed, they must be distributed. The laws of distribution, therefore, constitute an intermediate inquiry.
(I.9) When commodities are produced, and distributed, it is highly convenient, for the sake both of reproduction and consumption, that portions of them should be exchanged for one another. To ascertain, therefore, the laws, according to which commodities are exchanged for one another, is a second inquiry, preceding that which relates to the last great topic of Political Economy, Consumption.
(I.10) It thus appears, that four inquiries are comprehended in this science.
(I.11) 1st. What are the laws, which regulate the production of commodities:
(I.12) 2dly. What are the laws, according to which the commodities, produced by the labour of the community, are distributed:
(I.13) 3dly. What are the laws, according to which commodities are exchanged for one another:
(I.14) 4thly. What are the laws, which regulate consumption.
(1.1) The distinction, between what is done by labour, and what is done by nature, is not always observed.
(1.2) Labour produces its effects only by conspiring with the laws of nature.
(1.3) It is found that the agency of man can be traced to very simple elements. He does nothing but produce motion. He can move things towards one another, and he can separate them from one another. The properties of matter perform the rest. He moves ignited iron to a portion of gunpowder, and an explosion takes place. He moves the seed to the ground, and vegetation commences. He separates the plant from the ground, and vegetation ceases. Why, or how, these effects take place, he is ignorant. He has only ascertained, by experience, that if he perform such and such motions, such and such events are the consequence. In strictness of speech, it is matter itself, which produces the effects. All that men can do is to place the objects of nature in a certain position. The tailor, when he makes a coat; the farmer, when he produces corn, do but the same thing. Each performs a set of motions; the properties of matter accomplish the rest. It would be absurd to ask, to which of any two effects the properties of matter contribute the most; seeing they contribute every thing, after certain portions of matter are placed in a certain position.
(1.4) As our inquiry is confined to that species of production, of which human labour is the instrument; and as human labour produces its effects chiefly in two modes; either with, or without, the aid of implements; this chapter naturally divides itself into two sections; of which the first will treat of Labour, simply, and as much as possible detached from the consideration of the instruments by which the powers of labour maybe improved: the second will treat of Capital, or of the origin, and nature of that provision of materials, on which labour is employed, and by which its operations are assisted.
(1.i.1) In the state of society, in which we exist, we seldom see Labour employed except in conjunction with Capital. To conceive the separate operation of Labour more distinctly, it may be useful to recur, in imagination, to that simple state of things, in which society may be conceived to have originated.
(1.i.2) When the savage climbs a tree, and gathers the fruit; when he ensnares a wild beast, or beats it down with a club, he may be considered as operating with his naked powers, and without the aid of any thing, to which the name of Capital can properly be annexed.
(1.i.3) The principal thing, which, with a view to the conclusions of Political Economy, it is necessary to remark, in regard to Labour, considered as a distinct portion of a composite whole, and apart from Capital, is, the necessity of subsistence to the labourer. In the idea of labour, the idea of this subsistence is included. Whenever we say that such and such effects are produced by pure labour, we mean the consumption and operations of the labourer, taken conjunctly. There can be no labour, without the consumption of the labourer. If the man, who climbs the tree to gather the fruit, can manage to find two such trees, and to climb them in a day, he can continue his employment with the subsistence of half a day provided in advance. If the man who subsists on animals cannot make sure of his prey, in less than a day, he cannot have less than a whole day's subsistence in advance. If hunting excursions are undertaken, which occupy a week or a month, subsistence for several days may be required. It is evident, when men come to live upon those productions which their labour raises from the soil, and which can be brought to maturity only once in the year, that subsistence for a whole year must be laid up in advance.
(1.i.4) The previous provision or the labourer may be greater or smaller, in different cases, in proportion to the greater or less time which it may require, to realize the fruit of his labour, in the shape of subsistence; but in all these cases, equally, whenever we speak of his labour, as a thing by itself, a detached, independent, instrument of production, the idea or the subsistence is included in it.
(1.i.5) This is the more necessary to be remembered, that the terms, Labour, and Wages, are, sometimes, incautiously used; and confusion of ideas, and some fundamental errors, are the consequence. It is clear, that, when we speak of the labour of a man, for a day, or a month, or a year, the idea of his subsistence is as necessarily included, as that of the action of his muscles, or his life. His labour is not one thing, the action of his muscles another thing; to the purpose in hand, they are one and the same thing. If wages be taken as synonymous with the consumption of the labourer, the labour cannot be taken, as one item of an aggregate, and its wages as another. As often as this is done, an error is the necessary consequence.
(1.i.6) Having thus seen, what ideas are necessarily included in that of labour, in its detached, and simplest form, it is only further necessary, under this head, to consider the improvements, in respect to its productive powers, of which it is susceptible.
(1.i.7) It will be seen hereafter, that the most important of these improvements arise, from the use of those instruments, which form one of the portions of capital. Great improvements also arise, from the division, including the distribution, of labour.
(1.i.8) The foundation of this latter class of improvements is laid, in the fact, that an operation, which we perform slowly at first, is performed with greater and greater rapidity by repetition. This is a law of human nature so familiar, and well understood, that it hardly stands in need of illustration. The simplest of all operations, that of beating a drum, is a proper example. A man who has not practised this operation, is often surprised, upon trial, at the slowness with which he performs it, while the rapidity of a practised drummer is still more astonishing.
(1.i.9) The repetition, upon which the greatest celerity depends, must be frequent. It is not therefore compatible with a great number of different operations. The man, who would perform one, or a few, operations, with the greatest possible rapidity, must confine himself to one or a few. Of the operations, therefore, conducive to the production of the commodities desired by man, if any one confines himself to a small number, he will perform them with much more rapidity, than if he employed himself in a greater; and not only with more rapidity, but, what is often of the highest consequence, with greater correctness and precision.
(1.i.10) A certain immense aggregate of operations, is subservient to the production of the commodities useful and agreeable to man. It is of the highest importance that this aggregate should be divided into portions, consisting, each, of as small a number of operations as possible, in order that every operation may be the more quickly and perfectly, performed. If each man could, by the more frequent repetition thus occasioned, perform two of these operations, instead of one, and also perform each of them better, the powers of the community, in producing articles useful and agreeable to them, would, upon this supposition, be more than doubled. Not only would they be doubled in quantity, but a great advantage would be gained in point of quality.
(1.i.11) This subject has been fully illustrated by Dr. Smith, in the first chapter of the first book of the "Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations," where the extraordinary effect of the division of labour in increasing its productive powers, in the more complicated cases, is displayed in some very remarkable instances. He states that a boy, who has been accustomed to make nothing but nails, can make-upwards of two thousand three hundred in a day; while a common blacksmith, whose operations are nevertheless so much akin to those of the nailer, cannot make above three hundred, and those very bad ones.
(1.i.12) Even in the simplest state of labour, it cannot be doubted, that, if one man should confine himself to the operation of climbing trees for their fruit, another to the operations of ensnaring and killing animals, they would acquire a dexterity, the one in climbing trees, the other in procuring animals, greater than they would have acquired, had each occasionally performed both operations; and that they would by such means obtain a greater abundance, both of fruit, and of game.
(1.i.13) So obvious is this advantage, that some remarkable cases of the division of labour are exemplified, in the earliest stages of the arts. The hands which spin the thread, and the hands which weave it into cloth, were different, in every country, perhaps, in which we have any memorial of the early state of the art. The man who tans the hide, and the man who makes it into shoes; the man who works in iron, and the man who works in wood, were all separated at an early period, and had divisions of labour appropriated to them.
(1.i.14) If the immense aggregate of the operations which are subservient to the complicated accommodations, required in an artificial and opulent state of society, were to be divided, under circumstances the best calculated for breaking it down into those small groupes of operations, which afford the greatest aid to the productive powers of labour, the most perfect philosophical analysis of the subject would be the first operation to be performed; the next would be an equally perfect philosophical synthesis.
(1.i.15) In order to know what is to be done with a vast aggregate of materials, existing in forms, ill adopted to the ends which are to be obtained, it is necessary to contemplate the aggregate in its elements; to resolve it into those elements; and carefully and comprehensively to pass them under review. This is the analytical operation.
(1.i.16) When we have the full knowledge of the elements, which we are to combine, as means, towards our ends, and when we have an equally perfect knowledge of the ends, it then remains that we proceed to form those combinations, by which the ends will be most advantageously produced. This is the synthetical operation.
(1.i.17) It is well known, that neither of these operations has as yet been performed, in order to obtain the best division and distribution of labour. It is equally certain, that this division is still in a most imperfect state. As far as it has been performed, it has been performed practically, as they call it; that is, in a great degree, accidentally; as the fortuitous discoveries of individuals, engaged in particular branches, enabled them to perceive that in these branches a particular advantage was to be gained. Such improvements have almost always been founded on some very narrow view; an analysis and synthesis, certainly; but including a small number of elements, and these but imperfectly understood. Improvements, founded upon narrow views, are almost always equally confined in their application. There is no generalization. An improvement, introduced into one machine, or one manufacture, is often long before it is introduced into another, where it would be equally important. And one improvement is still more slow in suggesting another, which is akin to it; because a narrow view discovers no relations, between the things which it embraces, and the things which it excludes.
(1.ii.1) We have already observed, that labour performs its operations, either simply, by the unaided powers of the human body; or, with the use of instruments, which augment not only the quantity, but often also the accuracy and precision of its results.
(1.ii.2) As examples of the earliest and simplest of the instruments, contrived for this purpose, we may mention the bow and arrow, and the sling, of the huntsman. The spade is an instrument easily invented for turning the soil; and a certain rude machine, to which the force of cattle may be applied, and which is the first form of a plough, suggests itself at an early stage of improvement.
(1.ii.3) From these beginnings men proceed, inventing one instrument after another, the axe, the hammer, the saw, the wheel, the wheel-carriage, and so on, till they arrive at last at that copious supply of complicated machinery by which labour is rendered productive in the most artificial states of society. The provision which is made of these instruments is denominated capital.
(1.ii.4) This, however, is not the whole of what is denominated capital. Labour in its earliest stage is not employed upon any materials but such as nature presents, without any preparation at the hands of man. When the savage climbs the tree, to gather the fruit; when the huntsman tears down the branch, to form his club or his bow, he operates upon materials, which are prepared for him by the hand of nature. At a subsequent stage in the progress of industry, the materials upon which labour is employed, have generally been the result of previous labour. Thus, the flax and the cotton, which are to be manufactured into cloth and muslin, have been the result of the labour of agriculture; the iron has been the result of the labours of the miner and smelter, and so of other things. The materials, upon which labour is to be employed, when they have thus been the result of previous labour, are also denominated capital.
(1.ii.5) When we speak of labour, as one of the instruments of production, and of capital, as the other, these two constituents, namely, the instruments which aid labour, and the materials on which it is employed, are all that can be correctly included in the idea of capital. It is true that wages are in general included under that term. But, in that sense, labour is also included; and can no longer be spoken of as an instrument of production apart from capital. We have already seen, that, whenever labour is spoken of as a separate, distinct, instrument of production, the idea of the subsistence, or consumption, of the labourer, for which wages is but another name, is included in the idea of the labour.
(1.ii.6) Having thus endeavoured to annex precise ideas to the terms Capital and Labour, a matter of the utmost importance in the study of political economy, and to distinguish their respective departments, in the business of production, it is only further necessary, to advert to the origin of capital, and the laws of its accumulation.
(1.ii.7) It is easy to discover, that the source, from which capital is ultimately derived, is labour. Production, of necessity, begins with the hands. There can be no instrument till it is made; and the first instrument had no previous instrument to be made with.
(1.ii.8) The first portion of capital, therefore, was the result of pure labour, without the co-operation of capital.
(1.ii.9) Speedily, however, after the first instrument, which increased the productive powers of labour, had been made, another instrument would be made to assist in the formation of it, as a knife, to aid in the formation of the bow; and then capital, for the first time, becomes the result of labour, and of capital, conjoined.
(1.ii.10) This subject is too clear to need to be illustrated, by tracing the mode, in which capital and labour combine, in producing the articles, of which capital is composed, from the simplest, to the most complicated, cases. It will be hereafter seen, that, in the more artificial and improved states of the business of production, a very great proportion of the whole of the labour and capital of the country is constantly employed in the production of the articles, which form capital.
(1.ii.11) As capital, from its simplest, to its most complicated state, means, something produced, for the purpose of being employed, as the means towards a further production; it is evidently a result of what is called saving.
(1.ii.12) Without saving there could be no capital. If all labour were employed upon objects of immediate consumption, all immediately consumed, such as the fruit, for which the savage climbs the tree, no article of capital, no article to be employed, as a means to further production, would ever exist. To this end, something must be produced, which is not immediately consumed; which is saved and set apart for another purpose.
(1.ii.13) Of the consequences of this fact, all, to which it is necessary here to advert, are sufficiently obvious.
(1.ii.14) Every article, which is thus saved, becomes an article of capital. The augmentation of capital, therefore, is every where exactly in proportion to the degree of saving; in fact, the amount of that augmentation, annually, is the same thing with the amount of the savings, which are annually made.
(1.ii.15) The labour and the capital, which combine to the production of a commodity, may belong both to one party, or one of them, may belong to one party, the other to another. Thus, when the savage, who kills a deer, kills it with his own bow and arrows, he is the owner both of the labour and of the capital: when he kills it with the bow and arrows of another man, the one is the owner of the labour, the other of the capital. The man, who cultivates his little farm with his own labour and that of his family, without the aid of hired servants, is owner both of the capital and of the labour. The man, who cultivates with none but hired servants, is owner of the capital. The servants may be considered, at least for the present purpose, as owners of the labour, though we shall presently see under what modification that meaning is to be taken.
(1.ii.16) In this sense of the term "owners of labour," the parties, concerned about production, are divided into two classes, that of capitalists, the rich men who supply the materials and instruments of production; and that of the workmen, who supply the labour.
(1.ii.17) These terms are all sufficiently familiar; but a few observations are further necessary, in order, on this important subject, to preclude, as far as possible, confusion of ideas.
(1.ii.18) The great capitalist, the owner of a manufactory, if he operated with slaves instead of free labourers, like the West India planter, would be regarded as owner both of the capital, and of the labour. He would be owner, in short, of both instruments of production: and the whole of the produce, without participation, would be his own.
(1.ii.19) What is the difference, in the case of the man, who operates by means of labourers receiving wages? The labourer, who receives wages, sells his labour for a day, a week, a month, or a year, as the case may be. The manufacturer, who pays these wages, buys the labour, for the day, the year, or whatever period it may be. He is equally therefore the owner of the labour, with the manufacturer who operates with slaves. The only difference is, in the mode of purchasing. The owner of the slave purchases, at once, the whole of the labour, which the man can ever perform: he, who pays wages, purchases only so much of a man's labour as he can perform in a day, or any other stipulated time. Being equally, however, the owner of the labour, so purchased, as the owner of the slave is of that of the slave, the produce, which is the result of this labour, combined with his capital, is all equally his own. In the state of society, in which we at present exist, it is in these circumstances that almost all production is effected: the capitalist is the owner of both instruments of production: and the whole of the produce is his.
(1.ii.20) There is a distinction of capital into two sorts, arising from a difference in the mode of applying it. To this distinction as some consequences of importance are attached, it is necessary that a correct idea should be attained of it.
(1.ii.21) Of the articles, whereof capital consists, some are of a durable nature, and contribute to production without being destroyed. Of this nature is a great proportion of the tools and machines, which are employed both in agriculture and manufactures. Such are the buildings subservient to the various kinds of production; and such are all the other accommodations, not necessary to be enumerated, which do not perish in the using. That portion of capital, which comes under this description, has been denominated "Fixed capital."
(1.ii.22) There is another portion of the articles, subservient to production, which do perish in the using. Such are all the tools worn out in one set of operations, all the articles, which contribute to production only by their consumption, as coals, oil, the dye stuffs of the dyer, the seed of the farmer, and so on. Of this nature, also, are the raw materials worked up in the finished manufacture. The wool of the clothier is consumed in the making of his cloth, the cotton of the cotton manufacturer in making his muslins. Under the same head must be included the expence of repairing and keeping in order the more durable articles of fixed capital. The distinctive character of all this portion of capital is, that it is necessarily consumed, in contributing to production, and that it must be reproduced, in order to enable the producer to continue his operations. This has been denominated "circulating" capital; but by a very inappropriate appellation. There is nothing in its consumption and reproduction which bears much resemblance to circulation. It would be much better to call it "reproduced" capital, although the word "reproduced," being a past and not a future participle, is not unexceptionable; it is capital which constantly needs to be reproduced, because, in contributing to production, it is constantly consumed.
(1.ii.23) There is another thing, which is also constantly consumed, and constantly needs to be reproduced, and that is, the subsistence, or consumption, or wages of the labourer; and that, equally, whether the labourer supplies it to himself, or receives it from the capitalist, in the shape of wages; that is, pay, in advance, for his labour. In this latter shape, being advanced by the capitalist out of those funds, which would otherwise have constituted capital in the distinctive sense of the word, and being considered as yielding the same advantage, it is uniformly spoken of under the name of capital, and a confusion of ideas is sometimes the consequence.
(1.ii.24) When all these items are included, it is obvious, that a very great proportion of the consumption and production, of every country, takes place for the sake of reproduction. This is a highly important fact, of which the consequences will hereafter occur for more particular consideration.
(1.ii.25) It follows, necessarily, if the instruments of labour, the materials on which it is employed, and the subsistence of the labourer, are all included under the name of capital, that the productive industry of every country is in proportion to its capital; increases when its capital increases; and declines when it declines. If the instruments of labour, the materials to work upon, and the pay of workmen, are all increased, the quantity of work will be increased, provided more workmen can be obtained. If more workmen cannot be obtained, two things will happen: First, wages will be raised; which, giving an impulse to population, will increase the number of labourers: Secondly, the scarcity of hands will whet the ingenuity of capitalists to supply the deficiency, by new inventions in machinery, and by distributing and dividing labour to greater advantage.
(2.2) When the parties are determined, among whom the whole of the produce is distributed, it remains to be ascertained, by what laws the proportions are established, according to which the division is made. We shall begin with the explanation of Rent, or the share received by Landlords; as it is the most simple, and will facilitate the explanation of the laws, upon which the shares, of the Labourers, and of the Capitalists, depend.
(2.i.1) Land is of different degrees of fertility. There is a species of land, the elevated or stony parts, for example, of high mountains, loose sand, and certain marshes, which may be said to produce nothing. Between this and the most productive sort, there are lands of all the intermediate degrees of fertility.
(2.i.2) Again; lands, of the highest fertility, do not yield the whole of what they are capable of yielding, with the same facility. A piece of land, for example, may be capable of yielding annually ten quarters of corn, or twice ten, or three times ten, It yields, however, the first ten, with a certain quantity of labour, the second ten, not without a greater, the third ten, not without a greater still, and so on; every additional ten requiring to its production a greater cost than the ten which preceded it. This is well known to be the law, according to which, by a greater expenditure of capital, a greater produce is obtained, from the same portion of land.
(2.i.3) Till the whole of the best land is brought under cultivation, and till it has received the application of a certain quantity of capital, all the capital employed upon the land is employed with an equal return. At a certain point, however, no additional capital can be employed upon the same land, without a diminution of return. In any country, therefore, after a certain quantity of corn has been raised, no greater quantity can be raised, but at a greater cost. If such additional quantity is raised, the capital, employed upon the land, may be distinguished into, two portions; one, producing a higher; another, a lower return.
(2.i.4) When capital producing a lower return is applied to the land, it is applied in one of two ways. It is either applied to new land of the second degree of fertility, then for the first time brought under cultivation; or it is applied to land of the first degree of fertility, which has already received all the capital which can be applied without a diminution of return.
(2.i.5) Whether capital shall be applied to land of the second degree of fertility, or in a second dose to the land of the first degree of fertility, will depend, in each instance, upon the nature and qualities of the two soils. If the same capital which will produce only eight quarters, when applied in a second dose to the best land, will produce nine quarters, when applied to land of the second degree of fertility, it will be applied to that land, and vice versa
(2.i.6) The land of the different degrees of fertility; first, or highest sort; second, or next highest, and so on, may, for facility of reference, be denominated, No. 1, No. 2, No. 3, &c. In like manner, the different doses of capital, which may be applied to the same land, one after another, with less and less effect, may be denominated 1st dose, 2d dose, 3d dose, and so on.
(2.i.7) So long as land produces nothing, it is not worth appropriating. So long as a part only of the best land is required for cultivation, all that is uncultivated yields nothing; that is, nothing which has any value. It naturally, therefore, remains unappropriated; and any man may have it, who undertakes to render it productive.
(2.i.8) During this time, land, speaking correctly, yields no rent. There is a difference, no doubt, between the land which has been cultivated, and the land which is yet uncleared for cultivation. Rather than clear the fresh land, a man will pay an equivalent, annual, or otherwise, for the cost of clearing: and it is evident that he will pay no more. This, therefore, is not a payment for the power of the soil, but simply for the capital bestowed upon the soil. It is not rent; it is interest.
(2.i.9) The time, however, arrives, as population, and the demand for food increase, when it is necessary either to have recourse to land of the second quality, or to apply a second dose of capital, less productively, upon land of the first quality.
(2.i.10) If a man cultivates land of the second quality; upon which a certain quantity of capital will produce only eight quarters of corn, while the same quantity of capital upon land of the first quality will produce ten quarters; it will make no difference to him, whether he pay two quarters for leave to cultivate the first sort, or cultivate the second without any payment. He will therefore be content to pay two quarters for leave to cultivate the first sort; and that payment constitutes rent.
(2.i.11) Let us suppose, again, that instead of cultivating land of the second quality, it is more advisable to apply a second dose of capital to land of the first quality; and that, while the first dose produces ten quarters, the second, of equal amount, will produce only eight quarters; it is equally implied in this, as ill the former case, that it is impossible to employ any more capital with so great an effect as the ten supposed quarters, and that there are persons who are willing to apply it with so little a return as eight. But if there are persons who are willing to apply their capital on the land with so little a return as eight quarters, the owners of the land may make a bargain, by which they will obtain all that is produced above eight. The effect upon rent is thus the same in both cases.
(2.i.12) It follows that rent increases in proportion as the productive power of the capital, successively bestowed upon the land, decreases. If population has arrived at another stage, when, all the land of second quality being cultivated, it is necessary to have recourse to land of third quality, yielding, instead of eight quarters, only six, it is evident, from the same process of reasoning that the land of second quality will now yield rent, namely, two quarters; and that land of first quality will yield an augmented rent, namely, two quarters more. The case will be exactly the same, if, instead of having recourse to land of less fertility, a second and a third dose of capital, with the same diminution of produce, are bestowed upon land of the first quality.
(2.i.13) We may thus obtain a general expression for rent. In applying capital, either to lands of various degrees of fertility, or, in successive doses, to the same land, some portions of the capital so employed are attended with a greater produce, some with a less. That which yields the least, yields all that is necessary for reimbursing and rewarding the capitalist. The capitalist will receive no more than this remuneration for any portion of the capital which he employs, because the competition of others will prevent him. All that is yielded above this remuneration, the landlord will be able to appropriate. Rent, therefore, is the difference between the return made to the more productive portions, and that which is made to the least productive portion, of capital, employed upon the land.
(2.i.14) Taking, for illustration, the three cases, Of ten quarters, eight quarters, and six quarters, we perceive, that rent is the difference between six quarters and eight quarters for the portion of capital which yields only eight quarters; the difference between six quarters and ten quarters for the portion of capital which yields ten quarters; and if three doses of capital, one yielding ten, another eight, and another six quarters, are applied to the same portion of land, its rent will be four quarters for dose No. 1, and two quarters for dose No. 2, making together six quarters for the whole.
(2.i.15) If these conclusions are well supported, the doctrine of rent is simple, and the consequences, as we shall see hereafter, are exceedingly important. There is but one objection, which it seems possible to make to them. It may be said, that, after land is appropriated, there is no portion of it which does not pay rent, no owner being disposed to give the use of it for nothing. This objection has, indeed, been raised; and it has been urged, that some rent is paid even for the most barren of the Scottish mountains.
(2.i.16) If an objection is taken, it affects the conclusion, either to a material, or to an immaterial extent.. Where the matter alleged in objection, even if admitted, would still leave the conclusion substantially, and to all practical purposes, true, the objection must be owing to one of two defects in the mind of the objector; either a confusion of ideas, which prevents him from seeing to how small a degree the matter which he alleges affects the doctrine which he denies; or a disposition to evade the admission of the doctrine, even though nothing solid can be found with which to oppose it.
(2.i.17) That the matter alledged in this objection, even if allowed, would leave the conclusion, to all practical purposes, just where it was, can hardly fail to be acknowledged, as soon as the circumstances are disclosed. It cannot be so much as pretended that the rent paid for the barren mountains of Scotland is any thing but a trifle; an evanescent quantity, when we speak of any moderate extent. If it were 5 l. for a thousand acres, that is, about one penny per acre, it would bear so small a proportion to the cost of cultivation, which could not be less than several pounds per acre, that it would little affect the truth of the conclusion we have endeavoured to establish.
(2.i.18) Let us suppose, for the sake of the argument, that the worst species of land under cultivation pays one penny per acre: rent, in that case, would be the difference between the produce resulting from different portions of capital, as explained above, with the correction required on account of the penny per acre paid as rent for the worst species of land under cultivation. Assuredly, if right in every other respect, we shall not be far wrong in our conclusions, by leaving this penny out of the question. A very slight advantage, in simplifying our language on the subject, would justify this omission.
(2.i.19) But it is not true, that our conclusions stand in need of any such correction, even for metaphysical exactness. There is land, such as the sands of Arabia, which yields nothing. Land is found at all the intermediate stages from this to the highest fertility. Some land, though not absolutely incapable of yielding any thing for the accommodation of man, could not be made to yield what would maintain the labourers required for its cultivation. This land can never be cultivated. There is land, the annual produce of which would just maintain the labour necessary for its cultivation, and no more. This land is just capable of being cultivated, but obviously incapable of paying rent. The objection, therefore, is not only practically immaterial, it is metaphysically unsound.
(2.i.20) It may be safely affirmed, that there is no country, of any considerable extent, in which there is not land incapable of yielding rent: that is, incapable of yielding to human labour more than would be necessary for the maintenance of that labour. That such, at least, is the case in this country, seems very unlikely to be disputed. There are parts of its mountains where nothing less hardy than heath, others where nothing but moss, can vegetate. When it is asserted that every part of the mountains of Scotland pays rent, the state of the facts is misunderstood. It is only true that there is no tenant of any portion of any man's estate in the highlands of Scotland, who does not pay rent. The reason is, because even in the mountains of Scotland there are spots in the valleys, the produce of which is considerable. It does not follow, though hundreds of acres of mountain are added to these valleys, that therefore every part of the mountain yields rent; it is certain that many parts neither do nor can.
(2.i.21) Even where the land is not absolutely barren, and where there is still something for the more hardy of the useful animals to pick up, it is not to be allowed that rent is the necessary consequence. It ought to be remembered, that these cattle are capital, and that the land must afford enough not only to make the return for that capital, but to pay for the tendance of the cattle, of which, in such situations, especially in winter, not a little is required. Unless the land yields all this, and something more, it cannot yield any rent.
(2.i.22) In the greater part of this island, there is hardly a farm, of any considerable extent, which does not contain land, some of more, some of less fertility, varying from a high or moderate degree of fertility, down to land which yields not enough to afford any rent. Of course I do not request admission to this affirmation upon my authority; I rest it upon an appeal to the experience of those men who am best acquainted with the circumstances. If the state of the facts corresponds with the affirmation, it follows demonstratively, that the last portion of the land which is placed under cultivation yields no rent. In such farms as those we have now described, the tenant has bargained for a certain sum to the landlord. That, of course, was calculated, upon the produce of the land which yielded not only the proper return for the capital with which it was cultivated, but something more. As the motive of the tenant to cultivate is wholly constituted by the proper return to his capital, if there is any portion of the barren land, included in his farm, which will just yield the profit of stock, and no more; though it will not afford any thing for rent, it affords to him the adequate motive for cultivation. It can hardly be denied that, in the insensible degrees by which land declines from greater to less fertility, there will, in all considerable farms, be generally found a portion with this particular degree and no more.
(2.i.23) The conclusion, however, may be established, by the clearest evidence, without regard to the question, whether all land pays or does not pay rent. On land which pays the highest rent, we have seen that capital, applied in successive doses, is not attended with equal results. The first dose yields more, possibly much more, than the return for the capital. The second also may yield more, and so on. The rent, if accurately calculated, will be equal to all that is rendered by those several doses, over and above the profits of stock. The cultivator, of course, applies all those several doses of capital on which he has agreed to pay rent. But immediately after them comes another dose, which though it yields nothing for rent, may fully yield the ordinary profits of stock. It is for the profits of stock, and them alone, that the farmer cultivates. As long, therefore, as capital applied to his farm will yield the ordinary profits of stock, he will apply capital, if he has it. I therefore conclude, with assurance, that in the natural state of things, in every agricultural country, one portion of the capital employed upon the land pays no rent; that rent, therefore, consists wholly, of that produce which is yielded by the more productive portions of capital, over and above a quantity equal to that which constitutes the return to the least productive portion, and which must be received, to afford his requisite profits, by the farmer.
(2.ii.1) Production is performed by labour. Labour, however, receives the raw material which it fashions, and the machinery by which it is aided, from capital, or more properly speaking, these articles are the capital.
(2.ii.2) The labourer is sometimes the owner of all the capital which his labour requires. The shoemaker or tailor has, sometimes, not only the tools with which he works, but also the leather or cloth upon which his labour is employed. In all cases of that description, the commodity is wholly the property of the man by whose labour it is prepared.
(2.ii.3) In the greater number of cases, however, especially in the more improved stages of society, the labourer is one person, the owner of the capital another. The labourer has neither raw material nor tools. These requisites are provided for him by the capitalist. For making this provision, the capitalist, of course, expects a reward. As the commodity, which was produced by the shoemaker, when the capital was his own, belonged wholly to himself, and constituted the whole of his reward, both as labourer and capitalist, so, in this case, the commodity belongs to the labourer and capitalist together. When prepared, the commodity, or the value of it, is to be shared between them. The reward to both must be derived from the commodity, and the reward of both makes up the whole of the commodity.
(2.ii.4) Instead, however, of waiting till the commodity is produced, and abiding all the delay and uncertainties of the market in which the value of it is realized, it has been found to suit much better the convenience of the labourers to receive their share in advance. The shape under which it has been found most convenient for all parties that they should receive it, is that of wages. When that share of the commodity, which belongs to the labourer, has been all received in the shape of wages, the commodity itself belongs to the capitalist, he having, in reality, bought the share or the labourer and paid for it in advance.
(2.ii.5) We come now to the question as to what determines the share of the labourer, or the proportion in which the commodity, or its worth, is divided between him and the capitalist. Whatever the share of the labourer, such is the rate of wages; and, vice versa whatever the rate of wages, such is the share of the commodity, or commodity's worth, which the labourer receives.
(2.ii.6) It is very evident, that the share of the two parties is the subject of a bargain between them; and if there is a bargain, it is not difficult to see on what the terms of the bargain must depend. All bargains, when made in freedom, are determined by competition, and the terms alter according to the state of supply and demand.
(2.ii.7) Let us begin by supposing that there is a certain number of capitalists, with a certain quantity of food, raw material, and instruments, or machinery; that there is also a certain number of labourers; and that the proportion, in which the commodities produced are divided between them, has fixed itself at some particular point.
(2.ii.8) Let us next suppose, that the labourers have increased in number one half, without any increase in the quantity of capital. There is the same quantity of the requisites for the employment of labour; that is, of food, tools, and material, as there was before; but for every 100 labourers there are now 150. There will be 50 men, therefore, in danger of being left out of employment. To prevent their being left out of employment they have but one resource; they must endeavour to supplant those who have forestalled the employment; that is, they must offer to work for a smaller reward. Wages, therefore, decline.
(2.ii.9) If we suppose, on the other hand, that the quantity of capital has increased, while the number of labourers remains the same, the effect will be reversed. The capitalists have a greater quantity than before of the means of employment; of capital, in short; from which they wish to derive advantage. To derive this advantage they must have more labourers. To obtain them, they also have but one resource, to offer higher wages. But the masters by whom the labourers are now employed are in the same predicament, and will of course offer higher to induce them to remain. This competition is unavoidable, and. the necessary effect of it is a rise of wages.
(2.ii.10) It thus appears, that, if population increases, without an increase of capital, wages fall; and that, if capital increases, without an increase of population, wages rise. It is evident, also, that if both increase, but one faster than the other, the effect will be the same as if the one had not increased at all, and the other had made an increase equal to the difference. Suppose, for example, that population has increased one-eighth, and capital one-eighth; this is the same thing as if they had stood still, with regard to the effect upon labour. But suppose that, in addition to the above-mentioned one-eighth, population bad increased another eighth, the effect, in that case, upon wages, would be the same as if capital had not increased at all, and population had increased one-eighth.
(2.ii.11) Universally, then, we may affirm, that, other things remaining the same, if the ratio which capital and population bear to one another remains the same, wages will remain the same; if the ratio which capital bears to population increases, wages will rise; if the ratio which population bears to capital increases, wages will fall.
(2.ii.12) From this law, clearly understood, it is easy to trace the circumstances which, in any country, determine the condition of the great body of the people. If that condition is easy and comfortable, all that is necessary to keep it so, is, to make capital increase as fast as population; or, on the other hand, to prevent population from increasing faster than capital. If that condition is not easy and comfortable, it can only be made so, by one of two methods; either by quickening the rate at which capital increases, or retarding the rate at which population increases; augmenting, in short, the ratio which the means of employing the people bear to the number of people.
(2.ii.13) If it were the natural tendency of capital to increase faster than population, there would be no difficulty in preserving a prosperous condition of the people. If, on the other hand, it were the natural tendency of population to increase faster than capital, the difficulty would be very great. There would be a perpetual tendency in wages to fall. The progressive fall of wages would produce a greater and a greater degree of poverty among the people, attended with its inevitable consequences, misery and vice. As poverty, and its consequent misery increased, mortality would also increase. Of a numerous family born, a certain number only, from want of the means of well-being, would be reared. By whatever proportion the population tended to increase faster than capital, such a proportion of those who were born would die: the ratio of increase in capital and population would then remain the same, and the fall of wages would proceed no farther.
(2.ii.14) That population has a tendency to increase faster, than, in most places, capital has actually increased, is proved, incontestably, by the condition of the population in most parts of the globe. ln almost all countries, the condition of the great body of the people is poor and miserable. This would have been impossible, if capital had increased faster than population. In that case wages must have risen; and high wages would have placed the labourer above the miseries of want.
(2.ii.15) This general misery of mankind is a fact, which can be accounted for, upon one only of two suppositions: either that there is a natural tendency in population to increase faster than capital, or that capital has, by some means, been prevented from increasing so fast as it has a tendency to increase. This, therefore, is an inquiry of the highest importance.
(2.ii.16) The natural tendency of population to increase is to be collected from two sets of circumstances; the physiological constitution of the female of the human species; and the statements respecting the rate of increase in different countries.
(2.ii.17) The facts respecting the physiological constitution of the human female are well ascertained, and are indubitable grounds of conclusion. The statements respecting the rate of increase in different countries will be found to be, either suppositions with respect to matters of fact, upon the conformity of which suppositions to any real matters of fact we can have no assurance; or statements of facts, of such a nature, as prove nothing with regard to the points in dispute.
(2.ii.18) That the possible rate of increase in the numbers of mankind depends upon the constitution of the female, will not be disputed. The facts, which are fully ascertained in regard to the female of the human species, and the inferences which the sciences of physiology and comparative anatomy enable us to derive from the analogy of other animals, whose anatomy and physiology resemble those of the human species, afford the means of very satisfactory conclusions on this subject.
(2.ii.19) The females of those species of animals, whose period and mode of gestation are similar to those of the female of our own species, and which bring forth one at a birth, are capable, when placed in the most favourable circumstances, of a birth every year, from the time when the power of producing begins, till the time when it ends, omitting one year now and then, which, at the most, amounts to a very small proportion on the whole.
(2.ii.20) The suckling of the infant, in the case of the female of the human species, if continued more than three months, has a tendency to postpone the epoch of conception beyond the period of a year. This, it is to be observed, is the only physiological peculiarity which authorizes an inference of any difference in the frequency of the births in the case of the female of the human species, and in that of those other species to which we have referred.
(2.ii.21) To reason correctly, we should make an allowance for that peculiarity. Let such ample allowance be made as will include all interruptions; let us say that one birth in two years is natural to the female of the human species. In Europe, to which we may at present confine our observations, the period of childbearing in women extends, from sixteen or seventeen, to forty-five, years of age. Let us make still more allowance, and say it extends only from twenty to forty years of age. In that period, at the allowance of two years to one birth, there is time for ten births, which may be regarded as not more than the number natural to the female of the human species.
(2.ii.22) Under favourable circumstances, the mortality among children is very small. Mortality among the children of very poor people is unavoidable, from want of the necessary means of health. Among the children of people in easy circumstances, who know and practise the rules for the preservation of health, the mortality is small; and there can be no doubt, that, under more skilful modes of managing the food, and clothing, the air, the exercise, and education of children, even this mortality would be greatly diminished.
(2.ii.23) We may conclude, therefore, that, in the most favourable circumstances, ten births are the measure of fecundity in the female of the human species; and that of the children born a small proportion would die before the age of maturity. For occasional instances of barrenness, and for this small degree of mortality, let us make much more than the necessary allowance, a deduction of one-half; and say, That every human pair, united at an early age, commanding a full supply of things necessary for physical welfare, exempt from the necessity of oppressive labour, and sufficiently skilled to make the best use of their circumstances for preventing disease and mortality among themselves and their children, would, one with another, rear five children. If this is the case, it is needless to exhibit an accurate calculation, to show that population would double itself in some moderate portion of years. It is evident, at once, that it would double itself in a small number of years.
(2.ii.24) To meet a conclusion so well established as this, recourse has been had to certain tables, respecting population, and respecting births and deaths, in various countries. The reasoning from these tables evades the point in dispute. I know no tables which exhibit any thing, even if we give them, what they never deserve, credit for exactness, except the mere fact with regard to the state of increase. They show, or pretend to show, whether a certain population is increasing or not increasing; and, if increasing, at what rate. But, if it appeared, from such tables, that the population of every country in the world were stationary, no man, capable of reasoning, would infer, that the human race is incapable of increasing. Every body knows the fact, that in the greater number of countries, the population is stationary, or nearly so. But what does this prove, so long as we are not informed, by what causes it is prevented from increasing? We know well, that there are two causes, by which it may be prevented from increasing, how great soever its natural tendency to increase. The one is poverty; under which, let the number born be what it may, all but a certain number undergo a premature destruction. The other is prudence; by which either marriages are sparingly contracted, or care is taken that children, beyond a certain number, shall not be the fruit. It is useless to inform us, that there is little or no increase of population in certain countries, if we receive not, at the same time, accurate information of the degree in which poverty, or prudence, or other causes, operate to prevent it.
(2.ii.25) That population, therefore, has such a tendency to increase as would enable it to double itself in a small number of years, is a proposition resting on the strongest evidence, which nothing worth the name of evidence has been brought to controvert.
(2.ii.26) We come next to consider the tendency which capital may have to increase. If that should increase as fast as population, along with every labourer produced, the means of employment and subsistence would also be produced; and no degradation of the great body of the people would be the consequence.
(2.ii.27) Though it is found, where property is secure, that there is a considerable disposition in mankind to save; sufficient, where vast consumption is not made by the government, and where the difficulties of production are not very great, to make capital progressive; this disposition is still so weak, in almost all the situations in which human beings have ever been placed, as to make the increase of capital slow.
(2.ii.28) The annual produce is always distributed in such a manner, that, either the great body of the people are liberally provided with what is necessary for subsistence and enjoyment, when of course a smaller portion goes to swell the incomes of the rich; or, the great body of the people are reduced to mere necessaries, when there is naturally a class of people whose incomes are large. To one or other of these two cases the state of every community approximates.
(2.ii.29) 1. In the case, in which there is a class reduced to necessaries, and a class of rich, it is evident that the first have not the means of saving. A class of rich men, in the middle of a class of poor, are not apt to save. The possession of a large fortune generally whets the appetite for immediate enjoyment. And the man who is already in possession of a fortune, yielding him all the enjoyments which fortune can command, has little inducement to save. In such a state of the social order, any rapid increase of capital is opposed by causes which are in general irresistible.
(2.ii.30) 2. We are next to consider the state of the social order, in which a large share of the annual produce is distributed among the great body of the people. In that situation, neither the class which labours, nor that which is maintained without labouring, has any forcible motives to save.
(2.ii.31) When a man possesses, what we are now supposing possessed by the great body of the people, food, clothing, lodging, and all other things sufficient not only for comfortable, but pleasurable existence, he possesses the means of all the substantial enjoyments of human life. The rest is in a great measure fancy. There are two sets of men; one, in whom the reasoning power is strong, and who are able to resist a present pleasure for a greater one hereafter; another, in whom it is weak, and who can seldom resist the charm of immediate enjoyment. Of course, it is not in the latter class that the motive to save can be expected to prevail. The class, on the other hand, in whom reason is sufficiently strong to form a due estimate of pleasures, cannot fail to perceive that those which they can obtain by adding penny to penny, after all the rational desires are satisfied, are not equal to the pleasures which, in the circumstances we have supposed, they must relinquish to obtain them. Both the higher and the lower principles of our nature are in such circumstances opposed to accumulation. So far, as to the strength of the motive which, in the supposed circumstances, can operate upon the labouring class.
(2.ii.32) What remains of the annual produce, after the share of the labouring class is deducted, is either distributed in large portions among a small number of very rich men, or among a large number of men of moderate fortunes.
(2.ii.33) We have already examined the state of the motives to accumulate when fortunes are large; and have found that it never can be such as to produce very considerable effects. We have now to examine the state of the motives to accumulate, in a society, in which there is a great number of moderate fortunes, without the prevalence of large. In the way of physical enjoyment, these fortunes yield every thing which the largest fortunes can bestow. There are only two motives, therefore, which, in this situation, can counteract the strong tendency to immediate enjoyment: either the desire of a command over the sentiments of mankind; or the wish to make a provision for children.
(2.ii.34) The strength of the motive to command by riches the favourable sentiments of mankind will depend upon the effect they are calculated to produce. That is different, in different states of society. In the state of society, supposed in the present case, men are distributed into two classes: men of easy but moderate fortunes; and a well paid body of labourers and artisans.
(2.ii.35) The first class; men with fortunes equal to all the purposes not only of independence, and of physical enjoyment, but of taste and elegance, and who at the same time constitute the governing portion of society, giving the tone to its sentiments and amusements; are not in the situation of men whose imaginations are apt to be dazzled by the glare of superior riches. The persons belonging to the second, or labouring class, are cringing and servile, where the frown of the rich man is terrible, and his little favours important: but when they are placed in circumstances which impart the feeling of independence, and give them opportunity for the cultivation of their minds, they are little affected by the signs of wealth. This, therefore, is a state of society in which the possession of great riches gives little command over the sentiments of others, and cannot constitute a powerful motive for saving.
(2.ii.36) With respect to the provision for children, if a man feels no great desire to make a larger than the ordinary moderate fortune for himself, he feels as little desire at the least to make it for his children. The provision, which he desires to make for them, can only, therefore, be such as to place them in the same situation which, is held by himself. He will be anxious to afford to them the same means for beginning life advantageously, as were afforded, or would have been desirable, to himself. To this extent the desire of making a provision for children might be expected to be very general, and it would ensure a certain moderate increase of capital. This may therefore be considered, as, perhaps, the most favourable state of society for accumulation; with the exception of those cases in which colonists, with all the knowledge and power of civilized life, are transported into a country uninhabited, or nearly so, and have the power of cultivating without limit the most, productive species of land. These are coincidences so extraordinary, and so rare, that, in tracing the general laws of human society, it is only necessary to show that they are not forgotten.
(2.ii.37) These considerations seem to prove that more than moderate effects can rarely flow from the motives, to accumulation. But the proof, that population has a tendency to increase faster than capital, does not depend upon this foundation, strong as it is. The tendency of population to increase, whatever it may be, is at any rate an equable tendency. At what rate soever it has increased at any one time, it may be expected to increase at an equal rate, if placed in equally favourable circumstances, at any other time. The case with capital is the reverse.
(2.ii.38) Whether, after land of superior quality has been exhausted, capital is applied to new land of inferior quality, or in successive doses with diminished returns upon the same land, the produce of it is continually diminishing in proportion to its increase. It the return to capital is, however, continually decreasing, the annual fund, from which savings are made, is continually diminishing. The difficulty of making savings is thus continually augmented, and at last they must totally cease.
(2.ii.39) It thus sufficiently appears, that there is a tendency in population to increase faster than capital. If this be established, it is of no consequence to the present purpose to inquire about the rapidity of the increase. How slow soever the increase of population, provided that of capital is still slower, wages will be reduced so low that a portion of the population will regularly die of want. Neither can this dreadful consequence be averted otherwise than by the use of means to prevent the increase of capital from falling short of that of population.
(2.ii.41) The principal means, by which legislatures have it in their power to alter the course of human actions, is by rewards and punishments. Neither is very applicable to the purpose of counteracting the tendency in the human species to multiply. Suppose a law were proposed for annexing penalties to the father and mother of a child, the circumstances of whom were inadequate to its maintenance; it would not be easy to find a mode of punishing, which would be equal to the effect, without producing almost as much uneasiness in society as that which it would propose to remedy: neither would it be very possible to ascertain and define the state of circumstances which is, and that which is not, adequate to the maintenance of one, or two, or any other number of children. To apply rewards to the case of not having any children, in such a manner as to operate usefully upon the principle of population, would be still more difficult.
(2.ii.42) Legislation, in cases ill adapted to its direct, can sometimes produce considerable effects by its indirect operation; as when a desire, which gratifies itself in a hurtful course of action, and cannot easily be counteracted by reward and punishment, is drawn to gratify itself in a less hurtful or an innocent direction. If legislatures have taken measures, as they very often have done, sometimes by direct, more frequently by indirect means, to stimulate the principle of population, such mischievous legislation may be corrected.
(2.ii.43) The powerful agency of the popular sanction might in this, as in other cases, be turned to great account. If an intense degree of disapprobation were directed upon the men, who, by their folly, involved themselves, through a great family, in poverty and dependence; of approbation upon those who, by their self command, preserved themselves from this misery and degradation, much of this folly would unquestionably be prevented.
(2.ii.44) The result to be aimed at is, to secure to the great body of the people all the happiness which is capable of being derived from the matrimonial union, without the evils which a too rapid increase of their numbers involves. The progress of legislation, the improvement of the education of the people, and the decay of superstition, will, in time, it may be hoped, accomplish the difficult task of reconciling these important objects.
(2.ii.45) Such are the modes in which legislation can weaken the tendency in population to increase. It remains to inquire by what means it can strengthen the tendency in capital to increase. These are, also, direct and indirect. As the legislature, if skilful, has great power over the tastes of the community, it may contribute to render frugality fashionable, and expense disgraceful. The legislature may also produce that distribution of property which experience shows to be the most favourable to saving. Sumptuary laws have been adopted in several countries; but it is not easy to contrive sumptuary laws, the effect of which would be very considerable, without a minute and vexatious interference with the ordinary business of life.
(2.ii.46) There is certainly one course by which the legislature might produce considerable effects upon the accumulation of capital; because it might lay hold of any portion which it pleased of the net produce of the year, and convert it into capital. We have only, therefore, to inquire, in what manner this could be performed, and what effects it would produce.
(2.ii.47) The mode of taking whatever portion it might find expedient, is obvious and simple. An income tax, of the proper amount, would effectually answer the purpose.
(2.ii.48) The legislature might employ the capital, thus forcibly created, in one or other of two ways. it might lend it to be employed by others: or it might retain the employment in its own hands.
(2.ii.49) The simplest mode, perhaps, would be, to lend it to those manufacturers and capitalists who might apply for it, and could give security for the repayment. The interest of what was thus laid out in one year might be employed as capital the next. Every annual portion would thus make compound interest, and, so long as interest remained pretty high, would double itself in a small number of years. If wages appeared likely to fall, a higher income tax would be required. If wages rose higher than seemed to be necessary for the most desirable condition of the labourer, the income tax might be reduced.
(2.ii.50) Without waiting to inquire, whether a machinery, capable of producing these effects, be or be not practicable, we may proceed to another consideration, which seems calculated to decide the merits of the scheme.
(2.ii.51) According to the progress above supposed, the increase of population would be rapid. The progress would also be rapid, in the application of capital to land of a worse and worse quality, or in doses attended with a less and less return.
(2.ii.52) In proportion as capital is attended with less and less of annual return, the, owners of capital have less and less income. If the income from capital be continually diminished, in process of time none but the owners of large masses of capital will derive from it the means of existence. This is the extreme state of things to which the operation of the scheme, supposing it not impracticable, certainly tends.
(2.ii.53) It remains to inquire how far these effects are be considered as good.
(2.ii.54) Let us suppose that the command of the labourer over the articles of his consumption remains unaltered. Those who do not subsist by the wages of labour, live either upon the produce of stock, or upon the rent of land. In the case supposed, the tendency is, to impoverish those who live upon the produce of stock; but to increase the rent of land. With the exception of the owners of land, all the rest of the community would be either labourers, or capitalists almost equally poor. As often as land were offered to sale, a great amount of capital would of course be given for it; nobody, therefore, would be able to buy more than a very limited portion.
(2.ii.55) In this state of things, sales of land would either be frequent, or they would be rare. It is necessary to consider what would be the effects in either case.
(2.ii.56) The effects which would arise in the case in which the sales of land would be rare, are simple. The owners of land would be a comparatively small number of rich people, in the midst of a population, all equally, and hopelessly, poor. That there is scarcely any state of society less conducive to human happiness, we need not here spend any time to prove.
(2.ii.57) If sales went on, it being the nature of land, as of other property, to change hands continually, the whole land would be divided, at last, into very small portions; covered by a dense population, no portion of whom would be in circumstances much better than those of the labourer. Is this, in itself, a desirable state of things? Is it either followed or preceded by a desirable state of things?
(2.ii.58) When any of those accidents occur by which the annual produce is for one year, or a few years, reduced considerably below the usual standard, in a country in which a considerable proportion of the people have better incomes than those who live upon wages, considerable savings may be made from their expenditure, to mitigate the effects of the deficiency. In a country in which all were reduced to the state of wages, any considerable diminution of the usual supply would diffuse general, irremediable calamity.
(2.ii.59) All the blessings, which flow from that grand and distinguishing attribute of our nature, its progressiveness, the power of advancing continually from one degree of knowledge, one degree of command over the means of happiness, to another, seem, in a great measure, to depend upon the existence of a class of men who have their time at their command; that is, who are rich enough to be freed from all solicitude with respect to the means of living in a certain state of enjoyment. It is by this class of men that knowledge is cultivated and enlarged; it is also by this class that it is diffused; it is this class of men whose children receive the best education, and are prepared for all the higher and more delicate functions of society, as legislators, judges, administrators teachers, inventors in all the arts, and superintendents in all the more important works, by which the dominion of the human species is extended over the powers of nature.
(2.ii.60) It is also, in a peculiar manner, the business of those whose object it is to ascertain the means of raising human happiness to its greatest height, to consider, what is that class of men by whom the greatest happiness is enjoyed. It will not probably be disputed, that they who are raised above solicitude for the means of subsistence and respectability, without being exposed to the vices and follies of great riches, the men of middling fortunes, in short, the men to whom society is generally indebted for its greatest improvements, are the men, who, having their time at their own disposal, freed from the necessity of manual labour, subject to no man's authority, and engaged in the most delightful occupations, obtain, as a class, the greatest sum of human enjoyment. For the happiness, therefore, as well as the ornament of our nature, it is peculiarly desirable that a class of this description should form as large a proportion of each community as possible. For this purpose it is absolutely necessary that population should not, by a forced accumulation of capital, be made to go on, till the return to capital from the land is very small. To enable a considerable portion of the community to enjoy the advantages of leisure, the return to capital must evidently be large. There is a certain density of population which is convenient, both for social intercourse, and for that combination of powers by which the produce of labour is increased. When these advantages, however, are attained, there seems little reason to wish that population should proceed any further. If it does proceed further, instead of increasing the net revenue derived from *the land and labour of the country, or that portion of the annual Produce which exceeds what is necessary for replacing the capital consumed, and maintaining the labourers, it lessens that important fund, on the largeness of which the happiness of society to a great degree depends.
(2.ii.61) If we may, thus, infer, that human happiness cannot be secured by taking forcible methods to make capital increase as fast as population; and if, on the other hand, it is certain, that where births take place, more numerous than are required to uphold a population corresponding to the state of capital, human happiness is impaired, it is immediately seen, that the grand practical problem is, To find the means of limiting the number of births. It has also appeared, that, beyond a certain state of density in the population, such as to afford in perfection the benefits of social intercourse, and of combined labour, it is not desirable that population should increase. The- precise problem, therefore, is, to find the means of limiting births to that number which is necessary to keep up the population, without increasing it. Were that accomplished, while the return to capital from the land was yet high, the reward of the labourer would be ample, and a large surplus would still remain. If the natural laws of distribution were allowed to operate freely, the greater part of this net produce would find its way, in moderate portions, into the hands of a numerous class of persons, exempt from the necessity of labour, and placed in the most favourable circumstances both for the enjoyment of happiness, and for the highest intellectual and moral attainments.
(2.ii.62) We have yet to mention, that government, instead of lending, may itself employ the capital which it forcibly creates. It is evident, however, that whether government employs this capital, or lends it to be employed by others, all the effects, which we have traced its arising necessarily from its increase, will be, the same. The best mode, perhaps, which could be invented for employing, by government itself, a portion of the annual produce, forcibly taken from the owners, to accelerate the growth of capital, would be that which has been so earnestly pressed upon the public attention by Mr. Owen, of New Lanark. Mr. Owen proposes, that the portion of the annual produce thus converted into capital should be employed by government in making certain establishments; each of a mixed nature, partly for agricultural, partly for manufacturing industry; in erecting the houses, in providing the instruments or machinery, the previous subsistence, and raw materials which might be required. In these establishments, Mr. Owen is of opinion that labour might be employed under great advantages, and with unexampled means of felicity to the individuals employed. Mr. Owen, however, must intend one of two things;-either that population should go on, or that it should stop. If it is to go on, capital of course holding pace with it, all the evils which would, as above, result from the forcible increase of capital, when lent by government, would result from its forcible increase, when employed in those establishments. If Mr. Owen means that population should not go on, and if expedients can be employed to limit sufficiently the number of births, there is no occasion for these establishments, still less for the forcible and painful abduction of a part of their income from the people. The limitation of the number of births, by raising wages, will accomplish every thing which we desire, without trouble and without interference. The limitation of the numbers, if that object can be attained, may be carried so far as not only to raise the condition of the labourer to any state of comfort and enjoyment which may be desired, but to prevent entirely the accumulation of capital.
(2.iii.1) When it is established, that the whole of the annual produce is distributed as rent, wages of labour, and profits of stock; and when we have ascertained what regulates the portion which goes to rent, and what the portion which goes to wages, the question is also determined with regard to profits of stock; for it is evident that the portion which remains is profits.
(2.iii.2) From preceding expositions, it appears, that rent is something altogether extraneous to what may be considered as the return to the productive operations of capital and labour. As soon as it is necessary to apply capital to land of an inferior quality, or upon the same land to apply a further dose of capital with inferior return, all that is yielded, more than this inferior return, is as if it did not exist, with respect to the capitalist and labourer. Whatever is yielded beyond this lowest return, either on particular spots of ground, or to particular portions of capital, might be annihilated, the moment it is produced, without affecting the portion which goes to either of those two classes. As soon as a new portion of capital is employed with inferior return, the case would be the same, if the productive powers of all the capital employed upon the land were reduced to this inferior return, and a quantity of produce, equal to the additional return, which used to be made, to the former portions of capital, were, by miracle, rained down from heaven upon the possessors of the land which yielded it.
(2.iii.3) The portion, which goes, in the shape of rent, to the landlord, and which is an excess beyond the return made to the whole of the capital and labour employed upon the land, is, in fact, the result of an accident. Suppose that all the land cultivated in the country were of one uniform quality, and yielded the same return to every portion of the capital employed upon it, with the exception of one acre. That acre, we shall suppose, yields six times as much as any other acre. What would be produced upon all the other acres, might justly be regarded as the return made to the labour and capital employed upon the land; and the whole of that return. The additional five-sixths, accruing from the singular acre, would not be considered as return made to labour and capital; it would be considered as the accidental product of a particular virtue in that particular spot. But what is true of this single acre is equally true of any number of acres, as soon as that event occurs which diminishes the return to any portion of capital, and induces all the owners of capital to limit their profits to the measure of that diminished return.
(2.iii.4) If there is any portion of capital, employed upon the land, which pays no rent, it is evident that the wages and profits, in that case, must regulate the wages and profits in other cases.
(2.iii.5) It thus fully appears, that nothing can be considered as the produce of the joint operations of capital and labour upon the land, beyond the return to that portion of capital which is applied without paying any rent, which return measures the quantity of the produce allowed to remain, after the rent is deducted, as the return to all the other portions of labour and capital employed upon the land. The whole of that therefore, which can be considered as the real product of labour and capital, remains to be shared between the labourer and capitalist, after the rent is withdrawn. It follows that, in considering what regulates wages and profits, rent may be left altogether out of the question. Rent is the effect, and not the cause, of the diminished produce which the capitalists and labourers have to divide between them.
(2.iii.6) When any thing is to be divided wholly between two parties, that which regulates the share of one, regulates also, it is very evident, the share of the other; for whatever is withheld from the one, the other receives; whatever, therefore, increases the share of the one diminishes that of the other, and vice versa. We might, therefore, with equal propriety, it should seem, affirm that wages determine profits, or that profits determine wages; and, in framing our language, assume whichever we pleased, as the regulator or standard.
(2.iii.7) As we have seen, however, that the regulation of the shares between the capitalist and labourer depends upon the relative abundance of population and capital, and that population, as compared with capital, has a tendency to superabound, the active principle of change is on the side of population, and constitutes a reason for considering population, and consequently wages, as the regulator.
(2.iii.8) As, therefore, the profits of stock depend upon the share, which is received by its owners, of the joint produce of labour and stock; profits of stock depend upon wages; rise as wages fall, and fall as wages rise.
(2.iii.9) In speaking of the produce which is shared between the capitalist and labourer, it is proper to explain, that I always mean such net produce as remains after replacing the capital which has been consumed. As, in stating the constituents of price, we say that a commodity must fetch in the market a value equal to three things: 1st, to the capital which has been consumed in its production; 2dly, to the ordinary profits of stock upon the capital employed; and, 3dly, to the wages of the labour; so in speaking of the portions into which, as the produce to be shared, the commodity or commodity's worth is to be considered as dividing itself, we must set apart the portion, always a determinate amount, which is for the capital consumed, and which is distinct both from profits and from wages. Thus, if in the production of a commodity, which sells for 100 l. capital to the amount of 50 l. has been consumed, 50 l. is that which is to be divided between the capitalist and labourer, as profits to the one, and wages to the other.
(2.iii.10) The terms alteration of wages, alteration of profits, are susceptible of various meanings, to which it is necessary to advert.
(2.iii.11) 1. If, by alteration, is meant, a change in the proportions, it is evident that an alteration of one share implies an alteration of the other; and the proposition that profits depend upon wages, admits of no qualification.
(2.iii.12) 2. If a change in the quantity of commodities is meant, it will not be true, in that sense, that profits so depend upon wages, as to fall when wages rise, and rise when wages fall; for both may fall, and both may rise, together. And this is a proposition which no political economist has called in question. If the powers of production are either increased or diminished, there will, in the one case, be more, in the other less, to divide. The proportions remaining the same, both wages and profits will, in the one case, be raised, in the other, depressed.
(2.iii.13) The terms may have another meaning still. When a change in wages and profits is spoken of, it may be the value of what is received under these denominations, which is meant to be indicated.
(2.iii.14) To perceive what may, and what may not, be truly predicated or spoken of the terms in this sense, it is necessary to advert to a double meaning of the word value.
(2.iii.15) 1. It is used in the sense of value in exchange; as when we say, that the value of a hat is double that of a handkerchief, if one hat will exchange for two handkerchiefs.
(2.iii.16) 2. Mr. Ricardo, in his exposition of the principles of political economy, used the word value in a sense referable, not to purchasing power, but to cost of production. Thus, if two days' labour went to the production of one commodity, and two to the production of another commodity, Mr. Ricardo would say, the two commodities were of equal value. In like manner, if two days' labour produced at one time a certain amount of commodities, and at another time, by an improvement in the productive powers of that labour, a greater amount of commodities, Mr. Ricardo would say that the value of the smaller quantity, and the value of the greater quantity, were the same.
(2.iii.17) If we use the term value in the sense of exchangeable value, or purchasing power; that is, command over a greater or less quantity of commodities; the case is the same with that which we have already considered, wherein rise and fall of wages or profits were taken to mean, a greater or less amount of commodities. When we say that the labourer receives a greater quantity of commodities, and when we say that he receives a greater exchangeable value, we denote by the two expressions, one and the same thing. In this sense, therefore, nobody has ever maintained that profits necessarily rise when wages fall, and fall when wages rise: because it was always easy to see, that, by an alteration in productive power, both may rise or fall together, and also that one may rise or fall, and the other remain stationary.
(2.iii.18) We come next to consider what language may be correctly used, in the sense which Mr. Ricardo annexed to the word value.
(2.iii.19) It will immediately be seen that, in this sense, the case corresponds exactly. with the first of those which I have already considered, that of proportions. If what is 'produced, by an invariable quantity of labour, continues to be divided in the same proportion, say one half to the capitalist, and one half to the labourers, that half may be a greater or a smaller quantity of commodities, but it will always be the produce of the same quantity of labour; and, in Mr. Ricardo's sense, always, for that reason, of the same value. In this sense of the word value, therefore, it is strictly and undeniably true, that profits depend upon wages so as to rise when wages fall, and fall when wages rise.
(2.iii.20) In the common mode of expressing profits, the reference that is made is not to the produced commodity, but to the capital employed in producing it; including the wages, which it is necessary to advance, and from which the owner expects of course to derive the same advantage as from his other advances. Profits are expressed not in aliquot parts of the produce, but of this capital. It is not so much per cent of the produce that a capitalist is said to receive, but so much per cent upon his capital. Now, the capital may be either of more, or of less value than the produce, according to the proportion in which it is capital of the fixed, or the circulating kind. Suppose a capital of 200 l. of which 50 l. is consumed in the production of a commodity, which sells for 120 l.; we have first to deduct 50 l. for the capital consumed; there then remains 70 l. to be divided between the capitalist and the labourers; and if we suppose that 50 l. has been paid for wages, in other words, that such is the share of the labourers, the capitalist receives 10 per cent upon his capital; including here, in the term capital, what he has advanced as wages; but he receives 28-1/2 per cent of the produce, or of that which is divided after replacing the capital consumed. It is only, however, the language which here is different; the thing expressed is precisely the same; and whether the capitalist says he receives 10 per cent upon his capital, or 28-1/2 per cent of the produce, he means in both cases the same amount, viz. 20 l.
(2.iii.21) There are, therefore, in reality, but two cases. The one, that in which we speak of proportions; the other, that in which we speak of quantity of commodities. In the one case, it is correct to say that profits depend literally and strictly upon wages. In the other case, although it is still correct to say that profits depend upon wages; for the greater the share that goes to the labourer, the less the share that remains for the capitalist; yet to make the language of quantity correspond in meaning with the language of proportions, the form of expression requires to be modified.
(2.iii.22) There is a great convenience in adapting our language to the rate upon the capital, rather than the shares of the produce; because the rate upon the capital is the same in all the varieties of produce, but the share of the capitalist is different, according to all the different degrees in which capital contributes to the intended result.
(2.iii.23) This, however it is evident, makes no difference in the truth of the doctrine. If in one case capital contributes twice as much, in another three times as much, as it does in a third case, whatever share the capitalist in the third case receives, the capitalist in the first case will receive twice as great a share, and the capitalist in the second case will receive three times as great; if the share of the capitalist in the third case is reduced one third by rise of wages, the share of each of the other two will also be reduced one third; and whatever, in percentage on his capital, the profits of the one are reduced, the same in that percentage will the profits of the others he reduced.
(2.iii.24) As this percentage however is generally spoken in the sense of exchangeable value, it may happen, as we have seen above, that the shares may be altered without an alteration of this percentage. If, at the same time that the shares of the capitalists are reduced, by a rise of wages, there should happen an increase of the productive powers of labour and capital, the reduced shares might consist of as great a quantity of commodities as the previous shares, and of course the exchangeable value, and percentage on the capital, expressed in the language of exchangeable value, would remain the same.
(2.iii.25) If it should be deemed a better mode of expounding the subject, not to regard, as a separate portion, what is required to replace the capital consumed, but to consider it as forming part of the share of the capitalist; the same propositions will still be true. The whole which is to be divided will, in this case, be different from the former whole, and the shares will not be the same proportion of that whole; but it will still be true that by how much the proportion of the labourers is increased, by so much that of the capitalist will be reduced; and that when the capitalist has set apart that portion of his share which is required to replace his capital, his profits, or the advantage upon the use of his capital, will be affected, precisely as they are said to be according to the former mode of exposition.
(2.iii.26) If we speak of what accrues to the two parties in the language of quantity, not of proportion, it is equally clear, in this mode of exposition as in the former, that the quantity of commodities is not necessarily altered when the shares are altered; that the shares may alter when there is no alteration in the quantity of produce to be shared; and, on the other hand, that the quantity of produce to be shared may alter, either up or down, while the shares are the same. It is, at the same time, true, that there can be no alteration in the quantity of produce which the one receives, but by an alteration in the quantity which the other receives; unless in that one case, in which the productive powers of the instruments of production have undergone alteration. The following, therefore, is a connected chain of true propositions.
(2.iii.27) 1. That which accrues to the parties concerned in the production of a commodity or commodities, the labourers, and capitalist, as the return for their cooperation, is a share of the produce to each.
(2.iii.28) 2. The share of the one cannot be increased, with out a corresponding diminution of the share of the other.
(2.iii.29) 3. These shares remaining the same, the quantity of produce included in them may be either greater or less, according as the productive operations have been followed with a greater or a smaller produce.
(2.iii.30) 4. According as you apply the term value, to the effect, the quantity of produce; or to the cause, the quantity of labour employed; it will be true, or it will not be true, that the value of what is received by the capitalist the labourer and reciprocates along with their shares.
(2.iii.31) It is equally easy, in this mode of expression as in the former, to translate the language of shares into that of percentage. The amount of the produce, or its exchangeable value, may be greater, or may be less, than the amount of capital employed. If the capital is all circulating capital, and consumed in the process of production, and if, as in ordinary language, we suppose wages to be included, the produce is greater than the capital, by the amount of the profits. Let us suppose that the capital is 500 l., and profits 10 per cent; the value of the produce is 550 l.; let us suppose that of this the capitalist pays 275 l. in wages; in other words, that the labourers' share is 50 per cent; it follows, that the share of the capitalist is 50 per cent also; but 50 per cent of 550 l. is a greater amount than 50 per cent of his capital, which is only 500 l. This is equal to 55 per cent upon his capital. And when he has deducted from his share, what is necessary to replace the portion of his capital, otherwise consumed than in the payment of wages, viz. 500 l. - 275 l. = 225 l., he has 50 l. remaining, or 10 per cent upon his capital.
(2.iii.32) Let us next take the case in which the capital 500 l., as before, is all fixed capital, none of it, excepting what is advanced as wages, consumed; that this is small, viz. 25 l.; and that the value of the commodity is 75 l.; of this, 25 l., or 1/3 is the share of the labourer; 50 l., or 2/3, is the share of the capitalist; but this, though 66-1/2 per cent upon the product, is but 10 per cent upon the capital.
(2.iii.33) There is a mode of viewing the gross return to the capitalist, which has a tendency to simplify our language, and, so far, has a great advantage to recommend it. The case of fixed and of circulating capital may be treated as the same, by merely considering the fixed capital as a product, which is regularly consumed and replaced, by every course of productive operations. The capital, not consumed, may be always taken, as an additional commodity, the result of the productive process.
(2.iii.34) According to this supposition, the share of the capitalist is always equal to the whole or his capital, together with its profits.
(2.iii.35) We may consider capital in two senses; first, as including; next, as excluding, wages.
(2.iii.36) In the first case, let us suppose a capital, of 500 l., of which 100 l. is paid in wages, to produce a commodity worth 550 l. The share of the capitalist is 450 l. or somewhat more than four-fifths, while that of the labourers is so much less than one-fifth and the profit of stock, after replacing capital, is 10 per cent.
(2.iii.37) Let us suppose, in the second case, a capital or 400 l., but exclusive of wages. This capital is employed, and the necessary labourers maintain themselves without wages, and take, as their remuneration, their share of the commodity when produced. The commodity is worth 550 l.; and of that 100 l. falls to the share of the labourers. The rate of profits is the same as before, and the proportions are the same as before, only with this correction, that in the former case the labourers sustained a discount or 10 per cent upon their share on account of anticipated payment The real shares in both cases are four-fifths to the capitalist, and one-fifth to the workmen.
(2.iii.38) It is sufficiently evident that, so long as the capital and the labour remain the same, and the shares remain the same, so long, in Mr. Ricardo's sense of the word value, will the same value accrue to each, whether the quantity of produce they receive be greater or less.
(2.iii.39) That the capital, and the labour, should remain the same, is as necessary a condition, as that the shares should remain the same; for if either is increased or diminished, the value of the product, in Mr. Ricardo's sense of the word value, is also increased or diminished.
(2.iii.40) The quantity of produce being supposed the same, we may illustrate the subject by the following cases.
(2.iii.41) 1. Let us suppose that both capital and labour are diminished, and in equal proportions. This is precisely the same with the case in which the productive powers of labour and capital are increased; as it comes to the same thing, whether you have the same produce from a less cost of production, or a greater produce from the same cost of production. This case, therefore, has been already considered.
(2.iii.42) 2. Let us suppose, that the capital is diminished, the labour not. This also is a case of diminished cost of production. If, for the produce of 550 yards of cloth, which was at first effected by a capital of 400 yards and a portion of labour which was paid by a fifth of the produce, only a capital of 200 yards should be required, but the same quantity of immediate labour; that the labourers may have the same share as before, it is necessary that they should have a greater aliquot part. Suppose, before that increase of productive power which is supposed in this case, when a capital of 400 yards was required for a produce of 550, and when the wages of the quantity of labour applied was 110 yards, that another commodity had been produced by the same quantity or labour, but by a capital of 200 yards. The value of this commodity would have been 330 yards, equal to the capital with its profits and the wages. Of this the labourers would have received 110 yards, or one-third. This is the same proportion to a capital of 200 yards, as one-fifth is to a capital of 400 yards. If the labour contributed one-fifth to the product of 550 yards, when aided by a capital of 400 yards, it contributes one-third, in the newly supposed case, when aided by a capital of 200 yards. One-third of 550 is 183 1/3; leaving to the capitalist 366-2/3, or a profit upon his capital of 83-1/3 per cent. According to the explanation, which we have already given and repeated, there is here an additional produce to each, by reason of the increase of productive power; and, also, which is only the same thing in other words, an augmented value in exchange. But in Mr. Ricardo's sense of the word value, there is only the same value to each, so long as the proportions remain unchanged.
(2.iii.43) The cases which I have thus put for illustration, are cases in which the productive powers of labour and capital are augmented; but as the same reasonings apply, mutatis mutandis, to the cases in which the productive powers are diminished, it is deemed unnecessary to lengthen this analysis by adducing them.
(2.iii.44) It may here be useful to the learner to look back, and ascertain the number and importance of the steps which he has advanced. He has discovered, what are the laws, according to which those commodities, which form the riches of nations, are produced; and what are the laws, according to which, when produced, they are distributed.
(2.iii.45) He has seen that there are two instruments of production; one primary, the other secondary: that labour is the primary instrument of production, and that, abstracted from those aids which it derives from capital, its productive powers are augmented chiefly by limiting the number of each man's productive operations; in other words, by what has been called the division of labour: that capital is secondary to labour, not only because it is subsequent in order of time, but because it owes its existence to labour; because the first capital is the result of pure labour, and because that which is subsequently the result of labour and capital combined, may thence be resolved into labour, the ultimate principle of all production.
(2.iii.46) The learner has now also seen, that, what is produced, by the operations of labour and capital, divides itself, in the first instance, into three portions; the rent of land; the wages of labour; and the profits of stock. Till the laws were discovered, which determine the boundaries of these several portions, that which goes as rent, that which goes as profits, and that which goes as wages, almost all the conclusions of Political Economy were vague and uncertain. It has been seen, that rent is something which may be considered independent of the general result or the productive powers of labour and capital; that it is the result of a peculiar defect of the earth, which does not continue to yield its produce in equal abundance to successive portions of capital; and that it is the excess of what is yielded to the more productive portions, above what is equal to the produce of the least productive portion of capital employed upon the land. After the limits were thus fixed of this one of the three portions, into which the produce of industry divides itself, whence it appeared that what may be regarded as the genuine effect of labour and capital in co-operation is left to be divided between the labourer and the capitalist; it was easy for the learner to see, that, in respect to proportions, as what fell to the share of the one was increased, what went to the share of the other was diminished, and that in this sense, wages and profits depend on one another; that in respect, however, to the quantity of produce which these shares may contain, the productive power of the instruments of production is the determining cause.
(3.i.1) When two men have more than they need; one, for example, of food; another, of cloth; while the first desires more of cloth than he possesses, the second more of food; it is a great accommodation to both, if they can perform an exchange of a part of the food of the one for a part of the cloth of the other; and so in other cases.
(3.i.2) In performing exchanges, there are two sets of persons, the intervention of whom is of great advantage: the first are Carriers, the second Merchants.
(3.i.3) When the division and distribution of labour has been carried to any considerable extent, goods are produced at some, often at a very considerable, distance from the place where they are wanted for consumption. It is necessary that they should be conveyed from the one place to the other. Carriers are of two sorts: Carriers by Land, and Carriers by Water. For the business of carriage, both capital and labour are required. In carriage by land, the waggons or carts, the horses or other cattle, and the maintenance both of them and of the necessary number of men; in carriage by water, the ships, and the maintenance of the men who navigate them, constitute the capital required.
(3.i.4) To procure articles, as men have occasion to consume them, it would be very inconvenient to repair, in each instance, to the respective manufacturers and producers, who may often live at a very considerable distance from one another. Great trouble is saved to consumers, when they find assembled in one place the whole, or any considerable portion, of the articles which they use. This convenience gives rise to the class of merchants, who buy from the manufacturers, and keep ready for use, all those articles for which they expect a profitable sale.
(3.i.5) In small towns, where one or a few merchants can supply the wants of all the population, the shop or store of one merchant contains articles of all, or most of the kinds, in general demand. In places where the population is large, instead of a great number of shops, each dealing in almost all kinds of articles, it is found more convenient to divide the articles into classes, and that each shop should confine itself to a particular class: one, for example, to hats, another to hosiery; one to glass, another to iron; and so on.
(3.ii.1) When a certain quantity of one commodity is exchanged for a certain quantity of another commodity; a certain quantity of cloth, for example, for a certain quantity of corn; there is something which determines the owner of the cloth to accept for it such and such a quantity of corn; and, in like manner, the owner of the corn to accept such and such a quantity of cloth.
(3.ii.2) This is, evidently, the principle of demand and supply, in the first instance. If a great quantity of corn comes to market to be exchanged for cloth, and only a small quantity of cloth to be exchanged for corn, a great quantity of corn will be given for a small quantity of cloth. If the quantity of cloth, which thus comes to market, is increased, without any increase in the quantity of corn, the quantity of corn which is exchanged for a given quantity of cloth will be proportionally diminished.
(3.ii.3) This answer, however, does not resolve the whole of the question. The quantity in which commodities exchange for one another depends upon the proportion of supply to demand. It is evidently therefore necessary to ascertain upon what that proportion depends. What are the laws according to which supply is furnished to demand, is one of the most important inquiries in Political Economy.
(3.ii.4) Demand creates, and the loss of demand annihilates, supply. When an increased demand arises for any commodity, an increase of supply, if the supply is capable of increase, follows, as a regular effect. If the demand for any commodity altogether ceases, the commodity is no longer produced.
(3.ii.5) The connexion here, or causes and effects, is easily explained. If corn is brought to market, the cost of bringing it has been so much. If cloth is brought to market, the cost of bringing it has been so much. For the benefit of simplicity, the number of commodities in the market is here supposed to be two: it is of no consequence, with regard to the result, whether they are understood to be few or many.
(3.ii.6) The cost of bringing the corn to market has been either equal to that of bringing the cloth, or unequal. If it has been equal, there is no motive, to those who bring the cloth or the corn, for altering the quantity of either. They cannot obtain more of the commodity which they receive in exchange, by transferring their labour to its production. If the cost has been unequal, there immediately arises a motive for altering the proportions. Suppose that the cost of bringing, the whole of the corn has been greater than that of bringing the whole of the cloth; and that the whole of the one is exchanged against the whole of the other, either at once, or in parts: the persons who brought the cloth have in that case possessed themselves of a quantity of corn at less cost, than that at which it was brought to market, by those who produced it; those, on the other hand, who brought the corn have possessed themselves of a quantity of cloth, at a greater cost than that at which it can be made and brought to market.
(3.ii.7) Here motives arise, to diminish the quantity of corn, and increase the quantity of cloth; because the men who have been producing corn, and purchasing cloth, can obtain more cloth, by transferring their means of production from the one to the other. As soon, again, as no more cloth can be obtained by applying the same amount of means to the production of cloth, than by applying them to corn, and exchanging it for cloth, all motive to alter the quantity of the one as compared with that of the other is at an end. Nothing is to be gained by producing corn rather than cloth, or cloth rather than corn. The cost of production on both sides is equal.
(3.ii.8) It thus appears that the relative value of commodities, or in other words, the quantity of one which exchanges for a given quantity of another, depends upon demand and supply, in the first instance; but upon cost of production, ultimately; and hence, in accurate language, upon cost of production, entirely. An increase or diminution of demand or supply, may temporarily increase or diminish, beyond the point of productive cost, the quantity of one commodity which exchanges for a given quantity of another; but the law of competition, wherever it is not obstructed, tends invariably to bring it to that point, and to keep it there.
(3.ii.9) Cost of production, then, regulates the exchangeable value of commodities. But cost of production is itself involved in some obscurity.
(3.ii.10) Two instruments are commonly combined in production; Labour and Capital.
(3.ii.11) It follows, either that cost of production consists in labour and capital combined; or that one of these may be resolved into the other. If one of them can be resolved into the other, it follows that cost of production does not consist in both combined.
(3.ii.12) The opinion, which is suggested by first appearances, undoubtedly is, that cost of production consists in capital alone. The capitalist pays the wages of his labourer, buys the raw material, and expects that what he has expended shall be returned to him, in the price, with the ordinary profits upon the whole of the capital employed. From this view of the subject, it would appear, that cost of production consists exclusively in the portion of capital expended, together with the profits upon the whole of the capital employed in effecting the production.
(3.ii.13) It is easy, however, to see, that in the term capital, thus understood, an ambiguity, and hence a fallacy, is involved. When we say that capital and labour, the two instruments of production, belong to two classes of persons; we mean that the labourers have contributed so much to the production, and the capitalists so much; and that the commodity, when produced, belongs in certain proportions to both. It may so happen, however, that one of these parties has purchased the share of the other, before the production is completed. In that case, the whole of the commodity belongs to the party who has purchased the share of the other. In point of fact, it does happen, that the capitalist, as often as he employs labourers, by the payment of wages, purchases the share of the labourers. When the labourers receive wages for their labour, without waiting to be paid by a share of the commodity produced, it is evident that they sell their title to that share. The capitalist is then the owner, not of the capital only, but of the labour also. If what is paid as wages is included, as it commonly is, in the term capital, it is absurd to talk of labour separately from capital. The word capital, as thus employed, includes labour and capital both. To say, therefore, that the exchangeable value of commodities is determined by capital, understood in this sense, is to say that it is determined by labour and capital combined. This, however, is returning to the point from which we set out. It is nugatory to include labour in the definition of the word capital, and then to say that, capital without labour, determines exchangeable value. If capital is understood in a sense which does not include the purchase money of labour, and hence the labour itself, it is obvious that capital does not regulate the exchangeable value of commodities.
(3.ii.14) If labour were the sole instrument of production, and capital not required, the produce of one day's labour in one commodity would exchange against the produce of one day's labour in another commodity. In the rude state of society, if the hunter and the fisherman desired to vary their food, the one by a portion of game, the other by a portion of fish, the average quantity which they took in a day would form the standard of exchange. If it did not, one of the two would be placed in a more unfavourable situation than his neighbour, with perfect power, which he would of course employ, to pass from the one situation to the other.
(3.ii.15) In estimating equal quantities of labour, an allowance would, of course, be included for different degrees of hardness and skill. If the products of each of two days' labour of equal hardness and skill exchanged for one another, the product of a day's labour, which was either harder, or required a greater degree of skill, would exchange for something more.
(3.ii.16) All capital consists really in commodities. The capital of the farmer is not the money which he may be worth, because that he cannot apply to production. His capital consists in his implements and stock.
(3.ii.17) As all capital consists in commodities, it follows, of course, that the first capital must have been the result of pure labour. The first commodities could not be made by any commodities existing before them.
(3.ii.18) But if the first commodities, and of course the first capital, were the result of' pure labour, the value of this capital, the quantity of other commodities for which it would exchange, must have been estimated by labour. This is an immediate consequence of the proposition which we have just established, that where labour was the sole instrument of production, exchangeable value was determined by the quantity of labour which the production of the commodity required.
(3.ii.19) If this be established, it is a necessary consequence, that the exchangeable value of all commodities is determined by quantity of labour.
(3.ii.20) The first capital, as has just been seen, being the result of pure labour, bears a value in proportion to that labour. This capital concurs in production. And it is contended that as soon as capital concurs in production, the value of the commodity produced is determined by the value of the capital. But the value of that capital itself, we have just observed, is determined by labour. To say, therefore, that the value of a product is determined by the value of the capital, is of no use, when you have to go beyond the value of the capital, and ask, what it is by which that value is itself determined. To say that the value of the product is determined by the value of the capital, but the value of the capital is determined by the quantity of labour, is to say that the value of the product is determined by the quantity of labour.
(3.ii.21) It thus undeniably appears, that not only the value of the first capital, but, by equal necessity, that of the commodities which are produced by the first capital, is determined by quantity of labour. Capital of the second stage must consist in the commodities which are produced by that of the first stage. It must, therefore, be estimated by the quantity of labour. The same reasoning applies to it in every subsequent stage. The value of the first capital was regulated by quantity of labour: the value of that which was produced by the first capital was regulated by the value of the first: that, however, was valued by labour: the last, therefore, is valued by labour; and so on, without end, as often as successive productions may be supposed to be made. But, if the value of all capital must be determined by labour, it follows, upon all suppositions, that the value of all commodities must be determined by labour.
(3.ii.22) To say, indeed, that the value of commodities depends upon capital, implies one of the most obvious of all absurdities. Capital is commodities. If the value of commodities, then, depends upon the value of capital, it depends upon the value of commodities; value in short depends upon value. This is not an exposition of value. It is an attempt clearly and completely abortive.
(3.ii.23) It thus appears, that quantity of labour, in the last resort, determines the proportion in which commodities exchange for one another.
(3.ii.24) There is one phenomenon which is brought to controvert these conclusions, and which it is, therefore, necessary to explain.
(3.ii.25) It is said that the exchangeable value of commodities is affected by time, without the intervention of labour; because, when profits of stock must be included, so much must be added for every portion of time which the production of one commodity requires beyond that of another. For example, if the same quantity of labour has produced in the same season a cask of wine, and 20 sacks of flour, they will exchange against one another at the end of the season: but if the owner of the wine places the wine in his cellar, and keeps it for a couple of years, it will be worth more than the 20 sacks of flour, because the profits of stock for the two years must be added to the original price. Here is an addition of value, but here it is affirmed, there has been no new application of labour; quantity of labour, therefore, is not the principle by which exchangeable value is regulated.
(3.ii.26) This objection is founded upon a misapprehension with respect to the nature of profits. Profits are, in reality, the measure of quantity of labour; and the only measure of quantity of labour to which, in the case of capital, we can resort. This can be established by rigid analysis.
(3.ii.27) If two commodities are produced, a bale of silk, for example, for immediate consumption, and a machine, which is an article of fixed capital; it is certain, that if the bale of silk and the machine were produced by the same quantity of labour, and in the same time, they would exactly exchange for one another: quantity of labour would clearly be the regulator of their value.
(3.ii.28) But suppose that the owner of the machine, instead of selling it, is disposed to use it, for the sake of the profits which it brings; what is the real character and nature of his action? Instead of receiving the price of his machine all at once, he takes a deferred payment, so much per annum: he receives, in fact, an annuity, in lieu of the capital sum; an annuity, fixed by the competition of the market, and which is therefore an exact equivalent for the capital sum. Whatever the proportion which the capital sum bears to the annuity, whether it be ten years' purchase, or twenty years' purchase, such a proportion is each year's annuity of the original value of the machine. The conclusion, therefore, is incontrovertible: as the exchangeable value of the machine, had it been sold as soon as made, would have been the practical measure of the quantity of labour employed in making it, one-tenth or one-twentieth of that value measures also a tenth or a twentieth of the quantity of labour.
(3.ii.29) If a piece of machinery, which has cost 100 days' labour, is applied in making a commodity, and is worn out in the making of it; and if 100 days' pure labour are employed in making another commodity; the produce of the machine, and the produce of the labour, supposing no adjustment necessary for difference of time, will exchange against one another.
(3.ii.30) Make now a different supposition: that the machine is an article of fixed capital, and not worn out, and let us trace the consequences. It was correctly supposed, in the former case, that 100 days' labour were expended by wearing out the machine; but 100 days' labour have not been expended in the second, because the machine is not worn out. Some labour, however, has been expended, because 100 days' labour in a mass has been applied. How much of it shall we say has been expended? We have an exact measure of it in the equivalent which is paid. If the equivalent which was obtained when the machine was worn out, was a measure of 100 days' labour, whatever proportion of such equivalent is received as a year's use of the machine when not worn out, must represent a corresponding proportion of the labour expended upon the machine.
(3.ii.31) Capital is allowed to be correctly described under the title of hoarded Labour. A portion of capital produced by 100 days' labour, is 100 days' hoarded labour. But the whole of the 100 days' hoarded labour is not expended, when the article constituting the capital is not worn out. A part is expended, and what part? Of this we have no direct, we have only an indirect measure. If capital, paid for by an annuity, is paid for at the rate of 10 per cent, one-tenth of the boarded labour may be correctly considered as expended in one year.
(3.ii.32) The instance which is commonly adduced as exemplifying the supposed fact of an increase of value without increase of labour, is that of wine. Wine acquires a greater value by being merely deposited in the cellars of the merchant.
(3.ii.33) But they who would advance this, as an answer to the antecedent reasoning, do not perceive the force of their own objection. Their doctrine is, that exchangeable value is regulated by cost of production. Cost of production is the outlay necessary for completing the product. When the wine was put into the cellar, it was worth so much, according to the capital expended in its production. When it is placed in the cellar, no more capital is employed upon it, nor any more labour; and yet it acquires an additional value. The question, why it acquires more value, when there is not more capital, is just as difficult, as why it acquires more value, when there is not more labour.
(3.ii.34) It is no solution to say, that profits must be paid; because this only brings us to the question, why must profits be paid? To this there is no answer but one, that they are the remuneration for labour; labour not applied immediately to the commodity in question, but applied to it through the medium of other commodities, the produce of labour. Thus a man has a machine, the produce of 100 days' labour. In applying it, the owner undoubtedly applies labour, though in a secondary sense, by applying that which could not-have been had but through the medium of labour. This machine, let us suppose, is calculated to last exactly 10 years. One tenth of the fruits of 100 days' labour is thus expended every year; which is the same thing in the view of cost and value, as saying that 10 days' labour have been expended. The owner is to be paid for the 100 days' labour which the machine costs him, at the rate of so much per annum, that is, by an annuity for ten years, equivalent to the original value of the machine. It thus appears that profits are simply remuneration for labour. They may, indeed, without doing any violence to language, hardly even by a metaphor, be denominated wages: the wages of that labour which is applied, not immediately by the hand, but mediately, by the instruments which the hand has produced. And if you may measure the amount of immediate labour by the amount of wages, you may measure the amount of secondary labour by that of the return to the capitalist. We surely have not occasion to add, that if this be the general account of profits, which seems undeniable, it is applicable to all particular cases, to that of wine in the cellar, as well as to every other. Suppose that 100 men make a machine in one day, that another 100 men employ this machine the next day, and wear it out; the first 100 men, and the second 100 men, will divide the produce equally between them. The share of the first 100 men is payment for capital, no doubt, but it is also, most obviously, payment for labour too; and in whatever degree labour is productive, that is, yields more than is consumed in effecting the product, to that degree an advantage is afforded beyond the replacing of the capital consumed, and constitutes profit.
(3.ii.35) The return which is made to capital employed upon the land, is that which determines the rate of annual profit from all other employments of capital; and, of course, for that which is employed in meliorating wine in a wine-cellar. The case of the wine in the cellar coincides exactly with that of a machine worn out in a year, which works by itself without additional labour. The new wine, which is one machine, is replaced by its produce, the old wine, with that addition of value which corresponds with the return to capital employed upon the land; and the account which is to be rendered of the one return, is also the true account of the other.
(3.iii.1) In stating that commodities are produced by two instruments, Labour and Capital, of which the last is the result of labour we, in effect, mean, that commodities are produced by two quantities of labour, differently circumstanced; the one, immediate, or primary labour, that which is applied at once by the hand of the labourer; the other, hoarded, or secondary labour, that which is the result of former labour, and either is applied in aid of the immediate labour, or is the subject matter upon which it is bestowed.
(3.iii.2) Of these two species of labour, two things are to be observed : First, that they are not always paid according to the same rate; that is, the payment of the one does not rise when that of the other rises, or fall when that of the other falls : And, secondly, that they do not always contribute to the production of all commodities in equal proportions.
(3.iii.3) If there were any two species of labour, the wages of which did not rise and fall in the same proportion, and which, contributing to the production of all commodities, did not contribute to them all in equal degrees, this circumstance, of their not contributing in equal degrees, would create a difference in exchangeable values, as often as any fluctuation took place in the rate of wages.
(3.iii.4) If all commodities were produced by a portion of skilled, and a portion of unskilled labour, but the ratio which these portions bore to one another were different in different commodities ; and if, as often as the wages of skilled labour rose, the wages of unskilled labour rose twice as much; it is very obvious, that, upon a rise of wages, those commodities, to the production of which a greater proportion of unskilled labour was applied, would rise in value as compared with those to which a less proportion was applied. It is also obvious, that, though this difference in the ratios according to which the wages of the two kinds of labour had altered, and in the proportions in which they were applied to the production of different commodities, would, upon a rise or fall in wages, alter the relative value of the commodities, it would do so, without in the least degree affecting the truth of the proposition, that quantity of labour determined exchangeable values.
(3.iii.5) The case is precisely the same when we consider that it is the two species of labour, called primary and secondary, which are applied in different proportions.
(3.iii.6) Three cases will conveniently exemplify the different degrees in which labour and capital respectively contribute to production. These are the two extreme cases, and the medium. The first is that of commodities which are produced by immediate labour alone without capital ; the second, that of commodities produced, one half by capital, one half by immediate labour ; the third, that of commodities produced by capital alone without immediate labour. There are perhaps no actual cases which perfectly coincide with either of the extremes. There are, however, cases which approximate to both ; and when the most simple are illustrated as examples, allowance can easily and correctly be made for the differences of the rest.
(3.iii.7) If two species of labour are employed in the production of commodities; and if, when the payment of the one species of labour rises, that of the other falls ; a commodity, in the production of which a greater proportion of the first species of labour is employed, will, upon a rise in the payment of that species of labour, rise in exchangeable value, as compared with a commodity in which less is employed. The degree however, in which it will rise, will depend upon two circumstances: first, upon the degree in which the payment of the one species of labour falls when the other rises; and, secondly, upon the degree in which the proportion of the labour of the first kind, employed in its production, exceeds the proportion of it which is employed in the production of the other commodity.
(3.iii.8) The first question then, is, in what degree, when wages rise, do profits fall? And this is the only general question ; for the degree in which the two species of labour combine in the production of different commodities, depends upon the circumstances of each particular case.
(3.iii.9) If all commodities corresponded with the first of the cases, assumed above as examples, and which we may, for the sake of abbreviation, designate, as No. 1, No. 2, No. 3; in other words, if all commodities were produced wholly by labour, capital being solely employed in the payment of wages; in that case, just as much as wages of labour rose, profits of stock would fall.
(3.iii.10) Suppose a capital of 1000 l. to be thus employed, and profits to be 10 per cent., the value of the commodity would be 1100 l., for that would replace the capital with its profits. The commodity may be regarded as consisting of 1100 parts, of which 1000 would belong to the labourers, and 100 to the capitalist. Let wages, upon this, be supposed to rise 5 per cent. ; in that case, it is evident, that instead of 100 parts of the 1100, the capitalist would receive only 50 ; his profits, therefore, instead of 10 would be only 5 per cent. Instead of 1000 l. He would have to pay 1050 l. in wages. The commodity would not rise in value to indemnify him, because we have supposed that all commodities are in the same situation; it would, therefore, be of the value of 1100 l., as before, of which 50 l. alone would remain for himself.
(3.iii.11) If all commodities corresponded with the case No. 2, profits would fall only half as much as wages rose. If we suppose that 1000 l. were paid in wages, and 1000 l. employed in fixed capital; that profits, as before, were 10 per cent., and this the whole expenditure ; the value of the commodity would be 1200 l. because that is the sum which would replace the capital expended and pay the profits of the whole. In this case the commodity might be considered as divided into 1200 parts, of which 200 would belong to the capitalist. If wages rose 5 per cent., and instead of 1000 l. as wages, he paid 1050 l. he would still retain 150 l. as profits; in other words, he would sustain a reduction of only 2-1/2 per cent.
(3.iii.12) The case would be precisely the same, if we supposed the 1000 l. of capital, which is not employed in the payment of wages, to be employed in any proportion, in the shape of circulating capital consumed in the course of the productive process, and requiring to be replaced. Thus, while 1000 l. were employed in the payment of wages, 500 l. might be employed as fixed capital in durable machinery, 500 l. in raw material and other expenses. If this were the state of the expenditure, the value of the article would be 1700 l. ; being the amount of the capital to be replaced, and 10 per cent. profits upon the whole. Of these 1700 parts, 1000 would be the share of the labourers, though paid in advance, and 700 the share of the capitalist, 200 being profits. If, now, wages were to rise 5 per cent., 1050 of the above 1700 parts would be the share of the labourers, and 650 only would remain to the capitalist, of which, after replacing his 500 l. of circulating capital, 150 would remain as profits; a reduction of 2-1/2 per cent. as before.
(3.iii.13) If all commodities corresponded with the third case, as no wages would be paid, profits could not be affected by the rise of them : and it is obvious, that, in proportion as commodities may be supposed to approach that extreme, profits would be less and less affected by such a rise.
(3.iii.14) If we suppose, what is most probable, that, in the actual state of things, as many cases are on the one side of the medium as on the other, the result would be, in consequence of the mutual compensations that would take place, that profits would be reduced exactly half as much as wages rose.
(3.iii.15) The steps may be traced as follows :
(3.iii.16) When wages rise, and profits fall, it is evident that all commodities, made with a less proportion of labour to capital, will fall in value, as compared with those which are made with a greater. Thus, if No. 1 is taken as the standard, that in which commodities are produced wholly by labour; all commodities belonging to that case will be said to remain of the same value ; all belonging to any of the other cases will be said to fall in value. If No. 2 is taken as the standard, all commodities appertaining to that case will be said to remain of the same value; all, belonging to any case nearer the first extreme, will be said to rise in value; all, to any nearer the last extreme, to fall.
(3.iii.17) Those capitalists, who produce articles of case No. 1, sustain, when wages have risen 5 per cent., an additional cost of 5 per cent. ; but they exchange their commodity against other commodities. If they exchange them against those of case No. 2, where the capitalists have sustained an additional cost of only 2-1/2 per cent., they will receive 2-1/2 per cent. additional quantity. Thus, in obtaining goods, produced under the circumstances of case No. 2, they obtain a certain degree of compensation, and sustain, by the rise of wages, a disadvantage of only 2-1/2 per cent. In this exchange, however, the result, with respect to the capitalists who produce goods under the circumstances of case No. 2, is reversed. They have already sustained a disadvantage of 2-1/2 per cent., in the production of their goods, and are made to sustain another disadvantage of 2-1/2 per cent. in obtaining, by exchange the goods produced under the circumstances of case No. 1.
(3.iii.18) The result, then, upon the whole, is, that all producers, who possess themselves, either by production or exchange, of goods produced under the circumstances of case No. 2, sustain a disadvantage of 2-1/2 per cent. ; those who possess themselves of goods in cases approaching the first extreme, sustain a greater; those in cases approaching the last, a less disadvantage: that, if the cases on the one side are equal to those on the other, a loss of per cent. is sustained upon the whole; that this, accordingly, is the extent to which, in practice, it may be supposed that profits are reduced.
(3.iii.19) From these elements it is easy to compute the effect of a rise of wages upon price. All commodities are compared with money, or the precious metals. If money be supposed to correspond with case No. 2, or to be produced, which is probably not far from the fact, by equal proportions of labour and capital; then all commodities, produced under these medium circumstances, are not altered in price by a rise of wages; those commodities which approach nearer the first extreme, or admit a greater proportion of labour than capital in their formation, rise in price: those which approach the second, that is, have a greater portion of capital than labour, fall: and, upon the aggregate of commodities or all taken together, there is neither fall nor rise.
(3.iii.20) From the explanations, here afforded, it will be easy to see what is meant by the term "measure of value," and wherein it differs from that which we have already endeavoured to explain, the "regulator of value."
(3.iii.21) Money, that is, the precious metals in coin, serves practically as a measure of value, as is evident from what has immediately been said. A certain quantity of the precious metal is taken as a known value, and the value of other things is measured by that value; one commodity is twice, another thrice the value of such a portion of the metal, and so on.
(3.iii.22) It is evident, however, that this can remain an accurate measure of value, only if it remains of the same value itself. If a commodity, which was twice the value of an ounce of silver, becomes three times its value, we can only know what change has taken place in the value of this commodity, if we know that our measure is unchanged.
(3.iii.23) But there is no commodity to be taken as a measure of value, which is not itself liable to alterations in value, or in its power of purchasing, from a change in the quantity of labour and capital required both for its own production, and that of other commodities, and also from a change in wages and profits.
(3.iii.24) The alteration of value, arising from a change in the quantity of labour required for production, is the most important; for if we could be sure, that the commodity chosen for our measure of value was itself always produced under the same circumstances, that is, by the same quantity of immediate, and the same quantity of hoarded, labour, it would always answer the following purposes: 1st, it would show, by every alteration in its power of purchasing a commodity produced by the same proportion of labour and capital, the alteration which had taken place in the cost of production of that commodity, or in that by which its value is regulated: and 2dly, it might be accommodated by calculation to the changes in value, produced by the alteration of wages and profits, in the case of commodities not produced by the same proportions of labour and capital.
(3.iii.25) Thus, if gold were produced under the circumstances of case No. 1, by mere labour, picked up, for example, by the hand, from the beds of rivers, and always in equal quantity, in return for an equal quantity of labour, it would always be a measure, exactly and immediately, of all commodities produced by pure labour. In the case, however, of a rise of wages, and a fall in the profits of stock, gold would in these circumstances rise as compared with commodities produced under the circumstances of case No. 2, though no alteration should have taken place in the amount of the labour and capital required for their production. It is evident, therefore, that in these circumstances, gold, fluctuating in value with every fluctuation in the wages of labour, would very imperfectly serve the purposes of a measure of value. If a contract, for example, were made, to pay an annuity of so much gold for twenty years, it might be 10 per cent. more, or 10 per cent. less, at the end of that period, than it was at the beginning. Of labour it would all the time command exactly the same quantity, but of all commodities produced by aid of capital it would command a different quantity, and that, in proportion to the degree in which capital, not labour, was the instrument of their production.
(3.iii.26) Though we can by strict analysis discover, that exchangeable value is proportioned to quantity of labour expended in production, there are three circumstances which prevent its application as the measure of value.
(3.iii.27) In the first place, there are two kinds of labour employed in production, and the degree in which the produce is shared between them often varies, and occasions as we have seen, a corresponding variation in the exchangeable values of' commodities produced by different proportions of these two kinds of labour. In the next place, we have no practical means of ascertaining before hand the exact quantity of hoarded labour which goes to production, since the only measure we have of its quantity is the price which it brings. In the third place, labour is not constant in its productive powers. If one day's labour produced always the same quantity of gold, but not the same quantity of corn, or of cloth, the exchangeable value of gold would alter in respect to corn and cloth.
(3.iii.28) From these explanations it also appears, that nothing else can be applied as an accurate measure of value.
(3.iii.29) Every commodity may be considered as produced under one of the three sets of circumstances specified above. If we take as our measure a commodity, produced under the circumstances No. 1, the gold, for example, picked up by the hand, this will always purchase the same quantity of pure labour, and of such commodities as are produced by the same quantity of that labour; but it will not purchase the same quantity of commodities which come to need more or less of labour, nor the same quantity of the produce of hoarded labour, but less of it in proportion as wages rise, more as wages fall. Could we take as our measure a commodity produced under the circumstances No. 3, that is, by hoarded labour alone, it would always purchase the same quantity of the produce of hoarded labour, when no alteration had taken place in its productive powers, but less or more of the produce of immediate labour, according as profits, the wages of hoarded labour, rose or fell. A commodity, produced under the medium circumstances, answers the purpose best ; because by far the greater number of commodities are produced under circumstances more nearly approaching to the medium than any of the extremes. Gold, therefore, which is produced in these circumstances, and with less variation in the quantity of the two kinds of labour applied to its production, than almost any other commodity, has this recommendation among others, to be the medium of exchange, that it is less imperfect as a measure of value than almost any other commodity, which could be taken. Such aberrations as are obvious, and capable of being in some degree foreseen, practical sagacity corrects by the proper allowances. This cannot be done when great and unexpected changes take place ; and much disorder is the consequence.
(3.iv.1) We have already seen, that the benefits, derived from the division and skilful distribution of labour, form part of the motives which give rise to the exchange of commodities. Men will not confine themselves to the production of one only of the various articles which contribute to the well-being of the individual, unless they can, by its means, provide themselves with others.
(3.iv.2) There is another circumstance, which very obviously affords a motive to exchange commodities. Some can be produced only in particular places. Metals, coals, and various other commodities of the greatest importance, are the product of certain spots. The same is the case with some vegetable productions, to which every soil and climate are not adapted. Certain commodities, though not confined to particular spots, can yet be more conveniently and cheaply produced in some places than in others ; commodities, for example, which require a great consumption of fuel, in a coal country; commodities, the manufacture of which requires a strong moving power, where a sufficient fall of water can be obtained; commodities which require an extraordinary proportion of manual labour, where provisions, and consequently labour, are cheap.
(3.iv.3) These are all obvious causes. There is another cause, which requires rather more explanation. If two countries can both of them produce two commodities, corn, for example, and cloth, but not both commodities, with the same comparative facility, the two countries will find their advantage in confining themselves, each to one of the commodities, bartering for the other. If one of the countries can produce one of the commodities with peculiar advantages, and the other the other with peculiar advantages, the motive is immediately apparent which should induce each to confine itself to the commodity which it has peculiar advantages for producing. But the motive may no less exist, where one of the two countries has facilities superior to the other in producing both commodities.
(3.iv.4) By superior facilities, I mean, the power of producing the same effect with less labour. The conclusion, too, will be the same, whether we suppose the labour to be more or less highly paid. Suppose that Poland can produce corn and cloth with less labour than England, it will not follow that it may not be the interest of Poland to import one of the commodities from England. If the degree, in which it can produce with less labour, is the same in both cases ; if, for example, the same quantity of corn and cloth which Poland can produce, each with 100 days' labour, requires each 150 days' labour in England, Poland will have no motive to import either from England. But if, at the same time that the quantity of cloth, which, in Poland, is produced with 100 days' labour, can be produced in England with 150 days' labour ; the corn, which is produced in Poland with 100 days' labour, requires 200 days' labour in England; in that case, it will be the interest of Poland to import her cloth from England. The evidence of these propositions may thus be traced.
(3.iv.5) If the cloth and the corn, each of which required 100 days' labour in Poland, required each 150 days' labour in England, it would follow, that the cloth of 150 days' labour in England, if sent to Poland, would be equal to the cloth of 100 days' labour in Poland: if exchanged for corn, therefore, it would exchange for the corn of only 100 days' labour. But the corn of 100 days' labour in Poland was supposed to be the same quantity with that of 150 days' labour in England. With 150 days' labour in cloth, therefore, England would only get as much corn in Poland as she could raise with 150 days' labour at home; and she would, on importing it, have the cost of carriage besides. In these circumstances no exchange would take place.
(3.iv.6) If, on the other hand, while the cloth produced with 100 days' labour in Poland was produced with 150 days' labour in England, the corn which was produced in Poland with 100 days' labour could not be produced in England with less than 200 days' labour; an adequate motive to exchange would immediately arise. With a quantity of cloth which England produced with 150 days' labour, she would be able to purchase as much corn in Poland as was there produced with 100 days' labour; but the quantity, which was there produced with 100 days' labour, would be as great as the quantity produced in England with 200 days' labour. If the exchange, however, was made in this manner, the whole of the advantage would be on the part of England; and Poland would gain nothing, paying as much for the cloth she received from England, as the cost of producing it for herself.
(3.iv.7) But the power of Poland would be reciprocal. With a quantity of corn which cost her 100 days' labour, equal to the quantity produced in England by 200 days' labour, she could in the supposed case purchase, in England, the produce of 200 days' labour in cloth. The produce of 150 days' labour in England in the article of cloth would be equal to the produce of 100 days' labour in Poland. If, with the produce of 100 days' labour, she could purchase, not the produce of 150, but the produce of 200, she also would obtain the whole of the advantage, and England would purchase corn, which she could produce by 200 days' labour, with the product of as many days' labour in other commodities. The result of competition would be to divide the advantage equally between them.
(3.iv.8) Suppose the following case: That 10 yards of broad cloth purchase 15 yards of linen in England; and 20 yards in Germany. In exchanging 10 yards of English broad cloth for the equivalent of German linen, a saving, to the amount of 5 yards of linen, is the result of the bargain; and it is evident that the advantage will be shared upon the following principles. In England linen will fall, in relation to cloth., from the knowledge that 10 yards of cloth will purchase more than 15 yards of linen in Germany; and in Germany linen will rise as compared with cloth, from a knowledge that 20 yards of linen, if sent to England, will purchase more than 10 yards of cloth. It is the inevitable effect of such an interchange to bring the relative value of the two commodities to a level in the two countries; that is, to make the purchasing power of linen in respect to cloth, and of cloth in respect to linen, the same in both; bating the difference in the cost of carriage, each country paying the cost of the carriage of the commodity which it imports, and the value of that article being so much higher in the country which imports than in that which exports it.
(3.iv.9) To produce exchange, therefore, there must be two countries, and two commodities.
(3.iv.10) When both countries can produce both commodities, it is not greater absolute, but greater relative, facility, that induces one of them to confine itself to the production of one of the commodities, and to import the other.
(3.iv.11) When a country can either import a commodity, or produce it at home, it compares the cost of producing at home with the cost of procuring from abroad; if the latter cost is less than the first, it imports.
(3.iv.12) The cost at which a country can import from abroad depends, not upon the cost at which the foreign country produces the commodity, but upon what the commodity costs which it sends in exchange, compared with the cost which it must be at to produce the commodity in question, if it did not import it.
(3.iv.13) If a quarter of corn is produced in England with 50 days' labour, it may be equally her interest to import corn from Poland, whether it requires, in Poland, 50 days' labour, or 60, or 40, or any other number. Her only consideration is, whether the commodity with which she can import a quarter costs her less than 50 days' labour.
(3.iv.14) Thus, if labour in Poland produce corn and cloth, in the ratio of eight yards to one quarter; but, in England, in the ratio of ten yards to one quarter, exchange will take place.
(3.iv.15) The practical conclusion may be commodiously an correctly stated thus:
(3.iv.16) Whenever the purchasing power of any commodity with respect to another is less, in one of two countries, than it is in the other, it is the interest of those countries to exchange these commodities with one another.
(3.iv.17) Unless the difference of purchasing power, which renders it the interest of nations to barter commodities with one another, be sufficiently great to cover the expense of carriage, and something more, no advantage is obtained.
(3.v.1) From what is stated in the preceding chapter, one general, or rather universal, proposition may be deduced. The benefit which is derived from exchanging one commodity for another, arises, in all cases, from the commodity received not from the commodity given. When one country exchanges, in other words, when one country traffics with another, the whole of its advantage consists in the commodities imported. It benefits by the importation, and by nothing else.
(3.v.2) This seems to be so very nearly a self-evident proposition, as to be hardly capable of being rendered more clear by illustration ; and yet it is so little in harmony with current and vulgar opinions, that it may not be easy by any illustration, to gain it admission into certain minds.
(3.v.3) When a man possesses a certain commodity, he cannot benefit himself by giving it away. It seems to be implied, therefore, in the very fact of his parting with it for another commodity, that he is benefited by what he receives. His own commodity be might have kept, if it had been valued by him more than that for which he exchanges it. The fact of his choosing to have the other commodity rather than his own, is a proof that the other is to him more valuable than his own.
(3.v.4) The corresponding facts are evidence equally conclusive in the case of nations. When one nation exchanges a part of its commodities for a part of the commodities of another nation, the nation can gain nothing by parting with its commodities; all the gain must consist in what it receives. If it be said that the gain consists in receiving money, it will presently appear, from the doctrine of money, that a nation derives no advantage, but the contrary, from possessing more than its due proportion of the precious metals.
(3.v.5) In importing commodities which the country itself is competent to produce, as in the case, supposed above, of trade with Poland, we saw that England would import her corn from Poland, if she thus obtained, with the produce of so many days' labour in cloth, as much corn as it would have required a greater number or days' labour to produce in England. If it had so happened, that she could procure in Poland with the cloth, only as much corn as she could produce with the same quantity of labour at home, she would have had no advantage in the transaction. Her advantage would arise, not from what she should export, but wholly from what she should import.
(3.v.6) The case in which a country imports commodities, which she herself is incompetent to produce, is of still more simple investigation. That country, or, more properly speaking, the people of that country, have certain commodities of their own, but these they are willing to give for certain commodities of other countries. They prefer having those other commodities. They are benefited, therefore, not by what they give away ; that it would be absurd to say ; but by what they receive.
(3.vi.1) In exchanging commodities for one another directly, or in the way of barter, the wants of individuals could not be easily supplied. If a man had only sheep to dispose of; and wanted bread, or a coat; he might find himself subject to either of two difficulties : first, the man possessing the article which he wished to obtain, might be unwilling to accept of a sheep ; or, secondly, the sheep might be of more value than the article which he wished to obtain, and could not be divided.
(3.vi.2) To obviate these difficulties, it would be fortunate if a commodity could be found, which every man, who had goods to dispose of, would be willing to receive, and which could be divided into such quantities, as would adapt themselves to the value of the articles which he wished to obtain. In this case, the man who bad the sheep, and wanted bread or a coat, instead of offering his sheep to obtain them, would first exchange it for the equivalent quantity of this other commodity, and with that he would purchase the bread and other things for which he had occasion.
(3.vi.3) This, then, is the true idea of a medium of exchange. It is some one commodity, which, in order to effect an exchange between two other commodities, is first received in exchange for the one, and then given in exchange for the other.
(3.vi.4) Certain metals, gold, for example, and silver, were found to unite, in a superior degree, all the qualities desired in a medium of exchange. They were commodities which every man, who had goods to dispose of, was willing to receive in exchange. They could be divided into such portions as suited any quantity of other commodities which the purchaser desired to obtain. They possessed the further recommendation, by including a great value in a small bulk, of being very portable. They were also very indestructible; and less than almost any other commodities liable to fluctuations of value. From these causes, gold and silver have formed the principal medium of exchange in all parts of the globe.
(3.vi.5) The precious metals were liable to be mixed with baser metals in a manner which it was not easy to detect ; and thus a less value was apt to be received than that which was understood to be so. It was also found inconvenient to perform the act of weighing every time that a purchase was to be made. An obvious expedient was calculated to remedy both inconveniences. Metal might be prepared of a determined fineness ; it might be divided into portions adopted to all sorts of purchases ; and a stamp might be put upon it, denoting both its weight and its fineness. It is obvious, that the putting of this stamp could only be entrusted to an authority in which the people had confidence. The business has generally been undertaken by governments, and kept exclusively in their own hands. The business of putting the precious metals in the most convenient shape, for serving as the medium of exchange, has been denominated coining; and the pieces into which they are divided have obtained the appellation of money.
(3.vii.1) By value of money, is here to be understood the proportion in which it exchanges for other commodities, or the quantity of it which exchanges for a certain quantity of other things.
(3.vii.2) It is not difficult to perceive, that it is the total quantity of the money in any country, which determines what portion of that quantity shall exchange for a certain portion of the goods or commodities of that country.
(3.vii.3) If we suppose that all the goods of the country are on one side, all the money on the other, and that they are exchanged at once against one another, it is obvious that one-tenth, or one-hundredth, or any other part of the goods, will exchange against one-tenth, or any part of the whole of the money ; and that this tenth, &c. will be a great quantity or small, exactly in proportion as the whole quantity of the money in the country is great or small. If this were the state of the facts, therefore, it is evident that the value of money would depend wholly upon the quantity of it.
(3.vii.4) It will appear that the case is precisely the same in the actual state of the facts. The whole of the goods of a country are not exchanged at once against the whole of the money ; the goods are exchanged in portions, often in very small portions, and at different times, during the course of the whole year. The same piece of money which is paid in one exchange to-day, may be paid in another exchange to-morrow. Some of the pieces will be employed in a great many exchanges, some in very few, and some, which happen to be hoarded, in none at all. There will, amid all these varieties, be a certain average number of exchanges, the same which, if all the pieces had performed an equal number, would have been performed by each; that average we may suppose to be any number we please ; say, for example, ten. If each of the pieces of the money in the country perform ten purchases, that is exactly the same thing as if all the pieces were multiplied by ten, and performed only one purchase each. As each piece of the money is equal in value to that which it exchanges for, if each performs ten different exchanges to effect one exchange of all the goods, the value of all the goods in the country is equal to ten times the value of all the money.
(3.vii.5) If the quantity of money, instead of performing ten exchanges to exchange all the goods once, were ten times as great, and performed only one exchange, it is evident that whatever addition were made to the whole quantity, would produce a proportional diminution of value, in each of the minor quantities taken separately. As the quantity of goods, against which the money is all exchanged at once, is supposed to be the same, the value of all the money is no more, after the quantity is augmented, than before it was augmented. If it is supposed to be augmented one-tenth, the value of every part, that of an ounce for example, must be diminished one-tenth. Suppose the whole quantity 1,000,000 ounces, and augmented by one-tenth ; the loss of value to the whole must be communicated proportionally to every part; but what one-tenth or a million is to a million, one-tenth of an ounce is to an ounce.
(3.vii.6) If the whole of the money is only one-tenth of the above supposed sum, and performs ten purchases it, exchanging all the goods once, it of course exchanges each time against one-tenth of the goods. But if the tenth which exchanges against a tenth is increased in any proportion, it is the same thing as if the whole which exchanges against the whole were increased in that proportion. In whatever degree, therefore, the quantity of money is increased or diminished, other things remaining the same, in that same proportion, the value of the whole, and of every part, is reciprocally diminished or increased. This, it is evident, is a proposition universally true. Whenever the value of money has either risen or fallen, (the quantity of goods, against which it is exchanged, and the rapidity of circulation, remaining the same,) the change must be owing to a corresponding diminution or increase of the quantity; and can be owing to nothing else. If the quantity of goods diminish, while the quantity of money remains unaltered, it is the same thing as if the quantity of money had been increased; and if the quantity of goods be increased, while the quantity of money remains unaltered, it is the same thing as if the quantity of money had been diminished.
(3.vii.7) Similar changes are produced by any alteration in the rapidity of circulation. By rapidity of circulation is meant, of course, the number of times the money must change hands to effect one sale of all the commodities.
(3.vii.8) The whole of the goods, which fall to be exchanged in the course of the year, is the amount contemplated in the above propositions. If there is any portion of the annual produce, which is not exchanged at all, as what is consumed by the producer; or which is not exchanged for money; any such portion is not taken into account, because what is not exchanged for money is in the same state, with respect to the money, as if it did not exist. If there is any part of what falls to be exchanged in the course of the year, which is exchanged two, or three, or more times, that also is not taken into account, because the effect is the same, with respect to the money, as if the goods had been increased to the amount of these multiplications, and exchanged only once.
(3.viii.1) When we have ascertained, that quantity determines the value of money, we still have to inquire what it is that regulates quantity.
(3.viii.2) The quantity of money may seem, at first sight, to depend upon the will of the governments, which assume to themselves the privilege of making it, and may fabricate any quantity they please.
(3.viii.3) Money is made under two sets of circumstances; either when government leaves the increase or diminution of it free; or when it endeavours to control the quantity, making it great or small as it pleases.
(3.viii.4) When the increase or diminution of money is left free, government opens the mint to the public at large, making bullion into coins for as many as require it.
(3.viii.5) It is evident that individuals, possessed of bullion, will desire to convert it into coins, only when it is their interest to do so; that is, when their bullion, converted into coins, will be more valuable to them than in the shape of bullion.
(3.viii.6) This can only happen when the coins are peculiarly valuable, and when the same quantity of metal, in the state of coin, will exchange for more than in the state of bullion.
(3.viii.7) As the value of the coins depends upon the quantity of them, it is only when the quantity is to a certain degree limited, that they have this value. It is the interest of individuals, when coins are thus high in value, to carry bullion, to be coined; but by every addition to the number of the coins, the value of them is diminished ; and at last the value of the metal in the coins, above the bullion, becomes too small to afford a motive for carrying bullion to be coined. If the quantity of money, therefore, should at any time be so small as to increase its value above that of the metal of which it is made, the interest of individuals operates immediately, in a state of freedom, to augment the quantity.
(3.viii.8) It is also possible for the quantity of money to be so large as to reduce the value of the metal in the coin, below its value in the state of bullion; in that case, the interest of individuals operates immediately to reduce the quantity. If a man has possessed himself of a quantity of the coins, containing, we shall say, an ounce of the metal, and if these coins are of less value than the metal in bullion, he has direct motive to melt the coins, and convert them into bullion: and this motive continues to operate till by the reduction of the quantity of money, the value of the metal in that state is so nearly the same with its value in bullion, as not to afford a motive for melting.
(3.viii.9) Whenever the coining of money, therefore, is free, its quantity is regulated by the value of the metal, it being the interest of individuals to increase or diminish the quantity, in proportion as the value of the metal in coins is greater or less than its value in bullion.
(3.viii.10) But if the quantity of money is determined by the value of the metal, it is still necessary to inquire what it is which determines the value of the metal. That is a question, however, which may be considered as already solved. Gold and silver are in reality commodities. They are commodities, for the attaining of which labour and capital must be employed. It is cost of production, therefore, which determines the value of these, as of other ordinary productions.
(3.viii.11) We have next to examine the effects which take place by the attempts of government to control the increase or diminution of money, and to fix the quantity as it pleases. When it endeavours to keep the quantity of money less than it would be, if things were left in freedom, it raises the value of the metal in the coin, and renders it the interest of every body, who can, to convert his bullion into money. By supposition, the government will not so convert it. He must, therefore, have recourse to private coining. This the government must, if it perseveres, prevent by punishment. On the other hand, were it the object of government to keep the quantity of money greater than it would be, if left in freedom, it would reduce the value of the metal in money, below its value in bullion, and make it the interest of every body to melt the coins. This, also, the government would have only one expedient for preventing, namely, punishment.
(3.viii.12) But the prospect of punishment will prevail over the prospect of profit, only if the profit is small. It is well known, that, where the temptation is considerable, private coinage goes on, in spite of the endeavours of government. As melting is a more easy process than coining, and can be performed more secretly, it will take place by a less temptation than coinage.
(3.viii.13) It thus appears, that the quantity of money is naturally regulated, in every country, by the value, in other words, by the productive cost, in that country, of the metals of which it is made; that the government may, by forcible methods, reduce the actual quantity Of money to a certain, but an inconsiderable extent, below that natural quantity; that it can also, but to a still less extent, raise it above that quantity.
(3.viii.14) When it diminishes the quantity below what it would be in a state of freedom, in other words, raises the value of the metal in the coins, above its value in bullion, it in reality imposes a seignorage. In practice, a seignorage is commonly imposed by issuing coins which contain rather less of the metal than they profess to contain, or less than that quantity to which they are intended to be an equivalent. By coining upon this principle, government makes a profit of the difference between the value of the metal in the coins, and that in bullion. Suppose the difference to be five per cent., the government obtains bullion at the market price, and makes it into coins which are worth five per cent. more than the bullion. Coins, however, will retain this value, only, if, as we have shown in the preceding section, they are limited in amount. To be able to limit them in amount, it is necessary that seignorage should not be so high as to compensate for the risk of counterfeiting; in short, that it should not greatly exceed the expense of coining.
(3.ix.1) Some nations have made use of two metals, gold and silver, both, as standard money, or legal tender to any amount.
(3.ix.2) For this purpose it was necessary to fix a certain relative value between them. A certain weight of the one was taken to be equal in value to a certain weight of the other.
(3.ix.3) If the proportion thus fixed for the coins were accurately the proportion which obtained in the market, and continued so invariably, there would be no inconvenience in the two standards. The value of any sum would always be the same in either set of coins.
(3.ix.4) The relative value, however, of the two metals the market is fluctuating.
(3.ix.5) Suppose that the value fixed for the coins is that of 15 to 1 ; in other words, that one piece of gold is equal to 15 pieces of silver of the same weight. A change takes place in the market, and this value becomes as 16 to 1. What follows?
(3.ix.6) A man who had a debt to pay, equal, let us say, to 100 of the gold pieces, or 1500 of the silver, finds it his interest to pay his debt not with gold. With his 100 pieces of gold be can go into the market and purchase as much silver as may be coined into 1600 pieces, with 1500 of which he may pay his debt, and retain 100 to himself. In this manner silver coins would be multiplied ; and the quantity of the currency would be increased; its value would, therefore, be diminished; the gold in coins would thus become of less value than in bullion; hence the gold coins would be melted and would disappear.
(3.ix.7) After a fluctuation in one direction, it may take place in another. Silver may rise, instead of falling, as compared with gold. The relative value may become as 14 to 1. In this case it would be the interest of every man to pay in gold, rather than silver; and in this case it would be the silver coins which would disappear.
(3.ix.8) Two inconveniences are therefore incurred by the double standard. First, the value of the currency, instead of being rendered as steady in value as possible, is subjected to a particular cause of variation. And, secondly, the country is put to the expence of a new coinage, as often as a change takes place in the relative value of the metals.
(3.ix.9) The case would be exactly the same, if a seignorage existed. Suppose that 10 per cent. were imposed as seignorage; it would be equally true, that the 100 pieces of gold; were the proportion changed, from 15 to 1, to 16 to 1; would purchase as much silver as would be exchanged at the mint for 1600 pieces of silver. While the market value or the two metals was the same as the mint value, one piece of gold purchased not only as much silver as was contained in 15 pieces or silver, but one-tenth more ; after the change which we have just supposed, it purchases in the proportion of 16 to 15, that is, as much as wilt be contained in 16 pieces, and a tenth more.
(3.ix.10) The use of silver coins, for the purpose of small payments, or change, as it is called, of the more valuable coins, if they are legal tender only to a small amount, is not liable to the objections which apply to a double standard.
(3.ix.11) It has, indeed, been affirmed, that if they are issued, at a higher value than that of the metal contained in them, they will occasion the exportation of' the gold coins. But it is easy to see that this is a mistake.
(3.ix.12) Suppose that our silver coins in this country are 10 per cent. above the value of the metal, but legal tender only to the extent of 40 shillings; every man, it is affirmed, has hence an interest in sending gold to Paris to buy silver.
(3.ix.13) The relative value of gold to silver in Paris and England is naturally pretty nearly the same ; let its say as 15 to 1. An ounce of gold, therefore, will in Paris purchase 15 oz. of silver. But so it will in England. Where then is the advantage in going to France to purchase it ?
(3.ix.14) You propose to coin it because it is 10 per cent more valuable as coin.
(3.ix.15) But 10 per cent. of it is taken from you, and hence to you the advantage of the high value is lost.
(3.ix.16) Your silver coins with 10 per cent. added to them would make the coins of full weight.
(3.ix.17) Suppose the price of silver to have sunk below the mint proportion, it would then be your interest to pay in silver if you could; but you can only pay to the extent of 40 shillings; it is therefore worth nobody's while to surcharge the market.
(3.ix.18) Besides, government reserves to itself the right of refusing to coin silver, when it pleases ; it can therefore retain it of a high value.
(3.ix.19) Subsidiary coins cannot send the standard coins out of the country, unless the increased amount of them sink the value of the currency. The standard coins will not go in preference to bullion, unless they can be purchased cheaper than bullion.
(3.x.1) The only substitute for money, of sufficient importance to require explanation, in this epitome of the science, is that species of written obligation to pay a sum of money, which has obtained the appellation of paper money.
(3.x.2) The use of this species of obligation, as a substitute for money, seems to have originated in the invention of bills of exchange, ascribed to the Jews, in the feudal and barbarous ages.
(3.x.3) When two countries, as England and Holland, traded with one another; when England, for example, imported Dutch goods, and Holland imported English goods, the question immediately arose, how payment was to be made for them. If England was under the necessity of sending gold and silver for the goods which she had brought from Holland, the expense was considerable. If Holland was under the necessity of sending gold and silver to England, the expense was also considerable. It was very obvious, however, that if there were two individuals, one of whom owed to the other 100 l., and the other to him 100 l., instead of the first man's taking the trouble to count down 100 l. to the second, and the second man's taking the same trouble to count down 100 l. to the first, all they had to do was to exchange their mutual obligations. The case was the same between England and Holland. If England had to pay a million of money to Holland, and had an equal sum to receive from Holland, instead of sending the money from England to Holland, it would save expence and trouble to consign to her creditors, in Holland, the money due to her in Holland; and those merchants in Holland, who owed money to England, and must have been at the expense of sending it, would be well pleased to be saved from that expense, by obeying an order to pay, in Holland, what they owed to a merchant in England. A bill of exchange was, literally, such an order. The merchant in England wrote to the merchant in Holland, who owed him a sum of money, "Pay to such and such a person, such and such a sum;" and this was called drawing a bill upon that person. The merchants in Holland acted in the same manner, with respect to the persons in England, from whom they had money to receive, and to whom they had money to pay. When it so happened, that the money, which the two countries owed to one another, was equal, the payments balanced one another, and each country paid for the goods, which it had received, free, altogether, from the expense of transmitting money. Even when it happened that one of the two owed more than it had to receive, it had only the balance to discharge, and was relieved from all the rest of the expense.
(3.x.4) The advantage, therefore, derived from the invention and use of bills of exchange, was very considerable. The use of them was recommended by a still stronger necessity, at the period of the invention, because the coarse policy of those times prohibited the exportation of the precious metals, and punished with the greatest severity any infringement of that barbarous law.
(3.x.5) Bills of exchange not only served the purpose of discharging debts between country and country, but very often acted as a substitute for money, in the country to which they were sent. When a bill was drawn, payable after a certain time, the merchant to whom it was sent, if he bad a debt to pay, or purchase to make, without having money ready for the purpose, paid with the bill, instead of money. One of these bills would often pass through several bands, and be the medium of payment in a number of transactions, before it was finally discharged by the person on whom it was drawn. To this extent, it performed the precise functions of paper money, and led the way to the further use of that important substitute.
(3.x.6) As soon as it was discovered, that the obligation of a merchant of credit, to pay a sum of money, was, from the assurance that it would be paid as soon as demanded, considered of equal value with the money itself, and was without difficulty received in exchanges, as the money itself would have been received, there was motive sufficient to extend the use of the substitute. Those persons who had been accustomed to perform the functions of bankers in keeping the money of individuals, and exchanging against one another the coins of different countries, were the first who issued promises to pay certain sums of money, in the expectation that they would operate, as substitutes for money, in the business of purchase and sale. As soon as the use of such a substitute for money has begun, nothing is wanting but freedom, and the confidence of the public in the written promises, to enable the paper to supersede the use of the metal, and operate, almost exclusively, as the medium of exchange.
(3.x.7) It remains to inquire what are the advantages derived from the use of this substitute; and what are the inconveniences to which it is liable.
(3.xi.1) The precious metals, which are necessary to perform the functions of a medium of exchange, are bought with the commodities of the country. Manufactures, and the produce of the land, are exported and instead of other commodities, to be turned to use, gold and silver, to be employed as the medium of exchange, are imported for them. The value of the gold and silver, when they alone perform the business of exchange, always bears a considerable proportion,-in countries but little advanced in the arts of exchange, a large proportion, to the whole of the annual produce of the country. If each piece performs a hundred purchases in once exchanging the goods which fall to be exchanged in a year, the value of the money required is equal to a hundredth part of the whole of such goods, which, though not exactly corresponding with the annual produce, correspond with it so nearly, that we need not scruple to speak of them under that name. In countries in which money does not pass rapidly from hand to hand, it may be equal to a tenth of the whole of the annual produce.
(3.xi.2) It is evident that whatsoever part of the national property goes to provide the medium of exchange, is wholly inoperative with regard to production. Nothing produces, but the immediate instruments of production ; the food of the labourer, the tools or machinery with which he labours, and the raw material, which he fabricates. If the whole, therefore, of the national property, which goes in this manner to provide a medium of exchange, equal to one-tenth, or one-hundredth part of the annual produce, could be taken from that employment, and converted into food, tools, and the materials of production, the productive powers of the country would receive a corresponding increase.
(3.xi.3) If it be considered, that the annual produce is equal, not only to the whole of the net revenue of the country, but, along with this, to the whole of the capital, excepting the part which is fixed in durable machinery, it may be easily understood how vast an accession is made to the means of production, by providing a substitute for the precious metals, as a medium of exchange.
(3.xi.4) Paper is also far more convenient, as a medium of exchange. A large sum in the shape of gold or silver is a cumbrous commodity. In performing exchanges of considerable value, the very counting of gold and silver is a tedious operation. By means of a bank note, the largest sum is paid as quickly as the smallest.
(3.xii.1) The inconveniences to which paper money is liable, seem all to be comprehended under three heads.
(3.xii.2) First, - The failure of the parties, by whom the notes are issued, to fulfil their engagements.
(3.xii.3) Secondly, - Forgery.
(3.xii.4) Thirdly, - The alteration of the value of the currency.
(3.xii.5) 1. The failure of the parties, by whom notes are issued, is an evil against which, under good institutions, the most powerful securities are spontaneously provided.
(3.xii.6) If competition were allowed to operate freely, and if no restriction were imposed on the number of the partners, who might be engaged in a bank, the business of banking, and of issuing notes, would naturally place itself on a footing, which would render paper currency very secure.
(3.xii.7) The number of banks would of course be multiplied; and no one bank would be able to fill with its circulation more than a certain district.
(3.xii.8) As little risk, where the partners were numerous, would be incurred by each of them, as the profits would be very sure, and the importance of having a good currency would be sensibly felt; there would be motive sufficient, to all the principal noblemen and gentlemen of the county, or other district, to hold shares in the local bank, and add to the security of the public.
(3.xii.9) In competition with such an establishment, any bank, of doubtful credit, would vainly endeavour to introduce its notes into circulation. The sense of interest keeps the attention sufficiently awake, and where education and knowledge are tolerably advanced, and the press is free, intellect is not wanting to guide the most ignorant to the proper conclusions. The people may be trusted to reject the notes of a suspected party, when they may have those of a party in whom they confide.
(3.xii.10) Another great advantage is gained, by the scheme of numerous banks, each supplying, under the safeguard of freedom and competition, a limited district; that if one of them fails, the evil is limited, and produces inconvenience to but a small portion of the community.
(3.xii.11) The interest, also, which banks, where numerous, have in supplanting one another, places them on the watch to discover any symptom of deficiency on the part of a rival; and each of them, knowing that it is vigilantly watched, is careful to avoid any fault, which can lead to a diminution of its credit.
(3.xii.12) In Scotland, where banking is nearly placed upon this desirable footing, and where paper money spontaneously filled the channels of circulation, long before the suspension of cash payments at the Bank of England, there have been few failures in the numerous banks which issued paper, notwithstanding all the fluctuations in the value of' money, produced by that suspension, and all the convulsions of credit of which those fluctuations were the cause.
(3.xii.13) Such are the securities which the interest and intelligence of the parties would provide, without the intervention of the legislature. Of the securities which might be provided by the legislature, the following are among those which most obviously present themselves.
(3.xii.14) It might be rendered imperative upon every bank to transmit to some organ of government two monthly statements, one of the amount of its notes, another of the securities with which it was provided to meet the demands to which it was liable; while appropriate powers might be granted, for taking the necessary steps to protect the public, where proper securities might appear to be wanting.
(3.xii.15) As a great profit attends the issuing of notes in favourable circumstances, it is desirable that the benefit, if unattended with preponderant evil, should accrue to the public. The profit, it is observable, arising from the interest upon the notes as they are lent, is altogether distinct from the other benefit, arising from the conversion of a costly medium of exchange into instruments of production.
(3.xii.16) The issuing of notes is one of that small number of businesses, which it suits a government to conduct a business which may be reduced to a strict routine and falls within the compass of a small number of clear and definite rules. If the public were its own banker, as it could not fail in payments to itself, the evils, liable to arise from the failure of the parties who issue notes to fulfil their engagements, could not possibly have place. The people, in this case, would provide the funds to fulfill the engagements, and the people would receive them. Political Economy does not contemplate the misapplication of the funds provided by the people. The cases of national bankruptcy, and of the non-payment of a government paper, by which the people of various countries have suffered, have all been cases in which the many have been plundered for the benefit of the few. When the people, as a body, are to receive the payment, which the people, as a body, provide the funds to make, it would be absurd to speak of their loss by a failure.
(3.xii.17) The chance of evil, then, from a failure in discharging the obligations contracted by the issue of paper money, is capable of being so much reduced, as to constitute no valid objection against an expedient, the benefits of which are great and indisputable. There are persons, however, who say, that if the benefits derived from paper money did surpass the chance of evil in quiet and orderly times, the case is very different in those of civil war or foreign invasion.
(3.xii.18) Civil war, and foreign invasion. are words which raise up vague conceptions of danger; and vague conceptions of danger are too apt to exert undue influence on the understanding.
(3.xii.19) In the first place, there is, in the present state or the civilised world, so little chance of Civil war, or foreign invasion, in any country having a good government and a considerable population that, in contriving the means of national felicity, small allowance can be rationally required for it. To adopt a course of action, disadvantageous at all but times of civil war and foreign invasion, only because it were good on those occasions, would be as absurd, as it would be, in medicine, to confine all men continually to that species or regimen which suits a violent disease. If the advantages, which arise from the use of paper money, are enjoyed, without any considerable abatement, at all times, excepting those of civil war and foreign invasion, the utility or paper money is sufficiently provcd.
(3.xii.20) To save ourselves from the delusion which vague conceptions of danger are apt to create, it is proper to inquire, what are the precise evils which may arise from paper money, during those rare and extraordinary times.
(3.xii.21) A civil war, or a foreign invasion, is attended with a great derangement of the circulating medium, when it is composed of gold and silver. At such a period there is a general disposition to hoard: a considerable proportion, therefore, of the medium of exchange is withdrawn from circulation, and the evils of a scarcity of money are immediately felt ; the prices of commodities fall; the value of money rises ; those who have goods to sell, and those who have debts to pay, are subject to losses ; and calamity is widely diffused.
(3.xii.22) From the evils of hoarding, the community would be, in a great measure, secured, by the prevalence of paper money. And there are many reasons which may draw us to conclude, that those arising front the diminution of credit would be very little to be feared.
(3.xii.23) If the paper were issued by a government, which deserved the confidence of the people, a foreign invasion, which would concentrate the affections of the people towards the government, would not destroy the credit of its notes.
(3.xii.24) It would not be the interest of the invaders to destroy their credit, even in that part of the country, of which they might be in possession; because it would not be their interest to impair its productive powers.
(3.xii.25) Nobody would lose, ultimately; because, even if the circulation of the notes were prevented in the districts possessed by the enemy, they would recover their value the moment the enemy were expelled.
(3.xii.26) The effects would not be very different, if the circulation were provided by a well-conducted system of private banking. It would be the interest of all parties to preserve the circulating medium in credit. It would be the interest of the enemy to preserve it in the districts which he possessed. At most, he could only prevent the circulation for a time ; for, after his expulsion, the notes would be redeemed; either by the responsible parties who had issued them; or, if they bad lost their property through the operations of the enemy, out of the compensation money which the government would allow.
(3.xii.27) It is not probable, that, even in a civil war, any considerable discredit should attend a well established paper currency. The country is, of course, divided between the hostile parties, in portions more or less nearly equal. It is evidently not the interest of the government, in that part of the country which it commands, to discredit the paper currency, whether it had been issued by itself, or by private bankers. As little is it the interest of the opposite party, to do any thing which shall disorder the regularity of transactions, in that part of the country, where it governs, and from which all its means of prevailing over its opponents must be drawn. If the circulating medium consists of the notes of private bankers, situated within that part of the country, it is the interest, on a double account, of the party to protect them. It is its interest to protect them, even if they are paper of the government. For whom would it injure, as the holders of them, but its own people? Whose business would it disturb by the want of a circulating medium, but the people upon whose means and affections it wholly depends? By protecting the paper of the government, it makes it, in reality, its own.
(3.xii.28) Experience is in favour of all these conclusions ; since it has been repeatedly found, that the presence of hostile armies, and even internal commotions, have occasioned little disturbance to a paper currency, the value of which was but tolerably secured.
(3.xii.29) 2. Forgery, to which bank notes are exposed, is an evil of the same sort as counterfeiting. This, though an evil of great magnitude, under so imperfect a system of banking as that, which is created by the existence of a great monopolizing establishment, like the Bank of England, would, under such a system of banking, as that which we have been just contemplating, be inconsiderable. Where one great bank supplies the circulation of a great part of the country, there is opportunity for the circulation of a great amount of' forged notes, and motive to incur both a great risk and a great expense. But if every bank supplied only a small district, a small amount of the forged notes of' such a bank could find their way into the circulation. Banks, too, which are subject to the useful principle of competition, are afraid to discredit their own notes and render the people shy of taking them, by refusing payment of such as are forged ; they rather choose to pay them in silence, to detect as well as they can the authors of the forgery, and circumscribe its amount. In this manner individuals severally are exempted from loss; and if a loss is willingly sustained by the banks, it is only because they find compensation.
(3.xii.30) 3. The last of the three inconveniences, liable to arise from the use of paper money, is all alteration in the value of the currency.
(3.xii.31) This alteration is always an act of the government; and is not peculiar to paper money. We have already seen, that the value of a metallic currency is determined by the value of the metal which it contains. That of a paper currency, therefore, exchangeable at pleasure, either for coins or for bullion, is also determined by the value or the metal which can be obtained for it. The reason is obvious. If the paper should at any time be reduced below the value of the metal, every person who held a bank note, the less valuable commodity, would demand for it the more valuable commodity, the metal. If the promise were, as in England, to pay an ounce of gold for 3 l. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. of paper, it would be the interest of the holders of the notes to demand gold in exchange, the moment 3 l. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. in paper became of less value than an ounce of gold; that is, the moment gold rose above the mint price.
(3.xii.32) But, in these circumstances, it would be the interest of those who issued the notes to raise their value by reducing their quantity. If they endeavoured to maintain the high quantity, they would be condemned perpetually to issue and perpetually to withdraw ; because every man who became possessed of any of their notes would have an interest in bringing them back again for gold; and on each of these occasions the issuers would sustain a loss. They would issue the notes at the rate of 3 l. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. ; that is they would receive a value of 3 l. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. when they issued them ; but when they received them back, they would be obliged to pay an ounce of gold, for 31. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. of their notes; and that ounce might cost them 4 l., or any greater sum.
(3.xii.33) If the currency were supplied by paper, without coins, the issuers of the paper could, by lessening its quantity, and thereby enhancing its value, reduce the price of gold. Suppose, by this means, they were to reduce it to 3 l. per ounce. They might fill their coffers with gold at this price; and having done so, they might raise its price by increasing their issues till it became the interest of the holders of their notes to demand it or them at 3 l. 17 s. 10-1/2 d. They would make a profit of 17 s. 10-1/2 d. on every ounce of gold thus trafficked ; and they might continually repeat the operation. A simple expedient, however, would be an effectual security against this danger. As the obligation to sell gold at a fixed price renders it the interest of those who issue paper not to increase their notes in such a manner as to raise gold above that price, so an obligation on them to buy gold at a fixed price would render it their interest not to reduce the amount of their notes in such a manner as to sink it below that price. The value of the notes might thus be kept very steadily conformable to that of the metallic standard.
(3.xii.34) In the case of a metallic currency, government can reduce the value of the coins, only by lessening the quantity of the precious metal contained in them; otherwise, as soon as it reduced the value of the coins sufficiently to afford a motive for melting them, they would, as fast as issued, disappear. In the case of a paper currency, it is only necessary for government to withdraw the obligation to pay metal for it on demand, when the quantity may be increased, and thereby the value diminished, to any amount.
(3.xii.35) Paper currency is issued without obligation to pay for it, in two ways : either, when government is the issuer, and renders its paper legal tender, without obligation to give metal for it in exchange ; or when the paper currency is regulated by one great establishment, as the Bank of England, and government suspends its obligation to pay for its notes.
(3.xii.36) The effects of an increase of the quantity, and consequent diminution of the value of the currency in any particular country, are two : first, a rise of prices; secondly, a loss to all those persons who bad a right to receive a certain sum of money of' the old and undiminished value.
(3.xii.37) By the term price, I always understand the quantity of money which is given in exchange. An alteration in the value of money, it is obvious, alters the relative value of nothing else. All things -bread, cloth, shoes, &c. rise in value as compared with money; but not one of them rises in value as compared with any other.
(3.xii.38) This difference of price is, in itself, of no consequence to any body. The man who has goods to sell gets more money for them, indeed; but this money will purchase him just the same quantity of commodities, as he was enabled to purchase with the price he obtained before. The man who has goods to purchase has more money to give for them ; but he is enabled to do so, by getting just as much more for the commodities he has to sell.
(3.xii.39) With respect to the second effect of a degradation in the value of money, it is to be observed, that there exists at all times, in civilized countries, a number of obligations to pay certain sums of money to individuals : either all at once, as debts; or in succession, as annuities. It is very obvious, that the individual who has contracted with a man to receive 100 l. sustains a loss when the currency is reduced in value and he receives no more than 100 l. It is equally obvious that the party who has to pay the sum, is benefitted to the same amount. These circumstances are reversed when the alteration which has taken place is an increase of the value. In that case the man who has to pay sustains the loss; the man who receives payment makes the gain. These losses are evils of great magnitude, as far as men's feelings and happiness are concerned ; and they imply a gross violation of those rules for the guardianship of that happiness, which are comprehended under the term justice. It is, however, no destruction, and consequently no loss, of property.
(3.xii.40) Hume has supposed that certain other effects are produced by the increase of the quantity of money. When an augmentation of money commences, individuals, more or fewer, go into the market with greater sums. The consequence is, that they offer better prices ; and Hume affirms, that the increased prices give encouragement to producers, who are incited to greater activity and industry, and that an increase of production is the consequence.
(3.xii.41) This doctrine implies a want of clear ideas respecting production. The agents of production are the commodities themselves, not the price of them. They are the food of the labourer, the tools and machinery with which he works, and the raw materials which he works upon. These are not increased by the increase of money : how then can there be more production? This is a demonstration that the conclusion of Hume is erroneous. It may be satisfactory also to unravel the fallacy of his argument.
(3.xii.42) The man who goes first to market with the augmented quantity of money, either raises the price of the commodities which he purchases, or he does not.
(3.xii.43) If not, he gives no additional encouragement to production. The supposition, therefore, must be, that he does raise prices. But exactly in proportion as he raises prices, he sinks the value of money. He therefore gives no additional encouragement to production.
(3.xii.44) It will perhaps be said, by a persevering objector, that the man who first goes to market with the additional quantity of money, raises the price of the commodities which he immediately purchases : that the producers of those commodities are therefore encouraged to greater industry, because the price of other commodities, namely, of all those which they have occasion to purchase, has not risen. But this he is not allowed to say. The first man who came with an additional quantity of money into the market to purchase the commodities of those producers, raised the price of those commodities. And why ? Because he came with an additional quantity of money. They go into the market to purchase another set of commodities, and go with an additional quantity of money. They raise, therefore, the price of those commodities. And in this manner the succession goes on. Of all those commodities with which no additional quantity of money has yet come in contact the price remains unaltered. The moment an additional quantity of money comes in contact with them, the price is proportionally raised.
(3.xii.45) The whole of the business of any country may be considered as practically divided into a great number of little markets, some in one place, some in another, some of one sort of commodity, some of another: the money, of course, distributed proportionally among them. Into each of these markets, in the ordinary state of things, there comes, on the one side, a certain quantity of commodities; on the other side a certain quantity of money; and the one is exchanged against the other. Wherever any addition takes place in the quantity of goods, without any addition to the quantity of money, the price falls, and of necessity in the exact proportion of the addition which has been made. If this is not clear to every apprehension already, it may be rendered palpable by adducing a simple case. Suppose the market to be a very narrow one; of bread solely, on the one side; and money on the other. Suppose that the ordinary state of the market is 100 loaves on the one side, and 100 shillings on the other; the price of bread, accordingly, a shilling a loaf. Suppose, in these circumstances, that the quantity of loaves is increased to 200, while the money remains the same: it is obvious that the price of the bread must fall one half, or to sixpence per loaf. It would not be argument to say, that part of the bread would not be sold. but taken away unsold. If it is taken away unsold, it is the same thing, with respect to the market, as if it had never been brought. These conclusions, with respect to an increase in the quantity of commodities, no man disputes. Is it not obvious that the some conclusions are true with respect to an increase in the quantity of the opposite commodity-the money?
(3.xii.46) All the consequences, therefore, of altering the value of money, whether by raising or depressing it, are injurious. There is no security, however, against it, as it is a deed of government, but that which is the sole security against the misdeeds of government ; its dependence upon the people. The obligation of paying the notes in the metal is a necessary security, where they are issued at pleasure by private bankers. If they were issued by a government strictly responsible to the people, it would not be indispensible; for in that case the utility of keeping gold at the mint price, or, in other words, the currency of the same value as if it was metallic, might be so distinctly understood, that it would not be the interest of those intrusted with the powers of government to allow it to vary.
(3.xii.47) We have already seen, in treating of the properties which recommended the precious metals for the instrument of exchange, that they are less than almost any other commodity subject to fluctuation of value. They are not, however, exempt from changes, partly temporary, and partly permanent. The permanent changes take place, chiefly in consequence of a change in the cost of procuring them. The greatest change of this kind, recorded in history, is that which took place on the discovery of the mines of America, from which, with the same quantity of labour a greater quantity of the metals was obtained. The temporary changes take place, like the temporary changes in the value of other commodities, by a derangement of the balance of demand and supply. For the payment of troops in a foreign country, or subsidies to foreign governments and other operations, a great quantity of gold or silver is sometimes bought up. and sent out of the country. This enhances the price, till the balance is restored by importation. The profit which may be acquired operates immediately as a motive to restore it. In the interval, however, an advantage may be derived from a paper money not convertible immediately into the metals. If convertible, gold will be demanded, paper will be diminished, and the value of the currency will be raised. If not convertible, the currency may be retained of the same or nearly the same value as it was before. This, indeed, can scarcely be done, and the remedy applied ,with safety, unless where the whole is paper, and government has the supply in its own hands. In that case the sameness in the quantity of the currency, as it would be perfectly known, would be a sufficient index and security. If the price of gold rose suddenly above the mint price, or, in other words, above the rate of the bank notes, without any alteration in the quantity of the currency, the sameness in the quantity of currency would be a sufficient index that the rise was owing to a sudden absorption of the gold; which, after a time, would return. If in such circumstances the obligation of keeping up the value of the paper to that of the gold were suspended for a short time, a sufficient security against any considerable alteration in the value of the currency would be found in the obligation of keeping the quantity of it the same; because, during any short period of time, there can be no such diminution or increase of the quantity of business to be done by it, as to require any material alteration. That in the hands of an irresponsible government such power of suspension would be dangerous, is true. But an irresponsible government involves all kinds of danger, and this among the rest.
(3.xiii.1) Metallic money, or more generally speaking, the precious metals, are nothing more, considered strictly, and in their essence, than that commodity which is the most generally bought and sold, whether by individuals, or by nations.
(3.xiii.2) In ordinary language, it is immediately acknowledged, that those commodities alone can be exported, which are cheaper in the country from which, than in the country to which, they are sent; and that those commodities alone can be imported, which are dearer in the country to which, than in the country from which, they are sent.
(3.xiii.3) According to this proposition, if gold is cheaper in any one country, as in England, for example, it will be exported from England. Again, if gold is dearer in England than in other countries, it will be imported into England. But, by the very force of the terms, it is implied, that in any country where gold is cheap, other commodities are dear. Gold is cheap, when a greater quantity of it is required to purchase commodities; and commodities are dear, for the same reason; namely, when a greater quantity of gold is required to purchase them. When the value of gold, therefore, in England, is low, gold will be exported from England, on the principle that all commodities which are free to seek a market, go from the place where they are cheap to the place where they are dear. But as, in the fact that gold is cheap, is implied the correlative and inseparable fact, that other commodities, at the same time, are dear, it follows, that, when gold is exported, less of other commodities can be exported; that no commodities can be exported, if the value of gold is so low as to raise the price of all of them above the price in other countries; and that a diminished quantity alone can be exported, if the value of gold is only reduced so far as to raise the price of some of them above the price in other countries.
(3.xiii.4) It is evident, therefore, that a country will export commodities, other than the precious metals, only when the value of the precious metals is high. It is equally evident, that she will import, only when the value of the precious metals is low. The increase, therefore, of the quantity of the precious metals, which diminishes the value of them, gradually diminishes and tends to destroy the power of exporting other commodities ; the diminution of the quantity of the precious metals which increases their value, increases, by a similar process, the motive to exportation of other commodities, and, of course, in a state of freedom, the quantity exported.
(3.xiv.1) When we speak of the value of the precious metal, we mean the quantity of other things for which it will exchange.
(3.xiv.2) But it is well known that money is more valuable, that is, goes farther in the purchase of commodities, not only in one country than another, but in one part than another of the same country.
(3.xiv.3) In some of the more distant places of Wales, for example, money is more valuable than in London; in common language, we say, that living is more cheap; in other words, commodities may be purchased with a smaller quantity of money: and this state of things is habitual, money having no tendency to go from London where its value is low, to increase its quantity in Wales where its value is high. This phenomenon requires explanation.
(3.xiv.4) The fact is, that the whole of such difference as is habitual, and has no tendency to produce a transit of the metals, resolves itself into cost of carriage. Corn, butchers' meat, and other commodities, which are produced in Wales, are cheaper than in London, because the supply of London comes from a distance, and the original price is enhanced by cost of carriage. But as there are certain commodities which thus are cheaper in Wales than in London, so there are others which are cheaper in London than in Wales. Such are all the commodities which are either manufactured in London, or imported into London from abroad. Just as the corn and other commodities, which come from Wales to London, are enhanced by the cost of carriage; so those commodities which are sent from London to Wales, are dearer in Wales than in London, by the whole of the cost which is incurred in transporting them. The fact, therefore, is, that in Wales some commodities are cheaper, and some are dearer, than in London ; but those which are cheaper are the articles of principal importance ; they are the necessaries of life, the articles the consumption of which constitutes the principal part of almost every man's expenditure. What is more, they are the articles the money-value of which determines the money-value of labour ; every thing which a man has done for him, therefore, is done cheaper than it is in London. And, lastly, the gross commodities, which are the produce of Wales, cost much more for carriage, in proportion to their value, than the fine commodities which are received from London: the cost of the gross commodities in London is much more raised above the price of them in Wales, than the price of the fine commodities in Wales is raised above the price of them in London. The cost of living, therefore, is greater in London than in Wales, for this reason, solely, because people in London pay more for carriage. If the value of the metal in Wales rose ever so little above that limit, a profit equal to that rise would immediately operate as a motive for sending it to Wales.
(3.xiv.5) From two places in the same country, let us transfer the consideration to two different countries. The cost of living is higher; in other words, the value of the precious metals is lower in England, than in Poland. The difference here, also, resolves itself wholly into the cost of carriage. Let us suppose that England receives a considerable portion of her supply of corn from Poland, and sends her the whole, or the greater part, of her fine manufactures : corn, it is evident, will be dearer in England; but fine manufactures will be dearer in Poland. For the same reasons that money, as we have shown, goes farther in Wales, than in London, it is easy to see that it will, in this case, go farther in Poland than in England ; in other words, the value of gold in Poland will be greater than in England, just so much as to compensate for the greater cost of carriage which England sustains. The moment it rises above that value, a profit may be made by sending it to England.
(3.xv.1) In the country of' the mines, whence gold distributes itself to the rest of the world, gold is in relative plenty. As an addition is constantly making to the quantity already possessed, there is a constant tendency in the gold of that country to fall in relative value; in other words, a constant tendency in the price of other things to rise. As soon as any commodities have risen sufficiently high to enable them to be imported, they will come in from that country, be it what it may, from which, prime cost and cost of carriage taken together, they come the cheapest; and gold will go out in exchange.
(3.xv.2) By this importation of gold into that second country, it becomes relatively plentiful there, and prices rise. Some commodity, or commodities, become there at last so dear, that they can be imported, with profit, from another country : commodities, as in the previous instance, come in, and gold goes out. It is unnecessary to trace the operation farther. In this manner gold proceeds from country to country, through the whole connected chain of the commercial world.
(3.xv.3) In a preceding section we found, that it is the interest of two nations to exchange with one another two sorts of commodities, as often as the relative cost of producing them is different in the two countries. If four quarters of corn, for example, and 20 yards of cloth, cost, each, the same quantity of labour in England, but not the same quantity in Poland, it would be the interest of the two countries, the one to produce corn, the other to produce cloth, and to exchange them with one another.
(3.xv.4) Suppose, while four quarters of corn and 20 yards of cloth required the same quantity of labour in England ; that in Poland 20 yards of cloth required twice as much labour as four quarters of corn. In these circumstances, cloth, as compared with corn, would be twice as dear in Poland as in England; in other words, four quarters of corn, which in England would be of equal value with 20 yards of cloth, would in Poland be equal to no more than 10 yards. In a traffic of these commodities, between England and Poland, there would be a value of 5 yards of cloth to be gained by each upon every repetition of the transaction.
(3.xv.5) Supposing, as we have done, that in Poland, if she produced corn and cloth for herself, four quarters of corn would have the same value as 10 yards of cloth, it follows, that if she had the use of money, the price of four quarters of corn, and of 10 yards of cloth, would be the same. In England, according to the supposition, the price of four quarters of corn and that of 20 yards of cloth would be the same.
(3.xv.6) There are two supposeable cases. The price of one of the two commodities, corn for example, is either - 1. equal in the two countries, or - 2. it is not equal. The illustration of any one of these cases will suffice for both.
(3.xv.7) Let us suppose that, in the two countries, the price of corn is equal. If it is, the price of a yard of cloth must in Poland be twice as great as it is in England. In these circumstances, what will happen is obvious: the cloth, which is cheap in England, will go to Poland, where it is dear; and there it will be sold for gold, because there can be no counter importation of corn, which, by supposition, is already as cheap in England as in Poland.
(3.xv.8) By the importation, in this manner, of English cloth into Poland, gold goes out of Poland, and comes into England. The consequence is, that gold becomes more plentiful in England, less plentiful in Poland. From this first consequence, a second ensues ; that prices gradually rise in England, fall in Poland: the price of corn, for example, and, along with it, the price of cloth, rise in England, fall in Poland. If when we suppose the traffic to begin, the price of corn in each country is 1 l. per quarter, the price of cloth being, by consequence, in Poland 8 s., in England 4 s. per yard; the supposed exchange of cloth for gold will gradually, in England, raise the price of corn above, in Poland sink it below, 1 l. per quarter; raise the price of cloth in England above 4 s. per yard, sink it below 8 s. per yard in Poland. In this manner, the price of corn in the two countries gradually recedes from equality, the price of cloth gradually approaches it. At a certain point in this progress, corn becomes so dear in England, and cheap in Poland, that the difference of price will pay for the cost of carriage. At that moment a motive arises for the importation of corn into England ; and prices regulate themselves in such a manner, that in England corn is dearer than in Poland, by the expense of carrying corn; cloth is dearer in Poland than in England, by the expense of carrying cloth, from the one country to the other. At this point, the value of the cloth imported into the one country, and that of the corn imported into the other, balance one another. The exchange is then at par, and gold ceases to pass.
(3.xv.9) From the consideration of the same circumstances, it will farther be seen, that no alteration can take place in the interchange of commodities between the two countries, without a new distribution of the precious metal; that is, a change in the relative quantities which they previously possessed.
(3.xv.10) Let us suppose that, in England, some new commodity is produced, which Poland desires to obtain. A quantity of this commodity is imported into Poland; and it can be paid for only in gold, because we have supposed that at this time, the corn and cloth, respectively imported, pay for one another. In this case, as in that which I have previously explained, the price of commodities soon begins to rise in England, fall in Poland. In proportion as prices rise in England, and fall in Poland, a motive is produced to import a greater quantity of Polish goods into England, a less quantity of English goods into Poland. And again the balance is restored.
(3.xvi.1) The moneys of different countries are different; that is to say, they consist of different portions of the precious metals, and go by different names. The pound sterling, for example, is the money of England, the dollar is the money of certain other countries ; the pound sterling contains one quantity of the precious metal, the dollar contains a less quantity; and so of other varieties.
(3.xvi.2) The purchases which are made by one country in another country, are, like other purchases, made by money. If the Dutch merchant, for example, purchase goods in England, be buys them at so many pounds sterling. If the English merchant buys goods in Holland, he buys them at so many guilders. To pay the pound sterling, the Dutch merchant must either send the English money, or an equivalent. The direct equivalent is a quantity of the precious metal equal to what is contained in the pounds sterling due. If the Dutch merchant has no other medium but guilders, he must send as many guilders as contain an equal quantity of the precious metals.
(3.xvi.3) When the language now used by the merchants of Europe was established, a computation was made of the quantity of one currency which contained the same quantity of the precious metal, as a certain given quantity of another. This was called the par of exchange. The guilder contained not quite so much of the metal as two shillings English ; but to simplify our language, let us suppose that it contained just as much. The par of exchange was then, 10 guilders to 1 l. ; or, in the abridged language of the merchants, 10.
(3.xvi.4) The business of exchange, however, between country and country, is carried on, not by transmitting currency, or the metals, but, in a much greater degree, by the instrumentality of bills. The language, which the merchants have adopted for carrying on the traffic of bills, is very elliptical and abridged ; and being, in several respects, not well chosen, is a source of obscurity and misapprehension.
(3.xvi.5) The simple transaction is this. The merchant in London, to whom a merchant in Amsterdam owes a sum of money, writes a line to the merchant in Amsterdam, directing him to pay the money. The writing of this line is called drawing ; the line itself is called a bill; and the person whom the line is written to, is said to be drawn upon. If the merchant in London, at the same time that he has money to receive from Amsterdam, has money to pay in Amsterdam, he draws his bill upon his debtor in Amsterdam, to the order of his creditor; or, in other words, his line written to the person who owes him money in Amsterdam, is a line directing him to pay the amount to that other person to whom he is indebted. If the sum to be received is equal to the sum to be paid, the bill discharges the debt ; if it is less, it pays as far as it goes, and the difference constitutes a balance.
(3.xvi.6) It so happens, in the course of business, that the individuals who import goods from Holland, for example, are not the same individuals who export goods to Holland. The merchants who import corn, or butter, or tallow, from Holland, are one set of merchants; the merchants who export cottons and hardware to Holland, are merchants of another description ; the individuals, therefore, who have money to receive from Holland, have nothing to do with any payments in Holland ; they make a demand for their money, and expect it shall be paid. There are other individuals, however, who have money to pay in Holland, and who, to save themselves the expense of sending money, are desirous of obtaining from the individuals, who have money to receive from Holland, orders upon their debtors, that is, bills drawn upon them for the sum. The English exporters, who have money to receive from Holland, therefore, draw bills, upon their correspondents in Holland, and, without needing to wait for the return from Holland, receive the money in England from the English importers.
(3.xvi.7) There are thus two sets of persons in England: one, who have money to receive from Holland; another, who have money to send to Holland. They who have money to send, are desirous of meeting with the persons who have money to receive, and bills to draw ; the persons, again, who have bills to draw, and money to receive, are desirous of meeting with the persons who have' money to pay, and who would give it them immediately, and save them the delay of waiting the return from Holland. But these two sets of men do not always know how to find one another. This gives rise to a set of middle men, who, under the name of bill-brokers and exchange brokers, perform the function of bringing them together, or rather act as the medium between them.
(3.xvi.8) When it so happens that the amount, for which bills are drawn, is the same with that, for which bills are wanted ; in other words, when those, who have money to receive abroad are equal to those who have money to pay ; the amount of bills to be bought, and the amount to be sold, will be exactly the same. For each man desirous to purchase a bill on Holland, there will be another man, equally desirous to sell one. There will be neither premium, therefore, on the one side, nor discount on the other ; the bills, or in the language of the merchants, the exchange, will be at par.
(3.xvi.9) When it happens, however, that the debts and credits are not equal; that England, for example, has more money to pay, than she has to receive; in other words, has imported to a greater amount than she has exported, there are more persons who want to purchase bills on Holland, than there are persons to sell them. Those who cannot obtain bills to discharge their debts in Holland must send the metals. That, however, is an operation, attended with a considerable cost. There is, therefore, a competition for bills; and the merchants give for them rather more than they are worth. A bill, for example, drawn on Holland, for 10,000 guilders, (the 10,000 guilders being, by supposition, equal to 1,000 l.) will be willingly purchased for something more than 1,000 l. In this case, the exchange is said to be in favour of Holland, and against England. It is against England, because in Holland, when bills are drawn upon England, there are more people who have bills to sell, than people who have any occasion to buy. There is a competition, therefore, among the people who wish to sell, and the price falls. A bill on England for 1000 l., instead of selling for 10,000 guilders, will sell for something less. This, it is evident, is a discouragement to the Dutch merchant who exports goods to England. It is also a discouragement to the English merchant who imports goods from Holland, and who, in addition to the 10,000 guilders, which his goods have cost, must pay something more than 1000 l., or 10,000 guilders, for a bill to pay them. On the other hand, there is an encouragement to the English merchant, who exports goods to Holland, inasmuch as he receives for his bill of 10,000 guilders on Holland, rather more than 1,000 l., which is the value of his goods ; be is, therefore, stimulated, by this increase of profit, to increase the quantity of his trade.
(3.xvi.10) It is very easy to see, what is the limit to this variation in the price of bills, called in the language of merchants, the exchange. The motive to the purchase of a bill is the obligation of paying a debt. The merchant, however, on whom it is incumbent to pay a debt in Holland, can pay it without a bill, by sending the metal. To send the metal is attended with a certain cost. If he can obtain the bill without paying beyond this cost, he will purchase the bill. This cost, therefore, is the utmost amount of the premium which he will pay for a bill, and the limit to the rise of its price. As the cost of sending the metal, which is a great value in a small bulk, is never considerable, the exchange can never vary from par to a considerable amount.
(3.xvi.11) It is well known in commerce, how a balance is transferred from one country to another, by means of bills of exchange.
(3.xvi.12) If a balance is due by England to Holland, and by Hamburgh to England, the holder of a bill at Amsterdam for 1,000 l. upon England, will not send his bill to England, where it will fetch him only 1,000 l.,; if by sending it to Hamburgh, it will fetch him something more ; (i.e.) if he has a debt to pay at Hamburgh, when bills upon England are there at a premium, or if the premium will exceed the cost of transporting the gold from Hamburgh to Amsterdam. A debt, which England owed to Holland, is thus paid by a credit which it had at Hamburgh. In England, the merchants who have imported from Holland, pay for the goods which they have imported, by paying the merchants, who have exported to Hamburgh, for the goods which they have exported.
(3.xvi.13) Such are the transactions between country and country, by means of bills of exchange ; and such is the language in which they are expressed. There are two states of things, in which these operations take place : The First, when the currency of both countries remains the same as at the time when the par of exchange was originally computed ; when 10 guilders of Holland, for example, contained as much of the precious metal as 1 l. sterling; and the par of exchange, of course, was said to be 10: The Second, when the relative value of the two currencies does not remain the same; as, for example, when 1 l., instead of being equal to 10 guilders, becomes equal to 12, or to no more than 8.
(3.xvi.14) If we suppose the quantity of the precious metal in the pound sterling to be diminished in such a degree, that it contains no greater quantity than that which is contained in 8 guilders, the par of exchange, in this case, would really be 8, instead of 10. The merchants, however, from the time at which the par of exchange appears to have been originally computed, never altered their language. If the par of exchange between the guilder and the pound sterling was 10, it continued to be called 10, though the relative value or the currencies might be changed ; though the pound sterling, for example, might become equal to 8 guilders only, instead of 10. Notwithstanding this the value of the bills was regulated according to the real value of the currencies; a bill for so many pounds sterling was not when such a change took place equal to a bill for as many times 10 guilders, but for as many times 8. As the par of exchange, however, still was called 10, though really 8, the exchange was said to be against England, in the proportion of 10 to 8, or 20 per cent. This 20 per cent. of unfavourable exchange was altogether nominal ; for when there was this 20 per cent. of discount on the English bill, the exchange was really at par. The language, therefore, was improper and deceptious but if, in such case, it is borne in mind, that 20 per cent. against England means the same as par, it will then be easy to see that every thing which we demonstrated, in the preceding pages, as true with respect to the par, will, in this case, be true with respect to the 20 per cent. Every thing which raises the exchange above par, according to the proper language, makes it as much less than 20, according to the im. proper ; every thing which reduces it below par, according to the proper, makes it as much more than 20, according to the improper. All the effects which follow from what is called the rise above, or fall below par, in the one case, follow from the same things, but called by different names, in the other. On this, therefore, I have no occasion to enlarge.
(3.xvi.15) When the currencies of two countries are metallic, a change in their relative value beyond the fluctuations which are limited by the expense of transmiting the metals, and continually corrected by their transmission, can only happen by a change in the relative quantity of the metal they contain ; there being checks, as we have already seen, which prevent any considerable difference between the value of a metallic currency and that of the metal which it contains There is, however, another case, namely, that of a paper money, not convertible into the metallic. This requires to be considered by itself.
(3.xvi.16) Let us resume the former supposition, that the pound sterling contains as much of the precious metal as 10 guilders; and let us suppose that a paper money, not payable in the metals, is issued in England, in such quantity, that a pound in that money is reduced 20 per cent. below the value of the metal contained in a pound sterling; it is easy to see that a bill for 100 l. sterling, in this case, is of the same value exactly as a bill for 100 l. sterling when the currency was degraded by losing 20 per cent. of its metal. A bill for 100 l. in both cases, is equal not to 100 times 10 guilders, but 100 times 8 guilders. The reason is, that the bill will in England buy only as much of the metal as is contained in 100 times 8 guilders. It will exchange, therefore, of course, only for a bill of 800 guilders.
(3.xvi.17) The facts may be expressed in the form of a general rule. The value of a bill drawn upon any country is equal, when it arrives, to all the precious metal which the money for which it is drawn can purchase in the market: a bill for 100 l., for example, is equal to all the metal which it can purchase, whether it is the same quantity which would be purchased by 100 l., sterling, or less. To whatever amount the portion which it can purchase is less than what could be purchased by 100 l. of the coins, the paper money is degraded below what would be the value of the coins, if they circulated in its stead. The exchange, therefore, against any country, can never exceed the amount of two sums; First, the difference between the value of the degraded and the undegraded currency or that between the nominal amount of the currency, and the quantity of the precious metal which it can purchase; secondly, the expense of sending the metal, when purchased. It thus appears, how perfectly unfounded is the opinion of those (and some political economists of great eminence are included in the number) who conceive that the real, not merely the nominal, exchange, may exceed the expense of transmitting the precious metals. They say, that when, by some particular cause, a great absorption of the precious metals has taken place, creating a scarcity in consequence of which goods must be sent from the country where it is scarce, to bring it back from the countries where it abounds, bills, drawn by the country in which it is scarce, upon the countries where it abounds, may bear a premium, equal to the cost of sending goods which may fetch in the foreign market the value of the bill; and this, in certain cases, may greatly exceed the cost of sending the precious metals.
(3.xvi.18) If the facts are traced, the answer will be seen to be conclusive.
(3.xvi.19) When the exchange between two countries (call them A and B) is at par, it is implied, that the exports and imports of both are equal: that each receives from the other as much as it sends. In this case the goods which A sends to B must be so much cheaper in A than they can be made in B, that they can there be sold with all the addition required on account of the cost of carriage: in like manner the goods which B sends to A must be so much cheaper in B, that the cost of carriage is covered by the price which they fetch in A. This cost of carriage, it is obvious, does not affect the exchange, any more than an item in the cost of production.
(3.xvi.20) Next, let us observe what happens, when the state of the exchange is disturbed. Let us suppose that a demand is suddenly created in A, for the means of making payments in B, greatly beyond the value of the former exportations. The demand for bills on B is consequently increased beyond the supply, and the price rises. The question is, what is the limit to that rise in the price of bills? At first it is evident the rise of price is limited to the cost of sending the precious metal. As the metal, however, departs, the value of it rises. If the currency is paper, and its value stationary, the gold will rise, and rise equally, both in currency and commodities. The final question, then, is, what is the limit to the rise in the value of gold?
(3.xvi.21) Before the premium on the bills commenced, goods in A were so cheap, that a portion of them could be sent to B, and sold, with all the addition of the cost of carriage, and of course with the ordinary profits of stock. The whole of the premium on the bills, therefore, is an addition to the ordinary profits of stock.
(3.xvi.22) If A be taken for England, and B for the continent of Europe, the case will be, that English goods, when the interchange is at par, go abroad, and are sold at a price which includes both profits and cost of carriage; when the premium on bills rises only so high as to equal the cost of sending bullion, it is to that extent an additional profit on the sending of goods.
(3.xvi.23) It is evident that, in proportion as this premium should rise, it would not only enhance the motive to increase the exportation of the goods which could be exported with a profit before the rise of the bills, but that it would render many other kinds of goods exportable, which before could not be exported. Thus, when the exchange was at par, there were certain kinds of goods in England, which, after paying cost of carriage, could be sold abroad with a profit ; there were certain other kinds which, on account of their high price in England, could not be thus exported; some might thus be 1 per cent. too high to be exported, others 2 per cent. too high, others 3 per cent., and so on. It is obvious that a premium of 1 per cent. on bills would enable the first kind to be exported ; a premium of 2 per cent. would enable the second; and a premium of 10 per cent. would enable two or three kinds to be exported, which could not have been exported before. As the counter operation would be of the same kind and the same power, viz. to prevent the importation of foreign goods into England, exportation would be exceedingly increased, importation nearly prevented. The two operations together would be so powerful, that any great deviation from the real par of exchange could never be of long duration. A deviation equal to the cost of sending the precious metal, permanent circumstances might render permanent. If England, for example, sent every year a large amount of the precious metal to India, and received it from Hamburgh, the exchange would be to the extent of the cost of sending the metals, permanently favourable with Hamburgh, unfavourable with India.
(3.xvi.24) If bills of exchange were always drawn for so much weight of gold, the case would be simple. Suppose a bill in London drawn upon Paris for 100 ounces of gold, no man would pay for that bill more gold beyond the 100 ounces than the cost of sending the 100 ounces. He might purchase the 100 ounces at one time with 390 l. of currency, at another with 410 l. of currency, but that would be entirely owing to changes in the relative value of the currency and the gold. These changes, it is said, may in certain circumstances, take place from a rise in the value of the gold, the currency remaining of the same value. This implies that gold can become more valuable in one country than in the neighbouring countries; in England, for example, than on the Continent. But this it cannot do without increasing the exports in England, and diminishing, almost to nothing, the imports. Suppose the rise in the value of gold to be 1 per cent., 2 per cent., or to amount to 10 per cent.; at this last rate the goods which could be sent abroad with the ordinary profit, could be now sent abroad with 10 per cent. more than the ordinary profit, while all the other kinds of goods, those 1 per cent., those 2 per cent., those 3 per cent., 4 per cent. 5 per cent., and so on, too dear to have been sent before, would now all be sent; at the same time that the counter operation would be equally strong to prevent foreign goods from being imported. These are the necessary effects of a high value of gold in one country as compared with other countries; and they are evidently such as to render it impossible that a high value of the precious metal in one country, compared with the neighbouring countries, can ever in a state of freedom be of long duration.
(3.xvii.1) Under this title I include all encouragements and discouragements, of whatsoever sort, the object of which is, to make more or less of production or exchange to flow in certain channels, than would go into them of its own accord.
(3.xvii.2) The argument, on this subject, I trust, will be clear and conclusive, without a multiplicity of words.
(3.xvii.3) If it should appear, that production and exchange fall into the most profitable channels, when they are left free to themselves; it will necessarily follow that, as often as they are diverted from those channels, by external interpositions of any sort, so often the industry of the country is made to employ itself less advantageously
(3.xvii.4) That production and exchange do, when left to themselves, fall into the most profitable channels, is clear by a very short demonstration.
(3.xvii.5) The cases of production and of exchange require to be considered separately; for, in the case of production, there is hardly any difference of opinion. If a country had no commercial intercourse with other countries, and employed the whole of its productive powers exclusively for the supply of its own consumption, nothing could be more obviously absurd, than to give premiums for the production of one set of commodities, and oppose obstructions of any sort to the production of another; I mean, in the view of Political Economy, or, on account of production : for if any country opposes obstructions to certain commodities, as spirituous liquors, because the use of them is hurtful; this regards morality, and has, for its end, to regulate not production, but consumption. Wherever it is not intended to limit consumption, it seems admitted, even in practice, that the demand will always regulate the supply, in the manner in which the benefit of the community is best consulted. The most stupid governments have not thought of giving a premium for the making of shoes, or imposing a preventive tax upon the production of stockings, in order to enrich the country by making a greater quantity of shoes, and a less quantity of stockings. With a view to the internal supply, it seems to be understood that just as many shoes, and just as many stockings, should be made, as there is a demand for. If a different policy were pursued; if a premium were bestowed upon the production of shoes, a tax or other burthen imposed upon the production of stockings, the effect would only be, that shoes would be afforded to the people cheaper, and stockings dearer, than they otherwise would be: that the people would be better supplied with shoes, worse supplied with stockings, than they would have been, if things had been left to their natural course, that is, if the people had been left to consult freely their own convenience, in other words, if the greatest quantity of benefit, from their labour, had been allowed to be obtained.
(3.xvii.6) All that regulation of industry, therefore, the object of which has been, to increase the quantity of one sort of commodities, lessen the quantity of another, has been directed to the purpose of regulating the exchange of commodities with foreign countries; of increasing, or diminishing, most commonly diminishing, the quantity of certain commodities, which would be received from abroad.
(3.xvii.7) Now it is certain, as has been already abundantly proved, that no commodity, which can be made at home, will ever be imported from a foreign country, unless it can be obtained by importation with a smaller quantity of labour, that is, cost, than it could be produced with at home. That it is desirable to have commodities produced with as small a cost of labour as possible seems to be not only certain, but admitted. This is the object of all the improvements that are aimed at in production, by the division and distribution of labour, by refined methods of culture applied to the land, by the invention of more potent and skilful machines. It seems, indeed, to be a selfevident proposition, that whatever the quantity, which a nation possesses of the means of production, the more productive they can possibly be rendered, so much the better; for this is neither more nor less than saying, that to have, all the objects we desire, and to have them with little trouble, is good for mankind.
(3.xvii.8) Not only is it certain, that in a state of freedom no commodity, which can be made at home, will ever be imported, unless it can be imported with a less quantity, or cost, of labour than it could be produced with at home; but, whatever is the country from which it can be obtained with the smallest cost of labour, to that recourse will be had for obtaining it; and whatever the commodity, by the exportation of which, it can be obtained with the smallest quantity of home labour, that is the commodity, which will be exported in exchange. This results, so obviously, from the laws of trade, as not to require explanation. It is no more than saying, that the merchants, if left to themselves, will always buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest.
(3.xvii.9) It seems, therefore, to be fully established, that the business of production and exchange, if left to choose its own channels, is sure to choose those, which are most advantageous to the community. It is sure to choose those channels, in which the commodities, which the community desires to obtain, are obtained with the smallest cost. To obtain the commodities, which man desires, and to obtain them with the smallest cost, is the whole of the good which the business of production and exchange, considered simply as such, is calculated to yield. In whatever degree, therefore, the business of production and exchange is forced out of the channels into which it would go of its own accord, to that degree the advantages arising from production and exchange are sacrificed; or, at any rate, postponed to something else. If there is any case, in which they ought to be postponed to something else, that is a question of politics, and not of political economy.
(3.xvii.10) There is no subject, upon which the policy of the restrictive and prohibitive system has been maintained with greater obstinacy, and with a greater quantity of sophistry, than that of the trade in corn. There can, however, be no doubt, that corn never will be imported, unless when it can be obtained from abroad with a smaller quantity of labour than it can be produced with at home. All the good, therefore, which is obtained from the importation of any commodity, capable of being produced at home, is obtained from the importation of corn. Why should that advantage which, in the case of corn, owing to the diversities of soil and extent of population, is liable to be much greater than in the case of any other commodity, be denied to the community?
(3.xvii.11) The reasons, upon which the advocates for a restriction of the corn trade chiefly support themselves, are two ; neither is of any value.
(3.xvii.12) The first is, that unless the nation derive its corn from its own soil, it may, by the enmity of its neighbours, be deprived of its foreign supply, and reduced to the greatest distress. This argument implies an ignorance both of history, and of principle: Of history, because, in point of fact, those countries which have depended the most upon foreign countries for their supply of corn, have enjoyed beyond all other countries, the advantage of a steady and invariable market for grain : Of principle, because it follows unavoidably, if what, in one country is a favourable, is in other countries an unfavourable season, that obtaining a great part of its supply from various countries is the best security a nation can have against the extensive and distressing fluctuations which the variety of seasons is calculated to produce. Nor is the policy involved in this argument better than the political economy. It sacrifices a real good, to escape the chance of a chimerical evil : an evil so much the less to be apprehended, that the country, from which another derives its supply of corn, is scarcely less dependant upon that other country for a vent to its produce, than the purchasing country is for its supply. It will not be pretended, that a glut of corn, in any country, from the loss of a great market, with that declension of price, that ruin of the farmers, and that depression of rents, which are its unavoidable consequences, is an immaterial evil.
(3.xvii.13) The second reason, upon which the advocates of the corn monopoly support themselves, is, that, if the merchants and manufacturers enjoy in certain cases the monopoly of the home supply, the farmers and landlords are subject to injustice, when a similar monopoly is not bostowed upon them. In the first place, it may be observed, that, if this argument is good for the growers of corn, it is good for every other species of producers whatsoever ; if, because a tax is imposed upon the importation of woollens, a tax ought to be imposed upon the importation of corn, a tax ought also to be imposed upon the importation of every thing, which the country can produce; the country ought, in short, to have no foreign commerce, except in those articles alone, which it has not the means of producing.
(3.xvii.14) The argument moreover supposes, that an extraordinary gain is obtained by the manufacturer, in consequence of his supposed protection ; and that a correspondent evil is sustained by the corn grower, unless he is favoured by a similar tax. The ignorance of principle is peculiarly visible in those suppositions, in neither of which is there a shadow of truth.
(3.xvii.15) The man who embarks his capital in the woollen, or any other manufacture, with the produce of which that of the foreign manufacturers is not allowed to come into competition, does not, on that account, derive a greater profit from his capital. His profit is no greater than that of the man whose capital is embarked in trades open to the competition of all the world. All that happens is, that a greater number of capitalists find employment in that branch of manufacture; that a portion, in short, of the capitalists of the country employ themselves in producing that particular species of manufacture, who would otherwise be employed in producing some other species, probably in producing something for the foreign market, with which that commodity, if imported from the foreign manufacturer, might be bought.
(3.xvii.16) As the man who has embarked his capital in the trade, which is called protected, derives no additional profit from the protection ; so the grower of corn sustains not any peculiar loss or inconvenience. Nothing, therefore, can be conceived more groundless than his demand of a compensation on that account. The market for corn is not diminished because a tax is laid upon the importation of woollens; nor would that market be enlarged if the tax were taken off. His business, therefore, is not in the least degree affected by it.
(3.xvii.17) It would be inconsistent with the plan of a work, confined to the exposition of general principles, to lay open all the fallacies, which lurk in the arguments for restraining the trade in corn. One or two, however, of the sources of deception, cannot be left altogether unnoticed.
(3.xvii.18) The landlord endeavours to represent his own case, and that of the manufacturer, as perfectly similar ; though, in the circumstances which concern this argument, they are not only different, but opposite. The landlord also endeavours to mix up his own case with that of the farmer; and upon the success of that endeavour almost all the plausibility of his pretensions depends. That no pretensions are more unfounded, may be seen by a very short process of reasoning. The farmer, as a producer, requires, like every other producer, that all his outgoings be returned to him, with the due profit upon the capital which he employs. The surplus, which the land yields, over and above this return and profit, is what he pays to his landlord ; and his interest is not affected by the quantity of that surplus, whether it be great or small. His interest, however, is very much affected by wages; because, in proportion as wages are low, his profits, like all other profits, are high. Wages cannot be low, if corn is dear. The interest, therefore, the permanent interest, of the class of farmers, consists, in having corn cheap. This or that individual in the class may, that is, during the currency of a lease, have an interest in high prices; and the reason of the exception shows the truth of the general rule. The individual, who, during the currency of a lease, has an interest in high prices, is, by his lease, converted, to a certain extent, into a receiver of rent. During the continuance of his lease, if prices rise, he gets, not only his due return of profits as a farmer, but something more, namely, a portion of what is truly rent, and which, but for his lease, would have gone to the landlord.
(3.xvii.19) This, then, is the grand distinction. The receivers of rent are benefited by a high price of corn ; the producers of corn, as such are not benefited by it, but the reverse. The case of the farmer corresponds with that of the manufacturer, not with that of the landlord. The farmer is a producer and capitalist; the manufacturer is a producer and capitalist ; and they have both received all that belongs to them, when their capital is replaced with its profits. The landlord is not a producer, nor a capitalist. He is the owner of certain productive powers in the soil; and all which the soil produces belongs to him, after paying the capital which is necessary to put those productive powers in operation. It thus appears that the case of the landlord is peculiar; that a high price of corn is profitable to him, because, the higher the price, the smaller a portion of the produce will suffice to replace, with its profits, the capital of the farmer; and all the rest belongs to himself. To the farmer, however, and to all the rest of the community, it is an evil, both as it tends to diminish profits, and as it enhances the charge to consumers.
(3.xviii.1) Among the expedients which have been made use of, to force into particular channels a greater quantity of the means of production, than would have flowed into them of their own accord; colonies are a subject of sufficient importance to require a particular consideration.
(3.xviii.2) The only point of colonial policy, which it is here necessary to consider, is that of trade with the colonies. And the question is, whether any peculiar advantage may be derived from it.
(3.xviii.3) With respect to colonies, as with respect to foreign countries, the proposition will, doubtless, be admitted, that, whatever advantage is derived from trading with them, consists in what is received from them, not in what is sent; because that, if not followed by a return, would be altogether loss.
(3.xviii.4) The return from them is either money or commodities. The reader is by this time fully aware that a country derives no advantage from receiving money, more than from receiving any other species of commodity. It is also plain that where the colony has not mines of the precious metal, it cannot, under the monopoly of the mother country, have money, or any thing else, beside its own productions, to send.
(3.xviii.5) It is needless to consider the case or free trade with a colony, because that falls under the case or trade with any foreign country.
(3.xviii.6) The monopoly, which a mother country may reserve to herself, of the trade with her colonies, is of two sorts.
(3.xviii.7) First of all, she may trade with her colonies, by means of an exclusive company. In this case, the colony has no purchaser, to whom she is allowed to sell any thing, but the exclusive company; and no other seller, from whom she is allowed to buy any thing. The company, therefore, can make her buy, as dear as it pleases, the goods which the mother country sends to her, and sell, as cheap as it pleases, the goods which she sends to the mother country. In other words, the colony may, in these circumstances, be obliged to give for the produce of a certain quantity of the labour of the mother country, a much greater quantity of goods than the mother country could obtain, with the same quantity, from any other country, or from the colony in a state of freedom.
(3.xviii.8) The cases of a trade in these circumstances are two: the first, where the colony receives from the mother country, luxuries, comforts: the other, where she receives necessaries; either the necessaries of life, or the necessaries of industry, as iron, &c.
(3.xviii.9) In that case, in which the colony receives luxuries and comforts only from the mother country, there is a limit to the degree in which the mother country is enabled to profit by the labour of the colony. The colony may decline receiving such luxuries or comforts, if obliged to sacrifice for them too great a quantity of the produce of her labour, and may think it better to employ that great proportion of her labour, in providing such luxuries and comforts as she herself is capable of producing.
(3.xviii.10) If, however, the colony is dependant for necessaries upon the mother country, the exclusive company exercises over the colony a power altogether despotic. It may compel her to give the whole produce of her labour, for no more of the necessaries in question, than what is just sufficient to enable the population of the colony to live. If it is the necessaries of life, which the colony receives, the conclusion is obvious. If it is commodities, such as iron, and instruments of iron, without which her labour cannot be productively employed, the result is precisely the same. She may be made to pay for these articles so much of the whole produce of her labour, that nothing but what is necessary to keep the population alive may remain. It would be the interest of the mother country, not to lessen the population ; because, with the population, the produce would be lessened, and hence the quantity of commodities which the mother country could receive.
(3.xviii.11) Instead, however, of trading with her colonies by means of an exclusive company, the mother country may leave the trade open to all her own merchants, only prohibiting the colony from trading with the merchants of any other country. In this case, the competition of the merchants in the mother country reduces the price of all the articles received by the colony, as low as they can be afforded-in other words, as low as in the mother country itself, allowance being made for the expense of carrying them. If it be said that the colonies afford a market; I reply, that the capital, which supplies commodities for that market, would still prepare commodities, if the colonies were annihilated ; and those commodities would still find consumers. The labour and capital of a country cannot prepare more than the country will be willing to consume. Every individual has a desire to consume, either productively or unproductively, whatever he receives. Every country, therefore, contains within itself a market for all that it can produce. This will be made still more evident, when the subject of consumption, the cause and measure of markets., comes under consideration. There is, therefore, no advantage whatsoever derived, under freedom of competition, from that part of the trade with a colony which consists in supplying it with goods, since no more is gained by it, than such ordinary profits of stock as would have been gained if no such trade had existed. It is nevertheless true that the colony may lose by such a traffic, if the goods, which she is thus compelled to purchase of the mother country, might have been purchased cheaper in other countries.
(3.xviii.12) If there be any peculiar advantage, therefore, to the mother country, it must be derived from the cheapness of the goods, with which the colony supplies her. It is evident, that if the quantity of goods, sugar, for example, which the colony sends to the mother country, is so great as to glut the mother country; that is to supply its demand beyond the measure of other countries, and make the price of them in the mother country lower than it is in other countries, the mother country profits by compelling the colony to bring its goods exclusively to her market, since she would have to pay for them as high as other countries, if the people of the colony were at liberty to sell wherever they could obtain the greatest price.
(3.xviii.13) This advantage, if drawn by the mother country, would be drawn at the expense of the colony. In free trade, both parties gain. In the advantage produced by forcing, whatever is gained by the one party is lost by the other. The mother country, in compelling the colony to sell goods cheaper to her than she might sell them to other countries, merely imposes upon her a tribute; not direct, indeed, but not the less real because it is disguised.
(3.xviii.14) If any advantage is derived from restraining, any otherwise than by an exclusive company, the trade with the colonies, it must consist in forcing the colonies to sell to none but the mother country, not in forcing them to buy from none but the mother country. A great improvement, therefore, in colonial policy would be, to throw open the supply of the colonies, permitting them to purchase the goods which they want, wherever they could find the most favourable market, only restraining them in the sale of their goods: allowing them to buy wherever they pleased, permitting them to sell to none but the mother country.
(3.xviii.15) It is at the same time to be observed, that if the merchants of the mother country have freedom to export the goods which are derived from the colonies, the price of these goods will be raised in their own country to the level of the price in other countries. The competition of the merchants will, also, raise the price of the goods to a correspondent height in the colonies ; and thus the benefit to the mother country is lost.
(3.xviii.16) Treaties of commerce are sometimes concluded, for the purpose of limiting the freedom of trade. One country can be limited to another in but two ways; either in its purchases, or its sales. Suppose that Great Britain binds some other country to purchase certain commodities exclusively from her; Great Britain can derive no advantage from such a treaty. The competition of her merchants will make them sell those commodities as cheap to the merchants of that country, as to their own countrymen. Their stock is not more profitably employed than it would be if no such trade existed. There are cases in which a country may gain by binding another country to sell to none but itself. If one country is bound to sell no commodities whatsoever, except to another particular country ; this is the same case, exactly, with that of a colony bound to sell to none but the mother country. As no free country, however, is likely to bind itself to sell none of its commodities except to one other, this is not a case which we need to regard as practicable or real.
(3.xviii.17) One country may bind itself to sell exclusively to another particular country, not all the articles it has for foreign sale, but only some of them.
(3.xviii.18) These may be articles which yield nothing, even in a state of freedom, but the ordinary profits of stock ; as cloth, hardware, hats, &c. : or they may be articles which yield something over and above the ordinary profits of stock; as corn, wine, minerals, &c. which are the source of rent.
(3.xviii.19) One country can derive no advantage from compelling another to sell to it, exclusively, articles of the first sort. If the price which the favoured country pays for the goods is not sufficient to afford the ordinary profits of stock, they will not be produced. If the price which it pays is sufficient to afford the ordinary profits of stock, it would, at that price, obtain the goods, without any treaty of restriction.
(3.xviii.20) The case is different, where the goods yield something, as rent, or the profits of a monopoly, over and above the profits of stock. The quantity which may be sent in this case to the favoured country, may sink there the price of the restricted commodity lower than it is in the neighbouring countries; and lower than the restricted country would, if not under restriction, be enabled to sell it in those countries. To this extent, and to this only, can one country benefit, by confining the trade of another to itself. The restriction may operate to a diminution of the profits of a monopolized commodity, or a diminution of rent.
(3.xviii.21) There is one mode of presenting this subject, which is apt to puzzle a mind not accustomed to trace the intricacies of this science.
(3.xviii.22) Suppose two countries, A and B, of which A is bound by treaty, or otherwise, to receive all its shoes from B, and to sell to B all its sugars: Suppose, also, that A could, if left at liberty, obtain its shoes 50 per cent. cheaper from some other country; in that case, it may for a moment appear, that B, obtains the sugars which it buys of A, with 50 per cent. less of its own labour, than it would if A were allowed to purchase where it pleased.
(3.xviii.23) If B paid for the supposed sugars in shoes, it would, no doubt, pay 50 per cent. more in the case of a free trade.
(3.xviii.24) But if there were any other article with which it could purchase those sugars, and which it could afford as cheap as any other country, it would lose nothing in the case of a free trade; it would purchase the same quantity of sugar with the produce of the same quantity of labour as before ; only, that produce would be, not shoes, but some other article.
(3.xviii.25) That there would be articles which B could afford as cheap as any other country, is certain, because otherwise it could have no foreign trade.
(3.xviii.26) It may be said, however, that though B might have articles which it could sell as cheap as other countries, they might not be in demand in the country which produced the sugars. But if shoes only were in demand in the colonies, those other articles could purchase shoes where they were cheapest; and thus obtain the same quantity of sugar, in the free, as in the restricted state of the trade.
(4.1) Of the four sets of operations, Production, Distribution, Exchange, and Consumption, which constitute the subject of Political Economy, the first three are means. No man produces for the sake of producing, and nothing farther. Distribution, in the same manner, is not performed for the sake of distribution. Things are distributed, as also exchanged, to some end.
(4.2) That end is Consumption. Things are produced that they may be consumed; and distribution and exchange are only the intermediate operations for bringing the things, which have been produced, into the hands of those who are to consume them.
(4.i.1) Of Consumption, there are two species; the distinctive properties of which it is of great importance to comprehend.
(4.i.2) These are, 1st, Productive Consumption; 2dly, Unproductive Consumption.
(4.i.3) 1. That production may take place, a certain expenditure is required. It is necessary, that the labourer should be maintained; that he should be provided with the proper instruments of his labour, and with the materials of the commodity which it is his business to produce.
(4.i.4) What is thus expended, for the sake of something to be produced, is said to be consumed productively.
(4.i.5) In productive consumption, three classes of things are included. The first is, the necessaries of the labourer, under which term are included all that his wages enable him to consume, whether these confine him to what is required for the preservation of existence, or afford him something for enjoyment. The second class of things consumed for production is machinery; including tools of all sorts, the buildings necessary for the productive operations, and even the cattle. The third is the materials of which the commodity to be produced must be formed, or from which it, must be derived. Such is the seed from which the corn must be produced, the flax or wool of which the linen or woollen cloth must be formed, the drugs with which it must be dyed, or the coals which must be consumed in any of the necessary operations.
(4.i.6) Of these three classes of things, it is only the second, the consumption of which is not completed in the course of the productive operations. The machinery and buildings, employed in production, may last for several years; the necessaries, however, of the labourer, and the materials, either primary or secondary, of the commodity to be produced, are all completely consumed. Even of the durable machinery, the wear and tear amount to a partial consumption.
(4.i.7) 2. Thus it is, that men consume for the sake of production. They also consume, however, without producing, and without any view to production. The wages which a man affords to a ploughman, are given for the sake of production; the wages which he gives to his footman and his groom, are not given for the sake of production. The flax which the manufacturer purchases, and converts into linen, he consumes productively; the wine which he purchases, and uses at his table, he consumes unproductively. These instances are sufficient to illustrate what is meant, when we speak of unproductive consumption. All consumption, which does not take place to the end that an income or revenue may be derived from it, is unproductive consumption.
(4.i.8) From this explanation, it follows, that productive consumption is itself a means; it is a means to production. Unproductive consumption, on the other hand, is not a means. This species of consumption is the end. This, or the enjoyment which is involved in it, is the good which constituted the motive to all the operations by which it was preceded.
(4.i.9) From this explanation, it also follows, that, by productive consumption, nothing is lost: no diminution is made of the property, either of the individual, or of the community; for if one thing is destroyed, another is by that means produced. The case is totally different with unproductive consumption. Whatever is unproductively consumed, is lost. Whatever is consumed in this manner, is a diminution of the property, both of the individual and of the community; because, in consequence of this consumption, nothing whatever is produced. The commodity perishes in the using, and all that is derived is the good, the pleasure, the satisfaction, which the using of it yields.
(4.i.10) That which is productively consumed is always capital. This is a property of productive consumption, which deserves to be particularly remarked. A man commences the manufacture of cloth with a certain capital. Part of this capital he allots for the payment of wages; another part he lays out in machinery: and with what remains he purchases the raw material of his cloth, and the other articles, the use of which is required, in preparing it for the market. It thus appears, that the whole of every capital undergoes the productive consumption. It is equally obvious that whatever is consumed productively becomes capital; for if the manufacturer of cloth, whose capital we have seen to be productively consumed, should save a portion of his profits, and employ it in the different kinds of productive consumption required in his business, it would perform exactly the functions performed by his capital, and would, in truth, be an addition to that capital.
(4.i.11) The whole of what the productive powers of the country have brought into existence, in the course of a year, is called the gross annual produce. Of this the greater part is required to replace the capital which has been consumed; to restore to the capitalist what he has laid out in the wages of his labourers and the purchase of his materials, and to remunerate him for the wear and tear of his machinery. What remain of the gross produce, after replacing the capital which has been consumed, is called the net produce; and is always distributed, either as profits of stock, or as rent.
(4.i.12) This net produce is the fund, from which all addition to the national capital is commonly made. If the net produce is all consumed unproductively, the national capital remains unaltered. It is neither diminished nor increased. If more than the net produce is consumed unproductively, it is taken from the capital; and so far the capital of the nation is reduced. If less than the net produce is unproductively consumed, the surplus is devoted to productive consumption; and the national capital is increased.
(4.i.13) Though a very accurate conception may thus be formed of the two species of consumption; and the two species of labour; productive, and unproductive; it is not easy to draw the line precisely between them. Almost all our classifications are liable to this inconvenience. Between things, which differ the most widely, there are almost always orders of things, which approach by insensible gradations. We divide animals into two classes, the rational and irrational: and no two ideas can be more clearly distinguished. Yet beings may be found, of which it would be difficult to say, to which of the two classes they belonged. In like manner, there are consumers, and labourers, who may seem, with some propriety, to be capable of being ranked, either in the productive, or the unproductive class. Notwithstanding this difficulty, it is absolutely necessary, for the purposes of human discourse, that classification should be performed, and the line drawn somewhere. This may be done, with sufficient accuracy both for science and. for practice. It is chiefly necessary that the more important properties of the objects classified should be distinctly marked in the definition of the class. It is not difficult, after this, to make allowance, in practice, for those things which he, as it were, upon the confines of two classes; and partake, in some degree, of the properties of both.
(4.ii.1) From what we have now ascertained of the nature of production and consumption, it will easily be seen, that the whole of what is annually produced is annually consumed; or, that what is produced in one year, is consumed in the next.
(4.ii.2) Every thing, which is produced, belongs to somebody, and is destined by the owners to some use. There are however, but two sorts of use: that for immediate enjoyment, and that for ultimate profit. To use for ultimate profit, is to consume productively. To use for immediate enjoyment, is to consume unproductively.
(4.ii.3) We have just observed, that what is used for ultimate profit, is laid out, as expeditiously as possible, in wages of labour, machinery, and raw material. This is a fact of primary importance; and many errors of those who reason loosely in Political Economy, arise from the neglect of it. Whatever is saved from the annual produce, in order to be converted into capital, is necessarily consumed; because to make it answer the purpose of capital, it must be employed in the payment of wages, in the purchase of raw material to be worked into a finished commodity, or, lastly, in the making of machines, effected in like manner by the payment of wages, and the working up of raw materials. With respect to that part of the annual produce, which is destined for unproductive consumption, there is less frequently any mistake. As it would be attended with a loss to lay in a greater stock of articles of this class than is required, for immediate use, all of them, except a few, of which the quality is improved by their age, are always expeditiously consumed, or put in a course of consumption.
(4.ii.4) A year is assumed, in political economy, as the period which includes a revolving circle of production and consumption. No period does so exactly. Some articles are produced and consumed in a period much less than a year. In others, the circle is greater than a year. It is necessary, for the ends of discourse, that some period should be assumed as including this circle. The period of a year is the most convenient. It corresponds with one great class of productions, those derived from the cultivation of the ground. And it is easy, when we have obtained forms of expression, which correspond accurately to this assumtion, to modify them in practice to the case of those commodities, the circle of whose production and consumption is either greater or less than the standard to which our general propositions are conformed.
(4.iii.1) It requires only a few explanations to show, that this is a direct corollary from the proposition established in the preceding section.
(4.iii.2) A man produces, only because he wishes to possess. If the commodity, which he produces, is the commodity which he desires to possess, he stops when he has produced as much as he desires; and his supply is exactly proportioned to his demand. The savage, who makes his own bow and arrows, does not make bows and arrows beyond what he wishes to possess.
(4.iii.3) When a man produces a greater quantity of any commodity than he desires for himself, it can only be on one account; namely, that he desires some other commodity which he can obtain in exchange for the surplus of what he himself has produced. It seems hardly necessary to offer any thing in support of so necessary a proposition; it would be inconsistent with the known laws of human nature to suppose, that a man would take the trouble to produce any thing without desiring to have any thing. If he desires one thing, and produces another, it is only because the thing which he desires can be obtained by means of the thing which he produces, and better obtained, than if he had endeavoured to produce it himself.
(4.iii.4) After labour has been divided and distributed, to any considerable extent, and each producer confines himself to some one commodity or part of a commodity, a small portion only of what he produces is used for his own consumption. The remainder he destines for the purpose of supplying him with all the other' commodities which he desires; and when each man confines himself to one commodity and exchanges what he produces for what is produced by other people, it is found that each obtains more of the several things, which he desires, than he would have obtained, had he endeavoured to produce them all for himself.
(4.iii.5) So far as a man consumes that which he produces, there is, properly speaking, neither supply nor demand. Demand and supply, it is evident, are terms which have reference to exchange; to a buyer and a seller. But in the case of the man who produces for himself, there is no exchange. He neither offers to buy any thing nor to sell any thing. He has the property; he has produced it; and does not mean to part with it. If we apply, by a sort of metaphor, the terms demand and supply to this case, it is implied, in the very terms of the supposition, that the demand and supply are exactly proportioned to one another. As far then as regards the demand and supply of the market, we may leave that portion of the annual produce, which each of the owners consumes in the shape in which he produces or receives it, altogether out of the question.
(4.iii.6) In speaking here of demand and supply, it is evident that we speak of aggregates. When we say of any particular nation, at any particular time, that its supply is equal to its demand, we do not mean in any one commodity, or any two commodities. We mean, that the amount of its demand, in all commodities taken together, is equal to the amount of its supply in all commodities taken together. It may very well happen, notwithstanding this equality in the general sum of demands and supplies, that some one commodity or commodities may have been produced in a quantity either above or below the demand for those particular commodities.
(4.iii.7) Two things are necessary to constitute a demand. These are, 1st, a wish for the commodity; 2dly, an equivalent to give for it. A demand means the will to purchase, and the means of purchasing. If either is wanting, the purchase does not take place. An equivalent is the necessary foundation of all demand. It is in vain that a man wishes for commodities, if he has nothing to give for them. The equivalent which a man brings is the instrument of demand. The extent of his demand is measured by the extent of his equivalent. The demand and the equivalent are convertible terms, and the one may be substituted for the other. The equivalent may be called the demand, and the demand the equivalent.
(4.iii.8) We have already seen, that every man, who produces, has a wish for other commodities, than those which he has produced, to the extent of all that he brings to market. And it is evident, that whatever a man has produced, and does not wish to keep for his own consumption, is a stock which he may give in exchange for other commodities. His will, therefore, to purchase, and his means of purchasing, in other words, his demand, is exactly equal to the amount of what he has produced and does not mean to consume.
(4.iii.9) But each man contributes to the general supply the whole of what he has produced and does not mean to consume. In whatever shape any part of the annual produce has come into his hands, if be proposes to consume no part of it himself, he wishes to dispose of the whole; and the whole, therefore, becomes matter of supply: if he consumes a part, he wishes to dispose of all the rest, and all the rest becomes matter of supply.
(4.iii.10) As every man's demand, therefore, is equal to that part of the annual produce, or of the property generally, which he has to dispose of, and each man's supply is exactly the same thing, the supply and demand of every individual are of necessity equal.
(4.iii.11) Demand and supply are terms related in a peculiar manner. A commodity which is supplied, is always, at the same time, a commodity which is the instrument of demand. A commodity which is the instrument of demand, is always, at the same time, a commodity added to the stock of supply. Every commodity is always, at one and the same time, matter of demand, and matter of supply. Of two men who perform an exchange, the one does not come with only a supply, the other with only a demand; each of them comes with both a demand and a supply. The supply, which he brings, is the instrument of his demand; and his demand and supply are of course exactly equal to one another.
(4.iii.12) But if the demand and supply of every individual are always equal to one another, the demand and supply of all the individuals in the nation, taken aggregately, must be equal. Whatever, therefore, be the amount of the annual produce, it never can exceed the amount of the annual demand. The whole of the annual produce is divided into a number of shares, equal to that of the people to whom it is distributed. The whole of the demand is equal to as much of the whole of the shares as the owners do not keel) for their own consumption. But the whole of the shares is equal to the whole of the produce. The demonstration, therefore, is complete.
(4.iii.13) How complete soever the demonstration may appear to be, that the demand of a nation must always be equal to its supply, and that it never can be without a market sufficiently enlarged for the whole of its produce, this proposition is seldom well understood, and is sometimes expressly contradicted.
(4.iii.14) The objection is raised upon this foundation, that commodities are often found to be too abundant for demand.
(4.iii.15) The matter of fact is not disputed. It will easily, however, be seen, that it affects not the certainty of the proposition which it is brought to oppugn.
(4.iii.16) Though it be undeniable, that the demand, which every man brings, is equal to the supply, which he brings, he may not find in the market the sort of purchaser, which he wants. No man may have come desiring that sort of commodity, of which he has to dispose. It is not the less necessarily true, that he came with a demand equal to his supply; for he wanted something in return for the goods which he brought It makes no difference to say, that perhaps he only wanted money; for money is itself goods; and, besides, no man wants money but in order to lay it out, either in articles of productive, or articles of unproductive consumption.
(4.iii.17) Every man having a demand and a supply, both equal; if any commodity be in greater quantity than the demand, some other commodity must be in less.
(4.iii.18) If every man has a demand and supply both equal, the demand and supply in the aggregate are always equal. Suppose, that of these two equal quantities, demand and supply, the one is divided into a certain number of parts, and the other into as many parts, all equal; and that these parts correspond exactly with one another; that as many parts of the demand as are for corn, just so many parts of the supply are of corn; as many of the one as are for cloth, so many of the other are of cloth, and so on: it is evident, in this case, that there will be no glut of any thing whether the amount of the annual produce be great or small. Let us next suppose, that this exact adaptation to one another of the parts of demand and supply is disturbed; let us suppose that, the demand for cloth remaining the same, the supply of it is considerably increased: there will of course be a glut of cloth, because there has been no increase of demand. But to the very same amount there must of necessity be a deficiency of other things; for the additional quantity of cloth, which has been made, could be made by one means only, by withdrawing capital from the production of other commodities, and thereby lessening the quantity produced. But if the quantity of any commodity is diminished, a demand equal to the greater quantity remaining, the quantity of that commodity is defective. It is, therefore, impossible, that there should ever be in any country a commodity or commodities in quantity greater than the demand, without there being, to an equal amount, some other commodity or commodities in quantity less than the demand.
(4.iii.19) The effects, which are produced, in practice, by the want of adaptation in the parts of demand and supply, are familiar. The commodity, which happens to be in superabundance, declines in price; the commodity, which is defective in quantity, rises. This is the fluctuation of the market, which every body sufficiently understands. The lowness of the price, in the article which is superabundant, soon removes, by the diminution of profits, a portion of capital from that line of production: The highness of price, in the article which is scarce, invites a quantity of capital to that branch of production, till profits are equalized, that is, till the demand and supply are adapted to one another.
(4.iii.20) The strongest case, which could be put, in favour of the supposition that produce may increase faster than consumption, would undoubtedly be that, in which, every man consuming nothing but necessaries, all the rest of the annual produce should be saved. This is, indeed, an impossible case, because it is inconsistent with the laws of human nature. The consequences of it, however, are capable of being traced; and they serve to throw light upon the argument, by which the constant equality has been demonstrated of produce and demand.
(4.iii.21) In such a case, what came to every man's share of the annual produce, bating his own consumption of necessaries, would be devoted to production. All production would of course be directed to raw produce and a few of the coarser manufactures; because these are the articles for which alone there would be any demand. As every man's share of the annual produce, bating his own consumption would be laid out for the sake of production, it would be laid out in the articles subservient to the production of raw produce and the coarser manufactures. But these articles are precisely raw produce and a few of the coarser manufactures themselves. Every mans demand, therefore, would consist wholly in these articles; but the whole of the supply would consist also in the same articles. And it has been proved, that the aggregate demand and aggregate supply are equal of necessity; because the whole or the annual produce, bating the portion consumed by the shareholders, is brought as the instrument of demand; and the whole of the annual produce, with the same abatement, is brought as supply.
(4.iii.22) It appears, therefore, by accumulated proof, that production can never be too rapid for demand. Production is the cause, and the sole cause, of demand. It never furnishes supply, without furnishing demand, both at the same time, and both to an equal extent.
(4.iii.23) It has been objected, that, for the validity of the argument it is necessary to suppose, "that new tastes and new wants spring up with the new capital." A single reflection will, I think, make it clear that the taste, and wants, in question, are essentially and necessarily implied in the very existence of the capital.
(4.iii.24) The new capital is all to be laid out in the purchase of something, according to the plans of the owner. It is of infinite importance to observe, that every creation of capital is the creation of a demand. It is surprising that this material point is so frequently overlooked. It seems to be little less than self evident, and if admitted, it carries in itself an answer to every argument that has been, or that can be adduced, in favour of the glut.
(4.iii.25) What is it that we mean, when we say the demand of a nation, speaking of the aggregate, and including a definite circle of production and consumption, such as that of a year? Do we, or can we, mean any thing but its power of purchasing? And what is its power of purchasing? Of course, the goods which come to market. What, on the other hand, is it we mean, when, speaking in like manner aggregately, and including the same circle, we say the supply of the nation? Do we, or can we mean any thing, but the goods which come to market? The conclusion is too obvious to need to be drawn.
(4.iii.26) What produces the confusion of ideas, which so often occurs in the consideration of this subject, is the glut, which may, and does take place, of particular commodities. Does it follow from this, that there can be a glut of commodities in the aggregate, when it is necessarily true that there cannot be an aggregate supply without an equal aggregate demand, equal both in quantity and in value?
(4.iii.27) To the argument, which shows that to the same degree, in which one or more commodities may be in such abundance as exceeds the demand, some other commodities must fall short of the demand, it has been replied, that the commodities which are supplied in superabundance fall in value, that this involves all the evil of the glut, and is therefore a reply to the whole of the argument which denies its existence.
(4.iii.28) This is a reply in words only. What is maintained in my argument is, that there can be no glut of commodities in the aggregate, though there may be in particular instances. The answer made to me is that there may be a glut in particular instances.
(4.iii.29) In the very words of the pretended reply, the certainty of the disputed fact is admitted. The value, it is said, of the goods, which are in the state of superabundance, falls. If this is not a play upon the word, it implies the very thing which it is brought to dispute, that whenever one set of goods is supplied above the demand, another is supplied below the demand.
(4.iii.30) What is it that is necessarily meant, when we say that the supply and the demand are accommodated to one another? It is this: that goods which have been produced by a certain quantity of labour, exchange for goods which have been produced by an equal quantity of labour. Let this proposition be duly attended to, and all the rest is clear.
(4.iii.31) Thus, if a pair of shoes is produced with an equal quantity of labour as a hat, so long as a hat exchanges for a pair of shoes, so long the supply and demand are accommodated to one another. If it should so happen that shoes fell in value, as compared with hats, which is the same thing as hats rising in value compared with shoes, this would imply that more shoes had been brought to market, as compared with hats. Shoes would then be in more than the due abundance. Why? Because in them the produce of a certain quantity of labour would not exchange for the produce of an equal quantity. But for the very same reason hats would be in less than the due abundance, because the produce of a certain quantity of labour in them would exchange for the produce of more than an equal quantity in shoes.
(4.iii.32) What is true of any one instance is true of any number of instances. It is therefore universally true, that, as the aggregate demand and aggregate supply of a nation never can be unequal to one another, so there never can be a superabundant supply in particular instances, and hence a fall in exchangeable value below the cost of production, without a corresponding deficiency of supply, and hence a rise in exchangeable value, beyond cost of production, in other instances. The doctrine of the glut, therefore, seems to be disproved by reasoning perfectly conclusive.
(4.iii.33) Let us recapitulate the points. A glut, as it is supposed in this doctrine, namely an excess of production in the aggregate, can take place only by a continued increase of production. Let us imagine that we have just come to the supposed point, when, the supply being full, any additional production will be so much of glut. The additional production takes place, and comes to market. What is the consequence? This new product seeks an equivalent. That is to say, it is a new demand. How then is it possible to say that every new supply is a glut, when a new demand is created equal to it? It is obviously nugatory to say, that this new supply may not find purchasers, or the new demand may not find the commodities to which it is directed; for this is only to say that in particular instances there may, from miscalculation, be superabundance or defect. The natural effects, in such a case, may be easily traced, and they afford decisive evidence. The commodities, of which the additional production consists, may be naturally supposed to consist of some of the sorts which are previously in the market. By supposition, the goods previously in the market were accommodated to one another, no species being either in defective, or superabundant supply. The addition which is made to some sorts of these goods, by the new production, would render them superabundant, if there was not a new demand created. These goods would fall in exchangeable value as compared with others, others would rise in exchangeable value as compared with them. But there is a new demand created; for the owner of the new produce, as he has come into the market to sell goods of some kinds, so he has come to buy goods of some other kinds. As the supply, which he brought, of certain kinds of goods tended to reduce their value, so the demand, which he brings, for other kinds tends to increase their value. The result is, that now there are certain kinds of goods, which it is less profitable than usual to produce; others, which it is more profitable than usual to produce: and this is an inequality, which tends immediately to correct itself. This is the mode, in which every addition is made to the productions of a country, and it is a mode, which is evidently the same at every stage of the progress, from the greatest defect. to the greatest excess, of national riches. It commonly, of course, happens, that the man, who brings into the market an addition of produce, endeavours to bring it in goods that are in defective supply, and to purchase goods that are in superabundant supply; and the state of the market generally enables him to do so: so that an addition of produce brought into the market may just as often remedy a glut as be in any degree the cause of it.
(4.iii.34) The doctrine of Mr. Malthus, on the subject of the glut, seems, at last, to amount to this: that if saving were to go on at a certain rate, capital would increase faster than population; and that if capital did so increase, wages would become very high, and profits would sustain a corresponding depression. But this, if it were all allowed, does not prove the existence of a glut; it only proves another thing, namely, that there would be high wages and low profits. Whether such an increase of capital, scarcely coming within the range even of a rational supposition, would be a good thing or an evil thing, it would infallibly produce its own remedy, as the power, of capital to increase is diminished with the diminution of profits.
(4.iii.35) Mr. Malthus further says, that the high wages thus produced would generate idleness in the class of labourers. The prediction may be disputed; but, allowed to be correct, what is its import? If, wages continuing the same, less work is done, this is higher pay for an equal quantity of labour; it is therefore the same thing as a rise of wages. It would merely accelerate that diminution of profits, which must in time retard and finally stop the increase of capital, in consequence of which wages would naturally fall. This, therefore, is not a different objection from the former; it is precisely the same objection, only in a different form.
(4.iii.36) Mr. Malthus, thus, totally failing to prove a glut, even from a continued increase of capital greater than the greatest increase of population, substitutes, for arguments to prove that effect, arguments to prove certain other effects.
(4.iii.37) He says, that were the annual produce thus to go on increasing, its value would be diminished. But this is merely a play upon the word. He says, I call the value of a commodity the number of days' wages it is equal to. If then wages are more than doubled, though you double the amount of your commodities, and have twice as much of every thing, yet you will have less value. An arbitrary change, however, in the meaning of a word proves nothing. The facts, and their relations, remain the some, whatever Mr. Malthus, or I, may choose to call them. The facts still are merely these, that society would have the supposed amount of commodities, and all its benefits, and that wages would be very high.
(4.iii.38) Mr. Malthus further says, that this rapid increase of capital would tend to diminish production. That on which the increase of production depends, is the increase of its two instruments, capital and labourers. By the very supposition which Mr. Malthus himself has made, and on which he is reasoning, both of these instruments are increasing at their most rapid possible rate. It seems therefore a most extraordinary supposition, that production should not be increasing at its most rapid possible rate.
(4.iii.39) If it be true, as Mr. Malthus supposes, that the high wages supposed would diminish labour, it will be true that less work will be done, and less production effected, than if every man worked more. Let us suppose that the diminution of labour goes on gradually, as wages increase, till at last each man does only half as much work as before, what then is the consequence? Merely this, that if population is going on at its greatest possible rate, doubling itself in twenty years, there will not be a greater increase of production from labour, than there would be if it doubled itself only in forty years, and each man performed twice as much work. This would still be a more rapid rate than that at which capital increases, except in some very rare and extraordinary circumstances. But, if labour were so very dear, and capital so abundant, the consequence would be, that as little as possible of production would be performed by man's labour, as much as possible by machinery and cattle. Ingenuity would be racked to find the means of superseding the most costly instrument. Machines would be multiplied and improved without end; and a much greater proportion of the annual produce would be the result of capital, a much less the result of immediate labour. The diminution of production would not therefore be nearly in proportion to the diminution of each man's labour.
(4.iii.40) The supposed effects therefore are really of no importance, otherwise it might still be questioned how far the inference is warranted, that high wages tend to diminish industry. Experience seems to be very full on the opposite side. Where wages are excessively low, as in Ireland, there is no industry; where excessively high, as in the American United States, there is the greatest. What does Mr. Malthus himself mean by the stimulus which he says is given to industry by an enlargement of the market?
(4.iv.1) All consumption is either by individuals, or by the government. Having treated of the consumption of individuals, it only remains that we treat of that which has government for its cause.
(4.iv.2) Although the consumption by government, as far as really necessary, is of the highest importance, it is not, unless very indirectly, subservient to production. That which is consumed by government, instead of being consumed as capital, and replaced by a produce, is consumed, and produces nothing. This consumption is, indeed, the cause of that protection, under which all production has taken place; but if other things were not consumed in a way different from that in which things are consumed by government, there would be no produce. These are reasons for placing the expenditure of government under the head of unproductive consumption.
(4.iv.3) The revenue of government must be derived from rent, from profits of stock, or from wages of labour.
(4.iv.4) It is, indeed, possible for government to consume part of the capital of the country. This, however, it can only do for one year, or for a few years. Each year in which it consumes any portion of the capital, it so far reduces the annual produce; and, if it continues, it must desolate the country. This, therefore, cannot be regarded as a permanent source of revenue.
(4.iv.5) If the revenue of government must always be derived from one or more of three sources; rent, profits, wages; the only questions requiring an answer, are; in what manner, and in what proportion, should it be taken from each?
(4.iv.6) The direct method is that which most obviously suggests itself. I shall, therefore, first, consider what seems to be most important in the direct mode of deriving a revenue to government from rent, profits, and wages; and, secondly, I shall consider the more remarkable of the expedients which have been employed for deriving it from them indirectly.
(4.v.1) It is sufficiently obvious, that the share of the rent of land, which may be taken to defray the expenses of the government, does not affect the industry of the country. The cultivation of the land depends upon the capitalist; to whom the appropriate motive is furnished, when he receives the ordinary profits of stock. To him it is a matter of perfect indifference; whether he pays the surplus, in the shape of rent, to an individual proprietor; or, in that of revenue, to a government collector.
(4.v.2) In Europe, at one period, the greater part of, at least, the ordinary expenses of the sovereign was defrayed by land, which he held as a proprietor; while the expense of his military operations was chiefly defrayed by his barons, to whom a property in certain portions of the land had been granted on that express condition. In those times, the whole expense of the government, with some trifling exception, was, therefore, defrayed from the rent of land.
(4.v.3) In the principal monarchies of Asia, almost the Whole expenses of the state have in all ages been defrayed from the rent of land; but in a manner somewhat different. The land was held by the immediate cultivators, generally in small portions, with a perpetual and transferable title; but under an obligation of paying, annually, the government demand; which might be increased at the pleasure of the sovereign; and seldom amounted to less than a full rent.
(4.v.4) If a body of people were to migrate into a new country, and land had not yet become private property, there would be this reason for considering the rent of land as a source peculiarly adapted to supply the exigencies of the government; that industry would not, by that means, sustain the smallest repression; and that the expense of the government would be defrayed without imposing any burden upon any individual. The owners of capital would enjoy its profits; the class of labourers would enjoy their wages; without any deduction whatsoever; and every man would employ his capital, in the way which was really most advantageous, without any inducement from the mischievous operation of a tax, to remove it from a channel in which it was more, to one in which it would be less productive to the nation. There is, therefore, a peculiar advantage in reserving the rent of land as a fund for supplying the exigencies of the state.
(4.v.5) There would be this inconvenience, indeed, even in a state of things, in which land had not been made private property; that the rent of the land, in a country of a certain extent, and peopled up to a certain degree, would exceed the amount of what government would need to expend. The surplus ought undoubtedly to be distributed among the people, in the way likely to contribute the most to their happiness; and there is no way, perhaps, in which this end can be so well accomplished, as by rendering the land private property. As there is no difficulty, however, in rendering the land private property, with the rent liable for a part of the public burdens; so there seems no difficulty in rendering it private property, with the rent answerable for the whole of the public burdens. It would only in this case require a greater quantity of land to be a property of equal value. Practice would teach its value as accurately, under these, as under present circumstances; and the business of society would, it is evident, proceed without alteration in every other respect.
(4.v.6) Where land has, however, been converted into private property, without making rent in a peculiar manner answerable for the public expenses; where it has been bought and sold upon such terms, and the expectations of individuals have been adjusted to that order of things, rent of land could not be taken to supply exclusively the wants of the government, without injustice. It would be partial and unequal taxation; laying the burden of the state upon one set of individuals, and exempting the rest. It is a measure, therefore, never to be thought of by any government, which would regulate its proceedings by the principles of justice.
(4.v.7) That rent, which is bought and sold, however; that rent, upon which the expectations of individuals are founded, and which, therefore, ought to be exempt from any peculiar tax, is the present rent; or at most the present, with the reasonable prospect of improvement. Beyond this, no man's speculations, either in making a purchase, or in making provision for a family, are entitled to extend. Suppose, now, that, in these circumstances, it were in the power of the legislature, by an act of its own, all other things remaining the same, to double that portion of the produce of the land which is strictly and properly rent: there would be no reason, in point of justice, why the legislature should not, and great reason, in point of expediency, why it should, avail itself of this, its own power, in behalf of the state; should devote as much as might be requisite of this new fund to defray the expenses of the government, and exempt the people. No injury would be done to the original land-owner. His rent, such as he had enjoyed it, and to a great degree such even as he bad expected to enjoy it, would remain the same. A great advantage would at the same time accrue to every individual in the community, by exemption from those contributions for the expense of the government, to which he would otherwise have had to submit.
(4.v.8) The legislature may, without any straining of language, be said to possess that power, which I have now spoken of only as a fiction. By all those measures which increase the amount of population and the demand for food, the legislature does as certainly increase the net produce of the land, as if it had the power of doing so by a miraculous act. That it does so by a gradual progress in the real, would do so by an immediate operation in the imaginary case, makes no difference with regard to the result. The original rent, which belonged to the owner, that upon which he regulated his purchase, if he did purchase, and on which alone, if he had a family to provide for, his arrangements in their favour were to he framed, is easily distinguishable from any addition capable of being made to the net produce of the land, whether it be made by a slow or a sudden process. If an addition made by the sudden process might, without injustice to the owner, be appropriated to the purposes of the state, no reason can be assigned why an addition by the slow process might not be so appropriated.
(4.v.9) It is certain, that, as population increases, and as capital is applied with less and less productive power to the land, a greater and a greater share of the whole of the net produce of the country accrues as rent, while the profits of stock proportionally decrease. This continual increase, arising from the circumstances of the community, and from nothing in which the landholders themselves have any peculiar share, does seem a fund no less peculiarly fitted for appropriation to the purposes of the state, than the whole of the rent in a country where land had never been appropriated. While the original rent of the landholder, that upon which alone all his arrangements, with respect both to himself, and his family, must be framed, is secured from any peculiar burden, he can have no reason to complain, should a new source of income, which cost him nothing, be appropriated to the service of the state; and if so, it evidently makes no difference to the merits of the case, whether this new source is found upon the land, or found any where else.
(4.v.10) If we assume with Mr. M'Culloch, (see a very masterly article on Taxation in the Supplement to the Encyc. Britan. p. 617) that the whole of what the land can ever yield, is conferred, in the case supposed, on the owner of the land, by the previous legislation, there is an end of the question; for it is impossible for any one to express a more decided opinion, than I entertain, against partial taxation; against imposing burthens upon the property of any one class more than upon the property of another class. The real question is, whether any thing beyond a certain amount of annual benefit, namely, what is at present derived, with such increase as can he rationally anticipated within the number of years' purchase for which the land would sell, can, in a really equitable, excluding a merely technical, mode of considering the subject, be regarded as the property of the land-owner. The considerations, which I have adduced, seem to me to establish, that no point of utility would be violated by such a restriction of the meaning of the term as I have proposed.
(4.v.11) I utterly disallow the parallelism of the case of capital, which Mr. M'Culloch has adduced; as if because increased profits of stock ought not to be exclusively taxed, therefore the rent, which accrues in the manner above supposed, could not be justly appropriated to the service of the state. Nobody is more aware of the fundamental differences between profits of stock and rent of land than Mr. M'Culloch: it is, therefore, the more surprising that he should have founded his argument on an agreement between them, which does not exist.
(4.v.12) Only a few lines before, in the same passage, he recognizes such a distinction between rent and profits, as in my opinion is fatal to his argument. "The circumstance," he says, "of rent unavoidably rising in the progress of society, inclines us to think that it would be good policy for the governments of countries, such as the United States, which are possessed of large tracts of fertile and unappropriated land, to retain the property of this land in their own hands:" that is, in other words, to reserve the rent for the service of the state. The case of profits is not only different, but the reverse. Instead of rising, in the progress of society, they decrease. Land exists by the gift of nature; capital is the product of human industry. Land is originally not the property of any man; capital always is. The profits of stock must be secured to the owner to afford a motive for its preservation and augmentation. For the preservation of the land, or the augmentation of its produce, it is not of the least importance to whom the rent is consigned. Profits are, in reality, the fund, out of which rent is always taken; and every increase of rent, in the progress of society, is a deduction from profits, in other words, may be regarded as a tax upon profits, not for the benefit of the state, but that of the landlords.
(4.vi.1) A Direct tax on profits of stock offers no question of any difficulty. It would fall entirely upon the owners of capital, and could not be shifted upon any other portion of the community.
(4.vi.2) As all capitalists would be affected equally, there would be no motive to the man engaged in any one species of production, to remove his capital to any other. If he paid a certain portion of his profits, derived from the business in which he was already engaged, he would pay an equal portion, derived from any other business to which he could resort. There would not, therefore, in consequence of such a tax, be any shifting of capital from one species of employment to another. The same quantity of every species of goods would be produced, if there was the same demand for them. That there would, on the whole, be the same aggregate of demand, is also immediately apparent. The same capital is supposed to be employed in the business of production; and if part of what accrued to the capitalist was taken from him, lessening to that extent his means of purchasing, it would be transferred to the government, whose power of purchasing would be thence to the same degree increased.
(4.vi.3) There would, therefore, be the same demand, and the same supply: there would also be the same quantity of money, and the same rapidity of circulation; and therefore the value of money would remain the same as before.
(4.vii.1) If wages are already at the lowest point, to which they can be reduced; that is, just sufficient to keep up the number of labourers, and no more; the state of wages which seems to have been contemplated, by Mr. Ricardo, throughout his disquisitions on political economy, and which the tendency of population to increase faster than capital, undoubtedly leads us to regard as the natural state; no tax can fall upon the labourer; and if any tax is imposed upon wages, it is easy to trace in what way it must produce a corresponding rise of wages. If wages are as low as is consistent with the preservation of the number of labourers, take any thing away from those wages, and the number of labourers must be reduced. The reduction of the number of labourers must be followed by a rise of wages, and this process must continue till wages rise sufficiently high to be consistent with the preservation of the number of labourers; in other words, just as high as they were before the tax was imposed.
(4.vii.2) If wages are not at this lowest rate; if they are sufficiently high to afford the labourers something more than what is necessary to keep up their numbers, something which may be retrenched without a diminution of their numbers, they may, to this extent, be made subject to taxation.
(4.vii.3) Wages, like the price of any other commodity, rise or fall, in proportion as the demand for labour rises or falls, compared with the supply.
(4.vii.4) When wages are so low as barely to keep tip the number of labourers, wages must rise to the amount of any tax imposed upon them, because there is a continued diminution of the supply of labourers till this rise is effected.
(4.vii.5) In the case of wages above this level, there is no necessary reduction of the number of labourers in consequence of a tax imposed upon wages. There is no alteration, therefore, in the state of supply. From this it follows, that if there is not an increase of demand for labourers, in consequence of such a tax, there can be no rise of wages; and if there be no rise of wages, the tax must fall upon the labourers. The solution, therefore, of the question, whether a tax upon wages falls upon the labourer, depends upon the inquiry, whether there is, or is not, such increase of demand.
(4.vii.6) An increase of demand for labour can arise from two causes only; either from an increase of capital, the fund destined for the employment of labour; or a difference in the proportions between the demand for the produce of fixed capital and that of immediate labour.
(4.vii.7) The first of these causes needs no illustration. The operation of the second we proceed to trace. As the demand of a nation consists of a great number of demands of a great number of individuals, the case of one individual will exemplify the whole.
(4.vii.8) Suppose a man with a certain income; to determine our ideas, let us call it 1000 l. per annum; this is his demand. Let us suppose it divided into two portions, the one of which constitutes his demand for the produce of fixed capital; the other his demand for that of immediate labour: and let us suppose that these proportions are different at two different times. We have to examine what are the consequences.
(4.vii.9) Let us suppose that, first, be spends 500 l. of this income on the produce of fixed capital; 500 l. on that of immediate labour.
(4.vii.10) In the first case be purchases commodities only; in the second case be purchases either commodities or services, but gives the same employment to labour whether he purchases the one or the other If a man makes a basket in a day, for which you pay him a shilling, or weeds in your garden a day at a shillings wages; in both cases the demand you furnish for labour is precisely the same. The 500 l. expended in the produce of immediate labour, is a demand for that number of labourers, whose wages for a year amount to 500 l.; say for 1000 labourers.
(4.vii.11) If the commodities, made with fixed capital, on which he spends the other 500 l., are made purely with fixed capital; an imaginary case, but which we may suppose, for the sake of illustration; this portion of his income presents no demand for labour at all. The price of the commodities which are thus purchased is wholly made up of profits. It is the result of labour formerly expended, and, with the portion of labour now in the market it has nothing to do.
(4.vii.12) Suppose that of this 500 l. one half is turned, by a change in the taste of the owner, from the purchase of commodities, the produce of fixed capital, to the purchase of the produce of immediate labour. Two things happen: a demand is created for 250 l. worth of mere labour: a demand is annihilated for 250 l. worth of the produce of fixed capital; that is to say, as much of the capital of the country as yielded 250 l. or profits, becomes useless. This is entirely distinct from a fall in the rate of profits. Such a fall may or may not accompany such a change in the two species of demand. This is a loss of capital. Capital, to this extent, ceasing to be employed, ceasing to be needed, is, to any useful purpose, destroyed. Along with it there is destroyed a productive power to the extent of 250 l. per annum. This is not compensated by any new production; for by the supposition the number of labourers is not increased. Every labourer that is employed, under the new application of this 250 l. of the supposed income, would have been employed if the new application had not taken place, if the capital had not been destroyed.
(4.vii.13) Under the new distribution of the 1000 l. income, as much is awarded to the class of labourers, as is taken from the class of capitalists. 250 l. were formerly awarded as profits, which are now awarded as wages. So far, there is no absolute loss, as much being gained by one, as lost by another. The loss arises from this, that, while no new labour is brought into employment, and no addition is made to the productive powers of labour, nor of course to its produce, a portion of capital is thrown out of employment, its productive powers are lost, and the annual produce of the country is diminished.
(4.vii.14) This case is reversed when machinery is invented which performs the work of immediate labour. Let us make the same supposition of the extreme cases as before; that the machine invented performs the functions of labour without the aid of labour, that the produce is purely the result of capital. Let us suppose a capital of 10,000 l.; wholly, in the first instance, employed in the payment of wages. Let us suppose that this 10,000 l. is afterwards expended in making a machine which produces the same commodity, and the same quantity of it. In this case the whole of the labourers who received the 10,000 l. of wages, are deprived of their old employment. The consequence is, not that they are thrown out of employment, but that they increase the supply of labour in the market and reduce wages. The labourers, in this case, do not necessarily cease to produce; they produce just as much as before. The whole of the produce of the machine, therefore, is a new production, an addition to the former amount of the annual produce.
(4.vii.15) Compare now the two cases; the case where the demand for the produce of fixed capital is diminished, and that for immediate labour is increased; and the case where the demand for the produce of fixed capital is increased, and that for immediate labour is diminished. In the first there is a rise of wages, and a diminution of profits, and so far there is compensation: but there is besides this a defalcation of production to the extent of the productive powers of all the capital superseded; and this is a dead loss. In the second case, there is a fall of wages, and a rise of profits, so far again there is compensation; but in this case there is an increase of production to the extent of the productive powers of the whole of the fixed capital created. This is a new fund for the employment of labour, and as far as it goes, prevents the fall of wages.
(4.vii.16) Having thus illustrated the only case in which an increase of demand for labour can take place, without an increase in the amount of capital, which in the case before us is not supposed, we are prepared to see where an increase of demand for labour, in consequence of a tax upon wages, can, and where it cannot, exempt the labourer from the tax.
(4.vii.17) The effect of a tax upon wages, when wages are so high as to be capable of being affected by a tax, is, to transfer a certain power of commanding the produce of labour and capital from the class of labourers to the government. With the amount of the tax, before it was taken from the labourers, they presented a demand for so much of the operations of fixed capital, so much of those of immediate labour. Where the same amount is transferred to the government, the government presents in like manner a demand for so much of the operations of fixed capital, so much of those of immediate labour. If the proportions of the demand for the produce of fixed capital and immediate labour were the same in both cases, there would be no alteration in the demand for labour, in consequence of the tax, and the whole of it would fall upon the labourers. If the government presented a greater demand for the produce of immediate labour, less for that of fixed capital, than was presented by the labourers, there would so far be an increase of demand for labour, and a rise of wages, which would so far be a compensation to the labourer for the tax, at the expense, however, of profits, and with an uncompensated loss to the extent of all the produce which the superseded capital would have yielded.
(4.vii.18) Properly speaking, however, this rise of wages is not an effect of the tax upon wages. It is the effect of a very different cause; of a supposed peculiarity in the nature of the government expenditure. When we are talking, therefore, of the effect of a tax upon wages, in increasing or diminishing the demand for labour, this extraneous circumstance, which may or may not be concomitant, ought to be left out of the account. The only essential effect of a tax upon wages is to take so much from the labourer, just as a tax upon profits takes so much from the capitalist, a tax upon rent takes so much from the landlord.
(4.vii.19) It is further essential to this question to observe, that the effect of the government expenditure in raising wages, by furnishing a greater demand for immediate labour, less for the produce of fixed capital, would take place equally if the tax were levied upon profits, or upon rent. If this is the effect of the expenditure of government, upon whatever source of income the tax is levied, to lay the tax upon wages is only to prevent the labourer from reaping the benefit of that rise of wages, the full benefit of which be would otherwise enjoy. In this sense, therefore, also, and, when this is included, all are included, it is evident that the tax really falls upon the labourer.
(4.vii.20) The argument may be shortly, stated thus. Before the tax, a certain demand existed for labour; arising, in part from the funds of the landlord, in part from those of the capitalist, and in part from those of the those labourer. After the tax the two former remain the same. But the demand arising from the funds of the labourer is diminished. If this loss of demand were not compensated, the labourer would sustain two evils in consequence of the tax. He would pay the tax; and his wages would fall. The second of these evils he does not sustain, because the diminution of demand on the part of the labourers is compensated. The increase of demand on the part of government is exactly equal to the diminution of the demand on the part of the labourers. This prevents wages from failing, but it does no more. It yields nothing in compensation for the tax.
(4.viii.1) Assessed taxes, poll taxes, and income taxes, are of this description. After what has been said, it is not difficult to see upon whom, in each instance, the burden of them falls.
(4.viii.2) In as far as they are paid by the man, whose income is derived from rent, or the man whose income is derived from profits of stock, the burden of them is borne by these classes. No additional demand arises from the tax; and, therefore, neither can landlords raise their rents, nor capitalists the price of their commodities.
(4.viii.3) In respect to the labourer, the result is different in different cases. If his wages are already at their lowest rate, no portion of such tax can fall upon him. His wages will rise, and throw his share upon the capitalist. If the wages of the labourer are sufficiently high, he will sustain his share of the burthen.
(4.viii.4) The effect of these taxes upon prices may be easily ascertained. A tax upon rent would produce no alteration in the price of any thing. Rent is the effect of price; and the effect cannot operate upon the cause. A tax upon profits would alter prices, only as a tax upon wages alters them.
(4.viii.5) Of the tax upon wages, there are two cases; that in which it raises wages, and that in which it does not raise them. In the case in which it does not raise them it will hardly be supposed that any alteration of prices should ensue. The capital of the country is not supposed to undergo any alteration, nor, of course, the quantity of produce. With respect to the demand, a portion of the power of purchasing, which belonged to the labourers, is taken from them: but the whole of what is taken from them is transferred to the government. Government may send abroad the amount of the tax. If we suppose, however, that it sends it abroad in goods, it is evident, that no diminution of prices will ensue. And if it sends it abroad in bullion, the case, in the long run, is the same; for as the vacuity which is thus made in the bullion market, is to be supplied, goods must go abroad to purchase it. The exportation of the bullion, if it diminishes the quantity of money, will produce a temporary depression of price. But the same effect would follow from the same cause on any other occasion.
(4.viii.6) In the case in which wages do rise, it may also be seen, that the capital and produce of the country remain the same, the amount of demand and supply the same, and the value of money the same. The aggregate of prices, therefore, one thing being compensated by another, is the same. That change, indeed, which takes place in the relative value of certain kinds of commodities, as often as wages rise and profits fall, is necessarily produced on this occasion. Those commodities, which are chiefly produced by fixed capital, and where little payment of wages is required, fall in price, as compared with those in producing which immediate labour is the principal instrument, and where little or nothing of fixed capital is required. The compensation, however, is complete; for as much as the one of these two sets of commodities falls in price, the other rises; and the price of both, taken aggregately, or the medium of the two, remains the same as before.
(4.viii.7) The several species of property, which, in the ordinary and coarse application of language, pass under the name of income, are exceedingly different. This gives occasion to a question, whether it is equitable to levy the same rate of tax upon all incomes. The question, however, in what proportion taxes ought to fall, is rather a question of general policy, than of political economy; which, in regard to taxes, confines itself to two questions: first, on which of the three original shares of the annual produce, rent, wages, or profits, a tax falls: and next, whether it operates unfavourably on production. As this question, however, is generally introduced into books on political economy, it is proper here to point out the way to its solution.
(4.viii.8) The grand distinction of incomes, as regards this question, seems-to be, the value of them. All property may, with trifling exceptions, be regarded as income. But the value of incomes depends upon two circumstances: first, upon what is called their amount, as 100 l. per annum or 1000 l. per annum; secondly, their permanence and certainty. Thus the value of a man's property is ten times as great, if he has 1000 1. a year, as if he has 100; but that only if the permanence and security are equal; for if 100 l. a year is secure for ever, while 1000 l. a year is only to endure for a few years, the 100 l. a year will be the more valuable property of the two. That, on the occasion of imposing a tax, property is to be estimated, according to one of the elements of its value, and not according to all of them, is a proposition which ought not to be admitted except on very substantial grounds.
(4.viii.9) Let us suppose, that one man's income is 100 l., the rent of land; that another man's income is 500 l., the salary of his office, depending not only upon his life and health, but in some degree upon the pleasure of his employers. The first will be worth 30 years' purchase; the last, in certain circumstances, not worth more than six. The real value of the property of these two men will, in these circumstances, be the same; and upon the principle of equal burthens upon equal property, the tax upon these ought to be the same.
(4.viii.10) It is true that, if the tax, proportional to the amount, is paid for 30 years upon the 100 l. and six years upon the 500 1. the amount of tax will be the same. But this, as a principle of taxation, is liable to this objection; that it excludes from consideration that, to which all consideration should tend, individuals, and their feelings.
(4.viii.11) There is another point of view in which we must consider the question. The period of enjoyment of the man whose income is 100 l. in rent, may be as short as that of the man whose income is 500 l. in salary; the life of the first may not be worth a greater number of years' purchase than the salary or the second.
(4.viii.12) In this way, undoubtedly, all incomes may be regarded as measured by the life of the individual.
(4.viii.13) It may also be affirmed, that, in like manner as the income of the man, who draws rent, passes to his descendants; so the income of the man who draws salary, passes to his successors. Strictly speaking, the two species of income are both equally permanent: the rent flows in a permanent stream, through one generation after another, and so does the salary. It would follow, therefore, that if rent were taxed at one rate, salaries at another, there would be two perennial streams of income, taxed in different degrees, the one more, the other less heavily.
(4.viii.14) This is true, and the only reason for such difference is, the difference of those who succeed to the incomes. In the case of income derived from land or from capital, the income passes to a man's children, to the persons most dear to him: in the case of salaries, it passes to those, with whom the man has no connexion. Whether this reason is sufficient, requires to be considered. There can be no doubt that in regard to feelings, in regard to the happiness of the individuals, it makes a great difference, whether their incomes are to pass to their children at their deaths, or to their successors, in their offices, or their professions. On this score it would seem to be required by the principle of all good legislation, that a corresponding difference should be observed in the imposition of taxes.
(4.viii.15) This, however, would be a step, it is said, towards the equalizing of fortunes. It would lessen the incomes of the descendants of the owners of permanent incomes, in order to increase those of the descendants of persons with life incomes. This is liable to the same objections as raising the scale of taxation, in proportion to the scale of income; taxing commodities, for example, higher to the man of 1000 l., than to the man of 100 l. a year. It would lessen tile motive to make savings, by lessening the value of great accumulations. It is to be inquired whether this allegation is well founded.
(4.viii.16) A tax, to operate fairly, ought to leave the relative condition of the different classes of contributors the same, after the tax, as before it. In regard to the sums required for the service of the state, this is the true principle of distribution.
(4.viii.17) In the case of incomes of different permanency, what does leave the relative condition the same?
(4.viii.18) It is quite clear, that the prospect for a man's children is one part of that condition. If a tax so operates upon two classes, as to reduce the condition of the children of the one class lower, as compared with the condition of the children of the other class, than it would otherwise be, it does not leave the relative condition of those two classes the same.
(4.viii.19) Suppose two men, each of 1000 l. a year, the one rent, the other salary; the latter worth 15 years' purchase. Suppose that to make a provision for his children, the man with the salary saves one-half; the man with the rent spends all. With respect to expenditure, the man with the salary stands to the other in the relative condition of a man of half the income.
(4.viii.20) Next let us examine how it is with the children. The annual sum of 500 l. saved for 15 years, at compound interest, would amount, say, to 10,000 l. This at 5 per cent. interest, would afford a perpetual in. come to the children of the man with the salary of 500 l. a year. The children of the man with the rent would have 1000 l. In this way, as the father's condition was that of a man with half the income, so is that of the children.
(4.viii.21) It is perfectly plain, therefore, that if the one is taxed at more than one half the rate of the other, he is taxed too high. The salary we supposed to be worth 15 years' purchase: the rent is worth 30: one half is here also the proportion. It therefore points out the rule. If one income is worth half as many years' purchase as another, it ought to be half as much taxed; if it is worth one-third of as many years' purchase, it ought to be taxed one-third, and so on.
(4.viii.22) It may be said, that if the class who live upon salaries are loaded with more than their due share of the burthen, the balance will adjust itself; because, the situation having been rendered less desirable, fewer people will go into it, and the salaries will rise. This does not remove the objection. For, first of all, why should legislation disturb the natural proportion, in order that the force of things may restore it? In the next place, the restoration of the equilibrium in this case is a slow operation. It requires a generation to pass away before the diminution of the numbers of those who live upon salaries can raise their condition. A whole generation is therefore sacrificed.
(4.ix.1) Taxes on commodities may either affect some particular kinds, or all commodities equally.
(4.ix.2) When a tax is laid on any particular commodity, not on others, the commodity rises in price, or exchangeable value; and the dealer or producer is reimbursed for what he has advanced on account of the tax. If he were not reimbursed, he would not remain upon a level with others, and would discontinue his trade. As the tax is, in this case, added to the price of the goods, it falls wholly upon the consumers.
(4.ix.3) When a tax, in proportion to their value, is laid upon all commodities, there is this difference, that no one commodity rises in exchangeable value, or, as compared with another. If one yard of broad cloth was equal in value to four yards of linen, and if a duty of ten percent. on the value. were laid upon each, a yard of cloth would still be equal to four yards of linen.
(4.ix.4) An ad valorem duty upon all commodities would have the effect of raising prices, or their value in relation to money.
(4.ix.5) The members of the community would come to market, each with the same quantity of money as before. One-tenth of it, however, as it came into the hands of the producers, would be transferred to the government. But it would again be immediately laid out in purchases, either by the government itself, or by those to whom the government might dispose of it. This portion, therefore, would come into the hands of the producers oftener by once, after the tax was imposed, than before. Before the tax was imposed, it came once into the hands of the producers, from those of the purchasers of goods. After the tax was imposed, it would come into the hands of the producers in the same manner: but it would go from them to the government, and from the government come back into the hands of' the producers a second time.
(4.ix.6) The producers, in this manner, would receive for their goods, not only the whole ten-tenths of the money of the country, as before; but they would receive one-tenth twice, where they received it only once before. This is the same thing exactly as if they had received eleven-tenths, or as if the money of the country had been increased one-tenth. The purchasing power of the money, therefore, is diminished one-tenth; in other words, the price of commodities has risen one-tenth.
(4.ix.7) Upon whom the tax would, in that case, fall, is abundantly obvious. The purchasers would come with the same quantity of money as before. The purchasing power of that money, however, would be reduced one-tenth, and they would be able to command one-tenth less of commodities than before. The tax would, of course, fall upon purchasers.
(4.ix.8) As this argument has not produced, in some minds whose decisions I highly respect, the same conviction which it has in my own, I will endeavour to render it still more perspicuous, by recurrence to one of the simplest possible cases.
(4.ix.9) Let us suppose a community of 10 persons, with only two species of commodities, bread, and meat. Let us suppose that 5 of those persons have 5 loaves to dispose of, and that the other 5 have 5 pounds of meat, the value of a loaf the same as that of a pound of meat. Let us suppose that the exchange takes place, as in a more complicated state of things, by the intervention of money; and, as the simplest possible case, let us suppose that the whole of the goods is exchanged against the whole of the money; in other words that one exchange of the whole of the goods is performed by one operation of the money. If each loaf is worth 10 pence, and each pound of meat the same, it is necessary, under this supposition, that the 5 persons having the 5 loaves of bread should have 50 pence, I and the persons having the 5 pounds of meat should have 50 pence.
(4.ix.10) It is obvious that the persons having the 5 loaves, going to market with 50 pence to buy the 5 pounds 9 of meat, will pay for it at the rate of 10 pence per pound, and that the persons with the meat, going to market for the bread, will pay for it at the rate of 10 pence the loaf. If we suppose that the production of the loaves and the meat is perpetually renewed, it is evident that the same exchanges, at the same money price, may take place for ever. All this, I think, is clear.
(4.ix.11) Let us then suppose, that government taxes these commodities 10 per cent, and observe attentively what happens. When the first loaf of bread is sold for 10 pence, one penny out of the 10 pence received is paid by the seller to the government, and when one pound of meat is sold, one penny out of the 10 pence received is in like manner paid to the government. By the time that one exchange of all the commodities is effected, one-tenth of the money has been paid to government. With the money, government, as fast as it received it, has come into the market to purchase the same goods. The former purchasers came with all the former quantity, namely, with 100 pence, government came with a tenth more. For the same quantity of goods, therefore, for which 100 pence were paid before, 110 pence have been paid now; it is therefore proved that the price of goods is raised at the rate of the tax. The reason is, that one portion of the money which only performed one operation, in effecting one exchange of the goods, now performs two operations.
(4.ix.12) The case would be precisely the same, if we supposed the rapidity of circulation to be much greater, and that each piece of money had to perform 10 operations in order to effect one exchange of the whole of the commodities. It is necessary to observe that this is the only correct meaning of the term rapidity of circulation. This is the only meaning in which rapidity of circulation has any effect upon the value of the money. This is strictly, therefore, the sense in which the term is here employed. If we suppose that in order to perform one exchange of the whole of the commodities, the money has to be exchanged 10 times, it is obvious, as before explained, that it exchanges each time for precisely one-tenth of the goods. Let us conceive that the bread and the meat, supposed in the former case, are 10 times as great, the loaves 50, and the pounds of meat 50, the money remaining the same, but performing 10 operations to effect one exchange of the whole. It is very obvious that the effect which we have just explained, as taking place, in consequence of the tax, upon the whole of the goods, when the whole was exchanged by one operation of the money, will now take place upon the one-tenth of the goods which is exchanged by one operation of the money; it will be raised one-tenth in money value; each tenth will be so raised; and therefore by necessary consequence the whole.
(4.x.1) A tax upon the produce of land, a tax upon corn, for example, would raise the price of corn, as of any other commodity. It would fall by consequence, neither upon the farmer, nor upon the landlord, but upon the consumer. The farmer is situated as any other capitalist, or producer; and we have seen sufficiently in what manner the tax upon commodities is transferred from him that produces to him that consumes.
(4.x.2) The landlord is equally exempted. We have already seen that there is a portion of the capital employed upon the land, the return to which is sufficient to yield the ordinary profits of stock, and no more. The price of produce must be sufficient to yield this profit, otherwise the capital would be withdrawn. If a tax is imposed upon produce, and levied upon the cultivator, it follows that the price of produce must rise sufficiently to refund the tax. If the tax is 10 per cent. or any other rate, upon the selling price, corn must rise in value one-tenth) or any other proportion.
(4.x.3) In that case it is easy to see, that no part of the tax falls upon the landlord. It is the same as if one-tenth of the produce were paid in kind. In that case, it is evident, that one-tenth less of the produce would come to the landlord; but as it would rise one-tenth in value, his compensation would be complete. His rent, though not the same in point of produce, would be the same in point of value.
(4.x.4) If, instead of a money-tax, varying according to price, it were a fixed money-tax upon the bushel, or the quarter, the money-rent of the landlord would still be the same. Suppose the land or capital, which, as explained above, yields no rent, to produce in all two quarters, that which does yield rent to produce six quarters; four quarters, in that case, are the share of the landlord. Suppose the tax per quarter to be 1 l.; corn must rise 1 l. per quarter. The farmer, before the imposition of the tax, paid the landlord the price of four quarters; after it, he pays him the price of four quarters, deducting 1 l. per quarter for what he had paid as tax. But corn has risen 1 l. per quarter. He, therefore, pays him the same sum as before.
(4.xi.1) If a tax were imposed upon the profits of the farmer, without being imposed upon the profits of any other class of producers, the following would be its effects.
(4.xi.2) It would in the first place raise the price of raw produce; because that price is determined by the produce of the capital which pays no rent, and which, if it sustains a tax, must rise like any other taxed commodity, to indemnify the producer.
(4.xi.3) In consequence of this rise of price, it would increase the rent of the landlords. Suppose that capital is employed on the land in this case under three degrees of productiveness: the most productive portion yielding 10 quarters, the second 8, and the last 6. A landlord who had land cultivated under these circumstances, would receive at the rate of 6 quarters of corn as rent. 4 produced by the first portion, and 2 by the second. Suppose a tax imposed such as to raise the price of corn 5 per cent.: it leaves the 6 quarters of corn, accruing to the landlord, the same as before; but the value of these 6 quarters is 5 per cent. higher; the landlord's rent, therefore, is increased 5 per cent.
(4.xi.4) The difference between this case, and those treated of in the preceding section, is, that the landlord's portion of the produce is not taxed, when the profits of the farmer are taxed.
(4.xi.5) A tax upon the instruments of agriculture, is the same thing in effect, as a tax upon the profits of the farmer. It raises the value of produce, without affecting the quantity which goes as rent to the landlord. Thus, if a tax is laid upon agricultural horses, it increases the expense of production to the farmer, just as a tax upon coals would increase the cost of production to the iron-founder. For this cost the farmer can only be indemnified by a rise in the price of the produce. The quantities, however, of the corn, the 10, the 8, the 6 quarters, yielded to the different portions of his capital, are not affected. Six quarters of corn are the rent of the landlord, the same as before. Not only, therefore, does the whole of the tax fall upon the consumer, but he is charged with another burthen, the additional rent which is paid to the landlord. The community is taxed, in part for the use of the government, in part for the benefit of the landlords.
(4.xii.1) Tithes are a tax upon the produce of the land; a tenth of the produce, perfectly or imperfectly collected.
(4.xii.2) The operation, therefore, of this tax, has been already ascertained. It raises the price of produce, and falls wholly upon the consumer.
(4.xii.3) If the poor rate were levied in proportion to profits upon farmers, manufacturers, and merchants, it would be a tax upon profits. If it were levied in proportion to the rent of land, it would be a tax upon the rent of land. If it were levied upon the rent of houses, it would fall upon the inmates, and be a tax upon income. From the mode in which it is levied, it is drawn in part from all these sources If it falls disproportionately upon the profits of any one class of capitalists, that class receives compensation. If the farmers, as is usually supposed, pay a higher rate for the maintenance of the poor than other producers, this, as far as the excess extends, is the same thing as a separate and additional tax upon them. But if a separate tax is laid upon the farmers, we have already seen that it operates immediately to raise the price of corn sufficiently high to afford them compensation for the tax, and raises the rent of the landlords. It is to them a benefit, not a burthen.
(4.xii.4) Of all taxes which raise the price of corn, one effect is remarkable. As a certain quantity of corn is necessary to the subsistence of the labourer his wages must be competent to the purchase of that quantity. They must often, therefore, rise as the price of that quantity rises. But we have already seen, that, in proportion as wages rise, profits fall. A tax upon corn, therefore, operates upon all men as consumers. Upon capitalists it is apt to operate in two ways; it is, first, a tax upon them as consumers; and, secondly, it has often the same effect upon them as a tax upon their profits.
(4.xiii.1) We have already considered in what manner a tax, laid upon the land, and proportioned to the rent; in what manner a tax laid upon the land, and proportioned to the produce; and in what manner a tax laid upon the land, and proportioned to the farmer's profits, would operate. The first would be a tax upon the landlord; the second would be a tax upon the consumer, and would not affect the landlord; the third would be a tax upon the consumer, and would benefit the landlord. A tax may also be laid upon the land at so much per acre.
(4.xiii.2) We have seen that there is a portion of capital employed upon the land, the return to which is sufficient to afford the ordinary profits of stock, but nothing more. If any addition is made to the cost of producing, a rise of price must afford compensation. If no addition is made to such cost, price will not be affected.
(4.xiii.3) If a tax is laid, at so much per acre, on land, both cultivated, and uncultivated, no addition will be made to the cost of producing. There are two cases in which portions of capital are employed on the land, without yielding more than the ordinary profits of stock; of course yielding nothing for rent: the one is, where, after two or more doses of capital have been bestowed upon land, each yielding less than the former, a third or a fourth comes to be employed; the other is, where, after land of the second or third degree of fertility has been exhausted, cultivation is forced upon land of a still inferior quality.
(4.xiii.4) It is evident, immediately, that a tax on the acre does not affect the cost of production, when a subsequent dose of capital is employed upon the same land; because the tax is already paid; and it is, therefore, the interest of the farmer to apply a second dose, as soon as the price of produce has risen sufficiently high to afford him a full profit and nothing more.
(4.xiii.5) When capital is applied to new land of inferior quality, upon which the tax was previously paid, the cultivator receives his remuneration the moment produce rises sufficiently high to afford the profits of the stock which the cultivation may require; and no allowance is to be made for a tax which does not depend upon the cultivation.
(4.xiii.6) When the tax is levied only on cultivated land; as capital passes downwards from the more fertile land which has been cultivated before, to the less fertile, which has not been cultivated, the tax likewise descends. The produce to be raised must yield, not only the ordinary profits of stock, but the tax also; such land will not be cultivated till the price of produce has risen sufficiently high to yield that accumulated return. The tax, therefore, is included in the price.
(4.xiii.7) The consequence, with regard to the landlord, is beneficial. Suppose that land of the third degree of fertility is the last to which cultivation has descended; that such land yields at the rate of two quarters per acre, land of the next degree above it at the rate of four quarters, and land of the first degree of fertility six quarters; in this case, it is evident, that two quarters upon each acre affords both the tax, and the remuneration to the farmer. The landlord, therefore, may derive two quarters from the acre of second quality, four quarters from the acre of first. He draws this quantity of produce, in both cases; as well when such a tax is levied, as when it is not levied. But in the case of the tax, the price is raised, and each of his quarters of corn is of greater value. Such a tax would, therefore, raise upon the consumers, not only so much per acre to the government, but a great deal more for the benefit of the landlords.
(4.xiii.8) One effect, however, of this tax would be, to retard the descent of capital to the inferior species of land. So long as fresh doses of capital, upon the land already in cultivation, were not diminished in productive power, to the whole extent of the tax, below what would be the productive power of capital employed upon the best of the uncultivated land, no capital would be employed upon it, and, during that interval, the cost of corn would be raised to the consumer, and additional rent would go to the landlord, without affording any revenue to the state.
(4.xiii.9) When first imposed, such a tax would have the effect of throwing an inferior species of land out of cultivation, wherever an additional dose of capital, on the better land, would not in productive power fall below that, which had gone to the worse land, to an extent equal to the tax. This would still raise the price of corn, because, by the supposition, the last portion of capital would be less productive than before; it would also increase the rent of landlords, but not so much as the full operation of the tax.
(4.xiv.1) Taxes upon the transfer of property are of several kinds; such as stamp duties upon purchase and sale, legacy duties, duties upon the writings required in the conveying of property, and others of the same nature.
(4.xiv.2) In the case of all that property, which is the produce of labour and capital, the tax upon purchase and sale falls upon the purchaser, because the cost of production, including the profits of stock, must be afforded along with the tax.
(4.xiv.3) Taxes upon the transfer of land, which is a source of production, and not the effect of labour and capital, fall upon the seller; because the purchaser considers what benefit he could derive from his capital employed in another way; and if the land will not afford him an equivalent, he will refuse to exchange it for the land.
(4.xiv.4) Legacy duties, and duties upon free gifts, fall, it is evident, upon the receivers.
(4.xv.1) Taxes upon proceedings at law are levied chiefly in the form of stamps, on the different writings employed in the business of judicature; and in that of fees on the several steps and incidents of the judicial procedure.
(4.xv.2) It is evident enough that they fall upon the suitors. It is equally evident that they are a tax upon the demand for justice.
(4.xv.3) Justice is demanded in two cases; either that, in which it is a matter of doubt to which of two persons a certain right belongs; or that, in which the right of some person has been violated, and a remedy is required.
(4.xv.4) There is no peculiar propriety in taxing a man, because he has a right, which, unfortunately for him, is disputed. But there is the greatest of all improprieties in taxing a man, because he has sustained an act of injustice.
(4.xv.5) It is very evident that all such taxes are a bar in the way of obtaining redress of injury; and just in so far as any thing obstructs the redress of injury, injustice is promoted. A tax upon justice, therefore, is a premium upon injustice.
(4.xvi.1) A tax upon money cannot be conveniently levied, excepting either upon the occasion of its coinage, or that of the first acquisition of the bullion. It might be levied upon the bullion, either upon its importation from abroad; or, if the mine were within the country, upon its issuing from the mine.
(4.xvi.2) A tax upon coinage is the same thing, in effect, with what has been called a seignorage. It is the paying of something more for the coins, than the quantity of bullion of which they are composed.
(4.xvi.3) The effect of this is evident, when a currency consists entirely of the metals. No man will carry bullion to be coined, unless the metal in the coin is of as much more value than the bullion, as the amount of the tax. The currency, therefore, is raised in value; that is to say, the metal in the state of currency is raised in value, to an amount equal to that of the tax.
(4.xvi.4) This is a tax which possesses the peculiar property of falling upon nobody. It falls not upon the man who carries bullion to be coined, because he carries it only when the coins are equal in value to the tax and bullion together. It falls not upon the persons to whom the coins are paid as the medium of exchange; because they are of the same value to them as if they contained the whole of the bullion for which they will exchange.
(4.xvi.5) This is a tax, therefore, which ought always to be carried as far as the peculiar limit to which it is subject will admit. The limit to which it is subject, is the inducement to illicit coining. If the tax is raised so high as to pay the coiner for his expenses and the risk of detection, illicit coinage is ensured.
(4.xvi.6) In a country, in which paper circulates along with gold, the paper has a tendency to prevent the effect of a seignorage.
(4.xvi.7) It is the interest of those who issue paper, to maintain in circulation as great a quantity of it as they can. They may go on increasing the quantity, till it becomes the interest of those who hold their notes to bring the notes to them for coins.
(4.xvi.8) It is the interest of those who are the possessors of notes, to carry them to the bank for coins, only when there is a profit by melting. The coins, as coins, are not more valuable than the paper, so long as they circulate, without a premium, along with the paper. But if the paper has been issued in great quantity, the value of the currency may be so reduced, that the metal in the coins may be of more value as bullion than as coin. Melting for the sake of this profit, is the only check upon the quantity of a paper money convertible into coins at the option of the holder.
(4.xvi.9) It is very obvious, that if coins are issued under a seignorage, with the metal in the coins of greater value than the metal in the state of bullion, the coins can be retained of that value only if the currency is limited in amount. When paper is issued without restriction, that limit is removed. The paper issued increases the quantity of currency, till the metal in the coins is reduced, first to the same value as that in bullion, next to a less value. At that point it becomes the interest of individuals to demand coins at the bank, for the purpose of melting; and then it is the interest of the bank to contract its issues.
(4.xvi.10) A very simple, however, and a very effectual expedient, is capable of being adopted, for preventing this effect of a paper currency. That is an obligation on the bank to pay for its notes, either in coins, or in bullion, at the option of the holder. Suppose that art ounce of gold is coined into 3 l., deducting five per cent for seignorage, and suppose that a bank which issues notes is bound to pay, on demand, not only 3 l. of coins, but an ounce of bullion, if preferred; it is evident that the bank, in that case has an interest in preventing the currency from sinking in value. If the currency is so high in value that 31. of currency is really equal in value to an ounce of bullion, the bank loses nothing by being obliged to give for it an ounce of bullion; if it is so depressed in value that 3 l. is not worth an ounce of bullion, it does lose. The check upon the issue of paper is thus made to operate earlier.
(4.xvi.11) A tax upon the precious metals, when imported, or extracted from the mines, would, as far as the metals were destined to the ordinary purposes of use or ornament, fall upon the consumers: it would, as far as the metals were used for currency, fall upon nobody.
(4.xvi.12) It would raise the exchangeable value of the metal. But a smaller quantity of a valuable metal is not less convenient as the medium of exchange, than a greater quantity of a less valuable. It would be expedient, therefore, to derive as much as possible from this source. The facility, however, of carrying and concealing a commodity which involves a great value in small dimensions, renders it a source from which much cannot be derived. Under a very moderate duty, illicit importation would be unavoidable.
(4.xvi.13) Though a tax upon the precious metals, as imported, or issued from the mines, would, like all other taxes upon particular commodities, fall ultimately upon the consumer, it would not do so immediately. That which enables the producers, when a tax is laid upon any commodity, to throw the burden upon the consumers, is the power they have of raising the price, by lessening the supply. Of most commodities, the quantity in use is speedily consumed. The annual supply bears, therefore, a great proportion to the quantity in use; and if it is withheld, or only a part of it withheld, the supply becomes so far diminished as greatly to raise the price. The case is different with the precious metals. If the annual supply were wholly withheld, it would, for some time, make no great defalcation from the quantity in use. It would, therefore, have little effect upon prices. During that interval the sellers of the metals would not be indemnified. During that time, more or less of the tax would fall upon them.
(4.xvi.14) The same observation applies to houses, and all other commodities of which the quantity in use is great in proportion to the annual supply.
(4.xvii.1) Capital is most advantageously employed, when no inducement whatsoever is made use of to turn it out of one employment into another. It is most advantageously employed, when it follows that direction which the interest of the owners would give to it of its own accord.
(4.xvii.2) Suppose that broad cloth is in England twenty shillings per yard; that linen, if made at home, would be three shillings per yard: that in Germany, on the contrary, linen is at two shillings per yard; and that broad cloth, if made there, would be twenty-four shillings per yard.
(4.xvii.3) It has been already seen, how, in these circumstances, it would be the interest of England to employ her labour in making broad cloth for Germany, instead of linen for herself; and that of Germany, in making linen for England, instead of broad cloth for herself.
(4.xvii.4) If, in these circumstances, a tax in England were laid upon broad cloth, which raised the price to twenty-four shillings, what would be the consequence?
(4.xvii.5) In the first place, it is evident, that no broad cloth could be exported to Germany. The price, however, of linen, would still be so low in Germany, that it would be imported into England. Money, instead of cloth, would go abroad to pay for it. Money, therefore, would become comparatively scarce in England; and prices would fall. It would become comparatively abundant in Germany, and prices would rise. Linen would, therefore, become too dear to be imported into England; unless in the mean time some other commodity, in consequence of the increasing value of money, became cheap enough in England to allow exportation. In the first case, England would, by a tax upon her own broad cloth, be deprived of the advantage of obtaining cheap linen from Germany, and would be obliged to produce it for herself. In the other case, she would be compelled to export, in exchange for the linen, another commodity, which, by the supposition, she produced on less favourable terms than the first.
(4.xvii.6) In this manner it is evident that, by a tax imposed. upon broad cloth, the people of England would suffer, not only by paying the tax upon broad cloth, but by being obliged to pay more also for their linen.
(4.xvii.7) The effect of this tax upon prices would be, to raise the money value of broad cloth, and to lower the money value of all other commodities: not to raise, at least permanently, the price of cloth to the whole amount of the tax; because it would send part of the money out of the country: to lower the price of all other commodities, because by this departure of the money, the value of money would be raised.
(4.xvii.8) If, when the tax was imposed upon broad cloth, a drawback of the whole of the duty was allowed upon exportation, there would be no alteration in the trade with Germany; English broadcloth would be sent there, and linen would be imported, on the same terms as before. The people of England would sustain the burden of the tax, and would suffer no other injury. There would be no transit of the precious metals. The price of broad cloth would be raised in England: and the price of all other things would remain as before.
(4.xvii.9) Even if no drawback were allowed, taxes have not a necessary tendency to lessen the quantity of foreign trade. Though England, as in the case already supposed, were hindered, by the tax on broad cloth, from exporting broad cloth; she might soon, by the transit of money, have it in her power to export some other commodity. The reason of this case, it will easily be seen, applies to all other cases. A highly taxed country may possibly export to as great an extent as if she had not been taxed at all. If care, however, has not been taken, and it seldom is taken, to compensate exactly for established duties by countervailing duties and drawbacks, it does not export with the same advantage.
(4.xvii.10) There are two cases, in which the money cost of commodities may be raised by taxation: that in which commodities to any number are taxed one by one, as in the instance, just adduced, of broad cloth; and that in which all commodities are taxed by an ad valorem duty. In neither of these cases, it will be seen, has the high price of commodities, in other words, the low purchasing power of money, a necessary tendency to send money out of the country.
(4.xvii.11) In the case adduced above, the broad cloth alone was enhanced in price by the tax. The purchasing power of money was lessened, therefore, only in respect to broad cloth. But money could not go out of the country with any greater advantage to purchase broad cloth; because that commodity, on importation, would have to pay the tax; and there would not be a new distribution of the precious metal, if the tax were drawn back.
(4.xvii.12) Neither would an ad valorem duty, though it would raise, in the manner already explained, the price of all commodities, and reduce the purchasing power of money, have a tendency to send money out of the country. Suppose the duty ten per cent; and the purchasing power of money reduced as much below the level of the surrounding countries. It would be of no avail to the merchant that his money would purchase ten per cent. more of goods abroad, if he were obliged to pay ten per cent. duty upon their importation. It thus appears, that, if drawbacks and countervailing duties are applied upon exportation and importation, the price of commodities in one country may be raised to any extent above their price in the surrounding countries. | <urn:uuid:a004fad0-a1a3-4459-ae18-d7bde0f54ac9> | {
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Independent security researchers are advising people to stop using PGP, and the media is following suit. But this is a terrible idea. Even if a malicious actor could exploit this vulnerability (which would prove to be difficult), encryption is better than no encryption.
REDWOOD CITY, Calif. (PRWEB) May 14, 2018
Another security nightmare starts to unfold as a news article from Gizmodo on Monday suggested that “if you use PGP or S/MIME for email encryption you should immediately disable it in your email client.” Why such a dire command? A vulnerability called “Efail”, discovered Monday morning by a group of researchers in Europe, which exposes encrypted emails in plain text. Gizmodo’s advice was basically just repeating the urging from the group of EFF researchers who originally found and disclosed the vulnerability: “Our advice, which mirrors that of the researchers, is to immediately disable and/or uninstall tools that automatically decrypt PGP-encrypted email.” This panic in the cyber security space is something we have now become all too used to.
Independent security researchers are advising people to stop using PGP, and the media is following suit. But this is a terrible idea. Even if a malicious actor could exploit this vulnerability (which would prove to be difficult), encryption is better than no encryption. This is like saying “your lock may not work, so leave your door wide open.”
The researchers reported that this is a bug with PGP, but it’s actually not a PGP issue. The vulnerability is actually an issue with the way clients view mail. The Efail vulnerability is not a cryptographic attack against the PGP encryption protocol as the EFF researchers originally reported; it’s merely a common client side content rendering vulnerability. Savvy users of email clients would have already disabled scripts and other forms of active content when rendering and decrypting email.
Why Does it Matter?
-The way that Efail was presented is misleading, which brings into question the fame that is so readily and easily given to researchers who “responsibly disclose” vulnerabilities for the media attention. Who is validating their findings and checking their facts? Are we to believe everything we read?
ProtonMail tweeted this in response: “Efail is a prime example of irresponsible disclosure. There is no responsibility in hyping the story to @EFF and mainstream media and getting an irresponsible recommendation published (disable PGP), ignoring the fact that many (Enigmail, etc) are already patched.”
-Beyond the recklessness of the research group, what about the media that covered the story? Journalists need to do some diligence before they report on these types of vulnerabilities and pass on advice that ultimately pushes users away from secure communications channels.
-Despite the hype of this one, the Efail vulnerability is entirely preventable without patches and can be safely mitigated in client settings with most common PGP clients.
We all face enough legitimate cyber security issues without adding more noise here. We can’t go around encouraging consumers to turn off encryption in their email. That’s just asking for a devastating 0day. Be careful what you believe.
About Synack (https://www.synack.com/)
Synack, the leader in crowdsourced security testing, provides real security to the modern enterprise. We leverage the world's most trusted ethical hackers and an industry-leading platform to find critical security issues before criminals can exploit them. Companies no longer have to choose between working with the best security talent and a lack of time, resources, or trust. Headquartered in Silicon Valley with regional offices around the world, Synack has protected over 100 global organizations by reducing companies’ security risk and increasing their resistance to cyber attack. | <urn:uuid:959328a6-0432-41ed-9201-91da0d60ec5e> | {
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Exercise is known to reduce blood pressure – but the activity of bacteria in our mouths may determine whether we experience this benefit, according to new research.
An international team of scientists has shown that the blood pressure-lowering effect of exercise is significantly reduced when people rinse their mouths with antibacterial mouthwash, rather than water – showing the importance of oral bacteria in cardiovascular health.
The researchers now suggest that health professionals should pay attention to the oral environment when recommending interventions involving physical activity for high blood pressure.
The study was led by the University of Plymouth in collaboration with the Centre of Genomic Regulation in Barcelona (Gabaldon’s lab), Spain, and was published in the journal Free Radical Biology and Medicine.
Why did the research take place?
Lead author Dr Raul Bescos, Lecturer in Dietetics and Physiology at the University of Plymouth, said:
“Scientists already know that blood vessels open up during exercise, as the production of nitric oxide increases the diameter of the blood vessels (known as vasodilation), increasing blood flow circulation to active muscles. What has remained a mystery is how blood circulation remains higher after exercise, in turn triggering a blood-pressure lowering response known as post-exercise hypotension.
“Previous research has suggested that nitric oxide was not involved in this post-exercise response – and only involved during exercise – but the new study challenges these views.
"It’s all to do with nitric oxide degrading into a compound called nitrate, which for years was thought to have no function in the body. But research over the last decade has shown that nitrate can be absorbed in the salivary glands and excreted with saliva in the mouth. Some species of bacteria in the mouth can use nitrate and convert into nitrite – a very important molecule that can enhance the production of nitric oxide in the body. And when nitrite in saliva is swallowed, part of this molecule is rapidly absorbed into the circulation and reduced back to nitric oxide. This helps to maintain a widening of blood vessels which leads to a sustained lowering of blood pressure after exercise.
“We wanted to see whether blocking nitrate’s ability to convert into nitrite by inhibiting oral bacteria would have any effect on post-exercise hypotension.”
What did the study involve?
Twenty-three healthy adults were asked to run on a treadmill for a total of 30 minutes on two separate occasions, after which they were monitored for two hours.
On each occasion at one, 30, 60 and 90 minutes after exercise they were asked to rinse their mouths with a liquid – either antibacterial mouthwash (0.2 per cent chlorhexidine) or a placebo of mint-flavoured water. Neither the researchers nor the participants knew which liquid they were rinsing with.
Their blood pressure was measured and saliva and blood samples were taken before exercise and at 120 minutes after exercise. No food or drink except water was allowed during exercise and the recovery period, and none of the study participants had any oral health conditions.
What did the science show?
The study found that when participants rinsed with the placebo, the average reduction in *systolic blood pressure was -5.2 mmHg at one hour after exercise. However when participants rinsed with the antibacterial mouthwash, the average systolic blood pressure was -2.0 mmHg at the same time point.
*Systolic blood pressure refers to the highest blood pressure level when the heart is squeezing and pushing the blood round the body.
These results show that the blood pressure-lowering effect of exercise was diminished by more than 60 per cent over the first hour of recovery, and totally abolished two hours after exercise when participants were given the antibacterial mouthwash.
Previous views also suggested that the main source of nitrite in the circulation after exercise was nitric oxide formed during exercise in the endothelial cells (cells that line the blood vessels). However, the new study challenges this. When antibacterial mouthwash was given to the participants, their blood nitrite levels did not increase after exercise. It was only when participants used the placebo that nitrite levels in blood raised, indicating that oral bacteria are a key source of this molecule in the circulation at least over the first period of recovery after exercise.
What the authors say
Craig Cutler, study co-author who conducted the research as part of his PhD at the University of Plymouth, said:
“These findings show that nitrite synthesis by oral bacteria is hugely important in kick-starting how our bodies react to exercise over the first period of recovery, promoting lower blood pressure and greater muscle oxygenation.
“In effect, it’s like oral bacteria are the ‘key’ to opening up the blood vessels. If they are removed, nitrite can’t be produced and the vessels remain in their current state.
“Existing studies show that, exercise aside, antibacterial mouthwash can actually raise blood pressure under resting conditions, so this study followed up and showed the mouthwash impact on the effects of exercise. The next step is to investigate in more detail the effect of exercise on the activity of oral bacteria and the composition of oral bacteria in individuals under high cardiovascular risk. Long-term, research in this area may improve our knowledge for treating hypertension – or high blood pressure – more efficiently."
The full study, entitled Post-exercise hypotension and skeletal muscle oxygenation is regulated by nitrate-reducing activity of oral bacteria is available to view now in the journal Free Radical Biology and Medicine (doi: 10.1016/j.freeradbiomed.2019.07.035). | <urn:uuid:77df99f4-3967-4c06-8426-3d47e7b3286e> | {
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Graphite and black ink on prepared card
Overall: 18 3/8 x 24 1/8 in. ( 46.7 x 61.3 cm )
Signed at lower left inside image in black ink: "Geo. Catlin"; inscribed at upper center outside image in black ink over graphite: "Pl. 165. / Ball Play. (Choctaw)"
Ethnography. Studies of Native Americans: Catlin reported that over three hundred men participated in this game played with LaCrosse-like rackets on a field with goal-posts at each end while women and children watch from the background; wrestling and fighting appears to be part of the game which lasted from sunrise to nearly sunset
The artist's collection; Francis Putnam Catlin, the artist's brother, serving as agent to George Henry Moore, acting on behalf of N-YHS
Due to ongoing research, information about this object is subject to change. | <urn:uuid:122ebf0b-c50b-4e63-803b-4bf599c9a7ce> | {
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In addition, the organization also includes the Bailiff Office that works, according to the law, linked to the Magistrates Court and the Center for Collection of unpaid fees and expenses. The latter is an administrative unit within the Directorate of Courts in charge of collecting fines and other debts as sentenced by the Courts of Law. The Courts of Law are deployed in some 50 regions, throughout Israel and are organized into six districts.
In addition to the Director of Courts, who is the president of a district court, the Directorate of Courts has a deputy director, who is a magistrate's court judge, and a senior assistant director for administration. The Courts' Directorate sees to the proper functioning of the court system. Its activities involve various areas, of which the most important are: systems and computerization; internal controls and auditing; planning, organization, and budgeting; personnel, supplies, maintenance, and construction; finance and accounting; training and library services; legal assistance to foreign countries; and public relations and security.
The judiciary acts as Israel's watchdog over the rule of law and individual rights, as do similar institutions in other countries. However, the absence of a complete written constitution, including a bill of rights, combined with regulations remaining from British Mandatory rule and the wide powers of the legislative branch, places the judiciary in Israel in a more important and delicate position.
The judicial system in Israel is divided into two main types: one, the general law courts which are known as civil or regular courts, and the other, tribunals and other authorities with judicial powers. The difference between the two types of institutions is, inter alia, in the extent of their jurisdiction: while jurisdiction of the law courts is general, the jurisdiction of the other tribunals is limited in terms of persons or matters or in both aspects.
THE GENERAL LAW COURTS
Israel is a unitary state with a single system of general law courts. The Basic Law: The Judiciary, establishes three levels of courts: the Supreme Court, district courts and magistrates' courts. The latter two are trial courts, while the Supreme Court is essentially an appellate court, which also operates as the High Court of Justice. There are no juries in Israel.
The Magistrates' Courts are the basic trial courts of the Israeli system. They have jurisdiction in criminal matters where the accused is charged with an offense that carries with it a potential punishment of up to seven years imprisonment. In civil matters, these courts have jurisdiction in matters up to a million shekels (approximately U.S. $300,000). These courts also have jurisdiction over the use and possession of real property. Magistrates' Courts also act as traffic courts, municipal courts, family courts and small claims courts.
Generally, a single judge presides in each case unless the President of the Magistrates' Court directs that the case be heard by a panel of three judges. There are 29 Magistrates' Courts in Israel. The jurisdiction of a magistrate's court is the locality in which it sits and the whole district in which it is situated.
District Courts are the middle level courts of the Israeli judiciary. They have jurisdiction in any matter that is not within the sole jurisdiction of another court. In criminal matters, District Courts hear cases where the accused faces more than seven years imprisonment. In civil cases, District Courts' jurisdiction extends to matters in which more than one million shekels (approximately U.S. $300,000) are in dispute. District Courts also hear cases dealing with companies and partnership, arbitration, prisoners' petitions, and appeals on tax matters. These courts hear appeals of judgements of the Magistrates' Courts.
Generally, a panel is composed of a single District Court judge. A panel of three judges is established when the court hears an appeal of a Magistrates' Court's judgement, when the accused is charged with an offense punishable by imprisonment of ten or more years, or when the President or Deputy President of the District Court so directs. There are five District Courts in Israel - in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Haifa, Beersheva, and Nazareth.
The Supreme Court
The Supreme Court has jurisdiction to hear criminal and civil appeals from judgements of the District Courts. Cases that begin in the District Court are appealable, as of right, to the Supreme Court. Other matters may be appealed only with the Supreme Court's permission. The Supreme Court has special jurisdiction to hear appeals in matters of Knesset elections, rulings of the Civil Service Commission, disciplinary rulings of the Israel Bar Association, administrative detentions, and prisoners' petitions appealed from the District Court.
The number of justices on the Court is fixed by Knesset resolution. By convention, the most senior justice is the President (Chief Justice) of the Court and the next senior justice is the Deputy President. The President of the Court is the head of the entire judicial system in Israel.
|CURRENT SUPREME COURT JUSTICES|
(updated May 2012)
- Justice Asher Dan Grunis - President
- Justice Salim Joubran
- Justice Edna Arbel
- Justice Esther Hayut
- Justice Elyakim Rubinstein
- Justice Isaac Amit
- Justice Noam Sohlberg
- Justice Uzi Vogelman
- Justice Miriam Naor
- Justice Hanan Melcer
- Justice Neal Hendel
- Justice Yoram Danziger
- Justice Zvi Zilbertal
- Justice Dana Cohen-Lekah - Registrar
- Guy Shani - Registrar
President Peres, PM Netanyahu, Justice Minister Neeman and Knesset Speaker Rivlin
with the justices of the Supreme Court (Photo: GPO)
The Supreme Court generally sits in panels of three justices. The President or the Deputy President of the Court is empowered to expand the size of the panel to any uneven number of justices. In addition, each panel has the power to decide to expand its size. The Court can also decide to initiate an "additional hearing" where a panel of five or more justices will re-hear a case decided by a smaller panel of the Supreme Court. A single justice may hear petitions for injunctions, temporary restraining orders, and other interim rulings, as well as for orders nisi; but a single justice may not refuse to grant an order nisi or make it contingent on only some of its assertions. A single justice may hear appeals against interim rulings of district courts or against the verdict of a single district court judge hearing an appeal from a case in a magistrate's court.
The President or Deputy President of the Supreme Court may instruct that the Supreme Court or a district court constituted for that purpose conduct a retrial of a criminal case in which a final verdict has been handed down, if:
- A court has ruled that some evidence introduced in the case is based on falsehood or forgery, and there are grounds for supposing that without said evidence the outcome of the trial would have been different, and to the advantage of the defendant.
- New facts or evidence has been uncovered which, on its own or in combination with the material originally presented to the court, is likely to change the outcome of the trial to the advantage of the defendant, and which, at the time of the trial, could not have been in the possession or knowledge of the defendant.
- Another individual has in the meanwhile been convicted of the same offense, and the circumstances revealed in the trial of that same other individual indicate that the individual originally convicted did not commit the offense. A petition for a new trial may be submitted by the defendant or by the Attorney-General.
High Court of Justice
The Supreme Court also sits as the High Court of Justice. This function is unique to the Israeli system because as the High Court of Justice, the Supreme Court acts as a court of first and last instance. The High Court of Justice exercises judicial review over the other branches of government, and has powers "in matters in which it considers it necessary to grant relief in the interests of justice and which are not within the jurisdiction of any other court or tribunal."
As a High Court of Justice, the Supreme Court hears over a thousand petitions each year. Often these cases are high-profile ones challenging acts of top government officials. Through its jurisdiction as a High Court of Justice, the Supreme Court upholds the rule of law and strengthens human rights.
The Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court of Justice, is empowered to order the release of persons wrongly detained or imprisoned; to instruct State and local authorities and their officers, and other bodies and individuals statutorily discharging public duties, to act or to refrain from acting in said discharge, and, if elected or appointed unlawfully, to refrain from acting; to give orders to courts, tribunals, and bodies and individuals with judicial or quasi-judicial powers - excluding courts to which the Basic Law: Judicature refers, as well as religious courts - to hear a certain matter or to refrain from judging or continuing to hear a certain matter, and to annul proceedings that had taken place or a decision unlawfully made; to order religious courts to hear a certain matter in their competence or to refrain from hearing or continuing to hear a matter outside it, on condition that the Court need not consider a petition in accordance with this section if the petitioner does not raise the issue of competence at the first available opportunity; but if the petitioner has not had a reasonable opportunity to appeal on the grounds of lack of competence before a decision has been rendered by a religious court, the civil court is empowered to nullify proceedings that have taken place or a ruling rendered by a religious court lacking competence in the matter.
TRIBUNALS WITH LIMITED JURISDICTION
The Israeli legal system recognizes various types of tribunals, the most important of which are the military courts, the labor courts, and the religious courts. These tribunals are distinguished from most other tribunals in terms of both their personal and material jurisdiction. Each tribunal is comprised of a judicial system with independent administration and its own appellate system which includes legally-trained judges.
The military courts were established by the Military Justice Law (1955). They are competent to try soldiers for military and civilian offenses. Since the law defines the term 'soldier' to include those in the regular forces of the army - either in compulsory or career service - as well as those in the reserve forces while on active service, the range of people subject to the jurisdiction of the military tribunals in Israel is relatively wide. Civil employees in army service and prisoners of war are also subject to this jurisdiction, with certain limitations. The system of military tribunals includes lower courts and a Military Court of Appeal. Trial courts are composed of two officer judges and a presiding judge who has legal training. The appellate court sits in panels of three, except in cases where the accused faces the death penalty or the President of the court or the Advocate General of the army requests an enlarged panel. In these cases, the court sits in panels of five. Under limited circumstances, judgements of the Military Courts may be appealed directly to the Supreme Court.
The Knesset established the Labor Courts in 1969, recognizing that labor law requires its own judicial system to facilitate consolidation of the accumulated experience, customs and rulings of the subject and to interpret existing and future labor laws. The Labor Courts consist of regional courts and the National Court. Regional Labor Courts are trial courts while the National Court hears appeals. It also sits as a trial court in actions between two workers' unions or two employers' organizations that "arise out of matters pertaining to labor relations" and in disputes between parties to a collective agreement concerning existence, application, interpretation, implementation, or infringement, or any other matter arising out of the agreement. Labor Courts have jurisdiction to try offenses arising under various legislation. Only decisions in these matters may be appealed directly to the Supreme Court. However, the High Court of Justice has jurisdiction to review any Labor Court decision, effectively converting the Supreme Court into a quasi-appellate court of the Labor Courts. Regional Courts sit in panels of three composed of a judge and two "public representatives" - one representative of employees and one of employers. The National Court sits in panels of three, five or seven depending on the matter. The bench is composed of professional judges and employee and employer representatives.
While military and Labor courts are not exclusive to the Israeli legal system, the Religious Courts are. The Israeli legal system is unique among modern legal systems in the utilization of various personal status laws in the area of family law, applied by religious courts. This phenomenon has historical and political roots: it existed under Ottoman rule and was retained by the British after they conquered the country.
The basic source for the application of the personal status law and the jurisdiction of the various religious courts is found in the Palestine Order in Council (1922). This order provides that "jurisdiction in matters of personal status shall be exercised... by the courts of the religious communities".
The order also grants jurisdiction to the District Courts in matters of personal status for foreigners who are non-Muslims, stating that they "shall apply the personal law of the parties concerned". Regarding foreigners, this was defined as "the law of his nationality". Case law determined that regarding non-foreigners, "the court ... have... to apply the religious or communal law of the parties".
The Palestine Order in Council recognized eleven religious communities: Jewish, Muslim, and nine Christian denominations. The Israeli government added the Presbyterian Evangelical Church and the Ba'hai to this list. The Knesset also enacted a law vesting jurisdiction in the Druze religious courts.
In Israel, as in many other Western legal systems, there is a growing trend to put specific legal issues in the hands of specific administrative tribunals which are designed to fulfill important quasi-judicial functions.
The older and more common kind of administrative tribunal is that designed to operate as an appeal tribunal of administrative agencies determining social benefits, tax liability, or compensation from injury. Among the many examples in this category is the tribunal which hears appeals on compensation for injuries resulting from military service and the tribunal which hears appeals concerning property tax liability.
More recently, the Knesset has established tribunals which have a much broader set of quasi-judicial functions. Thus, the Standard Form Contracts Tribunal considers actions brought regarding unfair terms in standard-form contracts, and the Restrictive Trade Practices Tribunal plays an important role in ruling on the entire range of uncompetitive practices.
Supervision by the Supreme Court of Special Tribunals
The Supreme Court supervises all the tribunals or courts outside the general law courts, guaranteeing that each of these special institutions is not completely separate from the regular judicial system. Supervision comes either by way of appeal or through petition to the High Court of Justice. The Basic Law: The Judiciary grants the Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court of Justice, jurisdiction "to order Law Courts, Tribunals and bodies and persons having judicial or quasi-judicial powers under law... to hear, refrain from hearing, or continue hearing a particular matter, or to void a proceeding improperly taken or a decision improperly given". The same section gives the High Court of Justice more limited authority in relation to religious courts.
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY
The success of the judicial system in Israel, with the Supreme Court at its head, in the enforcement of the rule of law and the defense of civil rights is, to a great extent, a result of the independence given to judges. Judges enjoy both substantive and personal independence. Substantive independence is set out in Basic Law: The Judiciary: "[a] person in whom judicial power is vested shall, in judicial matters, be subject to no authority but that of the law." It should be emphasized that the general language of this section applies to any person vested with judicial power, and not only to judges within the regular law courts.
In addition to substantive independence, judges have wide personal independence that begins with the procedure for their selection and continues during their term of office:
Judges are selected by the Judicial Selection Committee which is composed of nine members: the Minister of Justice (Chair), another cabinet minister, the President of the Supreme Court, two other justices of the Supreme Court, two Members of Knesset, and two representatives of the Israel Bar Association. All three branches of government - the executive, legislative and judiciary - and the legal profession are represented on the Committee. The majority of the members of the Committee are professional lawyers: the three Supreme Court Justices and the two representatives of the legal profession. A candidate may be proposed by the Chairman, the President of the Supreme Court or any three members of the Committee. A majority vote of the members of the Committee is required to appoint a candidate.
To be appointed a judge on the Magistrates' Court, a candidate must have been inscribed or entitled to be inscribed on the Roll of Members of the Israel Bar Association and have at least three years of professional legal experience either (a) as an attorney; (b) serving a legal function in the service of the state; or (c) teaching law. Appointees to the District Court must have at least four years experience as a Magistrates' Court judge or at least six years professional legal experience. Judges of the Supreme Court must have served at least five years on the District Court or have at least ten years professional experience or qualify as "an eminent jurist" (a special category used only once in the history of the Supreme Court). As a practical matter, judicial appointments are apolitical. Judges are selected based upon their professional legal qualifications. As there are no juries in Israel, the judge is the lone decision maker in the judicial process.
Judicial independence continues throughout the term of office. Judicial appointment is permanent and expires only with mandatory retirement at age 70, a higher age than that allowed in other public offices. Judges enjoy immunity similar to that of Members of Knesset. A judge cannot be removed from office except by a decision of the Court of Discipline, consisting of judges appointed by the President of the Supreme Court, or upon a decision of the Judicial Selection Committee at the proposal of the Minister of Justice or the President of the Supreme Court. The decision of the committee must be supported by seven of its nine members. Judicial salaries and pensions are determined by Knesset committee and no law whose intention is to lower judges' salaries may be passed. By law, justices of the Supreme Court receive the same remuneration as cabinet ministers and the President of the Supreme Court receives the same salary as the Prime Minister. | <urn:uuid:5515c844-a347-4844-9a94-424b61ce471a> | {
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From bottles and microwaves to phones and McNuggets, it seems everything is giving us cancer. While I refuse to run from my car when pumping gas or stop using my cell, there is one allegedly carcinogenic item that I fear: deodorant.
I used to be a fan of the clinical strength stuff; however I started getting a bit wary when I wouldn’t perspire for days on end. It just didn’t seem natural to have such incredibly dry pits. I started questioning if it was harmful that my deodorant was preventing my body from a natural process—sweating.
A popular email that circulated a few years back stated that antiperspirant causes cell-mutations and leads to cancer. The explanation behind the assertion was that because we aren’t perspiring (thanks to our antiperspirant), our body has no way to rid itself of toxins. Since the toxins have no where to go, they deposit themselves in the lymph nodes and build up, causing a higher likelihood for developing breast cancer.
Subsequent research has proved the link between breast cancer occurrences and antiperspirant to be highly debatable and not necessarily true. Still, many consumers have switched from standard brands to the all-natural, aluminum-free stuff (myself included).
What’s the Alleged Link?
Cuts, nicks, and raw skin created by shaving supposedly leave skin more vulnerable to the absorption of harmful substances—specifically aluminum. Aluminum, short for aluminum chloride, is one of the most common environmental elements and a key ingredient in antiperspirants. If we absorb even more aluminum than normal into our bodies through nicks or cuts, it gets added to the natural toxins that our body is unable to release and increases our odds of developing breast cancer. Underarms are full of white-blood-cell-rich lymph nodes that aid in the removal of cancer-causing agents (including aluminum). Antiperspirants block the skin’s ability to sweat. When you can’t sweat you can’t rid yourself harmful cancer-causing toxins. These toxins need to go somewhere and they end up attaching to the lymph nodes under your arms, which, logically speaking, could cause breast cancer. | <urn:uuid:4681cee4-a2d2-4215-b575-09430a9821f7> | {
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Lucy Ross, head of training at Pets Corner LTD, shares some tips to help owners take care of their furry friends.
Keep pets out of the cold weather
It is important that your dog is sheltered from the cold. Dogs that live outside will acclimatise during the colder months and build up a warm thick coat.
“Animals should not be brought inside for the night and put out again during the day as this may cause them to moult – causing them stress and making them vulnerable to the cold,” says Lucy.
Diet is key
Many people give their pets ‘human’ food as a treat, but these foods are too high in fat and can be toxic to animals.
Lucy says, "Cooked bones are often mistaken as a healthy treat to give cats and dogs. When given in their cooked state bones have a reduced moisture content and become brittle and can splinter harshly.”
She goes on to say that raw bones are safer to give your pets since they have a different molecular structure to cooked bones that allow flexibility. They also provide essential fats and vitamins that keep your pets healthy.
Treat intake should be balanced
Over 68 percent of pet owners in the UK don’t follow professional guidelines for portion sizes. An increase in weight can shorten your beloved pet’s life, and is very dangerous to their health.
"Small dogs have a much higher energy requirement due to their higher ratio of surface area to body weight and therefore require a high calorie content food. Feeding should be balanced with regular exercise, therefore adult pooches should have at least 30 minutes of exercise every day in order to maintain a healthy lifestyle,” Lucy advises. | <urn:uuid:1bcc71aa-7a36-44a1-9dfc-a0a7f54e1ee8> | {
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Subsets and Splits