text
stringlengths 198
630k
| id
stringlengths 47
47
| metadata
dict |
|---|---|---|
Nepal Odyssey: the Plight of a Remote Village
By S. Glass
Carol Williams went to the remote village of Koshidekha, Nepal, with two colleagues in April 2015. Her plan was to spend a month of concentrated time (six days a week) teaching English at the Shree Ram Secondary School and working with the teachers to model, coach, instruct, and guide teaching in a western, more exploratory style of education. Following the month of work, she hoped to spend three weeks trekking in the Himalayas.
“Nepal Odyssey: the Plight of a Remote Village”
Sat, Feb 20, 2pm
Sala de Usos Múltiples
Eight days after their arrivals, the country experienced an earthquake registering 7.8 on the Richter scale. With her village destroyed, schools closed, and no certainty that the after-shocks would end, Williams and her friends had to decide whether to stay put and help the local villagers, figure out a way to get home, or find a way to continue to teach the local school children who wanted so much to learn English. With the airport in Kathmandu closed and roads made impassable from landslides, each of these decisions was fraught with difficulties.
Williams left the States seeking an adventure, but little did she know just what challenges she would face. Nepal hadn’t had a major earthquake in eighty years, and no one knew what to do in the face of such adversity. Every home and building except for the school was destroyed, as the mud and fieldstone construction materials simply couldn’t withstand the shaking. As it turned out, it wouldn’t be the only earthquake Williams had to dodge. A second one registering 7.3 hit the area again on May 12.
Koshidekha is a rural village of nine hamlets in the Kavre district of Nepal. Some children walk as many as two hours to get to school each day. Although the village is only about 50 kilometers from Kathmandu, it’s an arduous trek by bus on dirt roads over which one cannot travel more than five miles per hour at the best of times. It takes two to three hours to get there. Subsistence farming along terraced hillsides rising up from the Koshi River at the bottom of the valley is the primary means of making a living, though most of the young men leave to earn a living abroad. In the distance, the great Himalayas make their presence known on the occasional day when the clouds and mists rise. It’s a picturesque scene that belies the devastation.
Williams came to Nepal under the auspices of two organizations: HealthCare Nepal (HCN) and the Nepal Children’s Aid Center of Kathmandu. Both groups help all children (with special support to girls) to attend and stay in school. For 17 years, HCN has organized healthcare clinics in Nepal, bringing health services to rural schools and communities. Together, the two groups organized several substantial food relief drops, as well as school texts, clothes, and supplies for all children whose homes were destroyed, working hand in hand with local leaders and villagers. | <urn:uuid:9c5984b9-f511-4deb-b78f-cbd524c84d2a> | {
"date": "2017-04-23T19:49:27",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917118743.41/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031158-00527-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9679975509643555,
"score": 2.53125,
"token_count": 662,
"url": "http://www.atencionsanmiguel.org/2016/02/19/nepal-odyssey-the-plight-of-a-remote-village/"
} |
With advancing lab technology perhaps calling into question a longstanding guideline that prohibits experimentation on human embryos older than 14 days, scientists and ethicists gathered at Harvard Law School recently to discuss whether and how that stricture should be revised.
Some speakers at the event, held at the School’s Austin Hall on Nov. 7, urged changes that get to heart of why 14 days was once considered appropriate rather than a simple prohibition. Lifting that limit would allow scientists to learn more about human development and improve guidance on the handling of newly developed cellular structures that mimic embryos.
“My view is the 14-day rule should be looked at as a public-policy tool and not as a strict moral distinction between right and wrong,” said Insoo Hyun, associate professor of bioethics and philosophy at Case Western Reserve University. “Is it time to get rid of such lines in the sand and rely solely on clear ethical principles?”
Other speakers, however, said it’s important to understand the political ramifications of any change, ramifications that — once the guideline was opened for discussion — could see it revised in a way that many scientists wouldn’t favor.
“I’m terrified to ask lawmakers to pass laws, I’m terrified of what we’d get,” said Stanford University Law School Professor Henry Greely. “Probably worse than what we have now.”
A driving force behind the debate has been research advances that have led to the creation of self-organizing embryo-like structures (SOELS) and synthetic human embryo-like entities (SHELEs), which resemble natural human embryos in some ways.
As work continues on these embryo-like structures, some scientists question whether they should be concerned about violating the 14-day rule. Further, they said, stem cell science has enabled them essentially to fast-forward through human development to create organ-like human tissues, making calendar-based guidelines less relevant.
Because of that, some suggested rooting out factors behind the guideline — such as the ability to feel pain or to think — and using those to create guidelines more appropriate to the scientific work being done today.
“We’re making more and more faithful, more and more elaborate neural structures for any part of the brain, skipping over the body parts that may make it seem like an embryo,” said Harvard Medical School’s (HMS) Robert Winthrop Professor of Genetics George Church. “But there’s essentially no limit to the technology, so we need to focus on ethics and humanity.”
The 14-day rule is a widely accepted research guideline in the United States and is enshrined in law in a number of countries around the world. Its roots go back decades. Speakers said it was seen as appropriate because it is the point after which an embryo will not twin, and so can be considered an individual. It is also before the development of a nervous system that could allow the embryo to feel pain or think.
“What are the first appearing features of the developing embryo that signify the emergence of an entity that we should protect from experimentation?” asked John Aach, lecturer on genetics at HMS.
The event, “The Ethics of Early Embryo Research and the Future of the 14 Day Rule,” was sponsored by Harvard’s Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics, the Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology, and Bioethics, the Harvard Stem Cell Institute, and Harvard’s Office of the Vice Provost for Research. It included a review of the guideline’s history, of recent progress in human developmental biology, and a panel discussion about the rule’s possible future. The event was also supported by the International Society for Stem Cell Research and HMS’ Center for Bioethics.
While Greely advised against changing the rule as it would relate to natural human embryos, he and Roger Pedersen, a professor at the University of Cambridge, were less concerned about newly developed embryo-like structures. Since they don’t have the capacity to develop on their own, Pederson said he’d create a “bright line” between them and natural human embryos with regard to the rule.
“Unless there’s a really good reason to wave the red flag in front of that bull, don’t do it,” Greely said. | <urn:uuid:6d911ee4-5a41-43d7-9b8c-e20e4bac6652> | {
"date": "2017-03-27T22:21:41",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218189534.68/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212949-00491-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9507563710212708,
"score": 2.5625,
"token_count": 924,
"url": "http://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2016/11/updating-embryo-research-guidelines/"
} |
|50x40px||This article does not cite any references or sources.
Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2009)
Fort Breendonk is a fortification built in 1906 as part of the second ring of defenses (the Réduit national) around the city of Antwerp (Belgium). Originally one in a chain of fortresses constructed to defend Belgium against a German attack, Breendonk was near the town of the same name, about 12 miles southwest of Antwerp. It was covered by a five meter thick layer of soil (for defense against bombings) and a water-filled moat, and measured 656 by 984 feet. The fort was used as a prison camp by the German occupiers during World War II. Nowadays, the site is a national memorial (Nationaal Gedenkteken Fort van Breendonk in Dutch), and can be visited.
World War I
The invasion began on August 4, 1914. Eager to reach Paris as soon as possible, the German army concentrated all its efforts towards the south, ignoring Antwerp.
Continued Belgian resistance from the north forced German command to attack Antwerp. On September 9, General Beseler was ordered to attack Antwerp. Siege artillery was sent north, having precipitated the fall of Namur and Maubeuge.
Fort Breendonk was first attacked on October 1, 1914 by howitzers located 5 to 6 kilometers out of range of the fort's own guns. The Germans breached Belgian lines in Lier. The German army could attack Antwerp avoiding Fort Breendonk. On October 9 Fort Breendonk surrendered, after the fall of Antwerp.
World War II
The German army invaded and occupied Belgium in 1940. Fort Breendonk was obsolete and was no answer to mechanized warfare. The fort was briefly the headquarters of the Belgian command during the first weeks following the invasion, but was abandoned in the face of German advances.
The Nazis transformed Fort Breendonk into a prison camp. On September 20, 1940, the first prisoners arrived. Initially prisoners were petty criminals, people deemed anti-social, or trespassers of the new race laws. Later on, resistance fighters, political prisoners and innocent hostages were detained as well. Another section was used as a transit camp for Jews being sent to death camps such as Auschwitz.
German as well as Flemish SS units guarded this camp. 185 prisoners were executed, and many others were transported to concentration camps. The execution poles and gallows are still there, as is a gruesome SS torture chamber. Contrary to popular belief there were never any gas chambers at Fort Breendonk.
Fewer than 4,000 prisoners in total were confined in Breendonk during its existence. Most of the non-Jewish prisoners were leftist members of the Belgian resistance or were held as hostages by the Germans. Several hundred people were murdered in the camp through torture, executions, and harsh conditions. In September 1941, the Belgian Communist prisoners were sent to the Neuengamme concentration camp.
Jewish prisoners in Breendonk were segregated from other prisoners until 1942. Thereafter, Jews were transferred to the Mechelen (Malines) transit camp in Belgium, or deported directly to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp in Nazi-occupied Poland. In total over 15 transports (mostly Jews) left the camp, almost no one survived.
Upon arrival at the camp, new inmates were brought to courtyard where they would have to stand facing to wall until they were processed into the camp. The were forbidden to move and any motion was severely punished. In the camp punishment consisted of beatings, torture in a specially designed chamber, hanging or execution by firing squad, either in the camp or nearby. The camp commander Lagerkommandant Phillip Schmitt was known to set his German Shepherd dog loose on the inmates. His wife was also known to wander the camp, ridiculing the inmates and ordering punishments at whim. Severe and arbitrary beating occurred daily. Once an inmate, a Jewish boy of less than 20 years of age, was unable to continue working. The Flemish SS guards threw him into the moat, he could not swim and they refused to let him out. He struggled for over 15 minutes before finally drowning.
Inmates were forced to watch any executions that took place. They were only allowed to use the toilet twice a day (a large circular vat in the middle of one of the courtyards), all together at the same time. They were only given five minutes to do their business. Any longer would mean punishment. But none of the inmates had a watch, so most left after only a minute or so in fear of surpassing their allotted time. This frequently caused bowel problems, cramps and diarrhea.
The prisoners were subjected to forced labour, which consisted of removing the thick layer of top soil that covered the fort. In the few years Fort Breendonk was used by the Nazis, the millions of cubic meters of soil covering the fort were removed by the prisoners by hand at a gruelling pace. The soil had to be moved to create a high circular earth wall around the fort to hide the camp from view. Prisoners only had hand tools to complete this enormous task and the soil had to be transported to the outer wall via hand carts on a narrow gauge railway system. The ground in the camp was often very soggy causing the rails to sink away in the mud. Prisoners were then expected to move the carts entirely by hand (filled with dirt they weighed over 1 ton each), pushing and dragging back and forth them over a distance of more than 300 meters. This regime was imposed for over 12 hours a day, seven days a week, even in the worst of weather conditions. Orders were given only in German, so inmate were be forced to learn the basic commands rather quickly or otherwise be punished for failure to obey orders. Prisoners were also forced to salute, march and stand to attention every time a guard passed.
Accommodation in the fort consisted of the old barracks. Built from thick stone, these were extremely cold and damp because there were no windows and only minimal ventilation. Each barrack room only had a small coal burning stove, and providing sufficient heating was nearly impossible. Rooms were originally designed for no more than 38 people, but frequently housed over 50 inmates sleeping in three-tier bunk beds on straw mattresses. The top bunks were highly priced real estate. Inmates only had a single small bucket per room for a toilet during the night, and many of the sick and weakened inmates simply allowed their waste to drop down to the lower levels. This caused much fighting in between inmates, which was probably what the guards wanted.
Jewish prisoners were segregated from other inmates and housed in specially constructed wooden barracks. These barracks were poorly insulated and over-crowded.
Other prisoners were housed in cells, either in small groups or individually. The aim was to isolate certain prisoners for later interrogation and torture.
Food was severely rationed for the prisoners and distributed in different quantities to the various types of inmates. Jews received the least food and water. Prisoners were served three meals a day. Breakfast consisted of two cups of a coffee substitute made of roasted acorns and 125 grams (4 oz.) of bread. Lunch was usually 1 bowl of soup (mostly just hot water). Supper was again 2 cups of a coffee substitute made of roasted acorns and 100 grams (3 oz.) of bread (sometimes with a spoon of marmalade or sugar). This was far from enough to sustain a human being, especially considering the intense cold or heat, harsh labour and physical punishments the prisoners were subjected to.
For this reason Fort Breendonk has been described as one of the worst camps in all of Europe. Conditions in the camp was so cruel and harsh that those who left alive were so weak that their chances of survival at the final destination were severely hampered, and often prisoners were so sick and weak that they were lead straight to the gas chambers or simply died within weeks of their arrival. The regime in the camp was at least as harsh as in an actual concentration camp. Fewer than 10% of the nearly 4,000 inmates survived the war.
Particular controversy surrounds the Flemish SS guards of the camp, who so openly and cruelly turned against their fellow countrymen in blind support of their Nazi paymasters.
Following liberation in September 1944 Fort Breendonk was briefly used as an internment camp for Belgian collaborators with the Nazi occupiers. This period of the Fort's existence is known as "Breendonk II". The internees were moved to Dossin Barracks, Mechelen, on 10 October 1944.
Trials of the Flemish SS guards, considered Nazi collaborators, were held during 1946 in Mechelen - including some guards and officials at Fort Breendonk. Of those who were convicted, 14 were sentenced to be executed by firing squad in 1947. 2 appealed their case and had their sentences revised to life imprisonment. 4 more people were sentenced to life in prison. 1 person to 20 years of prison. 1 person was acquitted. Two guards were sentenced to life but were never caught. By now, they have most likely died of old age. The Nazi camp commandant, Philipp Schmitt, was tried in Antwerp in 1949 and sentenced to death. He was shot on the 9th of August 1950. He never showed any remorse and denied all of the atrocities that occurred at Breendonk, claiming he was merely reeducating the inmates as ordered.
In 1947 Fort Breendonk was declared to be a national memorial, recognising the suffering and cruelty that had been inflicted on the prisoners during World War II. The fort is now a well-preserved example of the prison camps operated by Nazi Germany during WW II.
Fort Breendonk is open to visitors all year round. It is located close to the A12 Brussels-Antwerp road.
Pictures of working Nazi interment camps during the war are rare in itself, and for the longest time it was believed that absolutely no pictures of Breendonk during the war existed. But in the early 1970s a batch of photos of the camp was discovered in the possessions of Dutch photographer Otto Spronk. He had collected thousands of pictures and films of the Third Reich as part of his work for the SOMA, a Dutch organization that focused on preserving any material of wars. The collection consisted of 37 pictures depicting the daily order of events in the camp. Role call, eating, forced labor, and even the SS officers going about their business, relaxed and cheerful as the inmates toiled on. There's even a picture of the Nazi camp commandant, Philipp Schmitt playing with his infamous dog 'Lump'. They were taken by German Nazi photographer Otto Kropf. They were taken for propaganda purposes but never used. All pictures are essentially cliché stills, none of the daily atrocities or horrors of the camp are shown, of course. But they are the only reference material available. Several of the inmates on the pictures managed to survive the war and were able to identify the others on the pictures and the circumstances in which they were taken.
- Official Web Site
- Europebyphoto.com Pictures of the camp
- Panoramas of World War II Landmarks
- Google Satellite Image
- United States Holocaust Memorial Museum - Breendonk
| Fort van Breendonk]] | <urn:uuid:b1eed4ce-bca5-4e29-b149-fa15be51d17d> | {
"date": "2017-03-30T06:33:19",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218193284.93/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212953-00206-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9851151704788208,
"score": 3.78125,
"token_count": 2372,
"url": "http://castlelist.com/Fort_Breendonk"
} |
Peace in the Middle East
Reflections on Requisite Elements Not Currently Characterizing Any Extant Peace Initiative
There exists a near endless stream of efforts both past and present pursuing peace in the Middle East. Surely each has its place and value, and all to a greater or lesser extent have contributed to mitigate the horrors that have tortured the innocent and well-meaning families in the region.
Here are thoughts positing a distinct ground for the pursuit of Middle East Peace. These basic laws and principles are required for any organization or institution, which sets itself to the task. Absent these conflict will continue unabated.
There are two fronts for this signature, one grounded in the fact that all human phenomena have a spiritual dimension, the second is expressed philosophically.
The key to peace lies with God, and with righting the God-Human relationship. Additionally world affairs are reflected in and related to spiritual reality. The accomplishment of peace is a spiritual undertaking before it is political, social, and scientific. As such religious leaders and believers bear a foundational role and responsibility for this initiative.
The Philosophy of Peace
1. Peace is the establishment of a permanent condition of prosperity, joy, equality of opportunity, and respect for every person and every family in the region. It is predicated upon the complete extirpation of enmity and historical resentment. It is not a project of compromise, but a destiny for mutual embrace, common life, and social care and support for all.
2. Religious leaders and believers are responsible to repent of all past wrongdoing, sectarianism, conflict, aggression, and oppression. Likewise religious leaders and believers are responsible to forgive, embrace, support, and unite with people from other traditions who seek to improve and collaborate to build a future of right relationships and shared happiness.
3. Political and social leaders have a responsibility to collaborate with enlightened religious and spiritual leaders and believers who have reconciled, removed enmity, and achieved oneness through difficult and rigorous, spiritual practices.
4. All sides have problems for which they must repent, and change. Analysis, which has bias toward only one party, can never contribute to the ideal and establishment of enduring peace and happy life for all. The idea of reconciliation and the practice of divine and sacrificial love is greater than the demand for justice.
5. Violence can never result in peace, or liberation.
6. Harmony is achieved through reconciliation by spiritual practice, and only secondarily through the application of scientific analysis and expertise.
7. True peace is measured by the health of family life, and the extent to which social conditions are conducive to promoting the spiritual and material aspirations of all family members from all generations.
December 7, 2003 | <urn:uuid:3e35ffe6-4203-41c4-bf05-13dffc33a63a> | {
"date": "2017-04-25T04:48:22",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917120101.11/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031200-00528-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9462127089500427,
"score": 2.734375,
"token_count": 550,
"url": "http://merelight.blogspot.com/2003_12_07_archive.html"
} |
tl;dr Productivity did not change much in late antique Italy. Small decreases through disruptions occurred locally and repeatedly, but small increases in techniques and efficiency can also be observed. Lamentations about the decline – of agriculture in general – match the population contraction but not the productivity of the remaining farmers. Agri deserti dominate the sources, but newly developed land has to be calculated against those often marginal areas lost. Despite our name for the regions, 'Italy' is not uniform, and Northern Italy was affected much more and earlier than Southern Italy.
The relative productivity of a plot of land in the time of transition from late antiquity to the early medieval did not change drastically due to politics or social changes. That means that total output or gross domestic product are irrelevant for answering the question, and only become relevant when explaining an answer.
"Decline in agriculture" is not congruent with decreased productivity. Neither is "developing feudalism" a driver for innovation in this area or time. The people didn't change over night, the tools and techniques did not change over night, the crops and animals didn't change over night. While production shifted places and long distance trade decreased to a certain extent.
But as some places were deserted and others re-populated, the level of technology made the level of exploitation of the land almost equally well if the whole peninsula is taken into view.
The following quote represents common, and outdated knowledge, largely superseded, by studies like those that come below:
It is generally agreed that there was a decline in agriculture in the later Roman empire, but little attempt has been made to estimate how serious it was, and on its causes debate has been inconclusive, whether it was due to the general exhaustion of the soil, to shortage of agricultural manpower, or, as contemporaries believed, partly to barbarian invasions and depredations but predominantly to over-taxation.
A.H.M. Jones: "The Later Roman Empire 284–602. A Social Economic and Administrative Survey", Blackwell, Oxford, 1964.
We probably have a distorted picture of that area and time. The crisis of the Western Empire and its ultimate military downfall dominate the picture. If we look more at the base of societies, in this case agriculture, we see a much different thing emerge: the disappearance of the formal imperial bureaucracy was not that important as the history of big men and powerful warmongers suggests. Even some of the old senatorial families stayed at the top of society and organised their riches in parallel with new elites built from the officers of invading armies. The countryside was not completely ravaged, people were not just killed away nor were all connections broken down.
Life went on, agriculture continued, commerce went on, built on the foundations already established by the late Empire. The most visible and radical change was not the result of imperial defeat, but from a much more destructive force: the establishment of a monetarised system of payments. Gold and (land) speculation inherited from the time of the late Empire enabled a fierce stratification that led to a general boom in the East and South, but had a much more diversified effect in the somewhat more chaotic West, such as Spain and Italy.
We do not see constant and uninterrupted chaos, but constantly expanding commodification, monetarisation, profit-seeking, and resulting rivalries. Consequently, as estates expand and grow, others shrink or are abandoned, if they no longer make a profit. Subsistence economy retreats, wage labour evolves further.
Compared to the above factors, things like warfare, environmental problems like soil depletion or climate change are not unimportant factors, but much less so than commonly thought. The above might also look like bad bad capitalism, and in fact it is of course an important step into that general direction, but it is merely to emphasise that the outflow of for example Max Weber's dogma of late antique isolationism is a raster with to much space to fill in between.
…the resilience of the late antique rural areas is a fascinating and undeniable feature of large parts of the Mediterranean world, and one obvious implication of this boom is that the demographic pattern was more complex and differentiated than any sweeping notions of a generalized decline. It is now likely that for most of late antiquity population was on an upward climb, and that the dominant agrarian classes were able to draw on a “surplus” rural population, much as the English estates would do in the thirteenth century.
But this general trend needs qualifications, especially regarding Italy:
The ‘explosive’ growth of settlement in the rural hinterlands of the East Mediterranean9 was certainly not matched by any analogous process in either Italy or Spain. Some of the Italian evidence, for example, suggests a clear pattern of the restructuring of rural sites in the late antique period, with a reduction in site densities, accompanied, frequently, by the emergence of substantially larger establishments.
The Italian story is one of demographic contraction, though Wickham notes, ‘Every region, every city, had its own cycles of depression and revival, independent of the political and economic crisis of the western empire as a whole.’
A more prosperous countryside was not necessarily one with less inequality. Indeed, all the evidence suggests that the rural society of the sixth century was more, not less, differentiated than that, say, of the third. In some areas the peasantry was clearly deeply stratified, with a handful of well-to-do households, village leaders, distinguished from a conspicuously larger mass of landless tenants and labourers.
Commutation had a major impact on the rhythms of monetary expansion, suggesting that there were two important processes running hand in hand. As taxes were commuted to cash, the countryside was more deeply integrated into commercial exchanges. […]
This process was fairly advanced by the sixth century, and would have represented a major transformation of the economy. On the other hand, much of the pressure for commutation stemmed from powerful groups within the bureaucracy, for whom the payment of salaries in gold had the crucial advantage of yielding ‘liquid assets which could be used for all kinds of investment and especially speculation in land’. The papyri contain numerous examples of members of the military and bureaucratic hierarchies buying into the assets of existing land-controllers and themselves coming to control substantial amounts of land at various times in the later fourth and fifth centuries. In addition to which, of course, there was widespread and systematic bureaucratic profiteering, involving the kinds of speculation and rent-seeking that were repeatedly denounced in contemporary sources.
As large sums of gold were accumulated through these various mechanisms in a late Roman equivalent of ‘primitive accumulation’ that appeared to contemporaries as the unbridled dominance of public officials, a new aristocracy emerged out of the expanded governing class of the fourth century, no longer merely an ‘aristocracy of office’, though it was always that as well, but an economically powerful and socially dominant group of businesslike landowners who dominated their respective regions. Unlike the west, where a small élite of the old senatorial families was hemmed in by deepening fragmentation16 or displaced by the advance of a new local ‘landed aristocracy of military officers’,17 the eastern provinces knew no juxtaposition of this sort, and the emergent aristocracies of (mainly) the fifth century were both more recent than the ‘old’ senatorial families of the western empire, and more precocious than the landholding military officers of sixth-century Italy. Indeed, it is difficult to speak of a ‘crisis of the old ruling class’ in the case of the East Mediterranean, where the native municipal élites were simply no match for the powerful new elements who invaded the landholding structure and became the ruling class. In short, the late imperial state nurtured a new ruling class, much as the Stalinist regimes sought to do in parts of Europe in the twentieth century (but there unsuccessfully), and this process is particularly evident in the eastern provinces.
Source of quotes: Jairus Banaji: "Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity Gold, Labour, and Aristocratic Dominance", Oxford University Press: Oxford, New York, 2001.
Between 489 and 493 further warfare hit Italy, resulting in the Ostrogothic tribe becoming masters of the peninsula. Little hope, one would assume, for the wretched province of Italy. And yet the Ostrogothic takeover, far from seeing the peninsula slipping into barbarous ways, in fact marked a cultural pick-up, with king Theoderic’s strong and long rule stabilizing Italy’s position on the economic market, and with various marriage alliances to Germanic neighbours blocking the likelihood of military conflict. With towns back in business, a good degree of building activity is registered — notably in those frequented by the royal family, notably Verona, Pavia, and Ravenna — and it coincides with a major upturn in rural productivity (Wolfram 1988, 284–9; Lusuardi Siena 1984).
Our principal source for this period, covering c.495–535, is the lengthy but invaluable collection of letters by Theoderic’s chief minister, Cassiodorus Senator. His ancestral home was in southern Italy, and it is no surprise to find that a good deal of information on this previously much-neglected region suddenly emerges. Cassiodorus proudly highlights the excellent stocks of horse and cattle in the hills of Bruttium, the healthy supply of Lucanian pork to Rome, and the increasing popularity (thanks to his advertising campaign) of Bruttian wine (Variae, 8. 31, 33; 11. 39; 12. 12). His tourist board act suggests a happy revitalization of the town- country relationship, in southern Italy at least; for the Squillace district, besides a fine climate, he says that
residents in the city are not deprived of the fine sight of workers in the field. They look out to their satisfaction on abundant grape harvests; on the threshing-floors, productive work is in their view; the olives, too, display their greenery. No one lacks the pleasures of the countryside who can see all this from the city.
(Var. 12. 15)
His comments, in fact, seem to be borne out by villa excavations in the south, notably those at San Giovanni di Ruoti, where major economic prosperity is evident in the late fifth century, extending into the second quarter of the sixth (Small 1991). In Samnium the small villa located beneath the eighth-century monastery at San Vincenzo al Volturno also relates to this period (Hodges 1988)— though admittedly other Roman sites in Samnium, such as San Giacomo or Matrice, show no sign of partaking in this relative boom.
A good indication of rural health is witnessed by Cassiodorus’ documentation relating to renewed pressure on arable land. For example, a letter of c.510 records the patrician Decius wanting to drain part of the Pontine marshes at Decemnovium, nineteen miles north of Terracina, featuring a stretch of the Via Appia. Decius’ workmen have a hard task:
the marsh ravages...the neighbourhood like an enemy.... It is a notorious desolation of the age, which, through long neglect, has formed a kind of marshy sea, and, spreading by its waters a hostile deluge over cultivated land, has destroyed the kindly arable equally with shaggy woodland. Since it began to be exposed to the marshes, the soil has been robbed of its crops, and nourishes nothing useful beneath the water.
(Var. 2. 32; cf. 2. 21)
In discussing the late Roman empire one all too readily thinks of a rapid collapse that overwhelmed all and was perceived as such by all. But this was no modern-day Soviet Union or Yugoslavia with news networks allowing for the instantaneous transmission of events, ideas, and fears.
But towns continued to exist, politicians and clergy still wrangled, and armies still guarded frontiers. To feed them, of course, land needed to be farmed. The documentary sources, when explicit, tend to paint a bleak picture of the landscape— barren, cold, and lost to nature—but in land grants, land disputes, and church and monastery foundations enough scattered hints emerge of maintained activity in the countryside involving villages, farms, estates, and shepherds. What modern commentators tend to do is to underestimate the resilience of the peasant, or rather of country-based folk: their livelihood had always lain in the land, and it is wrong to assume an overriding readiness on their part to move up permanently to distant, often inhospitable heights.
Neil Christie: "Barren Fields? Landscapes and settlements in late Roman and post-Roman Italy", in: Graham Shipley & John Salmon (Eds): "Human Landscapes in Classical Antiquity. Environment and Culture", Routledge: London, New York, 1996. (online)
Continuity of commercial wine production in many regions of Italy and continuing trade in Italian wines both inside and outside Italy is clear up to the Lombard invasions. Technological continuity with the earlier Roman period is strong, with horizontal lever presses, using stone weights, remaining in common use. There is little evidence for technological innovation during this period.
In the Late Roman period, much of the evidence points to commercial production based on the great villas of aristocratic families. The transformation and abandonment of some villa sites in the 5th and 6th centuries, brought about by fundamental social and political change, must have caused some disruption to these centuries-old patterns of agricultural production and commerce. Yet, as Lancon notes, even tumultuous events like the Gothic and Vandal sieges of Rome in the 5th c. and the Byzantine wars of the 6th c., may not have seriously affected the traditional exploitation of the Italian countryside. The pattern of wine production hinted at in the pages of Symmachus is still visible in the writings of Cassiodorus, whose family’s vineyards in Bruttium, now part of a newly-formed monastic community, continued to produce wine on a commercial scale in the early 6th c. By the end of the 6th c., the organised trade in wine may have diminished, but Italian vineyards continued to produce wine for local markets using technologies little changed from the time of Pliny.
Jeremy Rossiter: "Wine-Making after Pliny: Viticulture and Farming Technology in Late Antique Italy" in: L. Lavan, E. Zanini, and A. Sarantis (edd.) Technology in Transition A.D. 300–650 (Late Antique Archaeology 4 – 2006) (Leiden 2007), pp. 93–118.
In reality, the tendency is evident to value and praise the productive systems of each territory (grain and wool for Apulia, pork for Lucania et Bruttii, wine for Bruttii), in an area that enjoyed a long period of relative tranquillity and security during the crisis of the 3rd century and also during the following century. One touches on an aspect of extreme importance that clearly distinguishes the southern regions from those of the center-north, which experienced, on the contrary, a destructuring of the economy and rural settlement already by the 2nd and 3rd centuries. This is an element that, associated with its fortuitous central position in the Mediterranean and its good connections on land and sea, constituted a strongly attractive factor for investment on the part of the rich Roman senatorial aristocracy and also local elites in the 4th and even more strongly in the 5th century, as demonstrated by the dense rural population in various areas of Southern Italy.
While elsewhere in Italy the process of destructuring inexorably rose during the 5th and the 6th century, the Southern Italian provinces were indeed the last enclave of the aristocratic property and the late roman economic development tied to agriculture, to sheep-rearing, to crafts and trade.
One of the first pieces of data offered by systematic archaeological survey projects concerns the quantitative evolution of rural settlement between the early and middle Imperial period and Late Antiquity. From this evidence it is difficult to distinguish specifically the 5th century from the general period of Late Antiquity, which encompasses also the 4th and the first half of the 6th century.
In the study of the late antique countryside in Italy, the generalized rarefaction of villas, and of rural settlement in general, has been confirmed for this period when compared to the first centuries of the empire. Tamara Lewit has estimated the median levels of abandonment in Italy at 67% already by the second half of the 4th century. However, the reduction of sites could be made up for by the expansion of rural structures, part of the general process of the concentration of property. Abandonment, then, favoured some villas, which became larger and more luxurious: this fact has been confirmed absolutely.
Giuliano Volpe & Maria Turchiano: "The last enclave. Rural settlement in the 5th Century in Southern Italy: the case of Apulia", 2007.
The study of faunal remains is contributing the most to our understanding of the role of animal husbandry in the late antique economy, and its change in the period of transition between Roman and Post Roman economies. In the West, the 5th and 6th c. seem to have brought about a shift away from specialised animal rearing, towards more mixed husbandry practices. Pollen studies have confirmed a similar trend toward mixed farming: cereal production receded in most marginal regions, where it was replaced by reforestation and a return to seasonal pastoralism. Rather than demographic decline, the regression of cereal production and a return to mixed farming were likely due to the demise of the imperial demand for agricultural goods, and the end of an integrated market that made it possible to profit from crop specialisation.
Andrea Zerbini: "The Late Antique Economy: Primary and Secondary Production", in: Luke Lavan: "Local Economies? Production and Exchange of Inland Regions in Late Antiquity", Brill: Leiden, Boston, 2013. | <urn:uuid:fc32bce3-a647-45ac-9f2c-0a89cd792531> | {
"date": "2019-09-16T06:26:22",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-39",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-39/segments/1568514572491.38/warc/CC-MAIN-20190916060046-20190916082046-00336.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9593923091888428,
"score": 3.140625,
"token_count": 3764,
"url": "https://history.stackexchange.com/questions/50086/how-did-agricultural-productivity-change-in-italy-with-the-fall-of-the-roman-emp?answertab=active"
} |
Worldwide, the incidence of induced abortion has remained steady in recent years after declining in the 1990s and early 2000s. The same is not true, however, for each individual country for which information on abortion trends is available: In many, the incidence of abortion has continued to decline, and in a few, it has risen.
Abortion levels and trends can also vary within countries, across subgroups of women.[3,9] Documentation of abortion incidence is unavailable in most countries with highly restrictive abortion laws, and quantitative information on the characteristics of women who have abortions in such countries—including their age, marital status and parity—is even more scarce. However, abortion data collection systems are in place in most countries with liberal abortion laws. The information obtained about women having abortions differs across these countries; age is perhaps the most commonly recorded characteristic.
Groups of women with disproportionately high abortion rates likely have an exceptionally difficult time avoiding unintended pregnancies or a greater motivation to terminate such pregnancies. In many societies, young unmarried women who are sexually active might have a particularly difficult time avoiding unintended pregnancies, because fear of the stigma attached to nonmarital sexual activity can inhibit them from obtaining contraceptive services and from using methods correctly and consistently. In addition, young women may find it difficult to negotiate contraceptive use with their partners. Unplanned births among adolescents and young adults can carry high opportunity costs—sometimes forcing them to curtail their schooling and, thus, adversely affecting their future employment prospects and sometimes compromising their ability to establish stable partnerships.[4,5] On the other hand, sexual activity is less prevalent among adolescents than among women in their 20s; in settings where sexual activity is low among adolescents, abortion rates might also be low.
Other factors that could influence the age patterns of abortion include age at marriage, desired fertility and fecundity. The average age at marriage has been increasing in many countries,[7,8] and the risk of unintended pregnancy and abortion among sexually active women in their 20s may also be increasing. Women who are reaching the end of their reproductive years, are sexually active and fecund, and have completed their desired family size are also at risk of unintended pregnancy and abortion.
The most recent prior assessments of abortion incidence across age-groups of women are for the mid-1990s and for 2003;[3,9] however, patterns in age-specific abortion levels in many countries may have changed since then. Thus, we sought the most recent available statistics on the level of legal abortion according to women’s age in all countries and major territories with liberal abortion laws, or where abortion laws are interpreted liberally so that legal abortion is generally available. We present the available information from such countries, as well as subregional and regional estimates of the age-pattern of abortion for geographic areas where the national data represent the majority of the population.*
For all countries and major territories with liberal abortion laws, we obtained statistics on the number of legal abortions by the woman’s age at the time of the abortion† for the most recent year available after 2003. We considered a country or territory to have liberal abortion laws if abortion there is legal without restriction as to reason or if it is legal on socioeconomic grounds, either with or without gestational limits. Nearly all, if not all, abortions performed in countries with liberal abortion laws are legal; exceptions include, for example, abortions performed after the legally allowed gestational limit. We also obtained information for countries whose laws allow for abortion to preserve the physical or mental health of the woman, if these laws are interpreted liberally, so that most abortions are deemed legal. To the best of our knowledge, 78 countries and territories fall into these categories.
Data collection on the age patterns of abortion occurred in conjunction with data collection on national abortion incidence, conducted in 2010. We started by searching Web sites of statistical offices or relevant agencies for official abortion data. If such data could not be found online, we contacted agencies directly and asked representatives to complete a standardized questionnaire on the incidence of legally induced abortions each year from 2003 to 2008 by selected characteristics of women, including age. If direct inquiries did not yield a response, we attempted to identify and solicit other informants with access to the information, primarily through Web searches and with the help of local contacts. In February and March of 2012, we followed up with country sources and obtained more recent data where available. In addition, the United Nations Statistics Division (UNSD) Demographic Yearbook periodically publishes national numbers of legal abortions performed, by women’s age and number of previous live births. If these numbers corresponded with the figures we obtained from direct contacts in 2008, and the Demographic Yearbook had statistics more recent than those we had obtained directly, we present the most recent abortion figures available from the UNSD.
We ascertained the coverage of official reports through inquiries to representatives of reporting agencies who provided data. If the completeness of reports was in question or unknown, we also sought assessments from experts, including demographers, statisticians, national and regional specialists in sexual and reproductive health, policy advisors and providers familiar with abortion reporting procedures in the country. On the basis of this information, we classified countries according to whether their abortion data were complete (defined as including at least 90% of all legal abortions), likely to be incomplete or of unknown completeness. In some countries, the completeness classification changed over time. We included countries with complete data for the most recent year available in the group of countries with complete statistics. If trend data are shown, we indicate if data completeness changed over time.
In addition, we present abortion estimates, if available, from nationally representative surveys of women in countries with liberal abortion laws. The surveys do not distinguish between legal procedures and illegal procedures. Survey-based estimates are generally considered to be incomplete, because the level of underreporting of abortion in surveys is often high, particularly for those based on face-to-face interviews. According to studies that have attempted to validate findings, underreporting ranges from 15% to 69% in countries with liberal abortion laws. For a few countries, both official statistics and survey-based estimates of abortions by age are available. Although neither source represents a gold standard, taken together, they can provide a better understanding of the association between abortion incidence and age.
To calculate age-specific abortion rates for each country on the basis of reported numbers of abortions, we obtained estimates of the population of women aged 15–44 by five-year age-group from the UNSD Demographic Yearbook, which compiles information from countries’ official statistical authorities. We interpolated where necessary to obtain population estimates for the year corresponding to the abortion statistics. The calculation of age-specific rates assumes that the UN estimates of population by age-group are accurate.
In our calculations of percentage distributions of abortion, we had sources of abortion information for 45 countries: We used complete official records for 23 countries, incomplete official records for 18, survey-based estimates for two, and incomplete records and survey estimates for two. In our calculations of abortion rate, we had sources of abortion information for 43 countries: We used complete official records for 21 countries, incomplete official records for 18, survey-based estimates for one, and incomplete records and survey-based estimates for three.
To examine abortion trends over time, we relied primarily on previously published information on abortions by age.[3.9,15] If published statistics for the earlier time periods were not available, we turned to the official reports from relevant agencies and data that had been collected previously in questionnaires administered to reporting agencies, as described above. In some cases, the total number of abortions reported by the UNSD matched the total provided by government sources for earlier time periods, and the UNSD was the only source of detail on abortions according to the woman’s age; in these cases, data from the UNSD on the number of abortions by woman’s age are presented.
We calculated the age-specific abortion rate for each age-group as (abortions in age-group/female population in age-group) x 1,000. We used the age-specific rates to compute the total abortion rate (TAR), or the number of abortions a woman would be expected to have over a lifetime at current age-specific rates, as Σ(ASAR x 5)/1,000, where the ASARs are age-specific abortion rates in five-year age-groups for females aged 15–44.
We examined two measures of how abortion incidence varies by women’s age: the percentage distribution of abortions and the abortion rate. Incomplete reporting affects these two measures differently. The percentage distribution of abortions can be reasonably accurate even in settings where abortions are underreported, as long as the level of underreporting does not vary by age. In contrast, high levels of underreporting will compromise the accuracy of age- specific abortion rates. As long as the level of underreporting is similar across age-groups, however, the age-specific abortion rates are useful because they allow us to compare rates across groups of women.
When we identified exceptionally high age-specific rates, we included those based on incomplete statistics and surveys. When we identified exceptionally low rates, we excluded those based on these sources of information because underreporting can lead to the erroneous impression that rates are low.
Some variation in the quality of reporting by age-group could exist if, for example, younger women are more likely to seek out clandestine services, or older women are better able to afford services from private providers in countries where private providers are not required to report procedures. We assume that most of these potential influences on reporting by age cancel each other out and that any remaining differentials in reporting by age are small.
When abortions were reported but the woman’s age was not specified, we assumed the distribution across age-groups was the same as among cases where age was reported. The countries with the largest numbers of such cases were Canada and the Russian Federation (10% and 5% of all abortions, respectively). For some countries, very small numbers of abortions among females younger than 15 or older than 44 were reported; these were classified with abortions among females 15–19 and 40–44, respectively.
The median year for the most recent estimates of abortions by women’s age is 2009 and ranges from 2006 to 2010. For countries with complete reporting across time periods, we assessed trends in the age distribution of abortions and age-specific abortion rates by comparing the most recent figures with measures for 1996 (or the closest year with reliable information) and 2003 (or the closest year). We selected these time periods because the completeness and quality of the corresponding abortion statistics have already been assessed and reviewed, and because many of these statistics have already been published.[3,9,15]
For subregions with information on the distribution of legal abortions by women’s age for more than 50% of the population of females aged 15–44, the age distribution of abortions was estimated as the weighted average of the distributions in the countries for which information was available, with the populations of females aged 15–44 in the countries in 2009 serving as weights. For two major regions, North America and Europe, data on distributions of abortions by age were available for 100% and 81% of the populations, respectively. We computed the distribution of abortions by age in North America as the weighted average of the distributions in United States and Canada. The proportion of abortions by age in Europe was estimated as the weighted average of the subregional proportions, and the size of the female population in the subregions served as the weights.
Distribution of Abortion by Age
Of the 45 countries with information on the distribution of abortions by age, 40 classified women in five-year age-groups at least through age 34 in the most recent year for which data were available.‡ For 18 of these, the greatest proportion of abortions that year occurred among women aged 20–24 (21–34%; Table 1, pages 144–145); for another 13, the greatest proportion was among women aged 25–29 (22–34%); and for six, the greatest proportion was among women aged 30–34 (22–26%). In Hong Kong and Latvia, equal proportions of abortions occurred in the 20–24 and 25–29 age-groups (21% each and 23% each, respectively); in Romania, an equal proportion of abortions occurred in the 20–24, 25–29 and 30–34 age-groups (22% each). The proportion was generally lowest among women at either end of the reproductive spectrum (those younger than 20 and those 35 or older). For all 10 countries with information on abortions to females aged 15–17 and 18–19 in the most recent year, the greater proportion is accounted for by the 18–19 age-group, even though it consists of two years of youth and the 15–17 age-group consists of three.
Adolescents, defined here as 15–19-year-olds, accounted for a disproportionate share of abortions in relation to their share of the population in 11 countries. In Cuba and Scotland, adolescents made up 15% of each country’s population of females aged 15–44 (not shown), but accounted for 29% and 24% of all abortions, respectively.§ Adolescents represent a disproportionate share of abortion in relation to their share of the population in nine other countries, but by margins smaller than five percentage points. In contrast, in 34 of the 45 countries with relevant information, adolescents accounted for a smaller share of all abortions than their share of the population would predict. In 20 of those countries, their share of abortions was at least five percentage points less than their share of the female population aged 15–44.
In 20 countries, fewer than 10% of abortions occurred among women younger than 20 (Figure 1). The proportion of abortions obtained by women in this age-group was lowest in Albania, Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Serbia and Ukraine‡ (2–6%), and highest in Cuba, England and Wales, New Zealand and Scotland (20–29%).
The proportion of abortions obtained by adolescent women did not change appreciably between 1996 and 2009 in most of the 30 countries with data for both time periods (not shown).** The biggest exceptions were Iceland—where this proportion fell by nearly half—and Kyrgyzstan and Romania—where the proportion more than doubled. The proportion rose by a smaller but still notable degree (11–36%) in many northern European countries (including Denmark, Finland, Norway, Scotland and Sweden) as well as Croatia.
In many countries, the proportion of abortions obtained by adolescents rose between the mid-1990s and the early 2000s, and then declined. Although the differences over time were small in some cases, the pattern is nevertheless apparent in some northern European countries (most appreciably Estonia, Finland, Iceland and the Netherlands), as well as in Japan and Russia. In the eight countries for which we have data only for 2003 and 2009, this proportion was virtually unchanged between the two periods.
At the regional level, adolescent females accounted for a larger proportion of all abortions in North America than in Europe (18% vs. 11%; Table 2 and Figure 2, page 147). Adolescents accounted for a larger proportion of abortions in the Northern European subregion (18%) than in the other European subregions (8–13%) or in Eastern Asia excluding China (9%). Women aged 20–29 accounted for 57% of all abortions in North America and 47% in Europe; this group accounted for 42–49% of abortions in the subregions represented by the data. The proportion of abortions obtained by females aged 30–39 was larger in Europe than in North America (35% vs. 25%); at the subregional level, this proportion was greatest in Eastern and Southern Europe (37% and 40%, respectively), and Eastern Asia excluding China (38%). Data were available for only one country in Oceania: New Zealand. Using these data as a proxy for the region, however, we find that adolescent females accounted for a large share of all abortions (21%—Table 1), and women aged 30–39 accounted for a small share of all abortions (23%), compared with the patterns in the other subregions presented here.
Generally, country abortion rates show an inverted u-shaped pattern by women’s age (Table 3, page 148). In 23 of the 41 countries with relevant data, the highest age-specific abortion rate was among 20–24-year-olds, and in 10 countries, the highest rate was among 25–29-year-olds. The rate among women aged 30–34 was slightly higher than those among women aged 20–24 and 25–29 in seven countries (all former Soviet bloc countries, except Portugal). In just one country, Cuba, the highest age-specific abortion rate was among adolescents.
The highest recent adolescent abortion rates were observed in England and Wales, New Zealand, Sweden, Scotland and the United States (20–22 per 1,000 women; Figure 3). The lowest adolescent abortion rates among countries with complete reporting were in Germany, Slovakia, Slovenia, Italy, the Netherlands and Portugal (6–7).
The adolescent abortion rate increased by at least 10% in seven countries between the mid-1990s and the late 2000s, and decreased by at least that amount in eight countries (Table 3). Generally, the declines were sharper than the increases. The sharpest overall increases occurred in Belgium, the Netherlands and Scotland (22–42%; not shown),** and the steepest declines took place in Estonia, Hungary, Iceland, Slovakia and Slovenia (40–55%). In Finland, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Sweden, the adolescent abortion rate rose between the mid-1990s and early 2000s, and then declined.
In many countries, low and high adolescent abortion rates reflect low and high overall levels of abortion. Exceptions include Cuba, Scotland, and England and Wales, where adolescent rates were higher than overall abortion rates, and Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, where adolescent rates were quite low relative to overall rates. Similarly, trends in adolescent abortion rates often reflect trends in overall abortion rates; however, declines in the adolescent abortion rate in Iceland and Norway occurred despite relatively steady or increasing TARs.
Total Abortion Rates
The TAR was highest in Azerbaijan, where at current rates, the average woman would experience 2.3 abortions in her lifetime, even on the basis of survey data that likely underestimate abortion levels (Table 3). The Russian Federation and Cuba each had a high TAR as well (1.1 each). Although abortion rates have fallen dramatically in many countries of the former Soviet bloc in the past two decades, overall rates are still high in many of them. Among countries with complete reporting, the TAR was lowest in Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Portugal (0.2–0.3). The TAR fell by at least 10% in seven countries between the mid-1990s and the late 2000s, and it increased by at least 10% in six countries. The largest increases were in Belgium and the Netherlands, and the biggest declines were in Estonia, Italy, Slovakia and Slovenia.
This assessment provides the most recent estimates of the age patterns of abortion incidence in countries with liberal abortion laws, and the first known estimates of the average age distribution of legal abortions to women in subregions and regions where liberal or liberally interpreted laws prevail. We found that adolescents account for a larger proportion of all abortions in North America than in Europe, although adolescents’ share of all abortions in Northern Europe is similar to their share in North America. In addition, adolescents account for a smaller share of abortions than their population size would predict in the majority of countries with liberal abortion laws and relevant data. Both age-specific abortion rates and the share of all abortions by age-group are generally highest in the mid-range of women’s reproductive years.
This assessment was limited to the distribution of legal abortions, but nearly all abortions in North America and Europe are legal; thus the findings likely represent the overall patterns of abortion incidence in these regions. The majority of abortions are unsafe in the three major developing world regions—Africa, Asia and Latin America—and the estimated age distributions of unsafe abortions for those regions have been published elsewhere. Taken together, the findings suggest that the proportion of abortions among 15–19-year-olds is higher in Africa (22%) than in any other major world region.§§ The proportion of abortions among women in their 20s is highest in North America (57%), followed closely by Latin America (53%). The share of abortions obtained by women in their 30s is highest in Europe (37%).
The distribution of abortions by age likely reflects a combination of the distribution of the general population across age groups and the age patterns of unmet need for contraception. Unmet need is driven, in turn, by levels of sexual activity, childbearing aspirations, contraceptive use and fecundity. Although surveys and statistics on these factors in developed countries—which comprise the preponderance of countries with liberal laws—are limited, the implications of the findings with respect to these factors are discussed below.
A smaller proportion of adolescents than of women aged 20–34 are likely to be sexually active, and among the sexually initiated, adolescents are more likely than older women to have intercourse only sporadically.[16,17] In the United States and likely elsewhere as well, both sexual initiation and activity are more prevalent among 18–19-year-olds than among 15–17-year-olds,[17,18] and this probably contributes to the higher abortion rate in the former age-group. Lower levels of sexual activity probably explain the relatively low incidence of abortion among adolescents in many countries. Research on abortion incidence limited to sexually active adolescents would help reveal whether this group has an exceptionally high risk of unintended pregnancy and abortion.
The prevalence of modern contraceptive use and the use of specific methods also vary across age-groups.[19–21] Where documentation of the age patterns of contraceptive use is available, condom use is most prevalent among younger women, whereas the use of long-acting and permanent methods increases with age. Hormonal methods, such as the pill, tend to be more commonly used by women in their 20s than by teenagers or by older women. Many unintended pregnancies occur among women practicing contraception—as a result of method failure, inconsistent or improper use, or short gaps in use.[22,23] The use of methods that are more prone to these outcomes, such as the condom and oral contraceptives, can explain some of the abortions obtained by women younger than 30.
Nonuse of contraceptives leads to many—often the majority—of abortions, at least in the developing world. Compared with older women, young women seem to be more susceptible to pressure from peers to have sex without contraception, and more willing to engage in unprotected intercourse. Younger women also experience higher contraceptive failure and discontinuation rates than adult women. In addition, qualitative research suggests that young women have a more difficult time negotiating the use of user-dependent methods, particularly in unplanned sexual encounters, and that some are poorly informed about their risk of pregnancy.[22,27] So, even if adolescents are less sexually active than women in the middle of their reproductive years, barriers to contraceptive use can increase sexually active adolescents’ risk of pregnancy.
However, barriers to contraceptive use are experienced by women of all age-groups and regions. Common reasons given by women who want to avoid pregnancy for their nonuse of contraceptives include misperceptions about pregnancy risk, concern about side effects, unplanned intercourse and difficulty negotiating the use of male- dependent methods.[23,28,29]
Prevailing childbearing aspirations evolve with age. Abortions among young women often reflect the desire to delay the start of childbearing, whereas among older women, they more likely reflect the desire to space or stop childbearing. The relatively high and rising abortion rates among 20–29-year-old women in many Northern and Western European countries (including Belgium, Denmark, England and Wales, Iceland, the Netherlands, Scotland and Sweden) likely in part mirror growing tendencies to postpone marriage and childbearing. The high abortion rates among women aged 30 or older (and large shares of abortions to women in this age-group) in many parts of Southern and Eastern Europe coincide with family formation patterns in which women desire small families, want to complete childbearing in their 20s, and in some countries, tend not to use highly effective contraceptive methods. Female fecundity declines with age after the early 20s,[30,31] which surely contributes in some degree to the lower abortion rates among older women in most countries.
The higher adolescent abortion rate in North America than in Europe is most likely primarily due to differences in contraceptive use: European teenagers have levels of sexual activity similar to those of their U.S. peers, but are more likely to use contraceptives and to favor the most effective methods.[32,33] Contraception also appears to explain the decline in adolescent abortion rates in the United States in recent decades; this decline coincided with an increase in contraceptive use among adolescents, while the proportion of females aged 15–19 who were sexually experienced or engaging in sexual activity changed very little over those years (although some decline in sexual activity was observed among 15–17-year-olds).
Abortion rates often mirror rates of unintended pregnancy. Although abortion rates are not exceptionally high among adolescents in most countries reviewed here, the high opportunity costs associated with unintended pregnancies that lead to unplanned births among adolescents—and the fact that the adolescents of today are the adults of tomorrow—signal a need for improved access to sex education for young adults, as well as all sexually active adults. Education programs should include information about pregnancy risk, method choices and proper method use; counseling about negotiating contraceptive use in sexual relationships; and access to a range of methods. The incidence of unintended pregnancy among contraceptive users could also be reduced with more effective counseling about proper and consistent use, development and provision of more effective and easier-to-use methods, and the availability of a range of methods, so that women could alternate between methods or use dual methods, if desired. Still, some unintended pregnancies will inevitably occur for a range of reasons, including contraceptive failure.
The findings presented here demonstrate that, just as induced abortions occur in all societies, they also occur across the span of women’s reproductive years. Thus, although our results show that women in certain age-groups are more likely than others to have abortions, and are probably in greater need of contraceptive information, contraceptive services and safe abortion care, they demonstrate the universality of abortion and of the need for such services. Nevertheless, investments in programs that help meet women’s and couples’ needs for contraceptive information and services would help lower the incidence of both unintended pregnancy and abortion. | <urn:uuid:c87ba5bf-5469-4487-b7d2-fbe658201ec4> | {
"date": "2016-08-30T15:05:38",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-36",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-36/segments/1471982984973.91/warc/CC-MAIN-20160823200944-00236-ip-10-153-172-175.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9581915140151978,
"score": 2.765625,
"token_count": 5503,
"url": "https://www.guttmacher.org/about/journals/ipsrh/2012/legal-abortion-levels-and-trends-womans-age-termination"
} |
A group of "professional couch potatoes," as one researcher described them, has proven that even moderate exercise in this case walking at one's own pace for 40 minutes three times a week can enhance the connectivity of important brain circuits and combat declines in brain function associated with aging and increase performance on cognitive tasks.
The study followed 65 adults, aged 59 to 80, who joined a walking group or stretching and toning group for a year. All of the participants were sedentary before the study, reporting they had exercised no more than two times in the previous six months. The researchers also measured brain activity in 32 younger (18- to 35-year-old) adults.
Rather than focusing on specific brain structures, the study looked at activity in brain regions that function together as networks.
"Almost nothing in the brain gets done by one area it's more of a circuit," study researcher Art Kramer, psychology professor at the University of Illinois, said in a statement. "These networks can become more or less connected. In general, as we get older, they become less connected, so we were interested in the effects of fitness on connectivity of brain networks that show the most dysfunction with age."
Neuroscientists have identified several distinct brain circuits. Perhaps the most intriguing is the default mode network (DMN), which dominates brain activity when a person is least engaged with the outside world either passively observing something or simply daydreaming.
Previous studies found that a loss of coordination in the DMN is a common symptom of aging and in extreme cases can be a marker of disease, study researcher Michelle Voss said.
People with Alzheimer's disease tend to have less activity in this network and they tend to have less connectivity, Voss said. Low connectivity means that the different parts of the circuit are not operating in sync. Like poorly trained athletes on a rowing team, the brain regions that make up the circuit lack coordination and so do not function at optimal efficiency or speed.
In a healthy, young brain, activity in the DMN quickly diminishes when a person engages in an activity that requires focus on the external environment. Older people, people with Alzheimer's disease and those who are schizophrenic have more difficulty "down-regulating" the DMN so that other brain networks can come to the fore, Kramer said.
A recent study by Kramer, Voss and their colleagues found that older adults who are more fit tend to have better connectivity in specific regions of the DMN than their sedentary peers. Those with more connectivity in the DMN also tend to be better at planning, prioritizing, strategizing and multi-tasking.
The new study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to determine whether aerobic activity increased connectivity in the DMN or other brain networks. The researchers measured participants' brain connectivity and performance on cognitive tasks at the beginning of the study, at six months and after a year of either walking or toning and stretching.
At the end of the year, DMN connectivity was significantly improved in the brains of the older walkers, but not in the stretching and toning group, the researchers report.
The walkers also had increased connectivity in parts of another brain circuit which aids in the performance of complex tasks, and they did significantly better on cognitive tests than their toning and stretching peers.
Previous studies have found that aerobic exercise can enhance the function of specific brain structures, Kramer said. This study shows that even moderate aerobic exercise also improves the coordination of important brain networks.
"The higher the connectivity, the better the performance on some of these cognitive tasks, especially the ones we call executive control tasks things like planning, scheduling, dealing with ambiguity, working memory and multitasking," Kramer said. These are the very skills that tend to decline with aging, he said.
This study was supported by the National Institute on Aging at the National Institutes of Health. | <urn:uuid:c33b52c8-2a2a-4be8-b103-e893ab772a73> | {
"date": "2014-04-24T03:27:18",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-15",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-15/segments/1398223205137.4/warc/CC-MAIN-20140423032005-00499-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9581055045127869,
"score": 2.6875,
"token_count": 789,
"url": "http://www.livescience.com/34850-walking-boosts-brain-function-study-shows.html"
} |
About the Speech Communication and Rhetoric Major
Speech is the oldest academic discipline, first taught in the schools of Ancient Greece from about 450 BC. Eras later, speech communication remains a valuable craft because of its practical use and role with interpersonal relationships. Speech communication and rhetoric encompasses the study of human communication and its many forms. While the term "speech" is likely familiar to most, "rhetoric" refers to the study of discourse and its role in shaping public perceptions. Majors learn to use critical thinking, speaking, and writing skills to engage people and effectively craft messages.
The speech communication and rhetoric curriculum consists of a combination of conceptual and practical skills courses. Students study speech communication theory, learn the characteristics of history's greatest speeches, and practice their presentation skills. Main areas of focus include interpersonal communication, organization communication, small group communication, and rhetoric. Emphasis is also placed on listening skills. Politics, historical and contemporary rhetoric, popular culture, and social movements are among the many topics students analyze.
Students of speech communication and rhetoric programs graduate with the ability to communicate clearly and persuasively, opening the doors to a diverse range of professions. These programs provide students excellent preparation for law school, but also lead many to careers in politics, business, education, public relations, journalism, television, or public affairs and advocacy. | <urn:uuid:50dc36ec-bcb4-46b4-bf1f-1f0c1503eb5a> | {
"date": "2016-07-30T05:52:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-30/segments/1469257832939.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20160723071032-00288-ip-10-185-27-174.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.948667049407959,
"score": 3.171875,
"token_count": 272,
"url": "https://www.cappex.com/colleges/majors/Speech-Communication-and-Rhetoric-203"
} |
The numbers are, quite frankly, staggering: More than 60 percent of American adults are now overweight; of these, nearly half can be classified as obese. Almost one in two Americans will die of heart disease, making it the nation's number-one killer. In fact, 300,000 deaths annually can be attributed to the double-whammy of physical inactivity and being overweight. To most health experts, it's nothing less than an epidemic, and some have even coined a new phrase to describe it: Sedentary Death Syndrome.
Of course, it's easy to spout numbers and facts and clever terms. As almost anyone will tell you, it's much, much harder to do something about it (which yields yet another number: the $32 billion Americans spend annually on diet products).
The constant bombardment of conflicting advice and fad diets can confuse even the most studied eaters. And now, even the Food Pyramid we all held as gospel is under fire. According to many experts, there should be an immediate and wholesale revision of the diagram that has stood for decades as the paradigm of healthy eating. "The Pyramid has several fundamental flaws," says Dr. Walter Willett, chair of the Department of Nutrition at the Harvard School of Public Health and author of Eat, Drink, and Be Healthy: The Harvard Medical School Guide to Healthy Eating. "The central advice is that all fat is bad and large amounts of starch are good. In fact, we have known for 40 years that some types of fat, like the polyunsaturated fat found in nuts and soy and fish, are essential and can actually reduce cholesterol and the risk of heart disease. And the Pyramid fails to distinguish clearly between carbohydrate sources, leading many people to eat large amounts of unhealthy carbs. And they've paid the price." | <urn:uuid:e112182f-c05b-46da-b69e-3b12b48e019b> | {
"date": "2014-08-29T18:08:21",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-35",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-35/segments/1408500832738.80/warc/CC-MAIN-20140820021352-00366-ip-10-180-136-8.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9692073464393616,
"score": 2.78125,
"token_count": 362,
"url": "http://hub.aa.com/en/aw/heart-disease-food-pyramid-usda-food-guide-pyramid-the-harvard-medical-school-guide"
} |
Gabrielle Bonheur "Coco" Chanel
(19 August 1883 – 10 January 1971)
was a pioneering French fashion designer whose modernist philosophy, menswear-inspired fashions, and pursuit of expensive simplicity made her an important figure in 20th-century fashion. She was the founder of the famous fashion brand Chanel . Her extraordinary influence on fashion was such that she was the only person in the field to be named on Time 100: The Most Important People of the Century.
The Roaring Twenties were all about becoming "someone" - separating yourself from the old and "making life new" . Chanel set the stage for modern fashion by creating a signature style, a brand awar eness, and a social buzz around herself like no one had ever done before.
Chanel saw the needs and desires of women and designed her fashion around what women wanted. Women wanted freedom from the constraints fashion had placed upon them, women want beauty without shackles.
Chanel redesigned the young woman's role within society. making them more beautiful while, at the same time, separating them from the hoards of traditional "nobodies".
Her elegant and versatile fashions were made from durable fabrics usually reserved for men's work clothes. Chanel stripped fashion of excess material, frilly lace, and the constraints of the past.
Rather than using more fabric, Chanel used beads and embroidery to decorate her clothes.
Chanel's "illusion jewelry": beautiful gemsto ne necklaces and other accessories fleshed out h er "simple modern" look.
The flapper look shaped the face of fashion in the 1920's and will forever be linked primarily the Coco Chanel.
"How many cares one loses when one decides not to be something, but to become someone."
--Gabrielle "Coco" Chanel
The House of Chanel would go on to not only redefine women's fashions, they also put out one of the most popular fragrances: Chanel No. 5.
Coco Chanel's fashion design company lives on today under the watchful eyes of style legend Karl Lagerfeld.
Chanel Designs on the
Designs From 1928 Catalog
Chanel remains one of the bastions of women's fashion making great eyewear, perfumes, handbags, and of course haute couture.
|| The House of Chanel, more commonly known as Chanel, is a Parisian fashion house in France founded by Gabrielle Bonheur "Coco" Chanel. Chanel is famous for its line of perfumes, clothing and fashion accessories. |
The Chanel logo is an overlapping double 'C' -one facing forward and the other facing backward. Originally it was not a logo that Coco Chanel came up with. The logo was given to her by the Chateau de Cremat in Nice. | <urn:uuid:fa09195d-24dc-42b5-ac89-5b07c7bb69f1> | {
"date": "2015-01-28T06:30:01",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-06",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422115862207.44/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124161102-00128-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.96073317527771,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 604,
"url": "http://kingygraphicdesignhistory.blogspot.com/2010/04/normal.html"
} |
Playing golf regularly may increase longevity and reduce the risk of developing heart disease or stroke, researchers claim.
A systematic review published in British Journal of Sports Medicine included data from 342 eligible studies and discussions among an international working group of 25 experts in public health and health policy, and industry leaders.
The evidence shows that playing golf regularly is associated with longevity and reducing the risk factors for heart disease or stroke, according to researchers from the University of Edinburgh in the UK.
It can boost older people's strength and balance, they said.
The sport is also associated with good mental health and improving the overall health of those with disabilities, researchers said.
Compared with other sports, the risk of injury is moderate, but as it is an outdoor activity, golfers may be more at risk of skin cancer, they said.
The sport is often perceived as expensive, male dominated, difficult to learn, and not a game for the young or those on the lower rungs of the social ladder.
It needs to be more inclusive and welcoming of people from all walks of life and ethnic backgrounds, and any such initiatives should be supported, researchers said.
"More people might be keen to take it up if golf were promoted as an enjoyable, lifelong outdoors activity that affords a sense of community and competitive challenge while providing some 'me time' as well as helping to fulfil recommended exercise quotas," they said.
The sport can do its bit for sustainability by "practices that prioritise diversity, healthy societies, connection with, and care of, the environment, environmental integrity and health and wellbeing," the researchers said. | <urn:uuid:e0c64811-a795-4051-b6d1-c9978196abe7> | {
"date": "2019-12-13T08:21:10",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-51",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-51/segments/1575540551267.14/warc/CC-MAIN-20191213071155-20191213095155-00296.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9700210094451904,
"score": 2.859375,
"token_count": 325,
"url": "https://www.theweek.in/news/sci-tech/2018/09/25/Playing-golf-can-help-lower-heart-attack-risk.html"
} |
The summary of their talk reads:
In this presentation, we demonstrate how an iOS device can be compromised within one minute of being plugged into a malicious charger. We first examine Apple’s existing security mechanisms to protect against arbitrary software installation, then describe how USB capabilities can be leveraged to bypass these defense mechanisms. To ensure persistence of the resulting infection, we show how an attacker can hide their software in the same way Apple hides its own built-in applications.This isn't the first time iOS has been attacked via charging. In 2011, at the rival Defcon security conference, Aires Security built a smartphone charging station that could download data from a device without the owner's knowledge.
To demonstrate practical application of these vulnerabilities, we built a proof of concept malicious charger, called Mactans, using a BeagleBoard. This hardware was selected to demonstrate the ease with which innocent-looking, malicious USB chargers can be constructed. While Mactans was built with limited amount of time and a small budget, we also briefly consider what more motivated, well-funded adversaries could accomplish. Finally, we recommend ways in which users can protect themselves and suggest security features Apple could implement to make the attacks we describe substantially more difficult to pull off.
In this case, though, the malicious charger could deliver a viral payload to the device.
The researchers’ charger is dubbed “Mactans,” seemingly referring to the scientific name of the Black Widow spider, and built around a low-power open-source single-board computer sold by Texas Instruments and known as a BeagleBoard.
The BeagleBoard is too small to fit into a standard Apple charger, but there are some chargers that are larger, with multiple outputs. In addition, a hacker might be able to fit it into a standard-sized charger, as the researcher were obviously not interested in minimizing the size of their creation.
Although the Aires Security hack is perhaps the most similar example of hacking iOS through its USB port, that point of entry has been used multiple times. The “evasi0n” jailbreak released in February used a flaw in iOS’ mobile backup system in addition to four other bugs in order to bypass Apple's security. | <urn:uuid:e13b120b-ecb5-4a0e-b8f5-b21d072261c7> | {
"date": "2014-11-01T03:52:49",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1414637903638.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20141030025823-00051-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9622121453285217,
"score": 2.65625,
"token_count": 455,
"url": "http://www.tech-ex.net/2013/06/researchers-develop-method-to-attack.html"
} |
When It Comes to Food, Be Safe Not Sorry
Experts offer advice to ensure healthy eating
FRIDAY, Aug. 16, 2013 (HealthDay News) -- Keeping up on food safety and nutrition can be confusing: One day a food is reported as good for you, and the next a study finds that it's not so healthy after all. It also can be frightening when a foodborne illness outbreak occurs.
But eating isn't optional. So, food safety and nutrition experts offer their best advice on what you need to know to eat healthily and safely.
1. Rely on thermometers.
If there's one message Tina Hanes, a registered dietician and nurse with the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Food Safety and Inspection Service, wants you to remember, it's to check the temperature of your foods with a thermometer.
"Color and texture aren't reliable indicators of how safe a food is," said Hanes. "You have to use a food thermometer to ensure that food is cooked to a safe temperature." For whole cuts of beef, pork or lamb, that means cooking them to a minimum of 145 degrees F and letting them rest for three minutes when they come out of the oven. All poultry, including ground poultry, should be cooked to 165 degrees F. Ground meats should be cooked to 160 degrees F.
The best way to take the temperature of such foods as hamburger or chicken breast is to go in through the side to the thickest part of the meat. Hanes suggests using oven-safe thermometers or instant-read thermometers designed for meat.
2. Carbohydrates and gluten may not be your enemy.
For some time, dieters have been shunning carbohydrates, and the latest food craze appears to be forgoing gluten, a protein found in wheat. People with celiac disease, an autoimmune condition that affects a person's ability to process gluten safely, definitely need to avoid gluten. But, according to Amy Frasieur, a registered dietitian with Bastyr University in Kenmore, Wash., there's no evidence that people who do not have celiac disease or a gluten sensitivity will benefit from a gluten-free diet.
Along the same vein, dieters who've been trying to stay away from carbohydrates should make sure they're not missing out on vital nutrients. "Carbohydrates are the primary source of energy for the human body," Frasieur said. "Many carbohydrate foods provide us with essential nutrients. Refined carbohydrates such as sugars, candy and processed grains can be very low in nutrients, but other carbohydrates can be exceptionally good for the body, such as vegetables, fruits and whole grains like quinoa, brown rice and barley."
3. Leave it.
You might have heard of the "five-second rule." Some people say that if you drop food on the floor and pick it up quickly -- within five seconds -- it's still safe to eat.
Not so, said Frasieur. "Bacteria can adhere to food immediately upon contact," she said. Thus, from a food safety standpoint, the five-second rule is a myth.
4. Keep it separate.
You also may have heard that you should keep raw meat and produce separate, and that it's a good idea to have separate cutting boards for each. But have you ever thought about the things that might be contaminating your countertops and tables?
"In my house, nothing goes on the counter -- no purses, no school bags," said Cheryl Luptowski, a public information officer with NSF International, a nonprofit safety organization. "It's just not a good idea to put anything that was sitting on a floor somewhere on your counter or kitchen table."
She also said people who use reusable bags should make sure they have separate bags for groceries and other items. And, she said, all grocery bags should be washable.
5. Ponder produce selections.
Are organic foods worth the extra cost? Frasier said that results from studies on the nutritional content of organic produce have been mixed, so it's not clear if they provide any extra nutritional benefit. However, these foods do provide a clear benefit for reducing exposure to pesticides and additives in your foods.
And, whether organically grown or not, have you ever wondered if it's really safe to eat prepackaged salads, baby carrots and more? Hanes said that if the products are labeled as "ready to eat" or "prewashed," they should be safe to eat right out of the bag.
6. Watch the time.
When you're out shopping, keep an eye on how long you let perishable foods sit in your car. During the winter, when temperatures are below 40 degrees F, you have considerable leeway, Luptowski noted. But on hot summer days, you have less than an hour to get your food home.
Hanes recommends putting a cooler in the car if you know you're going to be out for a bit. Better yet, both experts said, make the grocery store your last stop and pick up perishable foods at the end of your shopping trip.
If you lose your power, food in the fridge (if it's been closed) will generally stay safe for about four hours. How long food in the freezer lasts depends on how full your freezer is. In a half-full freezer, food will stay frozen for about 24 hours, Hanes said, but in a full freezer, it might stay frozen up to 48 hours.
7. Skip the energy buzz.
Energy drinks often contain large doses of caffeine and other stimulants, but these products aren't regulated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. "Mega doses of caffeine from any source can have harmful side effects," said Frasieur. "Also, little research has been done to show the impacts of combining caffeine with other stimulant ingredients included in many energy drinks."
Children, pregnant women and anyone with high blood pressure or heart disease should avoid these drinks, she said.
"Consumers should consider why they are low in energy and using energy drinks in the first place," Frasieur said. "A balanced diet, regular exercise, stress reduction and adequate sleep should reduce the need for energy drink consumption."
8. Clean it.
Many people use their kitchen sponges for a variety of tasks, which often makes the kitchen sponge the germiest thing in a kitchen, said Luptowski. But, she said, "you can prolong the life of your sponge by wetting it, and then microwaving it for two minutes to kill the germs."
She also recommends having separate sponges for human dishes and dog bowls because, contrary to popular belief, Fido's mouth just isn't very clean.
If you've prepared food that could potentially harbor bacteria, such as raw meat, Luptowski suggested running your dishwasher on the sanitizing cycle. The cycle takes longer and uses more energy, but it ensures that any pathogens are killed. Those who don't have a dishwasher, she said, can sanitize dishes by washing them in hot, soapy water, then dunking them in a gallon of hot water with a capful of bleach in it and then rinsing the dishes.
The U.S. government website FoodSafety.gov has more on food safety (http://www.foodsafety.gov/ ).
To read about one reporter's near-fatal bout of food poisoning, click here (http://consumer.healthday.com/mental-health-information-25/behavior-health-news-56/kindergartners-soda-intake-linked-to-aggression-study-says-672889.html ).
SOURCES: Amy Frasieur, M.S., R.D., assistant professor, Bastyr University, Kenmore, Wash.; Tina Hanes, R.D., R.N., food safety specialist, U.S.D.A. Food Safety and Inspection Service, Beltsville, Md.; Cheryl Luptowski, public information officer, NSF International, Ann Arbor, Mich. | <urn:uuid:52f20e1b-677c-47d3-86f2-bc6648fd741b> | {
"date": "2017-02-19T18:50:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-09",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-09/segments/1487501170249.75/warc/CC-MAIN-20170219104610-00100-ip-10-171-10-108.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9459861516952515,
"score": 3.171875,
"token_count": 1686,
"url": "http://www.vnacarenewengland.org/encyclopedia/details.cfm?chunkid=NRCN672890&db=nrcn"
} |
Gulf Crayfish Snake
Scientific name: Regina rigida sinicola (HUHEEY 1959)
* Currently accepted name
* scientific names used through time
- Coluber rigidus – SAY 1825
- Tropidonotus rigidus – HOLBROOK 1842
- Regina rigida – BAIRD & GIRARD 1853
- Tropidonotus leberis, var. rigidus – JAN 1865
- Natrix rigida – COPE 1892
- Natrix rigida sinicola – HUHEEY 1959
- Regina rigida sinicola – CONANT & COLLINS 1991
Description: Average adult size is 20 inches (50.8 cm), record is 31.5 inches (80 cm). Adults are glossy chocolate brown, there may be a faint darker stripe on each side of the body. The extreme lower sides are yellowish-tan. The throat is yellow and unpatterned. The belly is yellowish with two rows of black spots, but a single row exists near the head and tail. The scales are keeled and there are 19 dorsal scale rows at midbody. The pupil is round. Juvenile color is similar to that of adults.
A. Top of the head
B. Underside of the head (chin and throat)
C. Front (face view) of the head
D. Side of the head
E. Smooth scales
F. Elongated scales below the tail (subcaudal scales) are typically divided
Range: In Florida, the Gulf Crayfish Snake occurs in the western panhandle. Outside of Florida, it occurs from southern Georgia to eastern Texas.
Habitat: Uncommon, found in cypress strands, sloughs, sphagnum bogs, swamps, creeks, streams, ponds, prairies, and ditches.
Comments: HARMLESS (Non-Venomous). The Gulf Crayfish Snake is aquatic. It is mainly nocturnal and is occasionally found crossing roads after heavy rains. It is mostly active from March-November. Adults feed primarily on crayfish, fishes, sirens, frogs, and salamanders. Juveniles may also feed on aquatic invertebrates such as dragonfly larvae. It is live-bearing. Newborns measuring between 7-8.5 inches (17.7-21.5 cm) have been reported.
Comparison with other species: The Striped Crayfish Snake (Regina alleni) has an unpatterned belly and smooth scales. The Glossy crayfish snake (Regina rigida rigida) has faint, dusky stripes on the sides of the throat. The Queen Snake (Regina septemvittata) has four stripes on the belly. | <urn:uuid:ca6d2ca6-092c-40da-b2e2-9d18fb99212b> | {
"date": "2015-08-03T13:14:57",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-32",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-32/segments/1438042989891.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20150728002309-00331-ip-10-236-191-2.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8700408935546875,
"score": 3.203125,
"token_count": 584,
"url": "http://www.flmnh.ufl.edu/herpetology/fl-snakes/list/regina-rigida-sinicola"
} |
Evolution and Human Behavior
Volume 29, Issue 2, March 2008, Pages 86-91
Adaptive preferences for leg length in a potential partner
Piotr Sorokowskia, and Boguslaw Pawlowski
It has been shown that height is one of the morphological traits that influence a person's attractiveness.next term To date, few studies have addressed the relationship between different components of height and physical previous termattractiveness.next term Here, we study how leg length influences previous termattractivenessnext term in men and women. Stimuli consisted of seven different pictures of a man and seven pictures of a woman in which the ratio between leg length and height was varied from the average phenotype by elongating and shortening the legs. One hundred men and 118 women were asked to assess the previous termattractivenessnext term of the silhouettes using a seven-point scale. We found that male and female pictures with shorter than average legs were perceived as less attractive by both sexes. Although longer legs appeared to be more attractive, this was true only for the slight (5%) leg length increase; excessively long legs decreased body previous termattractivenessnext term for both sexes. Because leg length conveys biological quality, we hypothesize that such preferences reflect the workings of evolved mate-selection mechanisms. Short and/or excessively long legs might indicate maladaptive biological conditions such as genetic diseases, health problems, or weak immune responses to adverse environmental factors acting during childhood and adolescence. | <urn:uuid:9190d63f-34b0-4d51-a318-c713e756b2f2> | {
"date": "2014-09-23T22:23:44",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-41",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-41/segments/1410657140379.3/warc/CC-MAIN-20140914011220-00171-ip-10-234-18-248.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9467454552650452,
"score": 2.90625,
"token_count": 303,
"url": "http://dienekes.blogspot.com/2008/04/long-but-not-too-long-legs-are.html?showComment=1207528140000"
} |
Alfred Ely Beach and his secret subway.
There wasn't a legal way for Beach to build his NYC subway so he built it in secret.
In 1912 a construction crew under the city of New York was digging a new subway tunnel, when suddenly they broke through into an unknown tunnel. The tunnel contained an elegant station and a small train and tracks.
The workers were startled, but they had uncovered the remains of Alfred Ely Beach’s attempt to build a subway in the 1870’s. He tried to build it in defiance of the corrupt state administration and powerful business interests, but he ultimately lost and the tunnel was boarded up and forgotten.
New York City had a population of about 700,000 by the end of the Civil War. Immigrants were streaming into the city and the city was rapidly expanding. Public transportation was not adequate. The streets were not that wide and the large horse drawn streetcars and omnibuses were clogging the streets. There were huge traffic jams and the streets were actually louder than they are today. Something needed to be done.
Alfred Ely Beach was a successful patent attorney, publisher and inventor. Among other things, he invented, the first practical typewriter, a pneumatic tube and a hydraulic tunneling bore, which he used in the construction of his subway. It was later used to construct both the New York and London subway systems.
Beach also invented a typewriter that could be used to print Braille characters. Beach also published the Scientific American for a time before going on to publish the New York Sun. He was successful at both publications but by the age of 26, he had made both successful and was looking for new challenges. He turned to patent law, defending the patents of hundreds of his fellow inventors, including Thomas Edison, Samuel F. B. Morse and Elias Howe.
When Beach was only 23, in 1849, he first thought of a subway. His idea was a tunnel under Broadway and he expanded his idea in Scientific American. The subway would have “openings at every corner. There would be 2 tracks, with a footpath running between them, the whole to be brilliantly lighted with gas. The cars, to be drawn by horses, would stop 10 seconds at every corner.”
Beach kept pushing his idea at both publications but nothing came of it. In 1866 he began to experiment with pneumatic power to move his subway. There was as yet no electrical or gasoline engines, so the only other alternative was steam engines. Beach was sure that people would not want to be in a tunnel with a dirty engine that could explode at any moment. Pneumatic power was the only way, but was it possible?
In 1867 at the American Institute Fair in New York he tried to give a practical demonstration. He built a wooden tube 6 feet in diameter with a car that could carry 10 passengers. A helix fan, larger than the tube, pushed air into the 6 foot pipe and blew customers from 14th street to 15th street then reversed and back again. The exhibit was very popular and had hundreds of passengers.
Beach now had renewed determination to build his subway. But he did not want to get involved in the political wrangling necessary to get approval. He was not the first man to ask the legislature for permission to build a subway, but he wanted to be the first man to actually make one.
So he asked for approval of a underground pneumatic mail system. The (fake) purpose of the tubes was to whisk the mail from where it was deposited in a hollow lamp post along tunnels to a distribution station. There they would be gathered together and sent on their way very speedily and efficiently. The plan seemed harmless enough and Boss Tweed approved it. Tweed was the corrupt head of Tammany Hall that had a grip on city and state politics, swindling and taking bribes.
Alfred Ely Beach designed the railway in secret and had it built, over 58 successive nights, without anyone noticing. The tunnel started in the basement of Devlin’s Clothing Store. Beach’s son Fred supervised the workers. The dirt was hauled away in wagons with wheels muffled to remain silent. These same wagons brought in needed supplies. There was no evidence on the surface for a casual observer to see.
The subway consisted of a cylindrical tunnel 9 feet in diameter with a track laid on the bottom. The tunnel was over 300 feet below Broadway. The cars was snugly fit into the tunnel. The Roots Patent Force Blast Blower pushed the car down the tracks at about 10 MPH. Once the car reached the end of the track, a wire was tripped and the Blower automatically reversed to send the car back to the first station.
The subway was no crude affair. The waiting room had frescoed walls covered with paintings, a grand piano, fountain and fish tank. There was one small elegantly upholstered car that seated 22 passengers. Beech also used zircon lights in his large waiting room, to make customers more comfortable.
In February, 1870, Beach gave an announcement to the newspapers about his secret subway and invited reporters and guests to try out his invention. He had been able to keep it a complete secret. Boss Tweed and the other politicians were absolutely furious at the trick. But New Yorkers loved it, within the next year over 400,000 people had come to view and ride on the formerly secret railway.
Once reporters had toured the subway their reaction was delight. The Scientific American stated “This means the end of street dust of which uptown residents get not only their fill, but more than their fill, so that it runs over and collects on their hair, their beards, their eyebrows and floats in their dress like the vapor of a frosty morning. Such discomforts will never be found in the tunnel!” Beach did own the newspaper so maybe you should take this with a grain of salt but the subway was quite popular.
One group who didn’t like it however were the owners of the Broadway properties above the subway, who thought the tunnel had the potential to destroy their buildings. The politicians weren’t thrilled either. Tweed had approved it so his enemies wanted nothing to do with it. Tweed wasn’t going to fight for it, he wasn’t going to make any money out of it. So the subway was a political orphan.
It was a popular tourist attraction but not practical public transportation ,it would have the be vastly expanded and the government would not allow this. But eventually, after much work by Beach, a bill passed in the New York legislature , in 1873, approving the railway. By this time, Beach was tried from the fight and had no money to build a longer subway. Beach was dispirited by the matter and never invented again. He turned to publishing and became more religious and even more charitable. He eventually founded a school for freed slaves and was active in many charities.
New York City turned to Elevated Railways ,which were considered more practical, before the city finally got subways, starting in 1904. Today all that remains of the station and 312 feet of track is a plaque on the City Hall subway station and Beach, who died in 1896, is forgotten. But in a way, he is the father of the American subway and deserves to be remembered. | <urn:uuid:71443cfb-8443-4170-9af5-8105bf2b3370> | {
"date": "2017-01-22T01:48:41",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-04",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-04/segments/1484560281331.15/warc/CC-MAIN-20170116095121-00064-ip-10-171-10-70.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.987169623374939,
"score": 3.5625,
"token_count": 1522,
"url": "https://wizzley.com/alfred-ely-beach-and-his-secret-subway/"
} |
Globals, these magic swords for storing data, have been around for a while, but not many people can use them efficiently or know about this super-weapon altogether.
If you use globals for tasks where they truly shine, the results may be amazing, either in terms of increased performance or dramatic simplification of the overall solution (1, 2).
Globals offer a special way of storing and processing data, which is completely different from SQL tables. They were first introduced in 1966 in the M(UMPS) programming language, which was initially used in medical databases. It is still used in the same way, but has also been adopted by some other industries where reliability and high performance are top priorities: finance, trading, etc.
Later M(UMPS) evolved into Caché ObjectScript (COS). COS was developed by InterSystems as a superset of M. The original language is still accepted by developers' community and alive in a few implementations. There are several signs of activity around the web: MUMPS Google group, Mumps User's group), effective ISO Standard, etc.
Modern global based DBMS supports transactions, journaling, replication, partitioning. It means that they can be used for building modern, reliable and fast distributed systems.
Globals do not restrict you to the boundaries of the relational model. They give you the freedom of creating data structures optimized for particular tasks. For many applications reasonable use of globals can be a real silver bullet offering speeds that developers of conventional relational applications can only dream of.
Globals as a method of storing data can be used in many modern programming languages, both high- and low-level. Therefore, this article will focus specifically on globals and not the language they once came from. | <urn:uuid:a45c5a3f-c8bd-41f4-9162-a1b70274d1c6> | {
"date": "2017-07-21T04:41:17",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-30/segments/1500549423716.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20170721042214-20170721062214-00296.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9556295871734619,
"score": 2.859375,
"token_count": 367,
"url": "https://community.intersystems.com/tags/system-admin"
} |
“After DOMA: What it Means For You” LGBT Organizations Fact Sheet Series now available
In the wake of the US Supreme Court’s historic decision to strike down Section Three of the discriminatory Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), 11 national LGBT advocacy organizations jointly issued a series of factsheets to provide guidance to same-sex couples and their families as they navigate accessing federal rights, benefits, and protections
The fact sheet series details many of the ways federal agencies accord legal respect to married same-sex couples. The guide includes 14 factsheets on the following topics: Bankruptcy, Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), Federal Employee Benefits, Family Medical Leave Act (FMLA), Immigration,Medicaid, Medicare, Military Spousal Benefits, Private Employment Benefits, Social Security, Supplemental Security Income, Taxes, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and Veteran Spousal Benefits.
You can find the fact sheet series here: www.thetaskforceblog.org
Here are some excerpts from the series:
This historic decision takes effect in 25 days.
If you live in a state that discriminates against married same-sex couples, you should be aware that the Supreme Court decision striking down part of the federal so-called Defense of Marriage Act does NOT mean that your state must respect your marriage or that you will be eligible for all marriage-based federal benefits. Further work is still required to end marriage discrimination nationwide and to secure both state and federal equal treatment for all marriages.
The Supreme Court’s ruling in Windsor applies only to the federal government. It does not change discriminatory state laws excluding same-sex couples from state-conferred marriage rights.
The ruling striking down DOMA will not be effective until 25 days from the decision. Even when effective, federal agencies—large bureaucracies—may need and take some time to change forms,
implement procedures, train personnel, and efficiently incorporate same-sex couples into the spousal-based system.
Until same-sex couples can marry in every state in the nation, there will be uncertainty about the extent to which same-sex spouses will receive federal marital-based protections nationwide. For federal programs that assess marital status based on the law of a state that does not respect marriages of same-sex couples, those state laws will likely pose obstacles for legally married couples and surviving spouses in accessing federal protections and responsibilities.
Securing fair access to federal protections that come with marriage for all same-sex couples in the nation will take some time and work. In some situations, it may require Congressional action or formal rule-making by agencies.
Before making a decision, it is essential that you consult an attorney for individualized legal advice. This is particularly important for people who are on certain public benefits, as getting married may jeopardize your eligibility without providing you the full measure of protections other married couples enjoy. In addition, couples who travel to another place to marry and then return to live in a state that does not respect their marriage may be unfairly unable
to obtain a divorce, which can lead to serious negative legal and financial consequences. People must make careful decisions when and where to marry. | <urn:uuid:cf83852a-57e2-4bae-be71-00c882292baf> | {
"date": "2014-03-09T10:29:38",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-10",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1393999677213/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305060757-00006-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9387941956520081,
"score": 2.5625,
"token_count": 652,
"url": "http://www.baywindows.com/Everything-you-need-to-know-now-that-DOMA-is-dead"
} |
Where they're found
The two species of green mistletoe or pirita – Ileostylus micranthus and Tupeia antarctica, grow throughout New Zealand, but in the Bay of Plenty they are known almost exclusively in the Rotorua district.
Ileostylus micranthus with fruit
Tupeia antarctica with ripe fruit
There are only a few currently known sites elsewhere in the Bay of Plenty such as Te Puke.
Locally these species are found in regenerating shrubland, often in areas with high light levels such as forest edges and road margins. Many of the populations are on private properties or in parks where possums may be less frequent.
In the Bay of Plenty Tupeia antarctica grows mainly on fivefinger and tree lucerne host trees. Ileostylus micranthus occurs mainly on mahoe and kohuhu but also on a range of exotic host species including willows around the Rotorua lakes. Populations are scattered with each population generally being highly localised with often a small number of plants present.
Beech mistletoes (known by various names including pirita) are found throughout parts of New Zealand, particularly in the South Island and are known for their masses of red or yellow-orange flowers in summer.
In the Bay of Plenty they are known from Whirinaki Te Pua-a-Tāne Conservation Park, Te Urewera, the Kaimai Mamaku Conservation Park and Te Kopia Scenic Reserve (Paeroa Range).
In the Bay of Plenty beech mistletoes occur on several species of native beech as well as tawheowheo. The dwarf mistletoes occur on kanuka, prostrate kanuka and manuka. They are most commonly known from near geothermal areas around the Rotorua District and near Kawerau but also occur in coastal scrub near Whakatane.
Action for protection
Tupeia antarctica growing on fivefinger host
DOC has been undertaking ongoing surveys in various areas of the Bay of Plenty, especially around the Rotorua district and in Whirinaki Te Pua-a-Tāne Conservation Park to further determine the species, number and condition of mistletoe plants present.
Most of the population of green mistletoes in the Bay of Plenty occurs on private land. DOC has contacted all landowners with known mistletoe plants on their properties to inform them of the presence of these plants and to discuss options for management.
Ongoing advocacy has also been undertaken with other land managers and district and regional councils.
DOC has taken direct action to protect some green mistletoe populations by preventing possums from reaching and browsing plants by wrapping aluminium bands around host tree trunks.
At Lake Okareka near Rotorua, Forest and Bird and the Rotorua Botanical Society supported by DOC and Environment BoP have been working since 2002 to protect a regionally significant mistletoe population in Lake Tikitapu Scenic Reserve by controlling plant and animal pest threats.
A national recovery plan has been published by DOC to coordinate conservation effort and ensure the long-term survival of mistletoes. | <urn:uuid:2a3ef368-32fb-4cc2-8f0e-c2de171307cb> | {
"date": "2019-08-20T13:38:05",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-35",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-35/segments/1566027315544.11/warc/CC-MAIN-20190820133527-20190820155527-00456.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9546425938606262,
"score": 2.8125,
"token_count": 671,
"url": "https://www.doc.govt.nz/our-work/mistletoe-conservation-in-bay-of-plenty/"
} |
(Boston) - A new research study conducted by Boston University School of Medicine (BUSM) shows that patient navigation services significantly improve biennial mammography screening rates among inner city women. The results, published online in the Journal of General Internal Medicine, indicate the importance of patient navigation in reducing health disparities in vulnerable patient populations.
Breast cancer is the second leading cause of cancer death in women, with 40,170 deaths in the United States in 2009. Lower mammography screening rates among minority and low income women contributes to the increased morbidity and mortality from breast cancer. According to the American Cancer Society, an estimated 5,320 new cases of breast cancer will be diagnosed and an estimated 780 women will die from breast cancer in Massachusetts during 2010.
The study was conducted over a nine-month period and involved 3,895 Boston Medical Center (BMC) general internal medicine primary care practice female patients between the ages of 51-70. Patient navigation services consisted of phone calls and reminder letters to identify the barriers to care and aid in directly scheduling mammograms. At the end of the nine-months, mammography adherence rates increased to 87 percent in those that received patient navigation with no change from the baseline adherence rates of the non navigated group (76 percent). Patient navigation also increased adherence rates across all languages, races, insurance and education groups.
"Primary care-based patient navigation is a valuable intervention to help reduce health care disparities, especially in vulnerable patient populations served by safety net hospitals like BMC," said Christine Phillips, MD, an assistant professor of medicine at BUSM and a physician in the department of general internal medicine at BMC, who led the study. "We need to explore ways to help sustain such programs in resource-poor communities and integrate them into our current Medical Home in order to provide the highest quality of care for patients." | <urn:uuid:f695425b-d734-4d72-87f3-0301921917c0> | {
"date": "2015-03-01T12:34:46",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-11",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-11/segments/1424936462331.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20150226074102-00235-ip-10-28-5-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9372208714485168,
"score": 2.640625,
"token_count": 372,
"url": "http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2010-10/bumc-bss102110.php"
} |
An archaeological site near Sakhnin has turned up evidence of a ritual meal going back some 12,000 years, far earlier than researchers had previously thought such events took place.
Over the years archaeologists have found considerable evidence of large-scale funeral feasts from the Neolithic (New Stone Age ) era onward. That period was characterized by the rise of agriculture, which spurred mankind's transition from a nomadic to a sedentary way of life. That revolutionary change, roughly 9,500 years before the common era, was attended by the development of collective rites and rituals, which helped ease the transition from a foraging existence to a farming one.
The burial pit uncovered this year in a cave in the Lower Galilee suggests such collective rites were being practiced as early as the Upper Paleolithic (Late Stone Age ), more than 12,000 years ago.
A Hebrew University team led by Dr. Leore Grosman has discovered remnants of a funeral feast held by members of the Netufian people, a prehistoric culture that lived across the Levant region. The feast appears to have marked the burial of a female shaman, and in addition to her body, the site contains 50 complete tortoise shells and body parts of a wild boar, eagle, cow, leopard, two martens and a complete human foot.
The grave was excavated at Hilazon Cave, near the Sakhnin, in the Lower Galilee. The dig started in 1995, and since then archaeologists have discovered three large pits containing the remains of 26 people.
In an article published yesterday in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States, Grosman and colleagues Dr. Natalie D. Munro, of the University of Connecticut, and Prof. Anna Belfer-Cohen, who like Grosman is at the Hebrew University's Institute of Archaeology, describe the grave as "providing a rare opportunity to investigate the ideological shifts that must have accompanied these socioeconomic changes."
The researchers said the grave contained at least 300 kilograms of meat, enough to feed a number of large families. The tortoises alone, they said, could have fed at least 35 people.
The researchers said the funeral feast represented part of the new cultural apparatuses that developed to help ease the transition into new ways of life. "This period saw the establishment of relations between individuals and large societies, and the passage into family units," Grosman said yesterday. "Rituals like the funeral feast were held to that end," she said.
"The Natufians are the first culture that employed cemeteries. Essentially these are testimony to the sedentary life and complex cultural rites that had not been seen beforehand," Grosman said. "Members of the Natufian culture have one leg in the Neolithic and another in the Palaeolithic. These latest finds help us understand that transition."
Want to enjoy 'Zen' reading - with no ads and just the article? Subscribe todaySubscribe now | <urn:uuid:e3673048-4be3-4d93-99ec-c697f2eb65d4> | {
"date": "2016-10-27T22:44:46",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-44",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-44/segments/1476988721405.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20161020183841-00294-ip-10-171-6-4.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9716964960098267,
"score": 3.390625,
"token_count": 606,
"url": "http://www.haaretz.com/israeli-researchers-discover-evidence-of-feast-dating-back-12-000-years-1.311150"
} |
Loading the player ...
YouTube Version of Video
Script: [ Back to Video Questions ]|
Hi, I'm Randall. Recycling is becoming a very important part of our lives today, especially in attempts to protect the environment, and uh, I don't think our family is any different.
We recycle newspapers, uh, cardboard boxes, uh, phone directories. We don't recycle aluminum cans because we don't drink soda that much.
However, this recycling bin that you see behind you is located next to an elementary school, and at this school, they use the funds that they receive from the collection of recyclable materials in order to support different activities here at the school | <urn:uuid:e135ad8a-5a04-4adc-bdd0-33de92f5d3e7> | {
"date": "2014-07-24T19:24:29",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-23",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-23/segments/1405997890773.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20140722025810-00096-ip-10-33-131-23.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9747199416160583,
"score": 2.671875,
"token_count": 140,
"url": "http://www.esl-lab.com/world/recycling-video-script.htm"
} |
Thursday, September 17, 2009
How does evolution work?
Antelope Canyon is an example of the marriage of the deterministic and the contingent. On the one hand, the shapes carved in the canyon walls are not predetermined by any mathematical formula. No computer could predict the particular form that the canyon has today. A soft spot here and a hard spot there, an eddy here and a fast-flowing current there, have made it the way it is now; but slightly different conditions might have led to completely different contours. In any case the canyon is not a static entity; if you could visit it a few thousand years from now, it might look quite different. On the other hand, its shape is not completely random; there are many shapes that will never be formed by its particular dynamics. Wait as long as you like, but you will never find a tiny replica of the Empire State building cut into the rock. Sandstone and erosion have their own particular laws, which they always obey.
The question I am interested in, and the one that attracted me to work in the Hendry lab, is: how are the products of evolution — fish and frogs, birds and beavers, you and I — like or unlike Antelope Canyon? To what extent are the products of evolution predictable and deterministic, a repeatable outcome given environmental conditions? To what extent are they unique, the irreproducible results of a grand experiment that can never be replicated? What are the laws that evolution obeys? What sorts of products will it tend to create over and over, and what sorts of products, like the Empire State Building, are forever beyond its reach? How quickly can its products change — how long does it take for a new species to form, or for a new trait to evolve? And — a question that particularly interests me, but that seems completely unapproachable — why are the products of systems at the interface between determinism and contingency, like living organisms or Antelope Canyon, so incredibly beautiful?
Really answering such questions is far beyond the reach of a PhD thesis, or even an entire career; but they are the kinds of questions that inspire me. All this could be framed in much more academic, jargon-laden ways: gene flow and selection gradients and additive genetic variance. But it's important, I think, to keep in mind the ultimate reasons we have embarked on this journey: our curiosity about nature, and our joy upon beholding its beauty. Let's keep the destination in mind, but enjoy the journey, too. | <urn:uuid:bc526ff2-76d9-4464-b2de-b24108dcdb4c> | {
"date": "2017-10-23T20:57:45",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-43",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-43/segments/1508187826642.70/warc/CC-MAIN-20171023202120-20171023222120-00056.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9612351059913635,
"score": 2.90625,
"token_count": 518,
"url": "http://ecoevoevoeco.blogspot.com/2009/09/how-does-evolution-work.html"
} |
HOUTAIN - LE - VAL
The history of this castle goes back to the 13th century when there was a keep. Only the foundations of this keep are left. The castle underwent throughout the centuries lot of restorations and remodelling periods. The last major rebuilding took place between 1854 and 1860 by architect A. Balat. In 1904 a last alteration took place. When the German forces retreated in 1944 they tried to arson the castle but with the help of all villager the fire could be put out quickly. The castle stands in the middle of the village and it can be viewed from the public road. | <urn:uuid:f9ed2821-7b50-48c9-8a3c-982bff1c2e0a> | {
"date": "2016-10-21T11:07:13",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-44",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-44/segments/1476988717963.49/warc/CC-MAIN-20161020183837-00355-ip-10-171-6-4.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9802097678184509,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 124,
"url": "http://www.belgiancastles.be/hlv.html"
} |
It would be technically possible to culture P. acnes from a friend; however, for purposes of a science fair project, it would make getting approval much more challenging. Culturing unknown bacteria requires preapproval and access to a BSL-2 laboratory. If you want to try this, you should write up your project proposal and submit it for approval right away. There are lots of unknown microorganisms on human skin and you would have a lot of work to do to verify the identity of P. acnes. http://www.sciencebuddies.org/science-f ... ents.shtml
However, it would be easier to obtain a pure culture of an organism so you can work in a BSL-1 laboratory. Carolina Biologicals sells a garden variety E. coli for classroom use that is easy to grow.http://www.carolina.com/product/living+ ... estMatches
Micrococcus luteus is another possible organism, and it is a Gram positive bacterium like P. acnes.http://www.carolina.com/product/living+ ... y=ourPicks
P. acnes is available from the American Type Culture collection, but it prohibitively expensive. It might be possible to obtain a culture from a laboratory that has this organism in their stock culture collection. http://www.atcc.org/ATCCAdvancedCatalog ... e=bacteria
Your idea of making infusions of the herbs is a good idea. Have you tried searching for the chemical composition of the herbs to identify what components might be effective antimicrobial agents? Since acne is an inflammatory response to the presence of the microorganism, some acne medications are anti-inflammatory compounds and you would not expect to see any effect of these compounds on microbial growth. If a compound works against E. coli, you would not be able to say for sure that it would work against P. acnes.
If you are going use a light bulb as a source of heat for your incubator, you need to make sure that the temperature does not exceed the maximum limit for the microorganism that you are using. It is easy to “cook” bacteria and kill them. The optimum temperature for E. coli is about 37 degrees Centigrade, and the maximum is in the low 40’s degrees C. It would be better to have an incubator that is a little cooler to ensure survival. Be sure to test your incubator and verify that it will maintain a temperature between 30 and 37 degrees C.
What are you going to use as a control? How are you going to measure your results? | <urn:uuid:160f4d02-5a52-4fac-a7ed-3b200641e762> | {
"date": "2014-10-30T18:16:20",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1414637898644.9/warc/CC-MAIN-20141030025818-00153-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9407580494880676,
"score": 3.078125,
"token_count": 543,
"url": "http://www.sciencebuddies.org/science-fair-projects/phpBB3/viewtopic.php?f=28&t=10592&p=39433"
} |
What is Eczema?
Eczema is a skin condition that refers to inflammation of the skin. It is also known as dermatitis and is characterized by itching and dry, scaly red patches. Not only does eczema cause tremendous discomfort but it often results in unexpected flare-ups triggered by allergy reactions or environmental factors. This condition affects people of all ages but it is most common in infants and children. In 60% to 70% of these cases, infants and children eventually outgrow eczema. Although, there is no cure for eczema a combination of conventional medications, natural therapies and modifying your lifestyle can help.
There are many different forms of eczema and these include:
Atopic eczema This is the most common form of eczema characterized by itchy, inflamed skin. This type of eczema tends to come and go. It tends to run in families and often people with a family history of allergic conditions such as hay fever or asthma develop atopic eczema. It affects 10% of infants and 3% of adults in the United States.
Irritant contact eczema Occurs when skin comes into contact with certain substances such as cosmetics, household detergents, acids or chemicals. It causes itchiness, redness and an irritating skin reaction in adults that often develops on the hands.
Allergic contact eczema Occurs when the skin comes into contact with an allergen such as jewelry, certain metals or clothing fabrics. It also causes itchiness, redness and an irritating skin reaction.
Infantile seborrhoeic eczema This condition is also referred to as cradle cap and is very common in babies. Infantile seborrhoeic eczema is characterized by dry flaking skin on the scalp or nappy area – it tends to spread quickly.
Adult seborrhoeic eczema This form of eczema appears as mild dandruff on the scalps of adults and can spread to the face, ears, neck and chest. The skin becomes red, inflamed and starts to flake. Adult seborrhoeic eczema may even be more serious than the infant version.
Varicose eczema Affects the lower legs of older adults and is usually as a result of poor circulation. Dry, itchy skin develops around the ankles or shins, and ulcers may develop if the skin is left untreated.
Discoid eczema This form of eczema is most common in adults and is characterized by a small red patch on the lower legs or trunk. These patches can erupt or weep if left untreated.
What causes Eczema?
The exact cause of eczema is not known. Researchers believe that hereditary factors as well as a malfunction within the immune system may contribute to the cause of eczema.
Certain factors or triggers may also be responsible for the outbreaks of eczema and these include:
- Irritants or substances such as soaps, cosmetics, household cleaners or detergents, chemicals, clothing, jewelry or sweat
- Allergens such as dust mites, molds, plant pollens, pets and any number of pollutants
- Sensitivity to certain foods, particularly dairy and wheat products, citrus fruits, eggs, nuts, chemical food additives, preservatives and coloring
- Changes in Stress
How is Eczema diagnosed?
The diagnosis of eczema is based on the symptoms, a thorough physical examination and medical history. Eczema can sometimes be very difficult to diagnose and often mimics other skin conditions.
Your health practitioner will ask certain questions to help confirm a diagnosis – when the condition started, if the condition is irritated by contact with materials or products, changes in the environment. Certain tests such as a skin biopsy, allergy tests or skin patch test may also be performed.
Help for people with Eczema
Treatment of eczema generally depends on the age of the individual, overall health status, type of eczema and the severity thereof. The main aim of treatment is to reduce the symptoms of itching and inflammation, and prevent the condition from worsening.
Medications such as corticosteroids antihistamines or immuno-suppressants may either be administered orally or topically. Many of these medications have potentially harmful side effects and long term use is usually discouraged. Another treatment option that people with eczema may also consider is ultraviolet therapy (phototherapy).
For treatment to be effective, certain lifestyle changes are also very important. Eating a healthy diet and avoiding foods that may contain allergens and aggravate the skin, exercising regularly, drinking lots of water and keeping the skin well moisturized can make a significant difference to your quality of life.
Although many over-the-counter and prescription topical creams are effective for eczema, using these treatments for extended periods can damage the skin. Natural and holistic treatments are a safer, gentler alternative to use without the harmful side effects or allergic reactions.
Best of all, you can use them as often as you like, for as long as you like. Herbal ingredients such as Vitamin E oil, Mentha pipererita oil, Bulbinella frutescens tr. and Aloe ferox tr. work quickly to soothe and promote healthy, trouble free skin. Other highly effective herbs include Glycorrhiza glabra, Melia azadirachta, Sambucus nigra and Stellaria media which help to provide relief from itching and discomfort and reduce eczema patches. In addition, Matricaria chamomilla, Asparathus linearis and Galium aparine also prevents infection and inflammation as well as reduces scarring. | <urn:uuid:0c6ec45b-6911-47de-a5fe-5a506f765917> | {
"date": "2017-03-25T03:52:50",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218188785.81/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212948-00101-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.941932737827301,
"score": 3.609375,
"token_count": 1186,
"url": "http://www.naturalhealingtools.com/Eczema.aspx"
} |
Scientists have taken another step in unraveling the role genetics plays in addiction. A new study published in the May 14 issue of Nature found that mice lacking a specific gene were more attracted to cocaine than were mice who had the gene. Led by Dr. Rene' Hen, a team of Columbia University researchers found that mice lacking the gene for one of the receptors for the brain chemical serotonin were more motivated to take cocaine than were other mice. The researchers also observed that these mice were more sensitive to both the motor and the rewarding effects of cocaine than were their normal counterparts.
"More and more evidence suggests that an individual's genetic makeup is a major factor in determining his or her vulnerability to drug addiction. Research studies such as this move us closer to identifying the specific genes involved in addiction and closer to new strategies for drug abuse prevention and treatment," said Dr. Alan I. Leshner, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, National Institutes of Health, the agency that funded the study.
Previous studies have also suggested that responses to drugs of abuse are affected by the activity of the brain chemical serotonin (5-HT), although the exact role this substance plays in addiction is unknown. To test whether the ability to respond normally to serotonin is critical to taking drugs, the researchers bred a strain of mice lacking one of the brain‘s receptors for serotonin, called
the 5-HT(1b) receptor. These kinds of genetically altered mice are referred to as knockout (KO) mice. The mice were taught to self-administer cocaine, and researchers determined their breakpoint--the point where the mice no longer take the drug. Dr. Hen and his colleagues observed that when self-administering cocaine, the KO mice had significantly higher breakpoints than did their wild type counterparts (WT mice). The KO mice worked longer to obtain cocaine than did their WT counterparts. Yet, when food was the reinforcer, both groups had the same breakpoint, showing, researchers say, that the KO mice were not merely hyperactive but were actually more attracted to the cocaine than were the WT mice.
When placed in an open field and given increasingly large doses of cocaine, KO mice were also more active than WT mice and engaged in cocaine-induced repetitive behavior at much lower dosages. All of these findings suggest that mice lacking the 5-HT(1b) receptor gene are more responsive to cocaine than are normal mice.
Looking at changes in the brains of KO mice that might explain their preference for cocaine, Dr. Hen and his team discovered elevated levels of an immediate early protein (FosB) that is increased by chronic cocaine exposure and thought to be critical for both the locomotor and rewarding effects of cocaine. The high breaking point of KO mice in the self-administration of cocaine and their increased locomotor response to the drug are also characteristic of mice that have been put on a chronic regimen of cocaine and become sensitized to it.
The researchers believe 5-HT(1b) KO mice may be similarly responsive to other abused drugs. The mice have already been shown to engage in increased self-administration of alcohol, and there is evidence that these KO mice may exhibit more impulsive-like behaviors than other mice, a trait the researchers say is often associated with drug abuse. "For these reasons," said Dr. Hen, "we believe the 5-HT(1b) receptor KO mice are a good model that could enable us to characterize the biochemical changes that might be responsible for the increased propensity to abuse drugs."
NIDA has mounted a major initiative to study the genetics of vulnerability to drug addiction. Because of the complexity of the drug addiction problem, NIDA's new genetics initiative will employ a variety of strategies, including both human and animal genetic mapping studies, to enhance the probability of success.
NIDA supports more than 85 percent of the world's research on the health aspects of drug abuse and addiction. The Institute also carries out a large variety of programs to ensure the rapid dissemination of research information and its implementation in
policy and practice. Fact sheets on health effects of drugs of abuse and other topics can be ordered free of charge in English and
Spanish by calling NIDA Infofax at 1-888-NIH-NIDA (-644-6432) or 1-888-TTY-NIDA (-889-6432) for the deaf. These fact sheets and further information on the genetics initiative and other research funded by NIDA can be found on the NIDA home page at http://www.nida.nih.gov. | <urn:uuid:70899df9-881c-47a0-851e-8f7f06fe7216> | {
"date": "2015-05-28T04:19:10",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-22/segments/1432207929230.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20150521113209-00284-ip-10-180-206-219.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.96645587682724,
"score": 3.015625,
"token_count": 927,
"url": "http://www.nih.gov/news/pr/may98/nida-13a.htm"
} |
Definition of percussive
1 : of or relating to percussion; especially : operative or operated by striking
2 : having powerful impact
Examples of percussive in a sentence
The song had a punchy, percussive rhythm.
First Known Use of percussive
PERCUSSIVE Defined for English Language Learners
Definition of percussive for English Language Learners
: of or relating to a percussion instrument or to the sounds that a percussion instrument makes
Learn More about percussive
Seen and Heard
What made you want to look up percussive? Please tell us where you read or heard it (including the quote, if possible). | <urn:uuid:60fb45ee-9856-4f6e-b7dd-40d6055d8484> | {
"date": "2017-03-28T14:46:05",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218189771.94/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212949-00171-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8966825604438782,
"score": 2.921875,
"token_count": 146,
"url": "https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/percussive"
} |
What are soft tissue sarcomas?
Sarcomas are rare. About 2,300 people a year in the UK are diagnosed with a sarcoma. This includes bone sarcomas as well as soft tissue sarcomas.
Soft tissue sarcomas are cancers that develop from cells in the soft, supporting tissues of the body. They can occur in soft tissues such as fat, muscle, nerves, fibrous tissues, blood vessels or in any of the other tissues that support, surround and protect the organs of the body.
Soft tissue sarcomas can develop in any part of the body. Most of them develop in the arms and legs, but they can also develop in specific organs such as the womb (uterus), stomach, skin and small bowel. Less commonly, they may occur in the head and neck.
Some types of sarcoma occur in children, teenagers and young adults, but generally they are more likely to develop in people over the age of 30.
You might find it helpful to see our information about sarcomas that's written specifically for teens and young adults.
Some sarcomas, such as osteosarcoma, start in the bone. These grow and develop differently and are treated differently from soft tissue sarcomas. Occasionally, it’s hard to tell whether a sarcoma has started in soft tissue or bone. There are some types of sarcoma, such as Ewing’s tumours that can begin in either the bone or soft tissue.
We have separate information about cancer that starts in the bone. | <urn:uuid:4e59780e-8e65-4ca0-aa7f-224be1b71951> | {
"date": "2014-10-21T10:16:32",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1413507444339.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20141017005724-00313-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9611544609069824,
"score": 3.953125,
"token_count": 325,
"url": "http://www.macmillan.org.uk/Cancerinformation/Cancertypes/Softtissuesarcomas/Aboutsofttissuesarcomas/Softtissuesarcomas.aspx"
} |
In group therapy, children find out they are not alone with their illness or fears. They can talk with other children their own age who have the same problems. By working together, they can build trust with each other to share their feelings, information and successes.
Groups let children talk about their feelings in a safe and private way. They get help with their problems from the therapists and from the group.
Groups focus on many issues, such as anger management, social fears and coping with medical conditions. The therapist teaches the children skills to help them deal more effectively with their problems. The children practice these skills during group activities. Children can then use these skills in everyday life. | <urn:uuid:16a37c67-d3b8-4e46-8e69-20579b16346c> | {
"date": "2017-03-30T20:31:59",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218203515.32/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322213003-00551-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9824912548065186,
"score": 3.671875,
"token_count": 138,
"url": "http://www.chw.org/medical-care/psychiatry-and-behavioral-medicine/tests-and-treatments/group-therapy/"
} |
On the night of 15 December German company commanders gave their men the watchword which had come from the Fuehrer himself: "Forward to and over the Meuse!" The objective was Antwerp. Hitler's concept of the Big Solution had prevailed; the enemy was not to be beaten east of the Meuse but encircled by a turning movement beyond that river. The main effort would be made by Dietrich's Sixth Panzer Army on the north wing, with orders to cross the Meuse on both sides of Liège, wheel north, and strike for the Albert Canal, fanning out the while to form a front extending from Maastricht to Antwerp. Meanwhile the infantry divisions to the rear of the armored columns would form the north shoulder of the initial advance and a subsequent blocking position east of the Meuse along the Vesdre River. Eventually, or so Hitler intended, the Fifteenth Army would advance to take a station protecting the Sixth Panzer Army right and rear.
Manteuffel's Fifth Panzer Army, initially acting as the center, had the mission of crossing the Meuse to the south of the Sixth, but because the river angled away to the southwest might be expected to cross a few hours later than its armored partner on the right. Once across the Meuse, Manteuffel had the mission of preventing an Allied counterattack against Dietrich's left and rear by holding the line Antwerp-Brussels-Namur-Dinant. The left wing of the counteroffensive, composed of infantry and mechanized divisions belonging to Brandenberger's Seventh Army, had orders to push to the Meuse, unwinding a cordon of infantry and artillery facing south and southwest, thereafter anchoring the southern German flank on the angle formed by the Semois and the Meuse. Also, the Fuehrer had expressed the wish that the first segment of the Seventh Army cordon be pushed as far south as Luxembourg City if possible.
What course operations were to take once Antwerp was captured is none too clear.1 Indeed no detailed plans existed for this phase. There are numerous indications that the field commanders did not view the Big Solution too seriously but fixed their eyes on the seizure of the Meuse bridgeheads rather than on the capture of Antwerp. Probably Hitler had good reason for the final admonition, on 15 December, that the attack was not to begin the northward wheel until the Meuse was crossed.
Dietrich's Sixth Panzer Army, selected to make the main effort, had a distinct political complexion. Its armored divisions all belonged to the Waffen SS, its
commander was an old party member, and when regular Wehrmacht officers were assigned to help in the attack preparations they were transferred to the SS rolls. Hitler's early plans speak of the Sixth SS Panzer Army, although on 16 December the army still did not bear the SS appellation in any official way, and it is clear that the Sixth was accorded the responsibility and honor of the main effort simply because Hitler felt he could depend on the SS.
Josef "Sepp" Dietrich had the appropriate political qualifications to ensure Hitler's trust but, on his military record, hardly those meriting command of the main striking force in the great counteroffensive. By profession a butcher, Dietrich had learned something of the soldier's trade in World War I, rising to the rank of sergeant, a rank which attached to him perpetually in the minds of the aristocratic members of the German General Staff. He had accompanied Hitler on the march to the Feldherrnhalle in l923 and by 1940 had risen to command the Adolf Hitler Division, raised from Hitler's bodyguard regiment, in the western campaign. After gaining considerable reputation in Russia, Dietrich was brought to the west in 1944 and there commanded a corps in the great tank battles at Caen. He managed to hang onto his reputation during the subsequent retreats and finally was selected personally by Hitler to command the Sixth Panzer Army. Uncouth, despised by most of the higher officer class, and with no great intelligence, Dietrich had a deserved reputation for bravery and was known as a tenacious and driving division and corps commander. Whether he could command an army remained to be proven. The attack front assigned the Sixth Panzer Army, Monschau to Krewinkel, was narrower than that of its southern partner because terrain in this sector was poor at the breakthrough points and would not offer cross-country tank going until the Hohes Venn was passed. The initial assault wave consisted of one armored and one infantry corps. On the south flank the I SS Panzer Corps (Generalleutnant der Waffen-SS Hermann Priess) had two armored divisions, the 1st SS Panzer and the 12th SS Panzer, plus three infantry divisions, the 3d Parachute, the 12th Volks Grenadier and the 277th Volks Grenadier. On the north flank the LXVII Corps (General der Infanterie Otto Hitzfeld) had only two infantry divisions, the 326th and 246th Volks Grenadier. The doctrinal question as to whether tanks or infantry should take the lead, still moot in German
military thinking after all the years of war, had been raised when Dietrich proposed to make the initial breakthrough with his two tank divisions. He was overruled by Model, however, and the three infantry divisions were given the mission of punching a hole on either side of Udenbreth. Thereafter the infantry was to swing aside, moving northwest to block the three roads which led south from Verviers and onto the route the armor would be taking in its dash for Liège. Hitzfeld's corps had a less ambitious program: to attack on either side of Monschau, get across the Mützenich-Elsenborn road, then turn north and west to establish a hard flank on the line Simmerath-Eupen-Limburg. All five of the Sixth Panzer Army infantry divisions ultimately would wind up, or so the plan read, forming a shoulder on an east-west line from Rotgen (north of Monschau) to Liège. Under this flank cover the armored divisions of the I SS Panzer Corps would roll west, followed by the second armored wave, the II SS Panzer Corps (General der Waffen-SS Willi Bittrich) composed of the 2d and 9th SS Panzer Divisions.
Dietrich's staff had selected five roads to carry the westward advance, the armor being assigned priority rights on the four southernmost. Actually it was expected that the 1st SS and 12th SS Panzer Divisions would use only one road each. (These two routes ran through the 99th Infantry Division sector.) Although the planning principle as regards the armored divisions was to hold the reins loose and let them run as far and as fast as they could, the Sixth Panzer did have a timetable: one day for penetration and breakout, one day to get the armor over the Hohes Venn, the Meuse to be reached by the evening of the third day, and crossings to be secured by the fourth.2
This army was relatively well equipped and trained. Most of its armor had been out of combat for some time and the horde of replacements had some degree of training in night movement and fighting. The 1st and 2d SS had not been loaded with Luftwaffe and over-age replacements as had the other divisions. The artillery complement of the Sixth Panzer Army was very heavy, albeit limited in mobility by the paucity of selfpropelled battalions. The four armored divisions had about 500 tanks and armored assault guns, including 90 Tigers (Mark VI). Lacking were two things which would markedly affect the operations of the Sixth Panzer Army once battle was joined. There were few trained engineer companies and these had little power equipment. The infantry lacked their full complement of assault guns, a weapon on which the German rifle platoon had learned to lean in the assault; only the 3d Parachute was fully armed with this critical infantry weapon.3
The southern portion of the V Corps front was occupied by the 99th Infantry Division (Maj. Gen. Walter E. Lauer),
which had arrived on the Continent in November 1944 and been placed in this defensive sector to acquire experience.4 The 99th Division front (left to right) extended from Monschau and Höfen to the railroad just north of Lanzerath, a distance of about nineteen miles. To the east lay the Germans in the West Wall pillbox line. The frontage assigned an untried division at first thought seems excessive, but the V Corps commander wished to free as much of his striking power as possible for use in the scheduled attack to seize the Roer dams; furthermore the nature of the terrain appeared little likely to attract a major German attack. (Map II)
In the extreme northern portion of the sector, around Höfen, the ground was studded with open hills, to the east of which lay a section of the Monschau Forest. Only a short distance to the south of Höfen the lines of the 99th entered this forest, continuing to run through a long timber belt until the boundary between the V and VII Corps was reached at the Losheim Gap. The thick woods in the sector were tangled with rock gorges, little streams, and sharp hills. The division supply lines began as fairly substantial all-weather roads, then dwindled, as they approached the forward positions, to muddy ruts following the firebreaks and logging trails. Except for the open area in the neighborhood of Höfen, visibility was limited and fields of fire restricted. Any clearing operation in the deep woods would only give away the American positions. Although terrain seemed equally difficult for offense or defense, this balance would exist only so long as the defender could retain control over his units in the woods and provide some sort of cordon to check infiltration. The nature of the ground and the length of the front made such a cordon impossible; the 99th could maintain no more than a series of strongpoints, with unoccupied and undefended gaps between.
Three roads were of primary importance in and east of the division area. In the north a main paved road led from Höfen through the Monschau Forest, then divided as it emerged on the eastern edge (this fork beyond the forest would have some tactical importance.) A second road ran laterally behind the division center and right wing, leaving the Höfen road at the tiny village of Wahlerscheid, continuing south through the twin hamlets of Rocherath and Krinkelt, then intersecting a main eastwest road at Büllingen. This paved highway entered the division zone from the east at Losheimergraben and ran west to Malmédy by way of Büllingen and Butgenbach. As a result, despite the poverty of roads inside the forest belt where the forward positions of the 99th Division lay, the division sector could be entered
SNOW SCENE NEAR KRINKELT
from the east along roads tapping either flank.
From 8 December on the 99th Division had been preparing for its first commitment in a large-scale operation, repairing roads, laying additional telephone wire, and shifting its guns for the V Corps attack toward the Roer dams. In addition a new supply road was constructed from the Krinkelt area to the sector held by the 395th Infantry. The 2d Infantry Division was to pass through the 99th, then the latter would attack to cover the southern flank of the 2d Division advance. As scheduled, the 2d Division passed through the 99th Division on 13 December, beginning its attack on a narrow front toward Dreiborn, located on the northern fork of the Höfen road beyond the Monschau Forest.
The dispositions of the 99th Division were these: On the north flank the 3d Battalion, 395th Infantry, occupied the Höfen area, with the 38th Cavalry Squadron on the left and the 99th Reconnaissance Troop on the right. The ground here was open and rolling, the 3d Battalion well dug in and possessed of good fields of fire. Next in line to the south, the 2d Division was making its attack on a thrust line running northeastward, its supply route following the section of the Höfen road which ran through the forest to the fork. The remaining two battalions of the 395th resumed the 99th Division front, succeeded
to the south, in turn, by the 393d Infantry and the 394th. Conforming to the wooded contour, the elements of the 99th Division south of the 2d Division attacking column occupied a slight salient bellying out from the flanks.
Two battalions of the 99th Division (the 1st and 2d of the 395th) took part in the attack begun on 13 December, although other elements of the division put on demonstrations to create some diversion to their immediate front. The 2d Battalion, 395th, on the right of the 2d Division jumped off in deep snow and bitter cold in an attack intended to swing north, wedge through the West Wall bunker line, and seize Harperscheid on the southern fork of the road beyond the forest. The advance on the 13th went well; then, as the attack hit the German bunkers and enemy guns and mortars ranged in, the pace began to slow. By 16 December, however, several important positions were in American hands and it seemed that a breakthrough was in the making despite bad weather, poor visibility, and difficult terrain.
The German troops manning the West Wall positions in front of the 2d and 99th Divisions had been identified prior to the 13 December attack as coming from the 277th Volks Grenadier Division and the 294th Regiment of the 18th Volks Grenadier Division. An additional unit was identified on the second day of the offensive when prisoners were taken who carried the pay books of the 326th Volks Grenadier Division. Although this was the only indication of any German reinforcement, American commanders and intelligence officers anticipated that a counterattack shortly would be made against the shoulders of the 2d Division corridor held by the 99th, but that this would be limited in nature and probably no more than regimental in strength. The immediate and natural reaction, therefore, to the German attack launched against the 99th Division on the morning of the fourth day of the V Corps offensive (16 December) was that this was no more than the anticipated riposte.
To the south of the 393d Infantry, the 394th (Col. Don Riley) held a defensive sector marking the right flank terminus for both the 99th Division and V Corps. The 6,500-yard front ran along the International Highway from a point west of Neuhof, in enemy hands, south to Losheimergraben. Nearly the entire line lay inside the forest belt. On the right a two-mile gap existed between the regiment and the forward locations of the 14th Cavalry Group. To patrol this gap the regimental I and R Platoon held an outpost on the high ground slightly northwest of Lanzerath and overlooking the road from that village. Thence hourly jeep patrols worked across the gap to meet patrols dispatched by the cavalry on the other side of the corps boundary. Acutely aware of the sensitive nature of this southern flank, General Lauer had stationed his division reserve (3d Battalion of the 394th) near the Buchholz railroad station in echelon behind the right of the two battalions in the line. The fateful position of the 394th would bring against it the main effort of the I SS Panzer Corps and, indeed, that of the Sixth Panzer Army. Two roads ran obliquely through the regimental area. One, a main road, intersected the north-south International Highway (and the
forward line held by the 394th) at Losheimergraben and continued northwestward through Büllingen and Butgenbach to Malmédy. The other, a secondary road but generally passable in winter, branched from the International Highway north of Lanzerath, and curved west through Buchholz, Honsfeld, Schoppen, and Faymonville, roughly paralleling the main road to the north.
Of the five westward roads assigned the I SS Panzer Corps the two above were most important. The main road to Büllingen and Malmédy would be called "C" on the German maps; the secondary road would be named "D." These two roads had been selected as routes for the main armored columns, first for the panzer elements of the I SS Panzer Corps, then to carry the tank groups of the II SS Panzer Corps composing the second wave of the Sixth Panzer Army's attack. But since the commitment of armored spearheads during the battle to break through the American main line of resistance had been ruled out, the initial German attempt to effect a penetration would turn on the efforts of the three infantry divisions loaned the I SS Panzer Corps for this purpose only. The 277th Volks Grenadier Division, aligned opposite the American 393d Infantry, had a mission which would turn its attack north of the axis selected for the armored advance. Nonetheless, success or failure by the 277th would determine the extent to which the tank routes might be menaced by American intervention from the north. The twin towns, Rocherath-Krinkelt, for example, commanded the road which cut across-and thus could be used to block-the Büllingen road, route C.
The two infantry divisions composing the I SS Panzer Corps center and south wing were directly charged with opening the chief armored routes. The 12th Volks Grenadier Division, regarded by the Sixth Army staff as the best of the infantry divisions, had as its axis of attack the Büllingen road (route C); its immediate objective was the crossroads point of departure for the westward highway at Losheimergraben and the opening beyond the thick Gerolstein Forest section of the woods belt. The ultimate objective for the 12th Division attack was the attainment of a line at Nidrum and Weywertz, eight airline miles beyond the American front, at which point the division was to face north as part of the infantry cordon covering the Sixth Panzer Army flank. The 3d Parachute Division, forming the left wing in the initial disposition for the attack, had a zone of advance roughly following the southern shoulder of the Honsfeld or D route. The area selected for the breakthrough attempt comprised the north half of the U.S. 14th Cavalry Group sector and took in most of the gap between the cavalry and the 99th Division. In the first hours of the advance, then, the 3d Parachute Division would be striking against the 14th Cavalry Group in the Krewinkel-Berterath area. But the final objective of the 3d Parachute attack was ten miles to the northwest, the line Schoppen-Eibertingen on route D. The 3d Parachute axis thus extended through the right of the 99th Division.
The decision as to exactly when the two panzer divisions would be committed in exploitation of the penetrations achieved by the infantry was a matter to be decided by the commanders of the Sixth Panzer Army and Army
Group B as the attack developed. Armored infantry kampfgruppen from the 12th SS Panzer Division and 1st SS Panzer Division were assembled close behind the infantry divisions, in part as reinforcements for the breakthrough forces, in part because none of the Volks Grenadier units were used to close cooperation with armor.
Considerable reshuffling had been needed in the nights prior to 16 December to bring the I SS Panzer Corps toward its line of departure and to feed the infantry into the West Wall positions formerly occupied by the 277th Division. All this was completed by 0400 on the morning set for the attack (except for the reconnaissance battalion which failed to arrive in the 3d Parachute Division lines), and the bulk of the two artillery corps and two Volks Werfer brigades furnishing the artillery reinforcement was in position. None of the three army assault gun battalions, one for each attacking division, had yet appeared. The German artillery, from the 75-mm. infantry accompanying howitzers up to the 210-mm. heavy battalions, were deployed in three groupments, by weight and range, charged respectively with direct support of the attacking infantry, counterbattery, and long-distance fire for destruction.
The first thunderclap of the massed German guns and Werfers at 0530 on 16 December was heard by outposts of the 394th Infantry as "outgoing mail," fire from friendly guns, but in a matter of minutes the entire regimental area was aware that something most unusual had occurred. Intelligence reports had located only two horse-drawn artillery pieces opposite one of the American line battalions; after a bombardment of an hour and five minutes the battalion executive officer reported, "They sure worked those horses to death." But until the German infantry were actually sighted moving through the trees, the American reaction to the searchlights and exploding shells was that the enemy simply was feinting in answer to the 2d and 99th attack up north. In common with the rest of the 99th the line troops of the 394th had profited by the earlier quiet on this front to improve their positions by log roofing; so casualties during the early morning barrage were few.
The German infantry delayed in following up the artillery preparation, which ended about 0700. On this part of the forest front the enemy line of departure was inside the woods. The problem, then, was to get the attack rolling through the undergrowth, American barbed wire, and mine fields immediately to the German front. The groping nature of the attack was enhanced by the heavy mist hanging low in the forest.
The 2d Battalion, on the north flank, was more directly exposed since a road led into the woods position from Neuhof. At this point, close to the regimental boundary, the battle was carried by a fusilier company attached to the 990th Regiment of the 277th Volks Grenadier Division. The fusiliers succeeded in reaching the 2d Battalion lines about 0800 but were driven off by small arms fire and artillery.
In midafternoon the 12th SS Panzer Division, waiting for the infantry to open the road to the International Highway, apparently loaned a few tanks to carry the fusiliers into the attack.5 Behind
a smoke screen the tanks rolled out of Neuhof. An American sergeant spotted this move and with a sound-powered telephone brought friendly artillery into play. High explosive stopped the tanks in their tracks. A few infantry-men got through to the forest positions occupied by the 2d Battalion. There an unknown BAR man atop a log hut "raised hell with the Krauts" and the attack petered out. The 2d Battalion, during this day, never was really pressed. The chief enemy thrusts had gone to the north, where the right flank of the 393d Infantry was hit hard by the 277th Division, and to the south, against the center and refused right flank of the 394th. No word of events elsewhere on the 394th front reached the 2d Battalion command post, but the appearance of German infantry in the woods along the northern regimental boundary gave a clue to the penetration developing there, and the left company of the 2d Battalion was pulled back somewhat as flank protection.
The initial enemy action along the 394th Infantry center and south flank was intended to punch holes through which the panzer columns might debouch onto the Büllingen and Honsfeld roads. The prominent terrain feature, in the first hours of the fight, was a branch railroad line which crossed the frontier just north of Losheim and then twined back and forth, over and under the Büllingen-Malmédy highway westward. During the autumn retreat the Germans themselves had destroyed the bridge which carried the Büllingen road over the railroad tracks north of Losheim. To the west the highway overpass on the Lanzerath-Losheimergraben section of the International Highway had also been demolished. The crossroads at Losheimergraben would have to be taken if the German tanks were to have quick and easy access to the Büllingen road, but the approach to Losheimergraben, whether from Losheim or Lanzerath, was denied to all but infantry until such time as the railroad track could be captured and the highway overpasses restored.
The line of track also indicated the axis for the advance of the left wing of the 12th Volks Grenadier Division and, across the lines, marked a general boundary between the 1st and 3d Battalions of the 394th Infantry. When the barrage lifted, about 0700, the assault regiments of the 12th Division already were moving toward the American positions. The 48th Grenadier Regiment, in the north, headed through the woods for the Losheimergraben crossroads. Fallen trees, barbed wire, and mines, compounded with an almost complete ignorance of the forest trails, slowed this advance. The attack on the left, by the 27th Fuesilier Regiment, had easier going, with much open country and a series of draws leading directly to the track and the American positions.
The 3d Battalion (Maj. Norman A. Moore), to the south and west of the 1st Battalion position at Losheimergraben,
first encountered the enemy. About 0745 L Company, at the Buchholz station, had taken advantage of the lull in the shelling and was just lining up for breakfast when figures were seen approaching through the fog, marching along the track in a column of two's. First thought to be friendly troops, the Germans were almost at the station before recognition brought on a fusillade of American bullets. The enemy scattered for the boxcars outside the station or sought shelter in ditches along the right of way and a close-quarters fire fight began. A 3-inch tank destroyer systematically worked over the cars, while the American mortar crews raked the area beside the track. A few Germans reached the roundhouse near the station, but Sgt. Savino Travalini, leader of the antitank platoon, went forward with a bazooka, fired in enough rounds to flush the fusiliers, then cut them down with his rifle as they broke into the open. (Sergeant Travalini was awarded a battlefield commission as second lieutenant.) K Company, ordered up to reinforce the outnumbered defenders at the station, arrived in time to take a hand in the affray. By noon the Germans had been repelled, leaving behind about seventy-five dead; L Company had suffered twenty-five or thirty casualties.
As a result of the stubborn stand at the station, some of the assault platoons.
of the 27th Fuesilier Regiment circled back to the northeast and onto the left of the 1st Battalion (Lt Col. Robert H. Douglas). Here one of the battalion antitank guns stopped the lead German tank and the supporting fusiliers were driven back by 81-mm. mortar fire thickened by an artillery barrage. The major threat in the Losheimergraben sector came shortly after noon when the 48th Grenadier Regiment finally completed its tortuous approach through the woods, mines, and wire, and struck between B and C Companies. B Company lost some sixty men and was forced back about 400 yards; then, with the help of the attached heavy machine gun platoon, it stiffened and held. During the fight Sgt. Eddie Dolenc moved his machine gun forward to a shell hole which gave a better field of fire. When last seen Sergeant Dolenc still was firing, a heap of gray-coated bodies lying in front of the shell hole.6 The C Company outposts were driven in, but two platoons held their original positions throughout the day. Company A beat off the German infantry assault when this struck its forward platoon; then the battalion mortar platoon, raising its tubes to an 89-degree angle, rained shells on the assault group, leaving some eighty grenadiers dead or wounded.
The early morning attack against the right flank of the 394th had given alarming indication that the very tenuous connection with the 14th Cavalry Group had been severed and that the southern flank of the 99th Division was exposed to some depth. The only connecting link, the 30-man I and R Platoon of the 394th, northwest of Lanzerath, had lost physical contact early in the day both with the cavalry and with its own regiment. Radio communication with the isolated platoon continued for some time, and at 1140 word was relayed to the 99th Division command post that the cavalry was pulling out of Lanzerath-confirmation, if such were needed, of the German break-through on the right of the 99th. Belatedly, the 106th Infantry Division reported at 1315 that it could no longer maintain contact at the interdivision boundary. Less than an hour later the radio connection with the I and R Platoon failed. By this time observers had seen strong German forces pouring west through the Lanzerath area. (These were from the 3d Parachute Division.) General Lauer's plans for using the 3d Battalion, 394th Infantry, as a counterattack force were no longer feasible. The 3d Battalion, itself under attack, could not be committed elsewhere as a unit and reverted to its parent regiment. Not long after the final report from the I and R Platoon, the 3d Battalion was faced to the southwest in positions along the railroad.
A check made after dark showed a discouraging situation in the 394th sector. It was true that the 2d Battalion, in the north, had not been much affected by the day's events-but German troops were moving deeper on the left and right of the battalion. In the Losheimergraben area the 1st Battalion had re-formed in a thin and precarious line; the crossroads still were denied the enemy. But B Company had only twenty men available for combat, while the enemy settled down in the deserted American foxholes only a matter of yards away. Four platoons had been taken from the 3d Battalion to reinforce the 1st, leaving the former with no more than a hundred
men along the railroad line. Farther to the west, however, about 125 men of the 3d Battalion who had been on leave at the rest center in Honsfeld formed a provisional unit extending somewhat the precarious 394th flank position.
Some help was on the way. General Lauer had asked the 2d Division for a rifle battalion to man a position which the 99th had prepared before the attack as a division backstop between Mürringen and Hünningen. At 1600 Colonel Riley was told that the 394th would be reinforced by the 1st Battalion, 23d Infantry, of the 2d Division. During the night this fresh rifle battalion, and a company each of tanks and tank destroyers, under the command of Lt. Col. John M. Hightower, moved from Elsenborn to take up positions south and southeast of Hünningen. Before sunrise, 17 December, these reinforcements were in place.
During the night of 16-17 December the entire infantry reserve in the 99th Division zone had been committed in the line or close behind it, this backup consisting of the local reserves of the 99th and the entire 23d Infantry, which had been left at Elsenborn while its sister regiments took part in the 2d Division attack to break out in the Wahlerscheid sector. The 3d Battalion of the 23d had set up a defensive position on a ridge northeast of Rocherath, prepared to support the 393d Infantry. The 2d Battalion had assembled in the late afternoon of the 16th approximately a mile and a quarter north of Rocherath. The 1st Battalion would be at Hünningen. Troops of the 2d Division had continued the attack on 16 December, but during the afternoon Maj. Gen. Walter M. Robertson made plans for a withdrawal, if necessary, from the Wahlerscheid sector.
As early as 1100 word of the German attacks on the V Corps front had produced results at the command post of the northern neighbor, the VII Corps. The 26th Infantry of the uncommitted 1st Infantry Division, then placed on a 6-hour alert, finally entrucked at midnight and started the move south to Camp Elsenborn. The transfer of this regimental combat team to the V Corps would have a most important effect on the ensuing American defense.
The village of Höfen, the anchor point for the northern flank of the 99th Division, had considerable importance in the attack plans of the German Sixth Panzer Army. Located on high ground, Höfen overlooked the road center at Monschau, just to the north, and thus barred entry to the road to Eupen-at the moment the headquarters of the V Corps.
For some reason Field Marshal Model wished to save the German town of Monschau from destruction and had forbidden the use of artillery there.7 The plan handed General Hitzfeld for the employment of his LXVII Corps (Corps Monschau) called for an attack to the north and south of Monschau that was intended to put two divisions astride the Monschau-Eupen road in position to check any American reinforcements attempting a move to the south. The right division of the Corps Monschau, the
326th Volks Grenadier Division, had been ordered to put all three regiments in the initial attack: one to swing north of Monschau and seize the village of Mützenich on the Eupen road; one to crack the American line south of Monschau, then drive northwest to the high ground on the road just beyond Mützenich; the third to join the 246th Volks Grenadier Division drive through Höfen and Kalterherberg, the latter astride the main road from Monschau south to Butgenbach. If all went according to plan, the 326th and 246th would continue northwestward along the Eupen road until they reached the Vesdre River at the outskirts of Eupen.8 The force available to Hitzfeld on the morning of 16 December for use in the Monschau-Höfen sector was considerably weaker than the 2-division attack planned by the Sixth Panzer Army. In the two nights before the attack the 326th Volks Grenadier Division had moved into the West Wall fortifications facing Monschau and Höfen. The American attack against the 277th Volks Grenadier Division at Kesternich, however, siphoned off one battalion to reinforce the latter division; in addition one battalion failed to arrive in line by the morning of 16 December. Worse, the 246th Volks Grenadier Division, supposed to come south from the Jülich sector, had been held there by American attacks. Hitzfeld was thus left with only a few indifferent fortress troops on the south flank of the 326th Division. The total assault strength in the Höfen-Monschau area, as a result, was between three and four battalions. Nonetheless, Hitzfeld and the 326th commander Generalmajor Erwin Kaschner, could count on a heavy weight of artillery fire to give momentum to the attack. Two artillery corps (possibly totaling ten battalions) were in position to give fire either north or south of the no-fire zone at Monschau, plus one or two Volks Werfer brigades-a considerable groupment for the support of a division attack at this stage of the war.
The American strength in the Höfen-Monschau sector consisted of one rifle battalion and a reconnaissance squadron: the 3d Battalion, 395th Infantry, under Lt. Col. McClernand Butler, in Höfen, and the 38th Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron (Lt. Col. Robert E. O'Brien) outposting Monschau and deployed to the north along the railroad track between Mützenich and Konzen station. The infantry at Höfen lay in a foxhole line along a thousand-yard front on the eastern side of the village, backed up by dug-out support positions on which the battalion had labored for some six weeks. Two nights prior to the German offensive, Company A of the 612th Tank Destroyer Battalion towed its 3-inch guns into the Höfen sector for the purpose of getting good firing positions against the village of Rohren, northeast of Höfen, which lay in the path of the 2d Infantry Division attack. The appearance of the guns, sited well forward and swathed in sheets for protective coloration in the falling snow, gave a lift to the infantry, who as yet had to fight their first battle.
CONSTRUCTING A WINTERIZED SQUAD HUT NEAR THE FRONT LINES
the 196th Field Artillery Battalion were emplaced to give the battalion direct support.
The 38th Cavalry Squadron was aligned from Monschau north to Konzen station, holding a continuous position with fifty dismounted machine guns dug in behind mines, barbed wire, and trip flares covering the approaches from the east. The right flank of the squadron, outposting Monschau, was at some disadvantage because of the deep, rocky draws leading into and past the town. But to the north the terrain was less cut up and offered good fields of fire for the American weapons posted on the slopes west of the railroad track. In addition to the assault gun troop in Mützenich, the squadron was reinforced by a platoon of selfpropelled tank destroyers from the 893d Tank Destroyer Battalion, which was stationed behind the left flank to cover a secondary road which entered the American position, and the 62d Armored Field Artillery Battalion. On the whole the defense in the Monschau-Höfen area was well set when the battalions of the 326th Volks Grenadier Division moved forward to their attack positions on the morning of 16 December. The German guns and Werfers
opened a very heavy barrage at 0525, rolling over the forward lines, then back to the west along the Eupen road, shelling the American artillery positions and cutting telephone wires. Neither the infantry nor cavalry (gone well to ground) suffered much from this fire, heavy though it was; but many buildings were set afire in Höfen and some were beaten to the ground. Monschau, as directed by Model, escaped this artillery pounding. In twenty minutes or so the German fire died away and off to the east the glow of searchlights rose as artificial moonlight. About 0600 the German grenadiers came walking out of the haze in front of the 3d Battalion. The wire to the American guns was out and during the initial onslaught even radio failed to reach the gunners. The riflemen and tank destroyer gunners, however, had the German infantry in their sights, without cover and at a murderously easy range.
The result was fantastic. Yet the grenadiers who lived long enough came right up to the firing line-in three verified instances the bodies of Germans shot at close range toppled into the foxholes from which the bullets came. A few got through and into the village. Assault companies of the 1st Battalion, 751st Regiment, and the 1st Battalion, 753d Regiment, had made this attack. But the support companies of the two battalions were blocked out by an intense concentration of well-aimed 81-mm. mortar fire from the American heavy weapons company, this curtain strengthened within an hour by the supporting howitzer battalion. By 0745 the attack was finished, and in another hour some thirty or forty Germans who had reached the nearest houses were rounded up. Reports of the German dead "counted" in front of Höfen vary from seventy-five to two hundred. The casualties suffered by the 3d Battalion in this first action were extraordinarily light: four killed, seven wounded, and four missing.
At Monschau the 1st Battalion of the 752d Regiment carried the attack, apparently aimed at cutting between the Monschau and Höfen defenses. As the German shellfire lessened, about 0600, the cavalry outposts heard troops moving along the Rohren road which entered Monschau from the southeast. The grenadiers were allowed to approach the barbed wire at the roadblock, then illuminating mortar shell was fired over the Germans and the cavalry opened up with every weapon at hand-the light tanks doing heavy damage with 37-mm. canister. Beaten back in this first assault, the German battalion tried again at daylight, this time attempting to filter into town along a draw a little farther to the north. This move was checked quickly. No further attack was essayed at Monschau and a half-hearted attempt at Höfen, toward noon, was handily repelled. As it was, the 326th Volks Grenadier Division lost one-fifth of the troops put into these attacks.
To the south of Höfen and Monschau in the 2d Division and 395th Infantry zones, 16 December passed with the initiative still in American hands. The German attacks delivered north and south of the corridor through which the Americans were pushing had no immediate repercussion, not even in the 395th Infantry sector. The Sixth Panzer Army drive to make a penetration between Hollerath and Krewinkel with the 1st SS Panzer Corps, therefore, had no contact with the Monschau Corps in the
north, nor was such contact intended in the early stages of the move west. The German command would pay scant attention to the small American salient projecting between the LX VII Corps and the 1st SS Panzer Corps, counting on the hard-pressed 272d Volks Grenadier Division to hold in the Wahlerscheid-Simmerath sector so long as needed.
Although hard hit and in serious trouble at the end of the first day, particularly on the right flank as General Lauer saw it, the inexperienced 99th Division had acquitted itself in a manner calculated to win the reluctant admiration of the enemy. German losses had been high. Where the American lines had been penetrated, in the 393d and 394th sectors, the defenders simply had been overwhelmed by superior numbers of the enemy who had been able to work close in through the dense woods. Most important of all, the stanch defense of Losheimergraben had denied the waiting tank columns of the I SS Panzer Corps direct and easy entrance to the main Büllingen-Malmédy road.
The initial German failure to wedge an opening for armor through the 99th, for failure it must be reckoned, was very nearly balanced by the clear breakthrough achieved in the 14th Cavalry Group sector. The 3d Parachute Division, carrying the left wing of the I SS Panzer Corps forward, had followed the retreating cavalry through Manderfeld, swung north, and by dusk had troops in Lanzerath-only two kilometers from the 3d Battalion, 394th, position at Buchholz.
The 12th SS Panzer Division could not yet reach the Büllingen road. The 1st SS Panzer Division stood ready and waiting to exploit the opening made by the 3d Parachute Division by an advance via Lanzerath onto the Honsfeld road. During the early evening the advance kampfgruppe of the 1st SS Panzer Division, a task force built around the 1st SS Panzer Regiment (Obersturmbannfuehrer Joachim Peiper), rolled northwest to Lanzerath. At midnight-an exceptionally dark night-German tanks and infantry struck suddenly at Buchholz. The two platoons of Company K, left there when the 3d Battalion stripped its lines to reinforce the Losheimergraben defenders, were engulfed. One man, the company radio operator, escaped. Hidden in the cellar of the old battalion command post near the railroad station, he reported the German search on the floor above, then the presence of tanks outside the building with swastikas painted on their sides. His almost hourly reports, relayed through the 1st Battalion, kept the division headquarters informed of the German movements. About 0500 on 17 December the main German column began its march through Buchholz. Still at his post, the radio operator counted thirty tanks, twenty-eight half-tracks filled with German infantry, and long columns of foot troops marching by the roadside. All of the armored task force of the 1st SS Panzer Division and a considerable part of the 3d Parachute Division were moving toward Honsfeld.
Honsfeld, well in the rear area of the 99th, was occupied by a variety of troops. The provisional unit raised at the division rest camp seems to have been deployed around the town. Two platoons
of the 801st Tank Destroyer Battalion had been sent in by General Lauer to hold the road, and during the night a few towed guns from the 612th Tank Destroyer Battalion were added to the defenses. Honsfeld was in the V Corps antiaircraft defense belt and two battalions of 90-mm. antiaircraft guns had been sited thereabout. In addition, Troop A, 32d Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron, had arrived in Honsfeld late in the evening.
The stream of American traffic moving into the village during the night probably explains the ease with which the Honsfeld garrison was routed. The leading German tanks simply joined this traffic, and, calmly led by a man signaling with a flashlight, rolled down the village streets. With German troops pouring in from all sides the Americans offered no concrete resistance. Though some made a fight of it, most engaged in a wild scramble to get out of town. Some of the tank destroyers were overrun by infantry attack through the dark. Guns and vehicles, jammed on the exit roads, were abandoned; but many of the Americans, minus their equipment, escaped.
The predawn seizure of Honsfeld opened D route to the spearhead column of the 1st SS Panzer Division. Reconnaissance, however, showed that the next section of this route, between Honsfeld and Schoppen, was in very poor condition. Since the 12th SS Panzer Division had not yet reached C route, the main Büllingen-Malmédy road, Peiper's kampfgruppe now turned north in the direction of Büllingen with the intention of continuing the westward drive on pavement. At 0100 on 17 December the 24th Engineer Battalion had been attached to the 99th Division and ordered to Büllingen, there to prepare positions covering the entrances from the south and southeast. Twice during the dark hours the engineers beat back German infantry attacks; then, a little after 0700, enemy tanks hove into sight. Falling back to the shelter of the buildings, the 254th did what it could to fend off the tanks. Here, in the town, a reconnaissance platoon of the 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion had just arrived with orders to establish contact with the enemy column, but only one section managed to evade the panzers. The rest of the platoon were killed or captured. Upon receipt of orders from the division, the engineers, who had clung stubbornly to houses in the west edge, withdrew and dug in on higher ground 1,000 yards to the northwest so as to block the road to Butgenbach. There the two companies of the 254th still intact were joined by men hastily assembled from the 99th Division headquarters, the antiaircraft artillery units in the vicinity, and four guns from the 612th Tank Destroyer Battalion.
To the surprise of the Americans gathered along this last thin line the Germans did not pursue the attack. By 1030 a long line of tanks and vehicles were seen streaming through Büllingen, but they were moving toward the southwest! Later, the 99th Division commander would comment that "the enemy had the key to success within his hands, but did not know it." And so it must have seemed to the Americans on 17 December when a sharp northward thrust from Büllingen would have met little opposition and probably would have entrapped both the 99th and 2d Divisions.
In fact, Peiper's column had simply made a detour north through Büllingen and, having avoided a bad stretch of road, now circled back to its prescribed route.
American ground observers, on the 17th, attributed the change in direction to intervention by friendly fighter-bombers, whose attack, so it appeared, "diverted" the German column to the southwest. Two squadrons of the 366th Fighter Group, called into the area to aid the 99th Division, made two attacks during the morning. The 389th Squadron struck one section of the German column, which promptly scattered into nearby woods, and claimed a kill of thirty tanks and motor vehicles. It is doubtful that the Germans were crippled to any such extent-certainly the move west was little delayed-but the American troops must have been greatly heartened. The 390th Squadron, directed onto the column now estimated to be two hundred vehicles or more, was intercepted by a squadron of ME-109's which dropped out of the clouds over Büllingen. The Americans accounted for seven German aircraft, but had to jettison most of their bombs.
The lack of highway bridges over the railroad south of Losheimergraben had turned the first day's battle for the Losheimergraben crossroads into an infantry fight in the surrounding woods. Both sides had sustained heavy losses. The 48th Grenadier Regiment had pushed the 1st Battalion of the 394th back, but had failed to break through to the tiny collection of customs buildings and houses at the crossroads. By daylight on 17 December the Americans held a fairly continuous but thinly manned front with the 1st Battalion around Losheimergraben, part of the 3d Battalion west of the village, and the 1st Battalion of the 23d Infantry holding the exposed right-flank position in Hünningen.
The 12th Volks Grenadier Division, under pressure from higher headquarters to take Losheimergraben, continued the attack with both its forward regiments, now considerably weakened. While the 27th Fuesilier Regiment moved to flank Losheimergraben on the west, the 48th Grenadier Regiment continued its costly frontal attack. The flanking attack was successful: at least a battalion of the 27th drove through a gap between the 1st and 3d Battalions. By 1100 the German infantry were able to bring the Losheim-Büllingen road under small arms fire and the noose was tightening on the Losheimergraben defenders. The frontal attack, at the latter point, was resumed before dawn by enemy patrols trying to find a way around the American firing line in the woods.
In a foxhole line 200 yards southeast of Losheimergraben, 1st Lt. Dewey Plankers had organized about fifty men. This small force-men from Companies B and C, jeep drivers, and the crew of a defunct antiaircraft gun-beat back all of the German patrols. But the game was nearly up. The enemy Pioneers finally threw a bridge over the railroad at the demolished overpass on the Losheim road, and at about 1100 three panzers, supported by a rifle company, appeared in the woods in front of Plankers' position. Lacking ammunition and weapons (twenty of the tiny force were armed
only with pistols), Plankers ordered his men back to the customs buildings at the crossroads and radioed for help. Carbines, rifles, and ammunition, loaded on the only available jeep (the chaplain's), were delivered under fire to the American "blockhouses." The German tankers, unwilling to chance bazooka fire at close range, held aloof from the hamlet and waited for the German gunners and some ME-109's to finish the job. The garrison held on in the basements until the tanks finally moved in at dusk. Lieutenant Plankers had been informed in the course of the afternoon that neighboring troops were under orders to withdraw. He took the men he had left, now only about twenty, and broke through the Germans, rejoining what was left of the 394th Infantry at Mürringen late in the evening.
Even before the German penetration at the Losheimergraben angle, the 394th stood in danger of being cut off and destroyed piecemeal by the enemy infiltrating from the east and south. As part of a withdrawal plan put in effect during the afternoon for the entire division, General Lauer ordered the 394th to withdraw to a second defensive position at Mürringen, about four kilometers in the rear of the regiment's eastern front.
The 2d Battalion, holding the north flank, was under pressure from both right and left. At dawn of 17 December, the enemy had attacked along the Neuhof road with tanks in the van. Company E, directly in the path, used its bazookas with such good effect that three panzers were crippled. Excellent artillery support and fine shooting by the battalion mortars helped discourage any further frontal assault. Infiltration on the flanks, however, had placed the 2d Battalion in serious plight when, at 1400, the order came to withdraw west and tie in with the 3d Battalion. Leaving a small covering force behind, the 2d Battalion started on foot through the woods, carrying its heavy weapons over the rugged and snow-covered trails. The Germans also were moving through the forest, and the battalion was unable to turn toward the 3d as ordered. Withdrawing deeper into the forest the battalion bivouacked in the sector known as the Honsfelder Wald. The covering force, however, made its way to Mürringen, where it was set to defend the regimental command post.
The 1st Battalion, in the Losheimergraben sector, had been so splintered by incessant German-attack that its withdrawal was a piecemeal affair. Isolated groups fought or dodged their way west. Two hundred and sixty officers and men made it.9 Two platoons from Company K which had been attached to the 1st Battalion did not receive word of the withdrawal and held on under heavy shelling until ammunition was nearly spent. It took these men twenty-four hours to wade back through the snow to the regimental lines. What was left of the 3d Battalion also fell back toward Mürringen, harassed by groups of the enemy en route and uncertain as to what would be found at Mürringen.
The survivors of the 394th Infantry now assembling at Mürringen were given a brief breathing spell while the enemy concentrated on the 1st Battalion, 23d Infantry, defending the Hünningen positions 1,500 meters to the south. The 12th Volks Grenadier Division attack finally had broken through the American
line but now was definitely behind schedule. The 48th Regiment, having been much reduced in strength in the fight around Losheimergraben, re-formed on the high ground between the forest edge and Mürringen. The north flank of the regiment lay exposed to counterattack, for the 277th Volks Grenadier Division on the right had been checked in its attempt to take the twin villages, Krinkelt-Rocherath. The fight now devolved on the 27th Regiment, which was ordered to take Hünningen before an attempt to roll up the American south flank.
Colonel Hightower's 1st Battalion was in a difficult and exposed position at Hünningen. His main strength, deployed to counter German pressure from the Buchholz-Honsfeld area, faced south and southeast, but the German columns taking the Honsfeld-Büllingen detour were moving toward the northwest and thus behind the Hünningen defenders. Whether any part of this latter enemy force would turn against the rear of the 1st Battalion was the question.
Through the morning the 1st Battalion watched through breaks in the fog as tanks and vehicles rolled toward Büllingen. Visibility, poor as it was, made artillery adjustment on the road difficult and ineffective. Shortly after noon about 120 men who had been cut off from the 2d and 254th Engineer Battalions arrived at Hightower's command post and were dispatched to form a roadblock against a possible attack from Büllingen. Somewhat earlier twelve Mark IV tanks had appeared south of Hünningen-perhaps by design, perhaps by accident. Assembled at the wood's edge some 800 yards from the American foxhole line, the panzers may have been seeking haven from the American fighter-bombers then working over the road. In any case they were shooting-gallery targets. One of the towed 3-inch guns which the 801st Tank Destroyer Battalion had withdrawn during the early morning debacle at Honsfeld knocked out four of the panzers in six shots. The rest withdrew in haste.
At 1600 the enemy made his first definite assault, preceded by six minutes of furious shelling. When the artillery ceased, German infantry were seen coming forward through a neck of woods pointing toward the southeastern edge of Hünningen. A forward observer with Company B, facing the woods, climbed into the church steeple and brought down shellfire which kept pace with the attackers until they were within a hundred yards of the American foxholes. A number of the enemy did break through, but the assault evaporated when nearly fifty were killed by four men manning automatic weapons from a platoon command post just in the rear of the firing line. The commander of the 27th Regiment sent forward seven "distinct attacking waves" in the course of the afternoon and early evening. In one assault the Germans captured two heavy machine guns and turned them on Company A, but a light machine gun section wiped out the German crews. At no time, despite numerous penetrations in the 1st Battalion line, was the enemy able to get Hünningen into his hands.10 Late in the afternoon an indistinct radio message was picked up by the 1st Battalion, 23d Infantry. It appeared that the battalion now was attached to the 9th Infantry (2d Division), to the north, and that orders were to pull out of Hünningen.
Up to this point, the 394th Infantry was still in Mürringen, gathering its companies and platoons as they straggled in. Furthermore the 1st Battalion was in a fire fight with an enemy only a few score yards distant in the darkness. Colonel Hightower, therefore, tried by radio to apprise the 9th Infantry of his predicament and the importance of holding until the 394th could reorganize. At 2330 Colonel Hirschfelder, the 9th Infantry commander, reached Hightower by radio, told him that Hightower's battalion and the 394th Infantry were almost surrounded and that, if the battalion expected to withdraw, it must move at once. Colonel Hightower again explained his situation, said that in his opinion he could not pull out unless and until the 394th withdrew, but that he would discuss the situation with the commander of the 394th. Hirschfelder agreed and told Hightower to use his own judgment.
At Mürringen Colonel Riley's 394th had not been hard pressed although the German artillery had shown no favoritism and hammered Mürringen and Hünningen equally. The groups filtering back to Mürringen, however, generally had very little ammunition left, even though many detachments came back with all their heavy weapons. If the 394th was to make a stand at Mürringen it would have to be resupplied. At first Colonel Riley hoped to get ammunition by air, for it appeared that the German drive in the Krinkelt area to the north shortly would cut the last remaining supply road. This was a vain hope for aerial supply missions in December were far too chancy. The alternative solution was for the 394th to withdraw north to Krinkelt, using the one route still open.
The 393d Infantry (Lt. Col. Jean D. Scott) had taken no part in the V Corps offensive of 13 December except to put on a "demonstration" in front of the West Wall positions. The regiment, minus its 2d Battalion (attached to the 395th Infantry), was deployed along the German frontier, a line generally defined by the eastern edge of the long forest belt in which the bulk of the 99th Division was stationed and the International Highway. The width of the front, held by the 3d Battalion on the left and the 1st Battalion on the right, was about 5,500 yards. Outposts on the regimental left lay only a few score yards from the West Wall bunkers, but the right was more than half a mile from the German lines. About four miles by trail behind the 393d, the twin villages of Rocherath and Krinkelt lay astride the main north-south road through the division area. In front of the 393d, across the frontier, were entrances to the two forest roads which ran through the regimental sector, one in the north at Hollerath, the second in the south at Udenbreth. Both villages were in enemy hands. At the western edge of the woods the roads converged, funneling along a single track into Rocherath-Krinkelt. The twin villages, therefore, had a tactical importance of the first order. Through them passed the main line of communications in the 2d Division corridor, and from them ran the supply route to the 393d Infantry and the 395th.
In the West Wall bunkers facing the 393d lay the 277th Volks Grenadier Division (Col. Hans Viebig). Reconstructed in Hungary from the remnants
of an infantry division of the same number which had escaped from the Falaise pocket, the 277th arrived in the west during early November. In the days before the counteroffensive the division screened the entire front behind which the I SS Panzer Corps was assembling, but on the evening of 15 December, while two new infantry divisions moved into the line, the 277th assembled on the north flank of the corps zone between Hollerath and Udenbreth. One reinforced battalion, on the far southern flank of the original sector, was unable to reach the division line of departure in time to join the attack.
The I SS Panzer Corps commander had decided to put the weight of his armored thrust to the south and thus avoid entanglement with the American force which, it was thought, could be gathered quickly on the Elsenborn ridge in the northern sector of the zone of advance. But the Elsenborn area had to be neutralized, if for no other reason than to erase the American artillery groupment located there. The 277th Volks Grenadier Division had the task of making the penetration on the right wing of the corps and driving obliquely northwest to take the Elsenborn ridge. As finally prescribed by the corps commander, the phases of the attack planned for the 277th were these: to break through the American line and open the forest roads to Rocherath and Krinkelt; capture these twin villages; seize the Elsenborn area and block any American advance from Verviers. The division commander had received this mission with qualms, pointing out that the wooded and broken terrain favored the Americans and that without sufficient rifle strength for a quick breakthrough, success in the attack could only be won by very strong artillery support. But his orders stood. On the night of 15-16 December the 989th Regiment assembled near Hollerath, its objective Rocherath. To the south the 990th occupied the West Wall pillboxes near Udenbreth, poised for an attack to seize Krinkelt.
The artillery, Werfer, and mortar fire crashing into the American positions on the morning of 16 December gave the attacking German infantry the start the 277th commander had requested. The concentration thoroughly wrecked the American telephone lines which had been carefully strung from battalion to company command posts; in some cases radio communication failed at the same time. This preparatory bombardment continued until 0700.
The north wing of the 393d, held by the 3d Battalion (Lt. Col. Jack G. Allen), lay in the woods close to the German pillboxes from which the assault wave of the 989th, guided by searchlights beamed on the American positions, moved in on the Americans before they had recovered from the shelling. In the first rush all of Company K, save one platoon, were killed or captured. By 0855, when telephone lines were restored and the first word of the 3d Battalion's plight reached the regimental command post, the enemy had advanced nearly three-quarters of a mile beyond the American lines along the forest road from Hollerath. Colonel Allen stripped the reserve platoons from the balance of the 3d Battalion line in a futile attempt to block the onrush, but by 0930 the Germans had reached the battalion command post, around which Allen ordered Companies I and L to gather.
At this point the 81-mm. mortar crews laid down such a successful defensive barrage (firing over 1,200 rounds in the course of the fight) that the attackers swerved from this area of danger and continued to the west. By nightfall the forward companies of the 989th were at the Jansbach creek, halfway through the forest, but had been slowed down by troops switched from the left wing of the 3d Battalion and had lost many prisoners to the Americans. The 3d Battalion radio had functioned badly during the fight and contact with the 370th Field Artillery Battalion, supporting the 3d, was not established till the close of day. Despite the penetration between the 3d and 1st Battalions and the large number of enemy now to the rear and across the battalion supply road, Colonel Allen reported that the 3d could hold on during the night. His supply road had been cut in midafternoon, but Company I of the 394th had fought its way in with a supply of ammunition.
On the south the 1st Battalion (Maj. Matthew L. Legler) likewise had been outnumbered and hard hit. Here the 990th Regiment had assembled in Udenbreth during the dark hours and, when the barrage fire lifted at 0700, began an advance toward the 1st Battalion. The German assault companies, however, failed to get across the half mile of open ground before dawn and were checked short of the woods by mortar and machine gun fire. The commander of the 277th Volks Grenadier Division at once decided to throw in his reserve, the 991st Regiment, to spring the 990th loose. Sheer weight of numbers now carried the German attack across the open space and into the woods-but with high casualties amongst the riflemen and the officers and noncoms herding the assault waves forward. By 0830 the Germans had nearly surrounded Company C, on the 1st Battalion right. An hour later, the 991st Regiment, attacking southwest from Ramscheid, knocked out the light machine guns and mortars in the Company B sector (on the left) with bazooka fire and captured or killed all but one platoon. Company A (Capt. Joseph Jameson), which had been in reserve, counterattacked in support of what was left of Company B and by noon had dug in on a line only 300 yards behind the original line. Here Company A held for the rest of the day against repeated enemy attacks and constant artillery fire with what the regimental after action report characterized as "heroic action on the part of all men." In this fight friendly artillery played an important role. The surviving Company B platoon had retained an observation post overlooking the treeless draw along which reinforcements moved from Udenbreth and despite the German fire a telephone wire was run forward to this command post. The American gunners quickly made this avenue suicidal; through the afternoon cries from the wounded Germans lying in the draw floated back to the American line.
Company C on the 1st Battalion right had slowly succumbed to the weight of numbers; by 1015 two of its platoons had been engulfed. There was little that the regiment could do in response to Major Legler's plea for assistance, but at 1030 the mine-laying platoon from the regimental antitank company arrived to give a hand. This small detachment (26 riflemen plus 13 runners and cooks), led by Lt. Harry Parker, made a bayonet charge to reach the remaining
Company C platoon and set up a new line of defense on the battalion right flank. A gap still remained between the battalion and the 394th Infantry farther south.
By the end of the day the 393d Infantry had restored a front facing the enemy. 11 But the new line could hardly be called solid, the rifle strength remaining was too slim for that. The 1st Battalion had lost over half of its effective strength; the 3d Battalion had its right bent back for several hundred yards and had lost nearly three hundred men. The enemy wandered almost at will through the woods, firing into foxholes, shooting off flares, and calling out in English to trap the unwary. But even with the German strength apparent on all sides, the American situation seemed to be improving. Reinforcements, requested by General Lauer, had arrived from the 2d Division during the late afternoon, the supply roads might be restored to traffic when daylight came again, and the losses inflicted on the attacker were obvious and heartening.
The breakthrough on the south flank of the 99th Division, during 17 December, was paralleled that day by a strong German armored thrust into the division center. The 393d, whose left battalion had been driven back into the deep woods during the first day's attack, was under orders to counterattack and restore its original line. The 3d Battalion was close to being surrounded, and in order to recover its eastern position at the wood line it would have to reopen the battalion supply road. At 0800 Colonel Allen's tired and weakened battalion attacked to the west and drove the enemy off the road, but when the eastward counterattack started it collided with a battalion of German infantry. For half an hour Germans and Americans fought for a hundred-yard-wide strip of the woods. Then, about 0800, the German armor took a hand.
The failure by the 277th Volks Grenadier Division to clear the woods and reach Krinkelt-Rocherath on 16 December had led to some change of plan. The right flank, roughly opposite the 3d Battalion sector, was reinforced by switching the 990th Regiment to the north to follow the 989th Regiment. More important, the 12th SS Panzer Division (which now had come up on the left of the 277th) parceled out some of its tanks to give weight to the infantry attack by the right wing of the 277th Volks Grenadier Division.
The first tank entered the forest road from Hollerath, rolled to within machine gun range of the Americans, stopped, then for twenty minutes methodically spewed bullet fire. Attempts to get a hit by artillery fire were futile, although the American shelling momentarily dispersed the accompanying infantry and permitted a bazooka team to wreck one track. But even when crippled the single tank succeeded in immobilizing the American infantry. Four more enemy tanks appeared. One was knocked out by a bazooka round, but the rest worked forward along the network of
firebreaks and trails.12 The combination of tanks and numerous infantry now threatened to erase the entire 3d Battalion position. Ammunition had run low and the 3d Battalion casualties could not be evacuated.
About 1030 Colonel Scott ordered the 3d Battalion, 393d Infantry, as well as its southern neighbor (the 1st), to remove to new positions about one and a half miles east of Rocherath. This would be done by withdrawing the 3d Battalion through the 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry (the reinforcements sent by Robertson), which had dug in some thousand yards to its rear. All the vehicles available to the forward troops were filled with wounded. Fifteen wounded men, most too badly hurt to be moved, were left behind, together with the 3d Battalion surgeon, Capt. Frederick J. McIntyre, and some enlisted aid men. By noon the entire battalion had pulled out (disengaging without much difficulty); it passed through the 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry, and two hours later was on the new position. Allen's battalion had fought almost continuously since the early morning of the 16th; then at full strength, it now was reduced to 475 men and all but two machine guns were gone.
The 1st Battalion of the 393d Infantry had not been hard pressed during the morning of 17 December because the German forces in its area had been content to move through the gap on the right, between the 393d and 394th. Ordered to withdraw about 1100, the battalion was in position alongside the 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry, by 1400, the two now forming a narrow front east of the twin villages.
The 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry (Lt. Col. Paul V. Tuttle, Jr.), had been rushed to the western edge of the woods on the afternoon of the 16th for use as a counterattack force. The hard-hitting German attack against the 3d Battalion, 393d, on the following morning so drastically changed the situation that Colonel Tuttle's orders were altered to: "hold at all costs." His battalion was none too well prepared for such defense, having arrived with no mines and very little ammunition. Trucks bringing ammunition forward found the road between Büllingen and Krinkelt barred by the enemy and never reached the battalion.
Shortly after the troops from the 393d passed through the battalion, Company I, on the open left flank, heard the clanking of tank treads. A few minutes later German tanks with marching infantry clustered around them struck the left platoon of Company I, rolling forward till their machine guns enfiladed the foxholes in which the American infantry crouched. Company I held until its ammunition was nearly gone, then tried to withdraw to a nearby firebreak but went to pieces under fire raking it from all directions.13 Company K, in line to the south, next was hit. The company started an orderly withdrawal, except for the left platoon which had lost its leader and never got the order to pull back. This platoon stayed in its foxholes until the tanks had ground past, then rose to
CAMOUFLAGED PILLBOX IN THE FOREST serves as a regimental command post.
engage the German infantry. The platoon was wiped out.
A medium tank platoon from the 741st Tank Battalion, loaned by Robertson, had arrived in the 3d Battalion area during the night. Lt. Victor L. Miller, the platoon leader, took two tanks to cover a forest crossroads near the Company K position. In a duel at close quarters the American tanks destroyed two panzers, but in turn were knocked out and Lieutenant Miller was killed.
Parts of Company K held stubbornly together, fighting from tree to tree, withdrawing slowly westward. For courage in this fight, Pfc. Jose M. Lopez, machine gunner, was awarded the Medal of Honor. This rear guard action, for the company was covering what was left of the battalion, went on until twilight. Then, as the survivors started to cross an open field, they were bracketed by artillery and Werfer fire and scattered. (Later the battalion would be given the Distinguished Unit Citation.) Company L, on the inner flank, had been given time for an orderly retreat; eighty or ninety men reached Krinkelt.
The 3d Battalion of the 393d had barely started to dig in behind the 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry, when the first stragglers came back with word of the
German assault. Colonel Allen moved his spent battalion to a hastily organized position 500 yards to the northwest and prepared to make another stand. The main force of the German attack, however, had angled away while rolling over the flank of the forward battalion. About this time the 3d Battalion, 393d, met a patrol from the 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry, which had been rushed to the Rocherath area to cover the 2d Division withdrawal south from Wahlerscheid, and the two battalions joined forces.
The retreat of the 3d Battalion, 23d Infantry, left its right-flank neighbor, the 1st Battalion, 393d Infantry, completely isolated.14 Telephone lines long since had been destroyed, and radio communication had failed. In late afternoon Major Legler decided to withdraw but hearing that the 2d Battalion of the 394th was to tie in on his right reversed his decision. About dark, however, the Germans struck in force and the rifle companies pulled back closer together. Because the battalion supply road was already in German hands, Legler and his men struck out across country on the morning of the 18th, taking a few vehicles and those of the wounded who could be moved. The main body reached Wirzfeld but the rear guard became separated, finally joining other Americans in the fight raging around Krinkelt. The 1st Battalion by this time numbered around two hundred men.
The 395th Infantry, which had supported the 2d Infantry Division attack in the Wahlerscheid sector, was little affected on the 16th and the morning of the 17th by the German power drive against the rest of the 99th Division. Information reaching the 395th command post was sparse and contradictory; both the 2d Division and the 395th still assumed that the battle raging to the south was an answer to the American threat at Wahlerscheid, where the 2d Division had made a sizable dent in the West Wall by evening of 16 December.15
All this time a chain reaction was moving slowly from the menaced southern flank of the 99th northward. It reached the 395th before noon on 17 December with word that the 324th Engineer Battalion, stationed between that regiment and the 393d, was moving back to the west. Actually the engineers had not yet withdrawn but had moved to make contact with and cover the exposed flank of the 395th, this apparently on General Lauer's orders while the 395th was taking orders from Robertson. The withdrawal of the 2d Infantry Division to the Rocherath area resulted in the attachment of the 395th (reinforced by the 2d Battalion of the 393d) to General Robertson's division. Now the battalions were ordered to blow up all of the pillboxes taken in the advance. Finally, at 1600, Col. Alexander J. Mackenzie received a retirement order given by General Lauer or General Robertson, which one is uncertain. The plan was this. The two battalions of the 395th and the attached battalion from the 393d would fall back toward the regimental command post at Rocherath. From this
point the regiment would deploy to cover the road leading out of Rocherath to the north and northeast, the road which the 2d Infantry Division was using in its march south from the Wahlerscheid battlefield.
The 1st Battalion reached Rocherath and on General Robertson's orders entrenched on both sides of the road north of the village. Heavy weapons were dragged through the deep mud and were placed to cover the road. The other two battalions dug in along a perimeter which faced east from Rocherath and the Wahlerscheid road. So emplaced, the 395th waited for the enemy to come pouring through the woods onto the 2d Division route of withdrawal.
On the opposite side of the 2d Division corridor, in the Höfen area, the enemy made no serious move on 17 December to repeat the disastrous attack of the previous day. The immediate objective of the 326th Volks Grenadier Division remained the high ground northwest of Monschau near Mützenich. General Kaschner apparently decided on 17 December to make his bid for a breakthrough directly in this sector and to abandon momentarily the attempt to force a penetration between Monschau and Höfen.
About 0400 on 17 December the 38th Cavalry Squadron outposts north of Monschau heard enemy troops moving along the draw running west from Menzerath. Quick and accurate response by American batteries ended this move. Three hours later the German batteries opened up, shelling the thin line of troopers deployed along the railroad cut north of Monschau. When the guns and Werfers ceased, a wave of German infantry headed for the railroad tracks. They were checked by machine gun fire, but more Germans appeared, extending the assault front from the north edge of Monschau to the hill beyond Mützenich. American fire power-artillery, tank destroyers, tank guns, and the numerous machine guns-stopped the first attack. But by 0900 the enemy had succeeded in gathering a battalion on the north flank, poised against the Troop B front 3,400 yards along the railroad line east of Mützenich Hill. In short rushes the enemy filtered into the Troop B area. Even the Luftwaffe took a hand; at least two squadrons made strafing runs over the cavalry positions. Although some Germans broke through the thin cavalry line, a sharp shelling administered by the 62d Field Artillery Battalion stopped the main support troops short of the railroad. More Germans could be seen assembling in Imgenbroich, but friendly aircraft were on the way to help the cavalry. Gunners from the 62d marked the village with red smoke and the fighter-bombers went in bombing and strafing. This ended the daylight phase of the fray. Company A of the 47th Infantry, which regiment was en route to the sector from Eupen, had appeared in time to help hunt down the Germans who had got through the cavalry line. Despite prisoner reports that the 326th would throw in a regimental attack during the afternoon, quiet reigned. The 47th Infantry arrived at Mützenich and bivouacked astride the Eupen road-the immediate threat was ended. The 38th Squadron could report a count of two hundred German dead in front of its lines. The 326th Volks Grenadier Division was finding its position at the pivot of the Sixth Panzer Army offensive a costly one.
On the night of 16-17 December the enemy counterattacked at Wahlerscheid. Actually the number of enemy troops available for use against the 2d Division was very small, too few for any telling maneuver out of the West Wall position. The bulk of the 272d Volks Grenadier Division, holding the sector, had been thrown in to stop the American 78th Division farther north. The 326th Volks Grenadier Division was already engaged in a costly attempt to penetrate the American lines at Monschau and Höfen. As a result the defense at the Wahlerscheid road junction had been conducted on a catch-as-catch-can basis by troops farmed out for brief periods prior to commitment in the counteroffensive. On 15 December, for example, elements of the 990th Regiment (277th Volks Grenadier Division) were relieved by a reinforced battalion of the 751st Regiment (326th Volks Grenadier Division), which, during the night of 15-16 December, was in the process of being relieved by the Replacement Battalion of the 326th. By coincidence the 2d Division attack on the night prior to the 16th engaged and detained troops which both the 277th and 326th expected to use elsewhere on the first day of the counteroffensive.
On the afternoon of 16 December Maj. Gen. Leonard T. Gerow, commanding the V Corps, concluded from the fragmentary reports coming out of the main battle area that the 2d Infantry Division might soon find itself in a difficult situation. He asked the First Army commander, General Hodges, for permission to call off the attack at Wahlerscheid and move the 2d Division to the natural defensive line offered by the ridge running north and south of Elsenborn. This was refused. Late in the evening the deputy corps commander (Maj. Gen. Clarence R. Huebner) cautioned General Robertson to keep the unengaged troops of his division in hand for a quick change of plan, despite the order to continue the attack.16 By this time the three battalions of the 9th Infantry and two of the 38th were committed. On the
morning of the counteroffensive's second day, with the American position in the 99th Division and VIII Corps sector rapidly deteriorating, Gerow renewed his request. The First Army commander was unwilling to give orders for a withdrawal but authorized the V Corps commander to act as he saw fit. Gerow phoned Robertson; it was now about 0730.
For the first time the 2d Division commander learned that the enemy had broken through the 99th and that his own division was in danger of being cut off. Gerow's order was to set up a defensive position on the Elsenborn ridge-but first the 2d Division had to withdraw from the exposed Wahlerscheid sector. The immediate task confronting Robertson was that of gathering what troops he could to defend the single road back through Krinkelt-Rocherath to Wirtzfeld, while at the same time holding open the one-track road between Wirtzfeld and Elsenborn.17 Two-thirds of his reserve, the 23d Infantry, would be attached to the 99th Division. The rifle strength of the two regiments around Wahlerscheid had been reduced by nearly 1,200 men. The 1st Battalion of the 9th Infantry, for example, had begun the Wahlerscheid attack on 13 December with 35 officers and 678 men; on the morning of 17 December the active roster was 22 officers and 387 men. All of the original company commanders and most of the platoon leaders were casualties. Fortunately, the tank and tank destroyer strength attached to support the 2d Division attack had been held in reserve well to the south in order to prevent a jam on the single communicating road during the infantry phase of the operation and so constituted a readily available reserve. But the appearance of German armor early on 17 December would force some piecemeal distribution to meet this threat.
Even before the withdrawal order reached the 2d Division command post at Wirtzfeld on the morning of the 17th, German tanks had been spotted moving on Büllingen, the main division supply point. General Robertson ordered the headquarters commandant to prepare a defense at the division command post (a few hundred yards north of Büllingen) and sent his only free rifle battalion, the 2d of the 23d Infantry, south from the Rocherath area. After the capture of Büllingen the German column turned away to the southwest, but a reconnaissance party composed of a tank platoon and a few riflemen in half-tracks continued in the direction of Wirtzfeld. They had been anticipated by only a few minutes with the arrival of a self-propelled gun platoon from C Company of the 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion. When the Germans reached the ridge south of Wirtzfeld they were momentarily profiled against the sky line. Two of the American tank destroyers and a 57-mm. gun accounted for three of the panzers and a half-track. For the time being the threat to the southern terminus of the 2d Division line of withdrawal was ended. The 2d Battalion, 23d Infantry, and additional tank destroyers from the 644th soon arrived and deployed in the deep snow south of Wirtzfeld on the slope facing Büllingen, there
to watch the 1st SS Panzer Regiment as it filed southwest.
East of German-held Büllingen the American troops in Mürringen faced encirclement, occupying as they did a precarious and jutting angle between the defense forming on the evening of 17 December around the twin villages and the southern shoulder bracing at Butgenbach. The sole road remaining for withdrawal to the Elsenborn assembly area ran back through Krinkelt, the southernmost of the twin villages, whose tenure by friendly troops was none too certain on the night of the 17th. The chances for a successful withdrawal from Mürringen were dwindling by the hour.
The 37 1st Field Artillery Battalion which had been firing in support of the 394th from battery positions close by, was out of ammunition. Colonel Riley, the regimental commander, reported this to General Lauer at 0115 on the 18th, adding that he recommended "withdrawal." The division commander at once sent a radio message back: "Withdraw arty. Your order. Your time." Apparently Lauer expected that the 394th Infantry and Hightower's battalion from the 23d Infantry would send off the guns and then consolidate with the Krinkelt defenders. About this time Hightower arrived at Riley's command post and told him of his conversation with Colonel Hirschfelder. Hightower had just talked with one of his ambulance drivers who had come back from Wirtzfeld via the road through Krinkelt and said he could guide the vehicles out. Colonel Riley now decided to evade the closing jaws of the German trap by moving out through Krinkelt and retiring if possible, to Elsenborn. The ambulance driver would join the head of the column and Hightower's trucks would fall in behind the vehicles of the 394th.
Shortly after midnight the remnants of the 394th Infantry at Mürringen formed in two columns, one composed of foot troops, the other made up of the remaining vehicles. Colonel Riley started the motor column, which included Hightower's vehicles, along the road toward Krinkelt at 0215, a road beaten by hostile shellfire. Near Krinkelt, whence came the sound of heavy firing, the column halted while scouts moved toward the houses at the edge of the village. Here German tanks were seen, and so orders were passed along to abandon the vehicles and move west on foot to Elsenborn. The infantry column started a quarter of an hour after the vehicles, marching quietly toward Krinkelt along a tree-covered draw, carrying only helmets, overcoats, rifles, and ammunition. Debouching onto the road south of Krinkelt, the infantry found it lined with deserted trucks and jeeps. After some indecision the infantry manned a few of the empty vehicles-by this time it had been ascertained that the 2d Infantry Division had at least partial control of Krinkelt-and edged their way through the village and out the Wirtzfeld road. Most of the men from Mürringen reached Elsenborn during the 18th. The 371st Field Artillery Battalion, which had displaced closer to Krinkelt during the night, failed to get its heavy equipment out of the snow when a second move was ordered at daylight, and all but five howitzers were abandoned.
There remains to account for the 394th's 2d Battalion, which had been cut off from the regiment while in the Honsfelder Wald, and the 1st Battalion of the 23d, attached to the 394th and holding Hünningen, the southernmost position left to the 2d and 99th Divisions. In the Honsfelder Wald the 2d Battalion of the 394th met the 1st Battalion of the 393d; both were out of communication with their parent regiments and neither knew the location of neighboring units. Jointly deciding to withdraw further to the west, the two units began their march at daylight on the 18th. Diverted by the sound of intense firing in the direction of Krinkelt, they marched toward Mürringen.
Almost in the shadow of the houses the force got a hostile reception: the Germans had moved in on the heels of the 394th. At this critical juncture radio contact was made with a friendly unit, probably the 2d Division, and in answer to the plea for help American shells began exploding in the village. Between the confusion and the morning fog, the Americans were able to break away, turning this time toward Wirtzfeld. They carried as many of their wounded as they could, but some of the wounded had to be left behind in the care of two aid men. En route to Wirtzfeld the group suddenly was brought under fire by the 2d Division artillery, a number of casualties resulting. At this point the men nearly panicked, but order was restored while a squad leader raced ahead to a friendly outpost and stopped the shelling. Most of the weary, hungry troops reached Elsenborn during the early hours of 19 December. Capt. Robert McGee, S-3 of the 2d Battalion, 394th, had brought out about 570 officers and men. The 1st Battalion, 393d, which had been badly hurt in the first two days of the fight, was less fortunate. Fewer than 300 of its officers and men were left.
The 1st Battalion, 23d Infantry, at Hünningen, it will be recalled, had received radio orders late on the 17th which put it under the command of the 9th Infantry. Colonel Hightower's battalion was closely engaged, for the Germans had filtered through at a number of points, and when the order came to withdraw from the village the battalion had to fight its way free. Company B, most exposed, was under assault even as the withdrawal began. A platoon leader was wounded in front of the foxhole line; two aid men tried to reach him and were killed. A third reached the side of the fallen officer, then both were killed. The 3d Platoon, whose radio was gone, had no word as to the time when the battalion was pulling back. Runners who tried to reach the platoon were killed or captured, and this part of Company B was lost. Most of the badly depleted 1st Battalion withdrew in accordance with an earlier plan along a secondary road via Mürringen which had been scouted by the battalion medical officer, the vehicles following the 394th and the men on foot marching cross-country to Wirtzfeld. | <urn:uuid:7e297e7c-2da8-41f4-aba2-de75be88d18f> | {
"date": "2015-03-06T02:27:36",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-11",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-11/segments/1424936465456.40/warc/CC-MAIN-20150226074105-00110-ip-10-28-5-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9781086444854736,
"score": 3.140625,
"token_count": 19564,
"url": "http://www.history.army.mil/books/wwii/7-8/7-8_5.htm"
} |
Of Mice and Men
Reading Comprehension Exercises
Use these exercises to help you focus as you read and to prepare for comprehension quizzes. These questions are not mandatory exercises, but if you can answer them, you will surely do well on the quizzes.
- Describe the physical and mental characteristics of George and Lennie.
- Why are George and Lennie walking to the ranch?
- What does George tell Lennie to do before they meet with the ranch owner?
- What does Lennie attempt to hide from George?
- Why does Lennie like mice and rabbits?
- What kinds of complaints does George make about Lennie?
- How did Lennie lose his last job?
- What is George and Lennie’s dream for the future?
- According to George, what makes George and Lennie different from other ranch hands?
- According to George, what instructions should Lennie follow if any trouble occurs at the ranch?
Identify each of the following characters, their relationship to other characters in the novel and their character traits. You should, of course, already know about George and Lennie.
- The Boss
- The “stable buck”
- Curley’s wife
- Why does Lennie return from the barn hunched over and secretive?
- Why does Carlson dislike Candy’s dog?
- Why is Whit impressed by a letter in a pulp magazine?
- Why does Candy ultimately give in to Carlson?
- Why does Whit invite George into town?
- What does Curley think when he learns that Slim is in the barn?
- What does Candy suggest when he overhears George and Lennie talking about their dream plans?
- When Curley is humiliated by Slim and Carlson, how does he attempt to restore his own pride?
- What happens to Curley as a result of his attempt to restore his pride?
- How does Slim save George and Lennie’s jobs? What does he say to Curley?
- At the beginning of the chapter, why is Lennie in the barn?
- Why isn’t Crooks allowed to go in the bunk house?
- How does Crooks torment Lennie?
- What does Crooks say he needs?
- When does Crooks become convinced that Lennie’s dream can come true?
- What is Crooks offer to Candy and Lennie?
- What does Curley tell his wife about his hand?
- What does Curley’s wife guess about Lennie?
- How does Curley’s wife react when Crooks tells her to leave?
- What does Crooks tell Candy to forget?
- Why is Lennie angry and sorry about the puppy?
- Why does Curley’s wife sit next to Lennie in the barn?
- What does Lennie do to Curley’s wife by accident?
- Where does Lennie go to escape?
- Who reports the news about Curley’s wife?
- In which direction does George say Lennie went?
- Why do the men assume that Lennie is armed?
- Why does Candy lie down in the hay and cover his face?
- Who shoots Lennie? Where does he shoot him? Why does he shoot him?
- Why does Slim offer to buy George a drink? | <urn:uuid:41ec42f0-267d-47e1-9714-f862d5c29c15> | {
"date": "2014-10-26T02:53:40",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1414119654194.47/warc/CC-MAIN-20141024030054-00028-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9606935977935791,
"score": 3.265625,
"token_count": 711,
"url": "http://tumbleweedsmom.wordpress.com/read-for-understanding/of-mice-and-men-study-questions/"
} |
by Doruk Gurunlu
Few beverages are as closely tied to history, culture, technology, sociology and evolving human taste and trends as beer.
Beer is an alcoholic beverage made from malted cereal grains such as barley that are flavored with hops, brewed, and finally fermented by the action of yeast. Although brewers can add almost anything to beer, there are four essential building blocks- malt, water, hops and yeast.
MALT aka” the soul of beer”: Wine grapes have sugar ready and waiting for the yeast to metabolize but in order to create alcohol in beer, grain needs an extra step to produce fermentable sugar. The grain is allowed to partly germinate by mimicking the plants growth cycle as it gets ready to produce a new shoot or plant. Enzymes begin breaking down carbohydrates stored inside the seed, making them available to be converted into sugar so fermentation can occur. Barley is considered the best grain for brewing but corn, wheat, rice, rye and oat are also used. After malting, the grains are kilned or roasted. This process can make the beer varying shades from very pale to a medium amber to an intense black hue. Also, roasting allows the addition of flavors such as cracker, biscuit, nut, grain, chocolate, coffee, toffee, caramel, raisin, and prune.
WATER: 85 to 95 % of beer is water thus creating the opportunity to bring flavors like chalk, flint, and sulfur to the brew. Historically, in classic European beer cities, breweries were built close to suitable supplies of good water. In the modern age, with the introduction of industrial water treatment technology, breweries can mimic the water compositions of classic brewing cities.
HOPS: There are hundreds of varieties of hops and just like grapes, each has different combination of oils and levels of bitter resins. Germany, England, Belgium, and Czech Republic are considered the classic regions for hops while in the United States, Washington state is the largest producer. Hops can add flavors and bitterness to balance the sweetness of malt and protect the beer from antimicrobial properties.
YEAST: Yeast metabolizes sugar and creates alcohol. There are 4 types of yeast, wild yeast, sour yeast, ale yeast and lager yeast. The first two are rarely used, while ale yeast, aka baker’s yeast, and lager yeast are commonly used. Ale yeast works at warmer temperature and creates fruity, spicy compounds which produce a thick layer of yeast foam close to the top. Lager yeast prefers cool temperatures, sinks at the bottom and creates more subtle and clean flavors.
At Pescado, we have refreshing local and international lagers, aromatic hefeweizen, mild and easygoing American amber and American ale. We also offer moderately hoppy pilsner or intensely hoppy American pale ale, dark and rich Irish or American stout. Come see us and we will gladly pair those beers with our menu items. Cheers
Originally from Turkey, Doruk Gurunlu has lived in the United States since 2005 when he came to South Walton. Doruk has many passions – wine being one of them. He truly enjoys talking about wine with his friends and guests at Pescado in a way that makes the knowledge of wine accessible and relatable. | <urn:uuid:45b92353-8ccd-46d1-be4d-609d7df03e9d> | {
"date": "2019-04-22T11:08:57",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-18",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578551739.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20190422095521-20190422121521-00176.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9401734471321106,
"score": 3.140625,
"token_count": 677,
"url": "https://rooftop30a.com/blog/?category=Beer+is+the+New+Black"
} |
Chemicals or foods that raise estrogen levels during pregnancy may increase cancer risk in daughters, granddaughters, and even great-granddaughters, according to scientists from Virginia Tech and Georgetown University.
Pregnant rats on a diet supplemented with synthetic estrogen or with fat, which increases estrogen levels, produce ensuing generations of daughters that appear to be healthy, but harbor a greater than normal risk for mammary cancer, the researchers report in today's Nature Communications.
Although the findings have not yet been validated in humans, the study shows that environmental damage may be passed from one generation to the next not through genetic mutations, but through "epigenetic" alterations that influence how genomic information is decoded.
The research also raises hope that people who may be especially sensitive to carcinogens can be identified and novel prevention strategies can be employed before cancer strikes.
"We have shown for the first time that altered DNA methylations modulated by specific diet in normal development are heritable and transgenerational," said Yue "Joseph" Wang, the Grant A. Dove Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering at Virginia Tech Research Center - Arlington. "We also identified key methylation alteration sites that may be involved or responsible for increased breast cancer risk, which may serve as novel biomarkers for scientists to develop novel and targeted prevention strategies."
The National Cancer Institute estimates that more than 226,000 women and more than 2,000 men will develop breast cancer in 2012, and nearly 40,000 people will die of the disease.
Two thirds of breast cancers that occur in families have no known genetic cause, according to Leena Hilakivi-Clarke, a professor of oncology at Georgetown Lombardi Comprehensive Cancer Center. The study shows what may be underlying the cancer are not genetic mutations, but inherited effects of maternal intake of high-fat diets and exposure to excess estrogen during pregnancy.
"It is becoming clear that the process of epigenetic signaling -- which genes are expressed and which genes are silenced -- is being affected by a mother's hormonal environment during pregnancy," said Hilakivi-Clarke, who has studied the effects of maternal diet on offspring in animals and humans for more than 20 years. "The early studies indicate in a normal pregnancy a woman may have more than 20 different estrogen levels, and the highest and the lowest all result in a healthy baby. The challenge has been to understand how something in fetal development can affect breast cancer risk more than 50 years later."
The study was led by Sonia de Assis, a postdoctoral researcher in Hilakivi-Clarke's laboratory at the Georgetown Lombardi Comprehensive Cancer Center at Georgetown University Medical Center.
Virginia Tech researchers developed mathematical models and machine-learning techniques to analyze the changes in DNA methylation status in the descending daughters to understand how increased cancer risk is transmitted without genetic mutation.
DNA methylation is a key process in normal development, allowing cells with the same genome to perform different functions by adding chemical groups to DNA to turn some genes on and some genes off.
Wang's group found that the descendants with increased risk had several hundred common DNA regions that were methylated differently than in a control group, providing statistically convincing evidence that breast cancer risk can be transmitted via epigenetic means.
"Ultimately, it may be possible to undo or prevent this harmful methylation and decrease the risk of breast cancer." Wang said. "A next step will be to study the timing of the intervention and the impacts of the methylation as it occurs in the early, middle or end of the pregnancy. The promising news is pharmacologic or other interventions may be able to reverse the harmful exposure."
This study was supported by the American Cancer Society (116602-PF-09-018-01-CNE) and the National Institutes of Health including the National Cancer Institute (R03 CA150040, RO1 CA069065, U54 CA100970, U54CA149147, P30 CA051668 and P30 CA054174), the National Institute of Environmental Sciences (RO1 ES017594), and the National Institute of General Medical Sciences (R21 GM085665). | <urn:uuid:6fa01bce-6c83-4de1-b28d-c3a5376d4b0e> | {
"date": "2017-08-23T23:16:33",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-34",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886124662.41/warc/CC-MAIN-20170823225412-20170824005412-00096.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9412912130355835,
"score": 3.078125,
"token_count": 843,
"url": "https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2012-09/vt-bcr091012.php"
} |
Full view (jpeg: 50.32 KB)
James Kilbourn Engraving from the collections of the Worthington Historical Society (WHS) may be used for educational purposes as long as it is not altered in any way and proper credit is given: "Courtesy of the Worthington Historical Society, Worthington, OH." Prior written permission of the WHS is required for any other use of James Kilbourn Engraving. Contact WHS at [email protected] to request permission.
Learn more about copyright and access restrictions for use of materials from Worthington Memory.
It was created in 1830.
This is an engraving of James Kilbourn, founder of Worthington, Ohio. Prior to the invention of photography, engravings were a popular means of reproducing portraits. Engravings were used in books and newspapers for illustrations as photographs are now. Son of an impoverished farmer, James Kilbourn set out on his own at 16, illiterate and poor. Self-educated and self-made, his life typifies the frontier entrepreneur. He founded the cities of Worthington, Bucyrus, Norton, Lockbourne and Sandusky, served in the U.S. Congress, and was active in the religious and political life of Columbus and Ohio.
It features the person Col. James Kilbourne, 1770-1850.
It covers the city Worthington.
You can find the original at Worthington Historical Society.
This file was reformatted digital in the format video/jpeg.
The Worthington Historical Society identification code is 79-G-298. The Worthington Memory identification code is whs0335.
The Worthington Historical Society identification code is 79-G-298.
The Worthington Memory identification code is whs0335.
This metadata record was human prepared by Worthington Libraries on March 6, 2002. It was last updated November 17, 2017. | <urn:uuid:41ac164e-5b8c-47c5-a9fb-8e891a1e99e1> | {
"date": "2020-01-21T16:37:51",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2020-05",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-05/segments/1579250604849.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20200121162615-20200121191615-00456.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9365617036819458,
"score": 2.6875,
"token_count": 412,
"url": "http://www.worthingtonmemory.org/scrapbook/art-originals/james-kilbourn-engraving"
} |
Don't let the high cost of college discourage you. Numerous sources of financial aid can help you afford even the most expensive schools. In fact, nearly half of all college students receive some financial aid. The key is to start saving and researching now.
Save Early: Consider the types of college you might attend (public, private, urban, rural), the requirements of your potential major (books, supplies), and living costs (housing, transportation, food). Estimate your financial needs, and begin saving money each month. Many banks offer special college savings accounts.
Explore Your Options: You can apply for several types of aid from federal and state agencies, private foundations, and colleges. The federal government alone provides nearly $50 billion in student aid to U.S. citizens annually. Delve into the topics below for more information.
Financial aid is based on the amount a family is expected to pay for college, called the Expected Family Contribution or EFC. Therefore, although the costs of colleges vary widely, the dollar amount a family is expected to contribute to a student’s college education will not. If the family’s EFC is calculated at $5,000 and a school’s total cost is $15,000, the family’s need is $10,000. If the school’s cost is $40,000, the same family’s need is $35,000. Not all colleges guarantee to meet the family’s full need, but many do. There are numerous instances where students end up paying less to go to a school that costs $40,000 than they do at a UC because private colleges often have more money available for aid. In addition, the amount students have to borrow from a private college may be less. We encourage almost all families to apply for financial aid since you may be eligible for more aid than you think. In addition, in case there is a family emergency that affects income, your forms will be on file and you will be able to discuss contingencies with the college financial aid office. To get an idea of what your EFC is, go to www.collegeboard.com and click on “Pay for College” and then “Calculators.”
Financial Aid Calculators - The most popular calculators are the College Cost Projector, Savings Plan Designer, Financial Aid Estimation Calculator and Loan Payment Calculator.
MOST IMPORTANT – CHECK WITH EACH COLLEGE WHERE THE STUDENT IS APPLYING TO DETERMINE THE PRIORITY DEADLINES FOR APPLYING FOR FINANCIAL AID. THE DEADLINE FOR THE UC’S, CAL STATE UNIVERSITIES AND COMMUNITY COLLEGES IS MARCH 2ND, BUT THE DEADLINE FOR MANY PRIVATE SCHOOLS IS EARLIER. ALSO CHECK TO FIND OUT WHICH FORMS ARE REQUIRED.
The Student Guide - This government publication is one of the best, most concise and well-organized explanations of the financial aid process anywhere. Check it out to discover the answers to all your financial aid questions! | <urn:uuid:c42a9a64-75a6-453b-8395-f1d9381c00cb> | {
"date": "2019-11-13T20:28:43",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-47",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-47/segments/1573496667333.2/warc/CC-MAIN-20191113191653-20191113215653-00416.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9316918253898621,
"score": 2.8125,
"token_count": 642,
"url": "https://www.gertzresslerhigh.org/apps/pages/index.jsp?uREC_ID=51147&type=d&pREC_ID=67137"
} |
New research shows that febrile seizures in children may be linked to respiratory alkalosis, indicated by elevated blood pH and low carbon dioxide levels caused by hyperventilation, and independent of the underlying infection severity. Febrile seizures were not observed in susceptible children with fevers brought on by gastroenteritis, suggesting that low blood pH levels (acidosis) may have a protective effect. Full findings now appear in Epilepsia, a journal published by Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of the International League Against Epilepsy (ILAE).
Febrile seizures are the most common type of convulsive disorder in children, affecting nearly 1 out of every 25 children and typically occurring between the ages of 6 months and 5 years, according to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS). Previous studies have suggested that a combination of genetic and environmental factors cause febrile seizures which have an incidence of up to 8% depending on geographical region and culture.
To further understand the functional changes associated with febrile seizures, a team of investigators, led by Dr. Sebastian Schuchmann, at the Charité-Universitätsmedizin Berlin in Germany and the University of Helsinki in Finland enrolled and analysed 433 children with similar fever levels who were admitted to hospital for febrile seizure (n=213) or gastroenteritis (n=220). All pediatric patients had their blood pH and carbon dioxide levels measured upon admission.
Researchers found respiratory alkalosis in children with febrile seizures and metabolic acidosis in pediatric patients admitted for gastroenteritis. Febrile seizures did not occur in children with gastroenteritis, except in a subgroup of 15 patients who had an alkaline blood pH level. Additionally, 8 patients were admitted on separate occasions for febrile seizures and gastroenteritis; blood pH was elevated when the child was admitted with febrile seizure, but a more acidotic pH was found when the child presented with gastroenteritis.
"Our findings reveal that febrile seizures are associated with respiratory alkalosis and unrelated to the severity of the underlying infection or fever level," concluded Dr. Schuchmann. "Further investigation of methods that control the body's acid-base status may lead to the development of novel therapies for treating febrile seizures." Based on the study results, the authors suggest an application of 5% carbon dioxide in the breathing air as a possible treatment for febrile seizures.
This study is published in Epilepsia. Media wishing to receive a PDF of this article may contact [email protected].
Full citation:"Respiratory Alkalosis in Children with Febrile Seizures." Sebastian Schuchmann, Sarah Hauck, Stephan Henning, Annette Grüters-Kieslich, Sampsa Vanhatalo, Dietmar Schmitz, Kai Kaila. Epilepsia; Published Online: September 12, 2011 (DOI: 10.1111/j.1528-1167.2011.03259.x). http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1528-1167.2011.03259.x
Epilepsia is the leading, most authoritative source for current clinical and research results on all aspects of epilepsy. As the journal of the International League Against Epilepsy, subscribers every month will review scientific evidence and clinical methodology in: clinical neurology, neurophysiology, molecular biology, neuroimaging, neurochemistry, neurosurgery, pharmacology, neuroepidemiology, and therapeutic trials. For more information, please visit http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/(ISSN)1528-1167.
Wiley-Blackwell is the international scientific, technical, medical, and scholarly publishing business of John Wiley & Sons, with strengths in every major academic and professional field and partnerships with many of the world's leading societies. Wiley-Blackwell publishes nearly 1,500 peer-reviewed journals and 1,500+ new books annually in print and online, as well as databases, major reference works and laboratory protocols. For more information, please visit www.wileyblackwell.com or our new online platform, Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com), one of the world's most extensive multidisciplinary collections of online resources, covering life, health, social and physical sciences, and humanities.
AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the accuracy of news releases posted to EurekAlert! by contributing institutions or for the use of any information through the EurekAlert! system. | <urn:uuid:682efbd7-7835-4a55-a821-bb812f13cca6> | {
"date": "2014-08-01T05:58:44",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-23",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-23/segments/1406510274581.53/warc/CC-MAIN-20140728011754-00420-ip-10-146-231-18.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.876715362071991,
"score": 3.328125,
"token_count": 972,
"url": "http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2011-09/w-hmt090811.php"
} |
Practicing the Phonetic Alphabet is an important step for your preschool-aged child.
Hearing the sounds that each letter makes is an important building block in learning how to sound out words later.
These coloring worksheets are a fun way to teach the letter sounds to your child.
Each worksheet features a Large capital letter with an image of something that begins with that sound.
As your child colors, practice saying the letter sound with him or her and try to come up with more words for each letter.
I also have another set of alphabet coloring pages that feature both the upper case and lower case versions of each letter using the D'Nealian font, which is used a lot to bridge printing and cursive handwriting.
You can find many more phonics worksheets and activities in the related lessons at the bottom of this page.
Click on an image to open up a printable file in another tab.
You could also make a phonetic flip-book using these coloring pages and the step-by-step alphabet scrapbook instructions found here.
Be sure to take advantage of the similar lessons below to help your students better understand letters and improve their handwriting.
Try These Recommended Lessons & Worksheets:
Sign up for the newsletter to receive important updates about new lessons, coupon codes for school supplies and books, and to provide feedback on the site.
I've put together a list of educational resources that include links to more free work sheets, workbooks, home school curriculums, teacher resources, and learning toys. | <urn:uuid:7b619deb-1262-4296-aead-96f0ed47fd91> | {
"date": "2016-02-11T00:13:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-07",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-07/segments/1454701160918.28/warc/CC-MAIN-20160205193920-00210-ip-10-236-182-209.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9374462366104126,
"score": 4.1875,
"token_count": 318,
"url": "http://www.free-math-handwriting-and-reading-worksheets.com/phonetic-alphabet.html"
} |
Pom Prap Sattru Phai(3)
A market is one of the many varieties of systems, institutions, procedures, social relations and infrastructures whereby parties engage in exchange. While parties may exchange goods and services by barter, most markets rely on sellers offering their goods or services (including labor) in exchange for money from buyers. It can be said that a market is the process by which the prices of goods and services are established.
For a market to be competitive, there must be more than a single buyer or seller. It has been suggested that two people may trade, but it takes at least three persons to have a market, so that there is competition in at least one of its two sides.
However, competitive markets, as understood in formal economic theory, rely on much larger numbers of both buyers and sellers. A market with a single seller and multiple buyers is a monopoly. A market with a single buyer and multiple sellers is a monopsony. These are the extremes of imperfect competition. | <urn:uuid:9b3ede0f-84e3-4802-97f0-a2b75d9d87f9> | {
"date": "2016-12-10T22:25:46",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-50",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-50/segments/1480698543577.51/warc/CC-MAIN-20161202170903-00464-ip-10-31-129-80.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9707360863685608,
"score": 3.671875,
"token_count": 209,
"url": "http://www.lovethailand.biz/group/en/17-Bangkok/19-Local-Market.html"
} |
A Myriad of Parasites & Parasitical Lifeforms
Can Call the Human Body Home!
The keys to limiting and controlling parasites are a combination of:
(1) Proper Nutritional Diet.
(2) Effective Parasite-Cleanse Supplements.
(3) Common Sense Decisions.
How Can This Be True?
Everything you eat, drink, or handle could be inviting unwanted guests to set up home inside your body.
Most people do not want to even think of the possibility of it being true, but it is the reality of the world in which we live in. Parasites affect billions of people worldwide of all races and demographic regions.
It's conservatively estimated that more than 150 million Americans alone may have these parasitical invaders lurking within their bodies without even knowing it! Some experts project even higher numbers of people.
These intruders live in and feed off the host, depriving them of vitamins, nutrients, and amino acids; altering natural pH levels, decreasing energy levels, and creating a more acidic environment within the body.
It is therefore vitally important through both dietary choices and herbal supplementation to provide your body the adequate tools to assist in combatting these harmful invaders.
Compromised health can be a direct result of parasite infestation in our bodies.
These parasite invaders live off our body's life-force and the sustenance that we ingest. In addition to a loss of nourishment
and cellular damage, the toxicities produced by these creatures play havoc with our immune system and degrade the
optimum health of their host. Sickness, disease, and numerous health challenges can easily be a direct resultant (or an indirect resultant) of continued
exposure and infestation. But fortunately parasites can be easily and safely eliminated from the human body!
What Exactly is a Parasite?
By definition... a parasite or parasitical organism is simply a lifeform that exists primarily off of the life of it's host; the host being you or me!
In essence, parasites live a parallel life within our bodies - feeding off our own energy, our own cells, and of course the nutition from the foods we eat.
In recent medical studies, it has been estimated that as much as 85% of the North American adult population may have at least one form of parasitical organism living within their bodies.
Again the study suggests 'at least' one kind... however, it is very likely the majority of us are hosting more than a single kind of uninvited guest.
The immediate question that comes to mind when people are informed of this situation is: How can a parasite possibly
live in my body and I don't even know it is there? The answer to this is simple. The purpose of a parasitical organism is to NOT make
itself known. A smart parasite invader lives without being detected; because if it is detected, of course, something is going to be
done to eradicate it. If you think the organisms are stupid, think again. They are highly intelligent invaders. Not intelligent
in the same way that humans are, but rather they are intelligent in their ability to survive and reproduce, which is the purpose
of any successful lifeform on the planet.
It's a mystery why every generation prior to modern times made de-worming and internal cleansing a regular part of their lives, but for whatever reason our generation
seemingly chooses to ignore this basic practice. It is recognized that people in third world countries have parasites. But most people think that this is the only place they exist. It is recognized that
most of the animal foods we eat are infested. It is recognized that our pets come in contact with many forms of parasites and worms. It is becoming more widely understood that even the vegetables we eat are teeming with microbial organisms.
But it doesn't just stop there... items you handle can even transmit both microbial and macrobial parasites and eggs. With all this potential exposure, do we really thinkl we are immune to becoming a host?
But for whatever reason, we seem to easily dismiss the notion that in our modern society we might also have foreign entities living and feeding within us.
Unfortunately the medical profession generally chooses to simply ignore or down-play this fact, but the re-discovery of this knowledge is becoming more and more publicly aware today.
Parasites live almost everywhere and are commonly transmitted to humans in diverse ways, such as insect bites,
walking barefoot, handling objects, human contact, animal contact, water, eating raw fruits & vegetables, eating under-cooked meats and fish, and even many other ways.
Government inspectors simply do not inspect most of the animals that go through the slaughterhouse, but rather a sampling is done to represent the group. What about salads, or even raw fruits and vegetables?
Eating raw vegetation always increases the risk of parasites, even though nutritionally it is the far better choice. Microbial organisms have a tendency to permeate the soil, and consequently they can inhabit the plants which are grown.
According to the Center of Disease Control (CDC), illnesses linked with fruits and vegetables are on the rise. One reason could be the increased demand for fresh, non-irradiated produce. We now import 30 billion tons of food a year into this country.
Some of the produce comes from developing nations where sanitation facilities are less advanced or they commonly practice the use of human
feces as fertilizer (night soil). The further products travel, the more likely they will ultimately pick up illness-causing microbes. It also increases
the chance of being contaminated by infected food handlers. Food handlers have been in the news lately because of their role in the spread of parasites.
Some people who prepare food, as well as the general population do not wash their hands after going to the bathroom. When you consider that many
of the unhealthy organisms are spread by fecal-oral contact, this lack of personal hygiene may be one of the more common factors in the spread of these invaders.
Consider everything that you touch that is handled by others; money, shopping carts, door handles, menus, salt shakers, and everything else --
the possibilities for contamination are enormous.
In spite of some efforts to control parasites, their global impact has not been appreciably reduced for a variety of reasons.
Why are parasitic infections among the world's greatest neglected conditions? The illusion is that it simply can't be happening... because no one is really talking about it.
You don't hear the newspapers and television stations reporting it enough. You don't see people asking for larger donations to research the effects of parasites and parasitical infestations. When a
topic is rarely discussed, who is going to take it seriously?
There is simply very little research being done to stop the spread of parasitical infection.
Funding is very low for any research into this area, even if parasites are one of the single most undiagnosed health challenges in the history of the human race.
We have a tremendous parasite problem right here in the United States, even if it is not being properly addressed.
It takes an informed person to take charge of the health of their own body. Research the facts and with an adequate cleansing regime, the effects of exposure and the continued
reinfection prevalent in the course of our lifetimes, can be minimized and brought under control - possibly resulting in reduced illness and disease in our lives.
"Other prominent physicians agree with me; that in human history, the parasite challenge is likely the most
unrecognized of all endemic problems. Because they cannot be seen and rarely present immediate symptoms, they remain invisible as a cause or contributing factor
to what can be a serious disorder."
- Dr. Ross Andersen, N.D.
"We have a tremendous parasite problem right here in the U.S. It is just not being addressed."
- Dr. Peter Wina, Chief of the Patho-Biology in the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research in 1991.
"In terms of numbers there are more parasitic infections acquired in this country than in Africa."
- Dr. Frank Nova, Chief of the Laboratory for Parasitic Diseases of the National Institute of Health.
Click here to find out more about parasite cleansing.
Click here to find out more about colon cleansing.
The Original Parasite Cleanse
The Complete Natural Parasite Cleanse Remedy!
Helps your body to naturally eliminate parasites & assist with the die-off symptoms.
The only 100% Natural - Certified Organic/Wildcrafted
Broad-spectrum parasite cleanser on the market!
All-in-one formula helps your body combat both small & large parasites.
Designed to help combat the life-cycle of parasitical invaders.
Including the adult form, intermediate, and the eggs stage.
100% Safe & Effective with a Money-Back Guarantee!
GMP Certified & Made in the U.S.A.
Dr. Ross Andersen, N.D.
"I believe, the single most undiagnosed health challenge in the history if the human race is parasites. I realize that is a pretty brave statement, but it is based on my 20 years of experience with more than 20,000 patients.
The original ancient formulas that I have used for many years are still the most effective that I have seen.
Only one company that I know of makes these formulas in their original form with the consistently reliable results that I have come to depend on."
Click here to view
The Parasite Gallery | <urn:uuid:2778649d-d31c-4654-8473-606857de2b92> | {
"date": "2015-01-27T18:52:21",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-06",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422115856041.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124161056-00027-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9488721489906311,
"score": 2.53125,
"token_count": 1971,
"url": "http://www.thelifetree.com/parasites.htm"
} |
Questions or comments? Email me at:
In 1940, John T. Riddell submitted a patent application that would revolutionize football headgear. His "Helmet" consisted of two molded tenite (plastic) halves joined together with a plastic reinforcing band to form a helmet that was 8-ounces lighter than conventional leather helmets. The initial testing of Riddell's helmet, which took place at Northwestern University, was a failure as the plastic was too brittle to withstand football force impacts. Undeterred, Riddell continued to experiment with plastic resins until a more reliable plastic resign was developed. Riddell's design utilized clear plastic for the shell, which enabled it to be painted from the inside, thereby protecting the paint from chipping. The helmet utilized an interior web harness to prevent the head from coming into contact with the helmet. Riddell is also credited with introducing the first modern chin strap designed to hold the helmet tight on the head. Riddell licensed his design to other manufacturers who produced it until the early 1950's when the process forming a one-piece plastic helmet was perfected.
1948 Rawlings No. PH
c.1950 2-Piece Plastic Helmets | <urn:uuid:fc31a855-f38b-4db5-b8ad-01d76a7973cc> | {
"date": "2018-12-14T01:49:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-51",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-51/segments/1544376825123.5/warc/CC-MAIN-20181214001053-20181214022553-00416.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9652708768844604,
"score": 2.984375,
"token_count": 244,
"url": "http://www.antiquefootball.com/styles/2_piece_plastic.htm"
} |
As Senegal mourns the victims of the Demba Diop football stadium crush and searches for answers, it is to be hoped that lessons are learned, and consequences are swift.
Marginal people become resourceless, invisible to public policies, and disempowered in public life. This increases their vulnerability to disaster.
Readers and viewers the world over are becoming numb to catastrophe and suffering. They must not look away.
As climate change increases the frequency and severity of disasters in the near future, leveraging social media data, crowd-sourcing and other means of discovering the unknown will become crucial.
Research based on palaeological flood records suggests floods as big as those that hit Brisbane in 2011 may be more common than we think.
Australia is facing an above-average cyclone season, with at least 11 cyclones likely in the region.
With burgeoning need and an aid system that is failing to cope, what meaning does 'resilience' have?
Hollywood turns its hand to the worst environmental disaster in US history – from which the environment is strangely missing.
It's not uncommon for kids to experience symptoms of post-traumatic stress after a disaster. How can parents help kids bounce back?
Ecuador is known for promoting the 'Buen Vivir' development policy agenda. But the state's response to a recent earthquake brought its commitment into question.
The recent Canadian wildfires revealed the need for cutting-edge disaster management strategies.
Getting out in a crisis is often harder than it looks. But science can help. | <urn:uuid:5136a0d0-77d5-4855-b95b-b26f55443733> | {
"date": "2017-08-16T13:40:14",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-34",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886101966.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20170816125013-20170816145013-00056.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9591229557991028,
"score": 2.890625,
"token_count": 312,
"url": "http://theconversation.com/us/topics/disaster-25697"
} |
David Thorpe knew he was gay by the time he was a teenager. In his hometown of Columbia, South Carolina, though, he felt the need to hide.
Locals regularly preached about the dangers of homosexuality — some cited religion, others traditional values. The "why" became less important over time. Thorpe stopped trying to understand it; instead, he just felt mute.
"It was the '80s in the Bible Belt. 'Fag' was a common word everyone used. There was this widespread understanding that being gay was a sin," he says.
Over time, his insecurity turned to shame: "I didn't know a single gay person to turn to. So I kept my mouth shut."
Thorpe eventually came out during his freshman year at Harvard University. Now, at 45, he's producing a film called Do I Sound Gay?, which aims to de-stigmatize the stereotypes surrounding men with "gay"-sounding voices.
And while progress for LGBT equality has undoubtably been made since his childhood, he says, there are still plenty of issues left unaddressed.
One in particular: internalized homophobia.
"It's something that's really well-known to anyone who's gay," he says, "but not many people in the mainstream world think about it. Most people don't even know what it is — and that's dangerous."
So, what is internalized homophobia?
If it sounds like a fancy clinical term, it's because it is.
Definitions vary between therapists, but it generally refers to the internalization of a society's homophobic attitudes within lesbian, gay or bisexual people.
Researchers say it can correlate with a number of psychological and medical outcomes, including depression, shame, substance abuse and dangerous sexual behaviors.
For Thorpe, his environment shaped his internalized homophobia. The shame he felt, almost subconsciously, was a direct result of the "facts" against homosexuality he had been taught while growing up.
"You're impressionable when you're young. When I came to terms with my sexuality, I was trying to accept who I was," he says.
"But I still had all these notions I'd been taught while growing up. It's easy to put aside those prejudices and acknowledge that that's all they are — but still, there's this lingering default feeling that sticks around. You can't just put that aside."
Matthew Weissman, Ph.D., a clinical psychologist in Washington, D.C., works predominately with gay teens and adults. Most of his patients struggle with some form of internalized homophobia. Like Thorpe, the root cause is typically the home environment.
"People hear disparaging comments from friends, parents, political leaders," Weissman says. "The church, of course, creates a huge stigma against it — that one still affects a lot of people."
Geography plays a big role, too. For gay people living in communities where those stigmas still exist, he says, it's best to just move to a more progressive area. But it's not always an option — especially for teens and high schoolers.
"When you're a social minority, it's so important to make contact with communities to avoid feeling isolated," he says. "That can't be stressed enough."
Bottom line: It's not a new phenomenon. But thanks to the increasing number of states legalizing same-sex marriage, it's now an issue that's tiptoeing its way toward the spotlight. Nobody fighting for LGBT equality is saying, "OK, we've just about legalized same-sex marriage everywhere. I think we're done." There's more work to be done.
It's just a check off the list. But, Weissman adds, it's a long list. Internalized homophobia is, and should be, next up.
Michelle Birkett, Ph.D., is a faculty member at Northwestern University's IMPACT Program. Over the past few months, she's co-authored 17 papers with the American Journal of Public Health, all examining the health of LGBT high school students.
The studies used data from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) Pooling Project, which polled a random sample of high school students from 14 states. The surveys only recently added a "sexual orientation" option for students to check, which Birkett says has allowed her team to examine the health of LGBT students in greater detail than ever before.
More than 6,400 students identified as LGBT (or "sexual minority") in the survey; 70,552 identified as straight ("sexual majority"). The questions addressed specific social problems, such as drug use, mental health and family life.
Those who identified as LGBT showed significantly more troubling results in every category.
"This is a subconscious problem, which is part of the reason why it's often difficult to address," she tells Mashable. "In this study, the numbers are clear: Those kids [who] identified as sexual minorities were much more prone to drinking, getting worse grades, feeling depressed."
Some of the other results: Gay, lesbian and bisexual students had between 1.8 and 4.7 times the odds of using drugs (like cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine) than their heterosexual counterparts. They were also four times as likely to attempt suicide.
"This is one of the strongest ways this type of thing has been looked at before," Birkett says. "It's clear that LGBT kids experience more risky outcomes earlier on — and minority stress, or internalized homophobia, plays a very large role."
What can we do?
The solution is both easy and extremely challenging at the same time. For a social issue to change, the overall mindset needs a makeover. It's a tall order.
"The best thing is to identify the source of the stigma. I tell my patients to think: 'Who, or what, was it that made me feel this way for the first time?'" Weissman says. "Then go from there. If it's a certain group that you're still associated with, leave; if it's an organization, get out of it."
The Internet has definitely helped, he adds. It's easier to build communities online — an especially helpful tool for anyone who feels geographically constricted.
Thorpe agrees that the legalization of same-sex marriage is an encouraging step — but even that's not fully solved. And when it is, he says, it won't be enough. The fight for equality is a multidimensional battle. Passing legislation is one thing; mending mental scar tissue is another.
When asked about long-term solutions, Birkett pauses. She exhales after a few seconds, then laughs as if she'd just been asked the most obvious question in the world.
"If we want to end internalized homophobia, we need to first end homophobia," she says. "It's as simple as that."
Have something to add to this story? Share it in the comments. | <urn:uuid:9b92d0ba-5d29-493a-9bf8-8ece01886e10> | {
"date": "2015-05-29T16:43:50",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-22/segments/1432207930256.3/warc/CC-MAIN-20150521113210-00074-ip-10-180-206-219.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9789015054702759,
"score": 2.859375,
"token_count": 1435,
"url": "http://mashable.com/2014/06/25/internalized-homophobia-lgbt/"
} |
Last modified: 2013-11-05 by zoltán horváth
Keywords: st. christopher nevis anguilla | saint kitts and nevis | saint christopher | nevis | anguilla | caribbean | palm tree | lion | crown | governor |
Links: FOTW homepage | search | disclaimer and copyright | write us | mirrors
image by António Martins, 16 June 2002
In 1967 the “triple palm” flag was introduced. Smith 1982
[smi82] shows undefaced
red ensign as , the palm flag as .
Željko Heimer, 01 Jan 2003
Here are details culled from the Encyclopædia Britannica: All three
islands were discovered by Columbus in 1493. He named the
principal island San Cristóbal after his patron
saint. The nearby island (3 km away) of Nevis
takes its name from "las nieves" (="the snows"), a reference to
Columbus’s observation of the cloud cap on the island peak.
San Cristóbal was officially named Saint Christopher by the English (note: this was an English colony — the English were very possessive about their colonies, even after the union of the English and Scottish crowns), but the colonists who went to live there in 1623 almost immediately called it St Kitts. Both names were used.
A French settlement was also established on St Kitts in 1827. The Treaty of Utrecht handed the island in its entirety to Britain in 1713. The French invaded the island again in 1782, capturing Brimstone Hill, but were expelled. Anguilla was named by the French because of its resemblance to an eel ("anguille") — it is 25 km long, and nowhere wider than 5 km. It became an English colony in 1650. Reference to an atlas tells me that Anguilla lies some distance to the north of St Kitts and Nevis, being separated by St Barthélemy and St Martin/Sint Maarten, and is the northernmost island of any size to the east of the Anegada Passage (Sombrero islet lies to the north, however).The three islands were joined in a single colony in 1882, but the name Anguilla was initially not used in the colony’s name. It was called either St Christopher and Nevis or St Kitts-Nevis. The name St Christopher, Nevis and Anguilla (or St Kitts-Nevis and Anguilla) was first used on postage stamps only in the late 1940s, when the portrait of the grey-haired King George VI was introduced in place of the previous younger portrait.
Mike Oettle, 05 Jan 2003
Flagwise, history starts with Leeward Islands
flags (blue enisgn, governor). These were used until, what? 1958?
Then there was West Indies with the blue wavy
Željko Heimer, 01 Jan 2003
The vertical tricolour with the palmtree
was adopted on 27 February 1967 when
St.Christopher (=St.Kitts) - Nevis - Anguilla
became an Associate State. The palm tree had
three branches, standing for the three islands.
On 12 July the same year Anguilla
seceded and declared its independence in 1969.
Mark Sensen, 26 October 1995
Why these three Caribbean flag, all from of 1967, are so similar?
Anticipating that St Vincent would become an Associated State the
College of Arms designed a new flag; green over yellow over blue with a
central badge of berries and leaves. They seem to have been trying to
create a family of flags for islands of the former
West Indian Federation.
David Prothero, 04 Aug 1999
image by Željko Heimer, 01 Jan 2003 | <urn:uuid:6032d35e-b529-4c55-a8ac-99c7a5019a6e> | {
"date": "2017-04-26T17:42:42",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917121528.59/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031201-00235-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9499468803405762,
"score": 3.328125,
"token_count": 827,
"url": "http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/kn-ai.html"
} |
April 21: It is the world’s most definitive work on the most global language, but the Oxford English Dictionary may be disappearing from bookshelves forever.
Publishers fear the next edition will never appear in print form because its vast size means only an online version will be feasible, and affordable, for scholars.
It’s all academic for now anyway, they say, because the third edition of the famous dictionary, estimated to fill 40 volumes, is running at least 20 years behind schedule.
Michael Proffitt, the OED’s first new chief editor for 20 years, said the mammoth masterpiece is facing delays because “information overload” from the Internet is slowing his compilers.
His team of 70 philologists, including lexicographers, etymologists and pronunciation experts, has been working on the latest version, known as OED3, for the past 20 years.
Michael Proffitt revealed to Country Life magazine that the next edition will not be completed until 2034, and likely only to be offered in an online form because of its gargantuan size.
“A lot of the first principles of the OED stand firm, but how it manifests has to change, and how it reaches people has to change,” said the 48-year-old Edinburgh-born editor.
Work on the new version, currently numbering 800,000 words, has been going on since 1994. The first edition, mooted in 1858 with completion expected in 10 years, took 70 years.
“Although the Internet has made access easier,” said Proffitt, “it’s also created the dilemma of information overload. In 1989, we looked for five years’ recorded usage before a word entered the dictionary.
“Now, it’s 10 years because there is so much more material to sift through. We look not only for frequency and longevity, but also breadth of use because, once a word enters the OED, it doesn’t come out. It’s a permanent record of language. I don’t think of it as a purely linguistic document, but as a part of social history.”
He said his team working on the definition of new entries has a target of 50 to 60 words a month, slower than in the past because the world wide web has created so much more source material.
Proffitt said: “I averaged about 80 when I started because, in 1989, we didn’t have computers on our desks, so there was a limit to how much you could research. The library was our primary resource.”
The challenge facing his team was highlighted by associate editor Peter Gilliver, who once spent nine months revising definitions for the word “run”, currently the longest single entry in the OED.
“We can hear everything that’s going on in the world of English for the last 500 years, and it’s deafening,” he told the New York Times.
If the new dictionary is printed — and publishers Oxford University Press say a print version will only appear if there is sufficient demand at the time — it will comprise 40 volumes, double the length of the second edition in 1989.
Almost one third of a million entries were contained in the 21,730 pages of the second version of the OED, which sells for £750 and had been online since 2000, where it receives more than two million hits a month.
The latest electronic edition of the OED acknowledges the difficulties of producing commercially-viable print versions, saying: “The English language is far too large and diverse to be fully recordable in a dictionary, even one the size of the OED.”
Proffitt said the Internet represented a lifeline for giant reference works like the OED. “Strong works of reference have great future on the internet. The idea is to link from the context in which people are working directly into the OED: providing information at the point at which it’s needed.” Other planned innovations include linking the OED to a Historical Thesaurus developed over the past 30 years by a team in Glasgow, he said. | <urn:uuid:c3cd3c41-2d32-4269-8069-e6db402ceec5> | {
"date": "2014-10-31T13:07:25",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1414637899701.11/warc/CC-MAIN-20141030025819-00217-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9557556509971619,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 874,
"url": "http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140422/jsp/foreign/story_18265232.jsp"
} |
5 Alarming Developments From the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster
The earthquake off northeastern Japan late last week made for an eerie reminder that the crisis in the prefecture of Fukushima, particularly its power plant of the same name, is far from over.
Indeed, Japanese seismic experts said, the October 25 temblor was an aftershock of the 9.0-magnitude quake of March 11, 2011, which spawned a 372-mile-wide tsunami that devastated the northeastern part of the country. The dual disaster killed an estimated 10,000 people, though 15,000 more were never found. When the tidal wave came in, it breached the wall surrounding the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, causing a massive meltdown. Many of those who lived near the plant are forbidden to go back home, given the ongoing radiation contamination in the area.
Since July 2013, when the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) finally admitted it, we have known that radioactive water has been leaking from the plant into the ocean and possibly the aquifer in the two years since the catastrophe, “the most severe accident in the history of mankind,” as Naoto Kan, former Prime Minister of Japan, wrote on Huffington Post on October 28.
“At Unit 1, the fuel rods melted down in about five hours after the earthquake, and molten fuel breached and melted through the reactor pressure vessel,” Naoto wrote. “Meltdowns occurred in Units 2 and 3 within one hundred hours of the accident. At around the same time, hydrogen-air blasted in the reactor buildings of Units 1, 3 and 4.”
The effects of this are not only continuing to be felt, but also are largely unknown. Two investigative reporters delineated some of the most alarming developments stemming from the Fukushima nuclear disaster in an October 28 story on Counterpunch.org. Likewise The New York Times reported recently on the still-unfolding disaster and its “worrisome trends,” including a higher rate of contamination in recent water releases into the Pacific Ocean, and the continuing seepage of radioactive materials into the air.
“The story of Fukushima should be on the front pages of every newspaper,” the Counterpunch story begins. “Instead, it is rarely mentioned. The problems at Fukushima are unprecedented in human experience and involve a high risk of radiation events larger than any that the global community has ever experienced. It is going to take the best engineering minds in the world to solve these problems and to diminish their global impact.”
Below are five of the most alarming developments and challenges noted by reporters Kevin Zeese and Margaret Flowers as TEPCO prepares to begin cleaning up the mess in November. Activists are calling for two international days of action on November 9 and 10, to try and pressure world leaders to create a global solution to the cleanup.
1. Three reactor cores are missing.
Three reactors cores melted and disappeared, Counterpunch said. Experts believe they sunk through the basements of reactor buildings 1, 2 and 3 and are interred somewhere below ground. The problem, aside from the issue of their being there at all, is that authorities do not know exactly where they landed.
“It is an unprecedented situation to not know where these cores are,” Counterpunch said. “TEPCO is pouring water where they think the cores are, but they are not sure. There are occasional steam eruptions coming from the grounds of the reactors, so the cores are thought to still be hot.”
2. Radioactive water has been leaking from the plant in mass quantities for 2.5 years and will continue to do so until at least 2015.
In July 2013, TEPCO admitted to the world that an estimated 300 tons, or 71,895 gallons, of radioactive water is leaking daily into the ocean.
“This is the largest single contribution of radionuclides to the marine environment ever observed, according to a report by the French Institute for Radiological Protection and Nuclear Safety,” Counterpunch wrote. In September, the Japanese government admitted that the situation was urgent.
Since then, other leaks have occurred that have increased the level of radioactive contamination in the water that is seeping into the Pacific Ocean, The New York Times reported on October 24. Most recently, rainwater collected behind concrete walls surrounding clusters of storage tanks at such depth that they overflowed, sending contaminated water into the surrounding environment. The barriers had been built, The New York Times said, to contain spills from within the storage tanks. But when intense rainstorms hit in the wake of a typhoon, the water collected in the contaminated area inside the 12-inch-high walls, then overflowed and made its way to the ocean.
TEPCO expects to complete an ice wall in 2015 that will hold back leaking water. Until then, though, it will continue to seep out apace.
3. Eleven thousand spent nuclear fuel rods, “perhaps the most dangerous things ever created by humans,” as Counterpunch put it, are stored at the plant.
Counterpunch calls this the biggest problem of all relating to the radioactive fallout from the disaster. Composed of plutonium, uranium and other highly radioactive materials, the 15-foot-long rods, the diameter of a thumb, are scattered throughout the site. About 6,000 of them are in a cooling pool not far from Reactor 4, close enough to be potentially ignited if Reactor 4 were to catch on fire. This could very well release huge amounts of radiation into the environment and “set off a chain reaction that could not be stopped,” Counterpunch said.
4. More than 1,500 of those 11,000-plus rods—1,533, to be exact—“are in a very precarious and dangerous position” and must be moved, Counterpunch said.
The question is how. Weighing a total of 400 tons, they are housed in damaged racks in a sagging building four floors above Reactor 4. Moreover, the ground underneath the building is becoming water-saturated, further undermining their stability. It wouldn’t take much more than an earthquake to collapse the building, which could jostle the rods. If they smack into one another and break, they could ignite or explode, Counterpunch said. And they are already jumbled. At the very minimum, if there were to be an explosion, the plant would have to be evacuated of the very personnel who are trying to fix the problems.
5. Cleanup is not only complex but also is being conducted by a stressed-out, demoralized, mistake-prone crew.
Speaking of that personnel, they are reportedly demoralized, depressed and making mistakes because of it, Counterpunch and others said. For example, six workers accidentally disconnected a pipe in a temporary cooling system on October 9 and got “sprayed with highly radioactive water,” The New York Times reported. They were wearing protective clothing and showered immediately, so did not suffer any adverse health effects, TEPCO told reporters. But a good 10 tons of tainted water were spilled, the newspaper said, though it did not drain into the ocean.
"Mistakes are often linked to morale,” said Japan’s top nuclear regulator, Shunichi Tanaka, according to the Guardian, quoted by Counterpunch. “People usually don't make silly, careless mistakes when they're motivated and working in a positive environment. The lack of it, I think, may be related to the recent problems."
The morale problems stem from a host of issues, starting with the trauma of having survived the initial disaster, lost their homes and now, living apart from their families as they work to help clean up. Such is the root of the depression, anxiety and alcohol abuse now plaguing many of the employees. On top of that is a 20 percent pay cut that TEPCO imposed in 2011.
“The history of TEPCO shows we cannot trust this company and its mistreated workforce to handle the complex challenges faced at Fukushima,” wrote Counterpunch. “The crisis at Fukushima is a global one, requiring a global solution.”
You need to be logged in in order to post comments
Please use the log in option at the bottom of this page | <urn:uuid:fc128672-1580-4862-9397-5396b9590a81> | {
"date": "2016-12-09T10:32:59",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-50",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-50/segments/1480698542693.41/warc/CC-MAIN-20161202170902-00192-ip-10-31-129-80.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9643958210945129,
"score": 2.921875,
"token_count": 1726,
"url": "https://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/comment/1466652"
} |
Engaged Buddhism refers to Buddhists who are seeking ways to apply the insights from meditation practice and dharma teachings to situations of social, political, environmental, and economic suffering and injustice. Finding its roots in Vietnam through the Zen Buddhist teacher Thích Nh?t H?nh, Engaged Buddhism has grown in popularity in the West.
Asian Origins The term was coined by the Vietnamese Thi?n Buddhist teacher Thích Nh?t H?nh, inspired by the Humanistic Buddhism reform movement in China by Taixu and Yinshun, and later propagated in Taiwan by Cheng Yen and Hsing Yun. At first, he used Literary Chinese, the liturgical language of Vietnamese Buddhism, calling it Chinese: ; literally: "Worldly Buddhism". During the Vietnam War, he and his sangha (spiritual community) made efforts to respond to the suffering they saw around them. They saw this work as part of their meditation and mindfulness practice, not apart from it. Thich Nhat Hanh outlined fourteen precepts of Engaged Buddhism,which explained his philosophy. The term "Engaged Buddhism" has since been re-translated back into Chinese as "Left-wing Buddhism" () to denote the liberal emphasis held by this type of Buddhism. The term has also been used as a translation for what is commonly understood in China and Taiwan as "Humanistic Buddhism" (). Western Socially Engaged Buddhism In the West, like the East, Engaged Buddhism is a way of attempting to link authentic Buddhist meditation with social action. . . . more | <urn:uuid:c3d56566-a61c-4076-90e5-e2499022dd71> | {
"date": "2018-01-21T12:07:12",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-05",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-05/segments/1516084890582.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20180121120038-20180121140038-00656.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9630305767059326,
"score": 3.109375,
"token_count": 321,
"url": "http://www.origin.org/one/database.cfm?sl=100991"
} |
The Amphibious Training Center was beset by numerous difficulties in the execution of its training mission, some of which continued until the Center was disbanded. Those which interfered most with the operation of the Center and with the quality of instruction offered to student units were the initial lack of doctrine concerning shore-to-shore operations, shortage of personnel, shortage of equipment, and the relationship between the Center and the Engineer Amphibian Brigades.
The training mission of the Center was aided considerably by the nature of the officer cadre assigned at activation. All the officers originally ordered to the Center had served with either the 1st, 3d or 9th Infantry Divisions, all of which had had some amphibious training under the jurisdiction of the Amphibious Corps Pacific Fleet or the Amphibious Corps Atlantic Fleet. Although the training given those three divisions was ship-to-shore, the experience gained by the officers during the training and the "poopsheets" they brought with them to the Amphibious Training Center were of great value in formulating the initial doctrine for shore-to-shore operations.
Yet the Amphibious Training Center found itself launched into a program of training with very little concrete doctrine or principles on which to base its activities. Army Ground Forces had been made responsible in March 1942 for the preparation and publication of doctrine on shore-to-shore operations. This responsibility was immediately delegated to the Amphibious Training Center.1 Tentative literature was prepared in the Training Division of Army Ground Forces to assist the Center in its task. This literature consisted of a paper entitled "Shore-to-shore Amphibious Operations and Training" written by Colonel Walker of Army Ground Forces, and "Cross-Water Raids" prepared by Major J. Y. Adams and edited and published by the Publications Branch, Requirements Division, Army Ground Forces. The Training Division, AGF, admitted that "both texts were prepared hastily to give the Amphibious Training Center something for immediate practical use.2
The status of doctrine for shore-to-shore operations was demonstrated on 3 June 1942, when the Command and General Staff School requested Army Ground Forces to furnish the latest information on that subject for incorporation into the instruction at Leavenworth. The School was informed that "the doctrine of shore-to-shore operations is now being studied and formulated."3 This was little more than a month before the Amphibious Training Center was scheduled to begin its first course of instruction.
Immediately upon reporting for duty with the Center on 17 June 1942, Colonel G. P. Lynch, the Operations Officer, was charged with the preparation of doctrines and principles for training and operations of the type contemplated. He was assisted by the Chiefs of the Administrative, Amphibious, and Commando Divisions, and by General Keating and the Executive Officer when they could spare the time. The result of their combined efforts was forwarded to Army Ground Forces on 27 June 1942, after the expenditure of
1. AGF Memo Slip (M/S) (S), Tng Div to G-3, 6 Jul 42,
sub: Doctrines and Principles of Amph Opns. AGF 353 (Amph) (S).
2. Memo of Col Lowell Rooks, Tng Div AGF for CG AGF.
3. C&GS Sch ltr (S) to CG AGF, 3 Jun 42, sub: Responsibility for Amph Tng and Opns. AGFE 353/10 (Amph) (S).
a considerable amount of time and energy which was desperately needed in the direction of preparations for the start of the first school on 15 July.4 Approval was received from Army Ground Forces to use these doctrines and principles temporarily; instructions were issued to plan for revision in the light of experience gained in training.5
The source of the personnel for the 75th Composite Infantry Training Battalion was at the same time fortunate and unfortunate from the standpoint of the training mission. The Battalion was activated on 15 June and was scheduled to start its first demonstrations of amphibious warfare on 15 July. It would have been desirable if all members of that organization had had previous amphibious training, but this was not the case. The officers and the enlisted cadre (key noncommissioned officers only) were drawn from the 1st, 3d and 9th Infantry Divisions, but the filler replacements were fresh from Replacement Training Centers. The officers and key noncommissioned officers had had amphibious training in their former units, but the bulk of the Battalion knew noticing about this type of warfare, and had to be trained from the beginning. This difficulty was resolved by the untiring efforts of officers and noncoms to train the remainder of the Battalion, a feat which they had accomplished satisfactorily by the time the second combat team of the 45th Division was ready for training.
Perhaps the greatest problem experienced by the Amphibious Training Center was the shortage of equipment and the difficulty of securing what was needed to conduct the training. This condition obtained throughout the activities of the Center, and was not satisfactorily settled before the Center was disbanded. All necessary equipment for the Center was supposed to be on hand on the date of its activation, but actually there was little at Camp Edwards with which to work on 15 June 1942.
On 13 June 1942, when the initial group of officers reported for duty at Camp Edwards, the Center headquarters building was entirely bare except for one folding table, one folding chair, and one staff sergeant. It was not until about two weeks later that sufficient furniture was available to furnish the desk space of the headquarters. Even then most of the personnel were working on small folding tables.
The building assigned to the Amphibious Division of the Center had been an officers' recreation building previously used by the 29th Division. When the Center moved into it there was a bar at one end of it and paper decorations from some party long forgotten were still hanging from the walls and ceiling.
Mess halts for the use of the 75th Composite Infantry Training Building were not in operation owing to lack of essential property such as dishes and cooking utensils. Officers and men of the initial cadre for the Battalion had to mess with one regiment of the 29th Division on a "guest" status.
Individual and organic equipment for the Battalion was not on hard when the full complement for the unit arrived, and was not procured until after the training of the 45th Division had started. This fact seriously hampered the training of the Battalion and made it necessary for the Center to borrow a full rifle battalion from the 45th Division to conduct demonstrations for the first student combat team. Procurement of equipment for the 75th Composite Infantry Training Battalion was delayed because the Supply Officer at Camp Edwards did not have it on hand and had to requisition it through normal supply channels.
4. ATC ltr (C) to CG AGE, 27 Jun 42, sub: Doctrines and
Principles of Amph Opns. ATC files. These doctrines were set forth in ATC
Tng Memo 2, 2 Jul 42, sub: Doctrines and Principles. See Appendix 10 (C).
5. Verbal statement of Gen Keating to Hist Off.
The procurement of individual and organic equipment for the Battalion was a relatively simple matter compared with the problem of securing necessary items of training equipment for the Center, because the Battalion was able to requisition on the basis of its regular rifle battalion Table of Equipment while the Center had no such basis upon which to operate. Supply agencies consistently refused to issue sorely needed equipment without such a basis even though they had it on hand in warehouses.
On 23 July 1942, Colonel P. T. Wolfe wrote a letter to Lt. Colonel H. R. Johnson, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, requesting information regarding a requisition for training equipment which had been submitted to the post supply agencies at Carp Edwards on 30 June and which had not yet been filled.6 Colonel Wolfe stated that no action had been taken as yet although the requisition had been turned in about three weeks before. He said further that most of the articles requested were known to be an hand in the warehouses at Camp Edwards but that they could not be issued to the Center because it did not have a regular basis of issue for them. The supplies concerned included such items as rope (for the cargo-net towers), barbed wire and pickets (for training in crossing of beach obstacles), tools and lighting equipment (for the Commando Division tent on Washburn Island), demolition equipment (for Commando training), and drafting and duplicating equipment (for use of the Operaticus Office in publishing training literature). The situation indicated clearly how completely administrative red tape can ''tie up" essential training functions. The equipment was sorely needed on one side of Camp Edwards, but it had to remain unused on the other side because there was no Table of Equipment authorizing its issue.
The requisition which had been submitted on 30 June was traced Army Ground Forces at the request of Colonel Wolfe, and the Commanding General, Services of Supply, was requested to fill it as soon as possible.7 Further investigation elicited the information from the office of the Chief of Engineers that there wee no record of it on hand but that steps would be taken immediately to supply the items requested. The Amphibious Training Center was informed of this action on 13 August, but some of the items requested were not actually received until after the Center had moved to Carrabelle.
The lack of a regular basis of issue for supplies and equipment forced the Center to put in a "special" requisition for everything it needed. This meant that each requisition had to be forwarded to the chief of the supply agency for approval. That individual, in turn, had to get the approval of the Commanding General, Army Ground Forces. The loss of tine while requisitions were being bucked around through channels constituted a serious threat to the training mission of the Center.
Colonel Wolfe sized up the problem concretely in a memorandum he prepared for Colonel Keller of Army Ground Forces on 20 August 1942, in which he stated:
He cited the example of a requisition for fifty antitank mines which had been denied because the Center could not furnish any authority except the fact that the mines were needed for training.
The obvious solution to this difficulty would seen to have been the preparation of a basis of allowances for the school, and in fact such a basis had been requested verbally by officers of the Center in meetings with Army Ground Force representatives. The reason for failure to provide a Table of Basic Allowances was revealed in a telephone conversation between Lt. Colonel Ralph E. Doty of the Amphibious Training Center and Colonel Middleton of Army Ground Forces on 25 August 1942.9 Colonel Middleton phoned in regard to the memorandum Colonel Wolfe had submitted on 20 August and informed Colonel Doty that G-3 of Army Ground Forces did not want to set up a Table of Basic Allowances for the Center at that time because he felt that the needs of the Center were not yet sufficiently determined to reduce them to a Table of Allowances. G-3 preferred that the Center continue to submit special requisitions for the equipment it needed.
The need for a basis of issue for school equipment became increasingly apparent in the succeeding months of training at the Center. Finally on 18 September 1942, Army Ground Forces sent a letter to the Center in which it was stated that the Center had been in operation for several months and had gained knowledge and experience regarding its equipment needs.10 The Center was accordingly directed to prepare a list of item needed in order that their procurement might be expedited. The letter stated further that when the belief that equipment requirements had became sufficiently stabilized, a proposed Table of Basic Allowances was to be submitted. Through some unfortunate circumstance, possibly connected with the fact that the Center left Camp Edwards shortly after the date of the letter, the communication was not received.
A tracer letter was sent to the Center on 15 October and reply was made by first indorsement.11 Owing to incomplete infatuation contained in the tracer letter, the Center "missed the boat" in its reply and did not convey the desired information. The correspondence was returned by second indorsement from Army Ground Forces on 12 November 1942, with a slap on the wrist for the personnel of the Center. The second indorsement stated that since writing of the subject letter (the one on 18 September, requesting a list of equipment) the need for a Table of Equipment or a Table of Basic Allowances had become increasingly apparent. The "slap" was contained in this sentence:
9. Record of telephone conversation between Col Middleton
AGF and Lt Col Doty ATC, 25 Aug 42, sub: Supply Problems in ATC. AGF 475/9
10. AGF ltr 400 (Amphib) GNGDS to CG ATC, 18 Sep 42, sub: Equip for ATC.
through the offices of the chiefs of supply agencies in Headquarters, Services of Supply.12 An approved Table of Allowances was not received by the Center prior to its dissolution.
The effect of the equipment shortage on the training conducted by the Center was clearly stated in a report made by Major W. I. Kunzig, Chief of the Commando Division, to General Keating on 25 July 1942, a portion of which is quoted here:
From the viewpoint of the faculty officers of this commend the course of instruction as given to the Provisional Task Force was adequate, under the circumstances, and the results achieved were believed to be satisfactory. Numerous obstacles prevented the fullest accomplishment of the desired aims. Among these the lack of necessary equipment was dominant. Consistent reliance on improvisation was necessary. The schedule as originally planned could not be carried out in its entirety. Some deletions were necessary; for example, the course in "Use of the Compass" was omitted because the compasses ordered did not arrive. The course on aerial photos was omitted because it was decided the aerial photomaps available were not sufficiently clear enough to carry on a satisfactory course. Valuable training films could not be shown because the necessary altercating current could not be generated for the sound films; direct current was all that was available. In the course on demolitions dynamite had to be substituted for TNT which was not available. In some cases the chronological order of the schedule was altered because of the late arrival of equipment.13
On 13 July 1942, General Keating stated that he was very disappointed in the progress which had been made in the past twenty-five days toward preparation for the first school.14 He said that only fifty percent of the commissioned officers originally requested had actually reported for duty, although all had been ordered to report. His explanation of the discrepancy was that units from which the officers had been ordered had given them leave of absence upon release from their old stations and prior to their arrival at the Amphibious Training Center. This seriously delayed the preparations at the Center, and General Keating said that he felt, in that connection, that units should consult the commanding officer of the unit to which officers were ordered to report prior to giving then leave in order that problems of the type he was facing could be avoided.
At no time during the life of the Amphibious Training Center was the number of personnel allotted to it considered sufficient for the job it was required to do.
12. AGF ltr 475/61 (Amphib) GNRQT 3/30669 to CG SOS, 17
Feb 43, sub: Special List of Equip for the Hq and HqCo, and Opns and Tng
Unit Sec, ATC.
13. Ltr of Maj W. B. Kunzig to CO ATC, 25 Jul 42, sub: Rpt on Commando Tng of 45th Div Prov Task Force. AGF AG Records, 000.7, Binder No 1 (Amph) Publicity any Public Press.
14. Ltr of Col Keating to Col Nelson M. Walker, 13 Jul 42. AGF AG Records, 353 (Amph).
Lt. Colonel Williams of Army Ground Forces visited the Amphibious Trailing Center at Camp Edwards and made the following observations in a memorandum for General Lentz, Army Ground Forces:15
Colonel Williams submitted a similar report to the Chief of Staff, Army Ground Forces on 3 December 1942, after having visited the Center from 26 November to 30 November at its new home in Carrabelle.16 He reported that instruction was extemporized in many instances owing to the lack of sufficient officers to conduct the training, and cited the example of privates from the Center training groups of students the size of a rifle company. A shortage of transportation was also reported which resulted in drivers working until 7:30 or 8:00 o'clock every night. Colonel Williams said that the only critical comments he heard concerning the demonstrations conducted by the 75th Composite Infantry Training Battalion "were based upon the fact that realism was destroyed because so few men were available to demonstrate a battalion landing team that the spectators were required to visualize one-man running ashore as a mortar squad or a rifle squad and much good instruction was lost." On the basis of his observations, he recommended that the demonstration battalion be increased in size by the addition of two rifle companies.
The fact that the personnel assigned to the Center were not sufficient for the mission at hand had long been recognized by General Keating, and on several occasions he had requestion [sic] addition personnel. He was particularly concerned about the contemplated expansion of the Center after its arrival at Carrabelle, and with that in mind he request on 4 September 1942 that twenty-three additional officers be assigned to the Center as instructors and special staff officers.17 Army Ground Forces informed General Keating that his request for additional personnel was disapproved because no expansion of the Center after its arrival at Carrabelle was contemplated by Ground Forces.
In December 1942, General Keating was directed by Army Ground Forces to prepare a proposed Table of Distribution for the Amphibious Training Center which would include
15. Memo of Lt Col Williams for Brig Gen John M. Lentz,
6 Oct 42, sub: A Discussion of Future Aspects of the ATC. AGF 353/1372
16. Memo of Lt Col Williams for CofS AGF, 3 Dec 42, sub: Rpt on Visit to ATC, 26-30 Nov 42. AGF 353/260 (ATC-AF).
17. Ltr (C) of CG ATC to CG AGF, 11 Sep 42, sub: Request for Add Pers. AGF 210.31 (Amph)(C).
his estimate of the personnel needed to conduct the training. The Tables were accordingly prepared and forwarded to Army Ground Forces with a fervent prayer that they would be approved and thus allow the Center to operate in the style to which it had always aspired.18 This prayer was never answered. General Keating requested a total of 104 officers, 2 warrant officers, and 335 enlisted men for the Headquarters and Headquarters Company, plus a full rifle battalion for demonstration troops which would have contained about 30 officers and 900 enlisted men. When the Center was disbanded the Headquarters and Headquarters Detachment contained 69 officers and 71 enlisted men and the Battalion had 26 officers and only about 600 enlisted men.
On the basis of the Tables prepared by General Keating, the Special Projects and Requirements Divisions of Army Ground Forces prepared a similar table and submitted both to Army Ground Forces for consideration.19 The table prepared by Army Ground Forces recommended a reduction of 19 officers and 38 enlisted men from the total submitted by General Keating. After consideration of both proposed tables, General McNair recommended to the War Department, on 20 January 1943, a total of 119 officers, 3 warrant officers, and 855 enlisted men (including the demonstration battalion) as the minimum requirements to train the 23,900 troops then undergoing training at Carrabelle.20 He was notified on 25 February 1943 that his request was approved, but that the allotment of officers and warrant officers would be delayed until the allocation as to rank and arm or service could be made.21
In the meantime, the Amphibious Training Center was operating with insufficient personnel and was wondering what had happened to the Tables of Distribution. On 24 February 1943, General Keating requested that delivery of the Tables to the Center be expedited in order that reorganization might be effected. He was informed by Army Ground Forces that reorganization of the Amphibious Training Center would be held up pending further instructions.22 This action was taken as a result of informal information from G-3 of the War Department (Colonel Adams) that amphibious training was to be taken over by the Navy.
On 13 March 1943, the distribution of grades and arm or service of officers for the Amphibious Training Center was published; it authorized an allotment of 118 officers and 3 warrant officers.23 This information was forwarded to General Keating with the statement that no actual increase in officers or warrant officers allotted to the Center would be made in accordance with the strength authorized by The Adjutant General pending further instructions from Army Ground Forces.
The action taken by higher headquarters in connection with the reorganization of the Amphibious Training Center was a distinct disappointment to General Keating for two
18. Ltr of Gen Keating to Gen McNair, 5 Jan 43. AGF 320.2
19. AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 12 Jan 43, sub: AGF 320.2 (Amph).
20. Ltr (R) 320.2/17 (Amph) GNGCT/00699 of CG AGF to CofS USA (Attn-G-3), 20 Jan 43, sub: Allotment of Pers to the ATC.
21. WD ltr AG 320.2 (1-20-43) PO-M to CG AGF, 25 Feb 43, sub: Almt of Pers for the ATC.
22. AGF M/S, G-3 to AG, 25 Feb 43, sub: Request to rush delivery of Tables of Distribution. AGF 341 (Amph).
23. AGF ltr AG 320.2 (1-20-43) PO-M-SPGAE to CG AGF, 13 Mar 43, sub: Almt of Pers to the ATC.
reasons. First, if the Center were to continue in operation, the problem of insufficient personnel would not be solved. Second, he had hoped to promote some of the enlisted men of the Center on the basis of the new allotment. He felt very strongly on this latter point because some of the enlisted men had been doing the work of officers in carrying on the training and he had been unable to promote them to noncommissioned officer grades because no allotment was authorized. When the allotment finally was authorized he was ordered to take no action on it. General Keating accordingly requested Army Ground Forces for permission to promote deserving enlisted men on the basis of the allotment authorized by The Adjutant General on that date. Authorizations to make the promotions was granted on 17 March, with the proviso that no additional personnel would be requisitioned to fill any vacancies created pending further instructions from Army Ground Forces.24
Such was the story of the personnel problem of the Amphibious Training Center. Like the supply problem, no satisfactory solution was reached before the Center was disbanded.
A third serious problem confronting the Amphibious Training Center concerned its relations with the Engineer Amphibian Brigades which provided the boats for use of the Center. The functioning of the Engineer Amphibian Brigades could make or break the Center because without adequate numbers of boats manned by efficient and highly trained crews, only limited training in amphibious operations could be conducted. It was conceded that the number of boats provided for use of the Center by the Engineer Brigades was inadequate to conduct the desired training, and it was also conceded by the War Department and Services of Supply that the crews were insufficiently trained.25
24. AGF ltr 320.2 (Amph) (2-13-43) to CG ATC, 17 Mar 43,
sub: Almt of Grades and Authorized Strengths.
25. WD memo WDGCT 353 (Amph) (8-28-42) for CG AGF, 19 Sep 42, sub: Availability of Engr Trs for the Atc.
The shortage of boats was caused not so much by any failure on the part of the Engineers but rather difficulties of production coupled with commitments of the United States to send boats to England. The lack of training of boat crews was a result of serious problems confronting the Engineer Amphibian Command. The Engineer Brigades were newly activated units—the 1st Brigade having been activated little more than month before the Amphibious Training Center started to function—and their training, as well as that of the Center, was hampered by the shortage of boats.
The Engineer Amphibian Command and the Brigades activated by it were under the jurisdiction of the Services of Supply, while the Amphibious Training Center was an Army Ground Forces installation. Possible difficulties arising from this anxious situation were anticipated on l3 June 1942, when Army Ground Forces outlined the situation to the War Department.26 The Deputy Chief of Staff of Ground Forces said at that time he fully expected commanders of the Engineer Amphibian Command and the Amphibious Training Center to cooperate in the accomplishment of the training mission, but he also suggested that the War Department issue a directive to insure that harmony would prevail. The reply of the War Department was noncommittal—namely, that issuance of such a directive was not favorably considered in the absence of definite proof of its necessity.27 Naturally no proof of necessity could be furnished since the Brigade and Center had not yet started to work together. The War Department said further that it expected that the commanders concerned would cooperate fully and that the issuance of a directive at that time might create suspicion and be equivalent to "borrowing trouble."
After working for almost one month with the Engineer Amphibian Command in the formulation of doctrines and principles regarding training and operational responsibilities, General Keating was still not satisfied with the cooperation between the two commends. On 13 June 1942, he stated that he was very much concerned about the lack of coordination between the General Staff, Army Ground Forces and Services of Suppler. He particularly wanted a directive which would clearly define the functions and responsibilities of both the Amphibious Training Center and the Engineer Amphibian Command.28 He stated further that there was full cooperation with the Engineers, but that both organizations were not certain as to where the functions of one left off and the other began. He felt that it was a case of the blind leading the blind.
The situation continued in status quo until after the Center arrived at Carrabelle. Following disbandment of the Center General Keating stated that the idea of two separate forces (Army Ground Forces and Armor Service Forces) working under the rule of mutual cooperation instead of unity of command was wrong.29
One of the problems anticipated actually occurred very early during the training of the 45th Division. This was the withdrawal by the Engineers of the Brigade which was working in conjunction with the Center on the training of the 45th Division. Only one combat team of that Division had been trained at the time the incident occurred, and training of the second combat team was just getting under way. General Keating commented:
26. Memo (R) 320.2/2 (Amphib) GNTRG of DCofS AGF for CofS
USA, 13 Jun 42, sub: Coordination of Amph Comds.
27. WD D/F WDGCT 353 (Amph) (6-13-42) to CG AGF, 13 Jun 42, sub: Coordination of Amph Comds.
28. Ltr of Gen Keating to Col Nelson M. Walker, 13 Jul 42. AGF AG Records, 353 (Amph).
29. Verbal statement of Gen Keating to Hist Off.
The same thing happened to a lesser extent when elements of the 2d Engineer Amphibian Brigade were alerted for overseas duty during the training of the 36th Division. General Keating reported by telephone to Army Ground Forces, and the old battle over the status of the Engineer Brigades was revived.
Army Ground Forces once again approached the War Department on the problem with is agreement:
30. Ltr of Gen Keating quoted in AGF memo (S) 210.4 (7-24-42)
GNGCT, CofS AGF to Col Nelson, 27 Jul 42, sub: Visit to ATC.
31. AGF memo (C) 320.2/22 (Engr) (8-28-42) for CofS USA, 28 Aug 42, sub: Availability of Engr Trs for the ATC.
32. Ibid, 2d ind, CofEngr to CG SOS, 7 Sep 42.
Owing to the shortage of equipment and inadequacy of training of Engineer Amphibian units, the assignment of such units to the Amphibious Training Center was not favorably considered.34 The War Department promised that when sufficient equipment was received and when the units of the Engineer Amphibian Commend reached a satisfactory state of training, the requested assignment would be made. In any event, when training started at Carrabelle, one boat and one shore battalion was promised for the duration of the training program.
While the above decision was being reached on the request of 28 August for the attachment of one boat and one shore battalion, Army Ground Forces reviewed the probable requirements for training at Carrabelle and decided that more would be needed at that station. Accordingly, on 20 September 1942, Army Ground Forces submitted another request to the War Department.35 The previous arguments were reiterated: (1) the policy of cooperation between the Engineer Amphibian Command and the Amphibious Training Center was unsatisfactory due to task force missions and training requirements of the Engineers; and (2) the mission of the Amphibious Training Center was such that it should have permanently assigned Engineer Amphibian units as school troops. The following recommendations were made: (1) that the 2d Engineer Amphibian Brigade be assigned to Army Ground Forces for reassignment to the Amphibious Training Center; and (2) that no calls be made on the Brigade for task force missions, except in case of emergency, until the Center completed its mission.
The 2d Brigade actually did accompany the Center on its move to Carrabelle, but was not assigned or attached to it. Shortly after arrival at the new station, the Brigade was ordered to overseas duty and the 3d Brigade, another newly activated unit, was substituted for it.
On 29 October 1942, G-3 of the War Department directed that the 3d Brigade be attached to the Amphibious Training Center at Carrabelle.36 The Brigade at that time was still at Camp Edwards. The order for the move of the Brigade to Carrabelle was issued by Services of Supply and contained the statement that upon arrival at Carrabelle the unit would be "attached for training" to the Amphibious Training Center. On 4 November, Army Ground Forces referred the matter to G-3 of the War Department, and requested that the order be changed to remove the ambiguity of the phrase "attached for training."37 War Department replied on 6 November:
The final round in the battle was fired by Army Ground Forces on 19 January 1943, when that headquarters recommended: (1) that the activation and training of Engineer Amphibian Brigades be made the responsibility of Army Ground Forces; and (2) that the Engineer Amphibian Command and all activities pertaining thereto be assigned to Army Ground Forces.39 These recommendations were made because Army Ground Forces felt that the Engineer Brigades were essentially combat units; they worked closely with ground forces; and their training and operation depended completely upon close association with combat organizations. Army Ground Forces pointed out further that the training responsibility for combat units or organizations closely associated with combat units had been placed upon Army Ground Forces by War Department Circular No. 59, 1942.
The War Department replied on 17 March 1943 that the problem presented in regard to the status of Engineer Amphibian Units was resolved by recent agreement between the Army and Navy with reference to amphibious training.40 That particular agreement "resolved" a number of problems for the Amphibious Training Center by the simple expedient of "dissolving" it.
The problems which confronted the Amphibious Training Center were the same throughout its existence—shortage of equipment, shortage of personnel, inadequate control over the boat-operating units, delay in essential construction, etc. The difficulties encountered at Carrabelle were no different from those met at Camp Edwards; they were merely the same ones on a somewhat increased scale. Essential construction had not yet been completed when the Center opened for business at Camp Edwards, and the same situation prevailed at Carrabelle. Supplies were difficult to obtain in both places. Personnel were overworked in both camps.
The difficulties were made more noticeable at Carrabelle, particularly as regards shortage of personnel and equipment, by the fact that the entire student division was trained concurrently at that station, whereas only one regimental combat team at a time was trained at Camp Edwards. This naturally meant that all problems of the Center were increased threefold. But there was little increase in facilities for meeting these enlarged responsibilities. The boat problem was eased somewhat by the provision of an entire Engineer Brigade, but still there were seldom more then enough boats to transport one regimental combat team at a time.
When the Center arrived at Carrabelle the new camp was still not completed and it began to look as though some of the essential construction would not be finished by the time the 38th Division arrived for training. The Post Theatre, which the Center needed to show training films to the student units, did not have the projection equipment installed although all of it was on hand. The Post Commander informed General Keating that the equipment could not be installed until the Army Motion Picture Service sent someone down to do it. Regulations prevented the installation of the projectors by anyone other than a representative of that Service. Investigation revealed that the personnel for the job had been selected but they were on a tour of other camps in the south and would arrive at Carrabelle on some indefinite date in their itinerary. The equipment was finally installed in time but General Keating and the Operations Officer has some anxious moments over it.
39. AGF memo 320.2 (Amph) for G-3 WD, 19 Jan 43, sub:
Status of Engr Amphibian Brigs.
40. WD memo WDGCT 353 (Amph) (1-19-43) for CGs AGF and SOS, 17 Mar 43, sub: Status of Engr Amph Brigs.
The area around the new camp was mostly jungle and there was no place where a unit the size of a regimental combat team could train. This fact necessitated the clearing in each combat team area of an area about 1000 yards square, which was only accomplished shortly before the arrival of the 38th Division after the expenditure of a considerable amount of money, time and effort.
Suitable beaches on which to train the student units in small fording craft were not available in each combat team area. Offshore sandbars and the extremely gentle slope of the sea floor rendered all but one beach practically useless. The District Engineer finally dredged out one suitable beach in each combat team area, at an estimated expense of $500,000.
The Carrabelle site was divided into four separate camps which spread over twenty miles of the Gulf Coast. One regimental combat team occupied each of three areas while Post Headquarters, the Center Headquarters, and the student division rear echelon occupied the fourth. The Engineer Brigade was located in Combat Team Area No. 3. This geographical separation made coordination difficult until sufficient telephone facilities were installed, and required much lateral movement of students along the coastline. There was only one suitable road through the camp which soon became very unsatisfactory as it broke down under the strain of the heavy traffic. Labor details had to be employed constantly to keep the road serviceable.
The Amphibious Training Center's answer to the problems with which it was confronted during its existence was improvisation and the application of ingenuity and untiring effort. When desired equipment was not available, either something else was substituted on a suitable facsimile was improvised. If sufficient personnel were not available to do a job, those who were available worked harder and longer until the task was completed.
At Camp Edwards and at Carrabelle sufficient boats were never available to allow all personnel of the student units to practice in boats at the same time, so mock-ups were built on dry land and students were trained in them. These improvisations were built the same size as the real boats and served as valuable training aids in teaching methods of loading and debarking. They did not arouse the same interest in the students as did the real boats, but they were an effective field expedient.
The shortage of boats also made it impossible to give vehicle drivers sufficient training in backing their vehicles into landing craft and practicing combinations of loads. The solution to this problem was to outline on the ground with logs, planks, scrap lumber, rope, or whatever was available, the inside dimensions of landing craft of various types. These "outline craft" were then used to train drivers. After drivers had become proficient on these training aids, they were taken down to the beach and given a short period of practice with actual craft so they could "get the hang of it" while the boat was in the water. Valuable training time for other personnel of the student units was saved by this method.
When it became apparent that a suitable school building could not be provided in time at Camp Edwards, a small recreation building was pressed into service as an expedient. Every sort of available material was utilized. Blackboards were installed (homemade with plywood and black paint) and the room was darkened for the showing of training films by covering the windows with cardboard and tar paper. The room was not all that was desired, but two division staffs were trained in it.
The school building provided at Carrabelle was no improvement. Fortunately, General Keating approached the contractors before the floor was laid and persuaded
them, after much argument, to slope it from rear to front to increase the visibility of students in the back of the room. This helped considerably, but the room was so long and narrow that it was almost impossible to make training charts large enough to be seen clearly from all points in it.
The Center's Engineer Officer drew up plans for a new school building which were submitted by General Keating with a request that construction be expedited on 9 November 1942. The building was not completed until after the Center was disbanded.
Endless examples of the improvisation of training aids could be cited, including the use of wooden rifles to teach basic positions in battle firing, use of dummy sticks of dynamite and dummy detonators to teach preparation of explosive charges, etc. Even moving boats and the rolling sea were improvised on dry land to teach firing of machine guns mounted in landing craft. The device used was a mock-up boat made of 2 x 4's and burlap and mounted on a jeep. The jeep then traversed a rolling roadway similar to the roller-coaster idea, which reproduced fairly accurately the motion of a boat in the water and afforded students manning the machine guns an opportunity to try their hand at firing on a simulated beachline from a simulated boat.
Sufficient personnel and equipment were never available to the demonstration battalion to portray accurately the appearance of a full battalion landing team. This problem was solved by the use of vari-colored flags representing different types of equipment and different tactical units. One man with a flag could then represent a mortar squad, a bulldozer, a 2 1/2-ton truck, or whatever was needed.
Demonstrations of a battalion team making a landing were given on dry ground owing to the shortage of boats and to the fact that student units could see more clearly the composition of boat teams. When the boat teams reached the imaginary shoreline after crossing the "water," the ramps on the "boats" were lowered and the men deployed across the simulated beach. The "ramps" were portrayed by two men holding a rifle about two feet off the ground in front of the members of the boat team. Debarkation from the boat was then demonstrated by men jumping over the rifle "ramp" and running across the beach.
When bleachers for seating classes outdoors were not available, personnel of the Center improvised them with logs, planks, and scrap lumber. Outdoor "classrooms" were provided in the same manner.
When office furniture and supplies were not available, the headquarters force of the Center either borrowed or built what was required. The 75th Composite Infantry Training Battalion had no office supplies of any kind during the first two weeks of its existence, so pencils and paper were borrowed from the 29th Division and orders were written in longhand or packing-box desks.
The Special Training Division, when organized at Carrabelle, found itself in a similar situation. Major Hoskot, the Director, said that the office started out with nine officers, one field desk and an old apple crate for a chair. It developed that the apple crate was not needed because everyone was too busy to sit on it.
The story was the same from start to finish of the Amphibious Training Center—bickering and indecision in higher Headquarters; expansion of the training mission and objective without corresponding expansion of facilities; and attempts on the part of the Center to accomplish its mission with whatever means could be made available. Improvisation and plain Yankee ingenuity frequently saved the day. | <urn:uuid:2528bd5a-4982-439c-82ac-fcdbcbd5f714> | {
"date": "2014-04-23T11:16:50",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-15",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-15/segments/1398223202457.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20140423032002-00147-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9813547134399414,
"score": 2.90625,
"token_count": 8630,
"url": "http://history.army.mil/books/agf/AGF22/amphib-ch5.htm"
} |
If that's the case, why are so many Americans regularly running and participating in races from the 5k to the marathon? The answer is simple: Regular running results in obvious health benefits, all of which are vital to longevity and an enjoyable life.
Perhaps the greatest effect that running has on health is the fact that it contributes to an overall improvement in heart health. In fact, a study done by Duke University found that regular running results in more gains in heart health than any other form of exercise (p. 46). Because running is better than any other exercise when it comes to improving heart health, it is a key part of heart disease prevention. Doctor John Elefteriades, who heads cardio-thoracic surgery at Yale University, recommends that patients do interval running to increase the efficiency of their hearts and thereby prevent heart disease (p. 80). High intensity running such as interval training clearly keeps the heart healthy and leads runners to live a longer life.
Regular running contributes to overall heart health because of the fact that it improves specific factors that affect heart health. Hypertension (high blood pressure), for example, can be treated by regular running. Take the actor and singing teacher John Keston, for instance. He was diagnosed with alarmingly high blood pressure, but after twenty five years of running, his blood pressure is considerably low (p. 46). Blood pressure is one of the main contributing factors to heart health, and because running can lower high blood pressure, it is a key part of maintaining a healthy heart.
In addition to lowering blood pressure, regular running also contributes to a healthy heart by lowering cholesterol levels. Wanda Estes, now a seventy-year-old marathon runner, experienced a reduction in her cholesterol levels after she took up running (para.2). Experiencing a drop in cholesterol after beginning a running program is common among those concerned about heart health. Paul Shiflett, currently a marathon runner, slacked off after running for most of his life. When he found himself overweight with high cholesterol, he turned to running to solve his problems. Now forty, Shiflett is as physically fit as someone who is only twenty (para. 1). It is apparent that running contributes to overall heart health by helping to reduce cholesterol levels.
Aside from an improvement in heart health, one of the most well-known benefits of regular running is the effect it has on weight control. Running is a high intensity exercise; therefore, it burns a significant amount of calories, ultimately leading to weight loss. In fact, running requires so much energy that a 150-pound woman who runs six miles in one hour will burn rightly 700 calories (para. 6). If she ran for an hour at this rate every day, a 150-pound woman would lose a pound in just 5 days! Other forms of exercise, such as walking or even biking, can't even compare to running when it comes to the overall calorie burn because running is essentially a calorie-incinerator.
Running obviously has positive effects on physical health, and it has also been proven to be beneficial to mental health. Distance runners are known to comment upon what they refer to as the "runner's high," which is in essence the good feeling that one enjoys after running, often the result of the endorphins created by the body during exercise. The impact of running doesn't just improve mood after working out, though. According to Greist, Klein, Eischens, Gurmam, and Morgan, the psychological impact of running is so considerable that it has been associated with curing depression much like clinical counseling does (as cited in Leedy, para.3). In this sense, people can actually consider running to be a natural anti-depressant.
With running acting as an anti-depressant, along with its numerous health benefits, it can only be assumed that distance running can have a place in anyone's life. Those who complain that running is monotonous would do well to realize that the benefits of running far outweigh the fact that it can be tedious. | <urn:uuid:052c4ab2-6fd7-4f40-bbe8-13a2fbe3b65a> | {
"date": "2018-10-16T04:34:16",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-43",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-43/segments/1539583509996.54/warc/CC-MAIN-20181016030831-20181016052331-00016.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9697132706642151,
"score": 3.0625,
"token_count": 828,
"url": "http://www.jogrunrace.com/Article/29/understanding-the-benefits-of-running"
} |
Join the Nation's Conversation
To find out more about Facebook commenting please read the Conversation Guidelines and FAQs
Silicon Valley gender gap is widening
SAN FRANCISCO — Najla Bulous wants to change the face of Silicon Valley.
The daughter of immigrants from Mexico and Egypt, Bulous is a Harvey Mudd College-trained software engineer. After graduation in May, she's starting a new job at a Silicon Valley technology giant.
Bulous knows she isn't the stereotypical Silicon Valley geek. She didn't study computer science until college and never intended to major in it. But after just one introductory course, Bulous was hooked on the challenge of mastering problems with lines of code.
Now this 21-year-old is not just planning a career in technology. She wants a hand in re-engineering the culture of Silicon Valley to be more inclusive of women and people from underrepresented groups.
She has her work cut out for her.
Despite the rise of tech superstars such as Sheryl Sandberg and Marissa Mayer, Silicon Valley is still a man's world.
Girls graduate high school on par with boys in math and science, but boys are more likely to pursue engineering and computing degrees in college. That disparity only grows at the graduate level and in the workforce where women are dramatically underrepresented in engineering and computing. Even those women who pursue this kind of technical career drop out at much higher rates than men.
A report released Thursday by the American Association of University Women (AAUW) is sounding a wake-up call for the industry. It warns that the gender gap in technology is widening as women are being held back by stereotypes and biases.
"What we found is that not only are the numbers low, they are headed in the wrong direction," says Catherine Hill, AAUW's vice president for research.
From college curriculum to hiring and retention practices, changes must be made across the board to encourage more women to see themselves as technologists and explore careers in the industry, Hill says.
Women made up just 26% of computing professionals in 2013, substantially less than 30 years earlier and about the same percentage as in 1960. In engineering, women are even less well represented, making up just 12% of working engineers in 2013.
The statistics for women of color are even more anemic.
Although African-American, Hispanic, American Indian and Alaskan Native women together were 18% of the population ages 20 to 24 in 2013, they were awarded just 6% of computing and 3% of engineering bachelor's degrees that year.
Those statistics are reflected in the workforce of leading companies in Silicon Valley which say 20% or less of their technical staff are women.
Also in a distinct minority inside major tech companies: Women in non-technical roles. Seven out of 10 employees in these companies are men. And few women reach the senior executive level or the boardroom at major companies and start-ups alike.
Women don't fare any better as entrepreneurs. A sliver of venture capital funding goes to women and a tiny percentage of venture capital investors are women.
The only place women seem to be gaining representation is in the courts. A high-profile courtroom showdown between prominent venture capital firm Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers and former partner Ellen Pao has Silicon Valley buzzing over allegations of sexism and discrimination. And, in just the last couple weeks, Facebook and Twitter each were sued for discrimination.
All of which has fueled momentum to bring more women and minorities into the industry — and for good reason.
Research shows diversity in the workforce sparks productivity and innovation. Women's views and experiences are crucial to shaping 21st century technology, Hill says.
It's also crucial for women to gain more access to one of the nation's highest-paying careers in one of the economy's fastest-growing sectors.
"I believe engineers and computer scientists are made, not born," Hill says. "It's a question of exposure and opportunity."
As early as first grade, children begin to associate math with boys. In college, women frequently report they don't feel they belong.
Women face major hurdles in landing jobs.
One study found that scientists were more likely to choose a male candidate over an identical female candidate for a hypothetical job opening at a lab. They also offered the male candidate a higher salary.
FACING IMPLICIT BIAS, EXPLICIT HARASSMENT
Kate Heddleston, a software engineer in San Francisco who has held titles such as Head Mugwump and Software Warrior Princess, says women routinely face implicit bias and explicit harassment in the workplace.
"We need to realize that we have created workspaces that don't welcome everyone equally and we need to change that," Heddleston says. "Large-scale change might seem daunting, but it is possible. Diversity problems can be solved the same way that challenging engineering problems can be solved — one small step at a time. By recognizing problems, isolating them, and coming up with creative solutions, we can make more inclusive and productive environments."
As a summer intern, Bulous says she initially struggled as the only woman on the engineering team at a small tech company in New York before finding her comfort zone.
"The tech industry should actively be trying to dismantle systemic biases that push out anyone who doesn't fit the tech guy image," Bulous said. "What's the point of trying to recruit people from underrepresented backgrounds if they're forced to assimilate into an unwelcoming culture?"
Technology companies here are experimenting with new approaches to combating bias and transforming work cultures, from unconscious bias training to gender-blind hiring and performance evaluations.
Google is one of the companies funneling money and resources into recruiting and retaining women.
Angela Navarro, 23, is a software engineer who works on the YouTube Android app. She says she's often the only woman in a meeting or on a team.
A women's group at Google has helped "tremendously" in providing a support system and mentors.
"It's great to meet other women and not feel like you are the only person here in this building," Navarro says.
Navarro belongs to a new generation of women scaling the ramparts of the tech world.
Lynn Root, 29, is a software engineer for streaming music service Spotify in San Francisco.
It's a second career for Root, who has a business degree in finance and economics and was working in banking when she fell in love with programming in 2011.
Root says she wakes up every day ready to sprint to the office.
"I discovered I loved programming, being able to create something with my bare hands or from nothing in a technical way," Root says. "It's just so beautiful to come up with an elegant solution."
Programming is the kind of career that offers endless challenges, she says.
"There is so much you can learn in software engineering," Root says. "I am chipping away at this huge mountain ahead of me."
But, Root says, she first had to overcome anxiety to tackle "a subject that is universally known as difficult."
"What has worked for me is essentially becoming comfortable with making yourself uncomfortable," she said.
Jenny Jensen, 27, says she came from a small town and studied theater in college. She wasn't encouraged to pursue technology as a career.
She was inspired to give up her job at a non-profit and learn how to code while scraping old wallpaper from her guest bedroom and watching a livestream of Google's software developer conference I/O in 2012.
Now Jensen works as a Web production analyst for a software firm in Michigan. She's a die-hard hockey fan and in her spare time she is building a searchable database for fines and suspensions in the NHL.
"I like to solve the puzzle to make things work," Jensen says.
Layne McNish, 27, says coding helped her unravel the puzzle of what she wanted to do with her life. She was a professional cellist and a Broadway publicist before she started coding a year ago.
At first she thought coding would be too "technical and boring." But after immersing herself, she says she discovered coding is more creative and empowering than anything else she has ever done.
McNish is one of two women on an engineering team for a tech company in Portland, Ore.
"It's something I really love doing and I can have a good life," McNish says. "I liked what I did before, but I was working a million hours a week and it was miserable and I didn't get paid barely anything. Now I like what I am doing with my life, and it can offer the flexibility that many women want out of a job. ... It seems like the perfect place for women." | <urn:uuid:3ed9aa5d-7c50-4d59-9bb6-b0bba3fc0419> | {
"date": "2018-05-25T03:16:13",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-22/segments/1526794866938.68/warc/CC-MAIN-20180525024404-20180525044404-00296.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9741101861000061,
"score": 3.265625,
"token_count": 1806,
"url": "https://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/2015/03/26/silicon-valley-gender-gap-widening/70444276/"
} |
Johann Reinhard I, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg
|Johann Reinhard I, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg|
Silver coin of Johann Reinhard I of Hanau-Lichtenberg
13 February 1569|
19 November 1625 (aged 56)|
|Noble family||House of Hanau|
|Spouse(s)||Maria Elisabeth of Hohenlohe-Neuenstein|
|Father||Philipp V, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg|
|Mother||Countess Ludowika Margaretha of Zweibrücken-Bitsch|
Johann Reinhard I, was the son of Philipp V, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg (1541–1599) and his first wife, Countess Ludowika Margaretha of Zweibrücken-Bitsch (1540–1569). Johann Reinhard I was christened on 28 February 1569 in Bitche.
Johann Reinhard I studied at the University of Strasbourg and completed a Grand Tour of France, Italy, the Netherlands and England. After his marriage, he was assigned Babenhausen Castle as a residence. He had the nave of the local St. Nikolaus Church embellished and painted. He was interested in history, genealogy and heraldry.
The counts of Hanau had had a court case before the Reichskammergericht against the Dukes of Lorraine since 1572 about the inheritance of Zweibrücken-Bitsch. In 1606, they settled out of court. At issue were two fiefs in Lorraine: Bitche and Lemberg Castle. A compromise was found: Bitche reverted to Lorraine, and Hanau-Lichtenberg was allowed to keep Lemberg Castle. This made sense, as it corresponded roughly to the religious realities in the territories. Johann Reinhard also settled a case against the County of Isenburg about conflicting rights in the Dreieich area.
He established a Protestant Latin school in his capital of Bouxwiller (German: Buchsweiler), which existed until 1792. It was a counterpart to the Hohe Landesschule in Hanau-Münzenberg. In 1613, a school regulation for the county was issued. Also in 1613, construction started of the new City Church in Bouxwiller.
In 1610, Johann Reinhard I concluded a treaty of inheritance with Count Philipp Ludwig II of Hanau-Münzenberg, stipulating that if one of the ruling family branches were to die out, the other branch would inherit their county. This treaty was updated in 1618 and confirmed by the Emperor. At the time, it appeared that Hanau-Münzenberg was likely to benefit from this treaty, as it had several male family members, whereas Hanau-Lichtenberg had only one male heir. This might explain why Johann Reinhard I received some generous loans after the treaty was signed. He needed a lot of money, because he maintained an extensive court. Contrary to expectations, the Hanau-Münzenberg branch of the family died out in 1642 and Johann Reinhard's grandson Friedrich Casimir inherited the county of Hanau-Münzenberg.
The county of Hanau-Lichtenberg suffered badly during the Thirty Years' War. Count Johann Reinhard I tried to maintain a strict neutrality, but the county's location near the Electorate of the Palatinate, the highways along the Rhine valley and the French-German border area made that very difficult. The district of Babenhausen was the hardest hit. It was occupied several times by the warring armies and its villages were destroyed in the first years of the war. The inhabitants fled. Some 2500 of them fled to the City of Babenhausen. The plague then broke out in the city. The parts of the county on the right bank of the Upper Rhine were also seriously damaged. The part of the county in the Lower Alsace was spared when Johann Reinhard I managed to buy protection for 100000florins.
Count Johann Reinhard I operated a "hedge mint" in Willstätt: a mint which brought debased coins into circulation. He earned substantial profits with this scam. In the financial year 1621–1622 alone he minted 110 cwt of silver coins and syphoned off more than 70000florins as "seignorage".
Marriage and issue
Johann Reinhard I married on 22 October 1593 in Weikersheim Countess Maria Elisabeth of Hohenlohe-Neuenstein (born: 12 June 1576, died: 21 January 1605 in Wörth am Rhein. She was the daughter of Count Wolfgang of Hohenlohe-Weikersheim (born: 14 June 1546; died: 28 March 1610) and Countess Magdalena of Nassau-Dillenburg (born: 15 December 1547; died: 16 May 1643), a daughter of William I, Count of Nassau-Dillenburg and Juliana of Stolberg. Maria Elisabeth was the last member of the family to be buried in the old city church of Bouxwiller.
They had four children:
- Philipp Wolfgang (born: 31 July 1595 in Bouxwiller (German: Buchsweiler; died: 24 February [O.S. 4 February] 1641 in Bouxwiller).
- Agatha Marie (August 22, 1599 in Bouxwiller; † May 23, 1636 in Baden), married Georg Friedrich of Rappoltstein (1593–1651).
- Anna Magdalena (born: 14 December 1600 in Bouxwiller; died: 22 February 1673), married several times.
- Elisabeth Juliana (born: 29 June 1602 in Bouxwiller; died: 21 April 1603 in Wörth am Rhein, also buried there)
After the death of his first wife, Johann Reinhard I married on 17 November 1605 with Wild- and Rhinegravine Anna of Salm-Neuweiler (born: 14 March 1582; died: 1636), daughter of Wild- and Rhinegrave Friedrich I of Salm-Neuweiler (born: 3 February 3, 1547; died: 26 October 1608). This marriage remained childless. She was buried in Schwarzach Abbey.
|Ancestors of Johann Reinhard I, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg|
- Reinhard Dietrich: Die Landesverfassung in dem Hanauischen, Hanauer Geschichtsblätter, issue 34, Hanau, 1996, ISBN 3-9801933-6-5
- Hans Dörr: Die Reisen des Grafen Johann Reinhard I. von Hanau-Lichtenberg nach Italien, Böhmen und Babenhausen, in: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Grafschaft Hanau-Lichtenberg. Herausgegeben zum 20-jährigen Jubiläum der Partnerschaft zwischen den beiden ehemaligen gräflichen Residenzstädten Babenhausen und Bouxwiller, Babenhausen einst und jetzt issue 49, 2004, p. 31 ff
- M. Goltzené: Aus der Geschichte des Amtes Buchsweiler, in: Pay d’Alsace, issue 111/112, p. 64 ff
- Franz Domenicus Häberlein: Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte vom Anfange des Schmalkaldischen Krieges bis auf unsere Zeiten vols. 8 and 9, Halle, 1779 and 1780.
- Heinrich Hermelink: Die Matrikeln der Universität Tübingen, vol. 1, Stuttgart, 1906
- J. G. Lehmann: Urkundliche Geschichte der Grafschaft Hanau-Lichtenberg im unteren Elsasse, two vols., place unknown, 1862, reprinted Primasens, 1970
- Wilhelm Morhardt: Hanau alt's - in Ehren b'halt's - Die Grafen von Hanau-Lichtenberg in Geschichte und Geschichten, Babenhausen einst und jetzt, issue 10, Babenhausen, 1984
- Reinhard Suchier: Genealogie des Hanauer Grafenhauses, in: Festschrift des Hanauer Geschichtsvereins zu seiner fünfzigjährigen Jubelfeier am 27. August 1894, Hanau, 1894
- Ernst J. Zimmermann: Hanau Stadt und Land. third edition, Hanau, 1919, reprinted 1978
- Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg: 81 Government Hanau E1 XXI, No. 8. Correspondence with Count Philipp Ludwig II of Hanau-Münzenberg
- Fried Lübbecke: Hanau. Stadt und Grafschaft, Cologne, 1951, p. 279 ff
- Hessisches Staatsarchiv Darmstadt, file D7,1/1
Johann Reinhard I, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg
House of HanauBorn: 13 February 1569 Died: 19 November 1625
| Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg | <urn:uuid:83e85aa1-dfe4-4917-93db-6838e2005117> | {
"date": "2018-09-19T06:05:00",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-39",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-39/segments/1537267155924.5/warc/CC-MAIN-20180919043926-20180919063926-00256.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8545306921005249,
"score": 2.578125,
"token_count": 2055,
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Reinhard_I,_Count_of_Hanau-Lichtenberg"
} |
Backyard and Playground Safety
Keep your children’s fun safe by following these safety guidelines for backyard, pool, and playground
If you have a pool in your backyard, follow these guidelines:
- Surround the pool with a fence that is at least 48 inches high. Check with
your city or county for additional requirements regarding pool fencing, covers,
or alarm systems.
- Never leave a small child alone in or near a pool or spa/hot tub, even for
a minute. A child can drown in less than three minutes.
- Keep toys, tricycles, wagons, and balls away from the pool. Children may
attempt to retrieve toys that fall into the water and then fall in
- Keep electrical appliances (such as radios) away from the poolside as they
pose a shock hazard if wet.
- A pool cover should cover the pool completely and attach to the patio floor
so children cannot slip under it. Choose a pool cover that is designed for
safety — not simply a cover that is designed to maintain the pool
- A hot tub should have a locking cover that you put on whenever the hot tub
is not in use.
- Empty “baby” pools and put them away after every use, because they can fill
with rain or water from sprinklers.
Keep these essential safety items near your home pool:
- A telephone or cell phone and phone numbers for emergency services
- A poster with safety and CPR instructions
- Shepherd’s hook, safety ring, and rope | <urn:uuid:801a64fb-e7ac-420e-8e52-07c9b94f8755> | {
"date": "2013-06-19T12:33:18",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2013-20",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708766848/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125246-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9319301843643188,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 321,
"url": "http://children.webmd.com/features/backyard-playground-safety?page=2"
} |
Private Sector Provision versus Public Sector Provision
Private Sector Provision of Public Goods
Let us consider a Fourth of July fireworks display. Suppose a firework show is worth $10 to Bob, $7 to Susan, $3 to John and $0 to Sally. By adding these values together, we find that the social value of the firework display is $20. However, the firework display is a public good (one simply has to look up to receive the benefit).
Social Value for Firework Display
Due to the non-rival and non-exclubable attributes of this good, we will likely see Bob, Susan, and John actually paying much a lower amount than their "value" or not at all knowing they could receive the same benefit for nothing. We expect the contributions to the firework display will be lower than the efficient $20. This is known as the free-rider problem. It is challenging to correct for the free rider problem because it is difficult to know what value people actually place on a public good; how much would someone be willing to pay if the good were rival and excludable (private).
Public Sector Provision of Public Goods
Because of private under investment in public goods, there is potentially room for government involvement. A good example of this is government provision of education. In many ways, an educated population is a public good because of the positive externalities educated people "spill-over". Educated people typically have higher incomes that result in higher property tax revenues, "educated" communities typically have lower crime levels and more voter participation.
Even with these obvious advantages in supporting education, the benefits are non-excludable and non-rival so we expect underinvestment in a private market. Without government provision of grade school education, we may expect very low attendance rates. The reason for this is many parents will have an incentive to spend the money they have from lower property taxes on their own consumption, not on their kids'. Further, it is unlikely that a child could take out a loan for his or her own education. This is just one argument for government provision of public goods. Air quality is also a public good that is under provided in a private market. There are a number of potential government responses to poor air quality | <urn:uuid:c4db2585-5249-43cd-9b62-e61662854d4c> | {
"date": "2014-09-17T21:33:53",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-41",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-41/segments/1410657124607.22/warc/CC-MAIN-20140914011204-00299-ip-10-196-40-205.us-west-1.compute.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9680691361427307,
"score": 3.0625,
"token_count": 459,
"url": "http://econport.org/content/handbook/publicgoods/privatevspublic.html"
} |
In general, a program consists not just of one, but of many definitions.
area-of-ring program, for example, consists of two
definitions: the one for
area-of-ring and another one for
area-of-disk. We refer to both as FUNCTION DEFINITIONs
and, using mathematical terminology in a loose way, say that the program
of several functions. Because the first one,
area-of-ring, is the function we really wish to use, we refer to
it as the MAIN FUNCTION;
the second one,
area-of-disk, is an AUXILIARY
FUNCTION, occasionally also called HELPER FUNCTION.
The use of auxiliary functions makes the design process manageable and
renders programs readable. Compare the following two versions of
(define (area-of-ring outer inner) (- (area-of-disk outer) (area-of-disk inner)))
(define (area-of-ring outer inner) (- (* 3.14 (* outer outer)) (* 3.14 (* inner inner))))
For a small program such as
area-of-ring, the differences between
the two styles are minor. For large programs, however, using auxiliary
functions is not an option but a necessity. That is, even if we are asked
to write a single program, we should consider breaking it up into several
small programs and COMPOSING
them as needed. Although we are not
yet in a position to develop truly large programs, we can still get a
feeling for the idea by developing two versions in parallel.
The first subsection contrasts the two development styles with an example from the business domain. It demonstrates how breaking up a program into several function definitions can greatly increase our confidence in the correctness of the overall program. The second subsection introduces the concept of a variable definition, which is an additional important ingredient for the development of programs. The last subsection proposes some exercises.
Consider the following problem:
Imagine the owner of a movie theater who has complete freedom in setting ticket prices. The more he charges, the fewer the people who can afford tickets. In a recent experiment the owner determined a precise relationship between the price of a ticket and average attendance. At a price of $5.00 per ticket, 120 people attend a performance. Decreasing the price by a dime ($.10) increases attendance by 15. Unfortunately, the increased attendance also comes at an increased cost. Every performance costs the owner $180. Each attendee costs another four cents ($0.04). The owner would like to know the exact relationship between profit and ticket price so that he can determine the price at which he can make the highest profit.While the task is clear, how to go about it is not. All we can say at this point is that several quantities depend on each other.
When we are confronted with such a situation, it is best to tease out the various dependencies one at a time:
Profit is the difference between revenue and costs.
The revenue is exclusively generated by the sale of tickets. It is the product of ticket price and number of attendees.
The costs consist of two parts: a fixed part ($180) and a variable part that depends on the number of attendees.
Finally, the problem statement also specifies how the number of attendees depends on the ticket price.
Let's formulate a function for each of these dependencies; after all, functions compute how quantities depend on each other.
We start with contracts, headers, and purpose statements. Here is the one
profit : number -> number;; to compute the profit as the difference between revenue and costs ;; at some given
ticket-price(define (profit ticket-price) ...)
It depends on the ticket price because both revenue and cost depend on the ticket price. Here are the remaining three:
revenue : number -> number;; to compute the revenue, given
ticket-price(define (revenue ticket-price) ...) ;;
cost : number -> number;; to compute the costs, given
ticket-price(define (cost ticket-price) ...) ;;
attendees : number -> number;; to compute the number of attendees, given
ticket-price(define (attendees ticket-price) ...)
Each purpose statement is a rough transliteration of some part of the problem statement.
Exercise 3.1.1. The next step is to make up examples for each of the functions. Determine how many attendees can afford a show at a ticket price of $3.00, $4.00, and $5.00. Use the examples to formulate a general rule that shows how to compute the number of attendees from the ticket price. Make up more examples if needed. Solution
Exercise 3.1.2. Use the results of exercise 3.1.1 to determine how much it costs to run a show at $3.00, $4.00, and $5.00. Also determine how much revenue each show produces at those prices. Finally, figure out how much profit the monopolistic movie owner can make with each show. Which is the best price (of these three) for maximizing the profit? Solution
Once we have written down the basic material about our functions and
calculated out several examples, we can replace the ``...'' with
Scheme expressions. The left column of figure 5 contains
complete definitions of all four functions. The
computes its result as the difference between the result of
cost, just as the problem analysis and
purpose statement suggest. The computation of both depends on
ticket-price, which is what the applications say. To compute the
revenue, we first compute the number of attendees for the given
ticket-price and multiply it with
ticket-price. Similarly, to compute the cost we add the fixed
portion of the cost to the variable part, which is the product of the
number of attendees and
0.04 (four cents). Finally, the
computation of the number of attendees also follows the problem
statement. The base attendance at a price of five dollars is 120, and for
each 10 cents less than five dollars, 15 more attendees show up.
Instead of developing a function per dependency in the problem statement, we could have tried to express the relationship between the ticket price and the owner's profit in a single function. The right column in figure 5 shows the most straightforward way of doing so. And indeed, it is easy to check that the two profit programs in figure 5 produce the same profit when given the same ticket price. Still, it is also obvious that while the arrangement on the left conveys the intention behind the program directly, the program on the right is nearly impossible to understand. Worse, if we are asked to modify some aspect of the program, say, the relationship between the number of attendees and the price of the ticket, we can do this for the left column in a small amount of time, but we need to spend a much longer time for the right one.
Based on our experience, we thus formulate the first and most important guideline of programming:
|Guideline on Auxiliary Functions|
Formulate auxiliary function definitions for every dependency between quantities mentioned in the problem statement or discovered with example calculations.
Sometimes we will find that some of the required functions are
already available as programs for other problems. Indeed, we have already
encountered such an example:
area-of-disk. At other times, we
will make a list of functions and develop each one separately. We may
then find that some of the functions, such as
useful in several other definitions, leading to a network-like
relationship among functions.
Exercise 3.1.3. Determine the profit that the movie owner makes at $3.00, $4.00, and $5.00 using the program definitions in both columns. Make sure that the results are the same as those predicted in exercise 3.1.2. Solution
Exercise 3.1.4. After studying the cost structure of a show, the owner discovered several ways of lowering the cost. As a result of his improvements, he no longer has a fixed cost. He now simply pays $1.50 per attendee.
Modify both programs to reflect this change. When the programs are modified, test them again with ticket prices of $3.00, $4.00, and $5.00 and compare the results. Solution
When a number occurs many times in our program(s), we should give it a name
using a VARIABLE DEFINITION, which associates a name with a
value. One example is
3.14, which we have used in place of
. Here is how we could give this number a name:
(define PI 3.14)
Now, every time we refer to
PI, DrScheme replaces it with
Using a name for a constant makes it easier to replace it with a different
value. Suppose our program contains the definition for
PI, and we
decide that we need a better approximation of for the entire
program. By changing the definition to
(define PI 3.14159)
the improvement is used everywhere where we use
PI. If we didn't
have a name like
PI for , we would have to find and all
3.14 in the program and replace them with
Let us formulate this observation as our second guideline:
|Guideline on Variable Definitions|
Give names to frequently used constants and use the names instead of the constants in programs.
Initially, we won't use many variable definitions for constants, because our programs are small. But, as we learn to write larger programs, we will make more use of variable definitions. As we will see, the ability to have a single point of control for changes is important for variable and function definitions.
Exercise 3.2.1. Provide variable definitions for all constants that appear in the profit program of figure 5 and replace the constants with their names. Solution
Exercise 3.3.1. The United States uses the English system of (length) measurements. The rest of the world uses the metric system. So, people who travel abroad and companies that trade with foreign partners often need to convert English measurements to metric ones and vice versa.
Here is a table that shows the six major units of length measurements of the English system:12
Develop the functions
Then develop the functions
Hint: Reuse functions as much as possible. Use variable definitions to specify constants. Solution
Develop the program
volume-cylinder. It consumes the radius of a
cylinder's base disk and its height; it computes the volume of the
area-cylinder. The program consumes the radius of the
cylinder's base disk and its height. Its result is the surface area of the
Develop the function
area-pipe. It computes the surface area of
a pipe, which is an open cylinder. The program consumes three values: the
pipe's inner radius, its length, and the thickness of its wall.
Develop two versions: a program that consists of a single definition and a program that consists of several function definitions. Which one evokes more confidence? Solution
Develop the program
height, which computes the height that a
rocket reaches in a given amount of time. If the rocket accelerates at
a constant rate g, it reaches a speed of g · t in
units and a height of 1/2 * v * t where v is the speed at t.
Recall the program
exercise 2.2.1. The program consumes a temperature measured in
Fahrenheit and produces the Celsius equivalent.
Develop the program
Celsius->Fahrenheit, which consumes a
temperature measured in Celsius and produces the Fahrenheit equivalent.
Now consider the function
I : number -> number;; to convert a Fahrenheit temperature to Celsius and back (define (I f) (Celsius->Fahrenheit (Fahrenheit->Celsius f)))
(I 32) by hand and using DrScheme's stepper. What does
this suggest about the composition of the two
12 See The World Book Encyclopedia 1993, Weights and Measurements. | <urn:uuid:0b0cea69-592d-444a-b416-11aa10073e35> | {
"date": "2014-10-22T04:45:06",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1413507445886.27/warc/CC-MAIN-20141017005725-00122-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.904071569442749,
"score": 3.515625,
"token_count": 2559,
"url": "http://htdp.org/2003-09-26/Book/curriculum-Z-H-6.html"
} |
On 5 December 2017, almost 70 years after Romania became a republic, the last King of Romania, Michael (Mihai) died in Switzerland aged 96. He was the last monarch alive, who had actually been reigning his country during World War II, not counting King Simeon II of the Bulgarians, who was just a child at the time.
Romania had become a principality under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, with Alexandru Ioan Cuza as prince of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859. The two principalities were united as the Principality of Romania on 5 February 1862. Alexandru Ioan Cuza was forced to abdicate on 23 February 1866. Prince Karl von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a German, was elected the new Prince of Romania on 20 April 1866, and he took the Romanian name of Carol. Romania was recognized as an independent state in 1878, and on 26 March 1881 the parliament decided the country would be a Kingdom. On 22 May 1881 Carol I was crowned as the King. He would reign until his death in 1914.
Carol I was succeeded by his nephew Prince Ferdinand von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, who reigned until his death in 1927. As his son Carol had renounced his succession rights in December 1925, Ferdinands five-year-old grandson Michael I (born 25 October 1921) succeeded under a regency of three members: his uncle Prince Nicholas, Patriarch Miron Cristea and the president of the Supreme Court Gheorghe Buzdugan. However Carol returned to Romania on 7 June 1930 in a coup d’état and took up the reign of Romania the next day. On 6 September 1940 Prime Minister Ion Antonescu forced the unpopular Carol II to leave the country. Carol was succeeded by Michael I again, who was crowned on the same day.
Antonescus government was a pro-German one. In 1944 Michael took part in a coup against Antonescu and replaced him by Constantin Sanatescu. Although he sought an alliance with the allied countries, in March 1945 he was forced to appoint a pro-Soviet government. Michael didn’t succeed in oppossing this government; from August 1945 to January 1946 he refused to sign decrees. In November 1947 Michael travelled to London to attend the wedding of the British Princess Elizabeth to his cousin Prince Philip of Greece and Denmark. Despite of all the problems in Romania he returned to his country.
In the morning of 30 December 1947 Prime Minister Petru Groza summoned Michael, who was in Sinaia, back to Bucharest. The Elisabeta Palace was surrounded by army troops. Michael was forced to sign a pre-typed abdication document, a gun held on him. He later said they also treatened to shoot 1,000 arrested students if he wouldn’t abdicate. Later that day he had to announce his abdication on the radio. Romania was proclaimed the Romanian People’s Republic. Michael on 3 January 1948 was forced to go into exile, had his properties confiscated and in 1948 lost his Romanian citizenship. In March 1948 Michael announced that his abdication had been illegal. Rumours were that he had left the country with lots of treasures including valuable paintings, gold and jewelry, something Michael himself has always denied.
After the end of the dictatorship of Nicolae Ceausescu Michael and several family members on 25 December 1990 for the first time tried to visit Romania again. He was arrested and forced to leave. At Easter 1992 he was however greeted by huge crowds. His popularity alarmed politicians, and only in 1997 he was allowed another visit. In that year the Romanian government also restored his citizenship. In 2001 he was granted the same rights as other former heads of state, received some family properties back and got a living allowance. On his 90th birthday in 2011 he made his first speech to parliament in over 60 years.
In 1948 Michael married Princess Anne of Bourbon-Parma. The couple had five daughters: Margarita (* 1949), Elena (* 1950), Irina (* 1953), Sophie (* 1957) and Maria (* 1964). Michael worked as a farmer, pilot, entrepreneur and broker. He lived in exile in Italy, Switzerland (1948-1950), Hampshire, England (1950-1956) and in Versoix, Switzerland (after 1956). As off 1997 he lived partly in Aubonne, Switzerland, and in Romania, where he lived at the Elisabeta Palace in Bucharest and the Savarsin Castle. He also was handed back the Castles of Peles and Pelisor, which are open to the public.
Michael retired from public life on 2 March 2016, when his tasks were assumed by his eldest daughter Crown Princess Margarita. He was diagnosed with chronic leukemia and metastatic epidermoid carcinoma. He died in his home in Aubonne, Switzerland, on 5 December 2017. He was buried next to his wife Anne, who had died in 2016, at Curtea de Arges.
According to the Fundamental Rules of the Royal Family of Romania of 30 December 2007 he was succeeded by his eldest daughter Margarita, who has taken the title Her Majesty Margareta [the Romanian version of her name] Custodian of the Romanian Crown. | <urn:uuid:c5619598-7564-4c88-806f-b28b2522fd9e> | {
"date": "2019-04-22T02:39:27",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-18",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578533774.1/warc/CC-MAIN-20190422015736-20190422041736-00416.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9911986589431763,
"score": 2.765625,
"token_count": 1101,
"url": "https://www.nettyroyalblog.nl/miscellaneous/30-december-1947-the-end-of-the-romanian-monarchy/"
} |
Tuesday, August 04, 2009
White kittel, knee pants, stockings of the 18th century
Traveling, whether it involved great distances or just a trip to the nearest town, could be dangerous for the men and women of the Trier Land during the late 18th and early 19th century. Robbery and disappearances were common occurrences, especially on roads that were little traveled.
Martha Heit describes these "missing" or "waylaid" travelers as listed in the logs of the official government gazette of the times. There are too many for me to describe the clothing of all of them but here are the traveling clothes of a few of the merchants who took to the road.
The Elderly Gentleman from Wellen
Throughout the early years of the 19th century, the older styles from before the time of Napoleon were still worn, especially by those born before the "Little Emperor" had changed many of the laws and customs of the Rhineland. Such was the case of an older man who was traveling the roads with his son in 1827. The gazette records do not record the man's business, but it would appear that it was a profitable one based on the clothing he was wearing. The picture above gives you and idea of the garb of this 18th century middle-class merchant from Wellen
The description given to the police clerk, probably by the son, was very detailed. The older man's outer garment was a blue linen Kittel, a long, loose, smock-like garment, often used for work around the farm to protect the clothing underneath. A Kittel was also worn by well-to-do persons who wanted to disguise their wealth when they traveled the roads. But under the Kittel, the missing man had worn a dark blue Tuchrock, an undercoat that today would probably be called a suit jacket. It had a wide lapel and large buttons the size of a Prussian Taler (the size of the Taler did change over time but was always a fairly large coin). The picture below, a segment from a portrait painted in the 18th century, is a good example of the large buttons on the Tuckrock.
Under the Tuckrock, the missing man had worn a linen shirt with a collar that was all of a piece with the shirt and held together with a black silk scarf. Over the shirt he wore a dark blue high-closed vest, and Sammet (velvet) knee pants about culotte length. His knee length stockings were worn with a type of decorative garter and his low thin shoes closed with a silver buckle. On his head he wore a black hat with a brim and a low crown and underneath the hat he wore a more casual Zipfel (slightly pointed) cap, knitted from very fine wool.
When the man and his son had reached Konz, a town about seven miles from Trier, the father and son briefly separated. The father had gone into one of the businesses, possibly to "clean" himself from the dust of journey (says the police report) and after that he and his fine clothing were not seen again.
The Linen Weaver from Burbach
Mutze with Schirm (Museum in Honfleur, Normandy)
This weaver was about 40 years old and in Dec. 1835 he went on business to Gersweiler and disappeared. No one ever heard from him again. His clothing made it appear that he was a poor man, but robbers must have seen through his disguise which consisted of an old cap (Mutze) made out of dark material with a Schirm (a cap with a visor and sometimes ear flaps) as in the cap at the left. His cloth overcoat was gray and his trousers were made of black cloth. He had white linen gaitors and shoes that were in poor repair. Under his coat he had on an old worn-out shirt over which he had a muslin loose shirt, no scarf and no vest.
The Priest from Piesport
Priests also were "merchants" that had "customers" who needed "spiritual wares." In 1820 the priest from Piesport was on the road the day after Sylvester (New Year's Day) when the Mosel was greatly swollen, flooding over the path from Mannheim to Piesport. This priest never came home again; it is likely that he drowned. His clothing was of the style of the 18th century that was perhaps the official priestly dress of this time, something the author was unable to discover. He wore a large overcoat of dark green wool material with a collar, and part of the collar was a small standup necktie of a cotton material. The coat had a cuff that was also of cotton. Underneath His overcoat, he wore a typical priestly undercoat with small black buttons, a vest of black material, knee pants of black material with silver buckles and black stockings. His shirt was a form of muslin with crape cuffs. The letters WK were embroidered by hand about level with his highest breast bone. This most likely was a religious symbol of some kind.
The Jewish Tradesman
The occupation of Jewish men of the time was almost always that of a trader and/or money changer. This always made them a target for robbery when they traveled. In Saarbrucken, one such man is described as wearing a dark blue overcoat, a blue and white striped vest, a yellow scarf, blue trousers and a fur cap described as having a "Schirm". This could indicate that the cap had a visor, earflaps, or both.
A Robber from Landkreise Trier
A linen weaver from the Province of Westpfalen was attacked on 27 May, 1818 in the forest not too far from Trierweiler in the Landkreise Trier by an assailant who knocked him to the ground and left him for dead. The robber took 215 Taler; part made up of French Kronenthaler and the remainder of Prussian coins (The linen weaver must have traveled widely). The victim was found the following night and brought to Wintersdorf. Since he had met the man who robbed him the previous evening and, since the robber was dressed very well, the linen weaver walked with him as a travel companion. Thus the linen weaver was able to describe his assailant's clothing in detail: "blue linen Kittel, dark blue undercoat, dark blue vest, a pair of velvet pants, thin shoes with straps, a black silk scarf and a hat."
All people, but especially merchants who had to travel the roads any distance had a kind of fatalism, although they hoped for the best. But as you can see, it was a very unsure thing whether a man would ever reach his destination. | <urn:uuid:9062a3b9-157f-4338-9546-65772d0359e8> | {
"date": "2015-11-30T06:11:34",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-48",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-48/segments/1448398461113.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20151124205421-00352-ip-10-71-132-137.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9856744408607483,
"score": 2.75,
"token_count": 1424,
"url": "http://19thcenturyrhinelandlive.blogspot.com/2009_08_01_archive.html"
} |
All right, time for another lesson on/crack at Oirata! Moving on to the second sentence:Leen lapai neene Maukou
- OK, this part is pretty straightforward. "Sky big name Maukou," i.e. "the big sky's name was Maukou." (OK, they say "the name of the large sky," but whatever. Same thing!
But then the next part of that sentence is umajauele tie neeneta Huimau
. What do tie
and that -ta
at the end of neeneta
Hmm...not sure about tie
yet, but apparently, ta
is some sort of reciprocal? But this ta
must be different. 'Name (as a noun)' + 'each other' + Huimau doesn't seem to make much sense.
Well, OK, finally found a clue for tie
. According to that dictionary, ululu tie a ate
means 'pisau ini tajam' ('this sharp knife'), a ate
means 'tajam' ('sharp'), and ululu
means 'pisau' ('knife'). So tie
must mean 'this'.
And it looks like -ta
might actually be a suffix indicating possession, but it goes on the possessum, not the possessor. (I think that might be pretty typical for Papuan languages, actually). According to the dictionary (again
), antte neneta Nazar
means "Nama saya Nazar" (my name is Nazar), and ante
means 'saya, aku' (both meaning 'I/me'. It's also in the song!
). So, "earth this its name Huimau."
Next sentence: Wadu wanat tina'a ete-modo tarumodora tie onhali
. "In those times no plants were living yet." I think wadu
No, wait, it actually means 'sun' (according to that article on the Papuan languages of Kisar and Timor). Or maybe it really means 'day' (according to the dictionary, which says 'hari' in Indonesian).
Or maybe it's both; who knows?
Oh, wait, apparently watu
means 'sun', and wadu
means 'day'. (It seems that the <d> actually represents a voiceless retroflex stop, whereas the <t> is alveolar). I guess that makes more sense lol.
I couldn't tell at first what wanat
meant, but I found this paper, which explained it:https://encrypted.google.com/url?sa=t&r ... 8121,d.aWc
means 'night' (see p. 14/25 of that document, or just search for "wanat" in the paper). According to the paper, wadu wanat
'day and night' is one of a few lexical pairs that are identical to ones used in Leti, an Austronesian language spoken a bit to the east of Kisar (where Oirata is spoken). In Leti, the corresponding expression is lera mela
. Pretty cool, huh?
Now, what about the next word, tina'a
? Well, under watu
, the dictionary says ina watu tina'a
(shouldn't that be wadu
) means 'hari ini' ('today'). I have no idea what the ina
is doing, because the dictionary says that means 'apa' ('what') or 'pertanyaan' ('question'); maybe the sentence really means 'what day is it today?' Anyway, this leads me to believe that tina'a
, like tie
, means something like 'this'. Maybe it's just tie
with the last vowel deleted and some (locative? I dunno) suffix -na'a
Or maybe it means 'these'.
apparently means 'tree'. And apparently, modo
means 'child'. So a plant is a "tree-child"!
Now, what does the next word, tarumodora
, mean? We already know that modo
means 'child'. The dictionary says taru
means 'tali' ('rope'). Hmmm...
OK, whatever. The last word we have now is onhali
. What does that mean?
Well, the dictionary says onhale
means 'not yet', so maybe that's what it really is. So I guess wadu wanat tina'a ete-modo tarumodora tie onhali
= day + night + those + tree-child/plant + rope-child-SUBJ/TOPIC(?) + this + not.yet...? Well, that's my guess.
The next line is ha horia o'o nunu tapu lapai ta lause
. I'm not going to do an exhaustive analysis of that yet, but we already know that o'o
means 'and' and that lapai
means 'big'. Horia
(as we can see a few lines further down in the text) means what the text calls 'parna', and nunu
is what it calls 'waringin'. I have no idea what either of these are supposed to be; I've been assuming they're some sort of local plants or something, but who knows? I'm guessing tapu
means 'seed(s)'. Finally, according to the dictionary, ha
Not sure that's what it means here!
Meh, might as well finish off that sentence. Lause
means 'to live'; the dictionary also says it can mean 'to grow' ('tumbuh', in addition to 'hidup'/'(to) live'). So I guess ha
means 'only' or 'except' or something.
And yeah, it looks like "parna" and "waringin" are indeed Indonesian plants of some sort. Apparently, a "waringin" is something like a banyan tree. | <urn:uuid:483178c7-a3f6-4ca9-82cd-614518eaa486> | {
"date": "2018-10-21T01:57:15",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-43",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-43/segments/1539583513548.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20181021010654-20181021032154-00216.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9158200025558472,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 1300,
"url": "https://forum.unilang.org/viewtopic.php?f=142&t=29305&sid=c5129e4742c7cacd01eaba4de5535ced"
} |
How to Grow Sweet Peas
Sweet Peas are one of the favorite vegetables of kids and adults. You'll
love them straight from the garden. You can pick sweet peas off the vine,
shell them and eat them raw, for a delicious, and healthy snack. Sweet Peas
are one of the hardier vegetables. Sometimes called snow peas, they get their
name as the young seedlings can survive frosts, freezes and even snow!
There are numerous varieties of garden sweet peas. Some pea plants require
fencing or support. Others are described as "Self-supporting". Read the
directions on the package to identify what you are buying. We recommend you
fence them, regardless of type. This helps to keep the pea pods off the ground,
and results in cleaner peas. Inexpensive chicken wire fence and a few stakes
are all you need. Or, use a
Vegetable "Pop Rocks!? Run Frozen peas under hot tap water to warm
them up. (Don't cook them). Kids love they way the peas "pop" in their
Varieties of Sweet Peas:
Regular Sweet Peas- These nutritious vegetables are grown for their seeds.
There are many varieties to choose from. Some are better for canning and
freezing, while others are best fresh.
Edible Podded- Eat the pea pod and all. The pod is sweet and tender (if picked
while still young). It also contains pea seeds. Best of all, they are far
easier to prepare. Simply pick them, wash them off, and cook them. No shelling
Chinese Peas- Similar to edible podded peas, you eat the crispy pod of these
chinese varieties. The difference, is the pea inside is very tiny.
Days to Maturity:
Ranges from 55 to 70 days, depending on variety. Early varieties have
less seeds in the pod, usually three to four. Later varieties may have 8
to 10 seeds per pod.
Hills and Mounding:
Early spring crops benefit by creating a long hill or mound. This slight
elevation helps to warm the soil. Most importantly, it keeps excess water
and spring rain from rotting the seeds before they sprout.
Don't worry if there is cold weather or even snow. Young pea plants are hardy,
and will survive temperatures into the 20's.
How to Grow Sweet Peas:
Growing sweet peas is easy. Select an area of your vegetable garden that
gets full sun. The plants prefer rich garden soil. Mound soil for spring
planting, if your area receives heavy and frequent spring rains.
Sow sweet pea seeds as soon as the ground can be worked in the spring. Space
seeds 1" to 1 1/2" apart. The large seeds are easy to space. We suggest planting
double rows, with the double rows about 2 feet apart. Place a fence between
the double rows, for them to climb upon.
Apply a side dressing of fertilizer, to give these plants a fast start as
soon as they germinate. Apply a general purpose fertilizer every three to
Planted in the early spring, the soil is usually contains plenty of moisture
until warmer, drier weather sets in. Water deeply, as needed.
Sweet Peas do not grow well in hot weather. However, fall crops will do well.
Make sure to plant them with enough growing time to mature prior to heavy
Harvest as sweet peas, and edible podded varieties, while young and tender.
Sweet Peas lose their sweetness and become hard, if left on the vine
Insects and Pests:
Pea seedlings are a popular food for birds. As the seedlings grow, birds
will sometimes eat the tender tips. We recommend placing chicken wire or
bird netting over the young seedlings.
Boring insects will sometimes enter the pea pod. Occasional aphid infestations
can also occur, but this is uncommon.
In wet weather, slugs will climb the vines and suck on the pea pods. Use
snail and slug pellets. For organic control, make a beer trap. Put a little
beer in a small can or bowl. Tuna cans work great. Bury the trap, up to the
lip, in the garden soil. Snails and slugs will be attracted to it, fall in
More on Slugs and snails
More on Plant Problem Diseases
With summer heat and humidity, comes diseases that can befall these plants
just before, or during the ripening of the crop. Fungicides can be used in
areas of high heat and humidity. However, we recommend you find out whether
it is a problem in your area first.
Peas are very "cold weather" hardy. Plant them early in the season. They
will withstand frost, light freezes, and even snow cover. Planted early enough
you can complete one crop by early July, and still have time for a fall crop
in most areas.
Peas do not like heat. In hot weather the plant stunts or slows it's growth.
Any peas that develop and mature are not as sweet.
Garden Sweet Peas Recipes:
May we suggest:
Veggie Cages This revolutionary cage expands
a whopping 7ft! Stores flat in almost no space. Try them on sweet peas, tomatoes,
pole beans, and other climbing climbing flowers and vegetables.
Are Deer, Bunnies or birds feasting on your plants?
The free meal is over!
Buy the Garden Buffet Buster now!
Buy Sweet Peas and Vegetable Garden Seeds - 500
varieties. Better quality, discount prices. | <urn:uuid:3017835a-4622-4dc9-8cbb-dff71a537e27> | {
"date": "2016-12-04T14:12:30",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-50",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-50/segments/1480698541322.19/warc/CC-MAIN-20161202170901-00304-ip-10-31-129-80.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9163180589675903,
"score": 2.859375,
"token_count": 1205,
"url": "http://www.gardenersnet.com/vegetable/peas.htm"
} |
Flashback: Exxon Valdez runs aground
Editor’s note: Early on March 24, 1989, Dean Fosdick, the Alaska bureau chief of The Associated Press, was awakened around 5:30 a.m. by a phone call. The caller had a tip that a tanker had run aground outside Valdez.
Fosdick quickly confirmed with a top Coast Guard official that the Exxon Valdez had struck a reef and was leaking thick, toxic crude oil into Prince William Sound, and sent out first word to the world of what at the time was the nation’s worst-ever oil spill.
The AP dispatched more than a dozen reporters, photographers and editors to cover the disaster. For a generation of people, the stories and the images of fouled coastline, of sea otters, herring and birds soaked in oil, of workers painstakingly washing crude off the rugged shoreline, became seared in their memories.
Twenty-five years after original publication, the AP republished this report by Susan Gallagher:
Grounded tanker spills 270,000 barrels of oil off Alaska
A tanker ran aground on a reef and ripped holes in its hull Friday, gushing millions of gallons of thick crude oil into pristine Prince William Sound in the largest spill in U.S. history.
The Exxon Valdez, a 987-foot tanker owned by Exxon Shipping Co. Inc., struck Bligh Reef about 25 miles from Valdez, the northernmost ice-free port in the United States, spilling an estimated 270,000 barrels or 11.3 million gallons of oil into the Pacific Ocean, the Coast Guard said.
Early Friday the tanker was losing 20,000 gallons of oil per hour, but the outflow slowed to a trickle later Friday. An oil slick snaked about five miles from the ship as wind and tide pushed the crude oil into the sound and away from shore.
“This is the largest oil spill in U.S. history and it unfortunately took place in an enclosed water body with numerous islands, channels, bays and fiords,” said Richard Golob, publisher of the Golob Oil Pollution Bulletin.
The Alaska Department of Environmental Conservation said three tanks on the ship’s right side and five tanks along the centerline were punctured. The tanks on the left side appeared intact, the agency said.
Exxon was bringing in three planeloads of cleanup crews from around the world.
“A spill of this size in such a complex environment promises to be a cleanup nightmare,” said Golob, a Cambridge, Mass.-based consultant whose firm has studied oil spills and environmental disasters for 15 years.
“There’s no way for the oil to go out to sea without passing through narrow channels,” he said by telephone from Cambridge. “As a result a large shoreline area will most likely be polluted and undoubtedly the cleanup will be very extensive and labor intensive.”
In Washington, Interior Department spokesman Steve Goldstein said efforts had begun to evacuate waterfowl, sea otters and other wildlife from the danger area. “Obviously some of the waterfowl have already died,” he said.
The vessel had loaded 1.26 million barrels of oil at the Alyeska Pipeline Service Co. marine terminal at Valdez and left late Thursday for Long Beach, Calif.
The terminal was closed to tanker traffic early Friday while officials tried to deal with the spill. The Federal Aviation Administration closed airspace for six miles around the tanker to keep sightseers at bay.
Officials cut the flow in the trans-Alaska oil pipeline to 800,000 barrels daily from 1.2 million barrels, which would let the terminal operate for nine days before the line has to shut down, said Alyeska spokesman Tom Brennan.
Coast Guard Petty Officer John Gonzales said the tanker’s captain was experienced and may have been maneuvering to avoid icebergs from Columbia Glacier when the vessel ran aground. Two Coast Guard investigators went aboard the tanker, he said.
“The rock they hit is definitely not in tanker lanes,” said Coast Guard Lt. Greg Stewart in Juneau. He said the reef is about 1½ miles outside normal lanes.
Gonzales said employees of the Alyeska Pipeline Service Co., which operates the trans-Alaska oil pipeline for a consortium of oil companies, were working to contain the oil with floating booms.
Don Cornett, Alaska coordinator for Exxon USA, said about two dozen people were aboard the Exxon Valdez. There were no immediate reports of injuries.
Gov. Steve Cowper arrived in Valdez on Friday to evaluate the spill. He said state officials were considering the use of chemicals to disperse and sink the oil.
“The problem is that chemical use can have a bad effect on marine life,” he said. “It’s going to be a tough judgment call.”
Cowper said conventional responses, such as booms, probably would not work because the spill is so large. “You probably couldn’t do it (contain the spill) with all the equipment available in North America. This is a major spill by any reckoning.
“We’ve been able to brag for a long time that there’s never been a major oil spill in Valdez Harbor. Now, we can’t do that anymore.”
The Alaska Department of Fish and Game called an emergency meeting to discuss the potential effect on marine mammals and birds in the sound.
In addition to the terminal, the picturesque community of about 3,000 year-round residents about 125 miles east of Anchorage relies on the fishing and tourism industries. The sound is a playground for kayakers, sport fishermen and tourists.
Exxon’s Cornett said his company was bringing three planeloads of oil spill response workers from all over the world to deal with the mess. He said the company hoped to pump the oil remaining aboard the grounded vessel onto another ship, refloat the Exxon Valdez and clean up the oil.
“I haven’t the foggiest idea what it will cost,” he said. “It won’t be cheap.”
Jason Wells, executive director of the Valdez Fisheries Development Association, said he believed the oil slick would cause little damage unless wind pushes it back toward Valdez. The fishing industry is between seasons.
Wells said the black cod fishery is scheduled to begin April 1, but the region’s major herring fishery is not expected to get under way until mid-April.
But the spill likely will draw increasing fire from environmentalists sensitive about the trans-Alaska pipeline and efforts to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil development.
“It’s of concern for two reasons: one is the size of the spill and that this is such a sensitive, very productive area,” said Lisa Speer, senior staff scientist with the Natural Resources Defense Council in New York.
“This is a consequence of North Slope oil development that is rarely mentioned,” she said.
Valdez City Manager Doug Griffin said the 800-mile trans-Alaska pipeline which carries oil from Prudhoe Bay to Valdez and the marine terminal have an enviable environmental record. “But this could be a catastrophic occurrence, so we’re concerned,” he said.
“Living in Valdez, we’ve always worried that sometime somthing like this could happen,” he said.
Previously, the largest tanker spill was the Dec. 15, 1976, grounding of the Argo Merchant tanker off the Nantucket shoals, in which 7.6 million gallons of oil spilled, Golob said.
The largest tanker spill in history was in the July 19, 1979, collision off Tobago of the supertankers Atlantic Empress and Aegean Captain, in which 300,000 tons - more than 80 million gallons - of oil was lost. | <urn:uuid:474c3949-9665-4840-92ec-ff4c8f19b917> | {
"date": "2017-03-23T06:17:11",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218186780.20/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212946-00396-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9588939547538757,
"score": 2.609375,
"token_count": 1670,
"url": "http://www.alaskajournal.com/business-and-finance/2014-03-26/flashback-exxon-valdez-runs-aground"
} |
Skip to Main Content
Your organization might have access to this article on the publisher's site. To check, click on this link:http://dx.doi.org/+10.1063/1.1145422
We report the first operation of a commercially available complementary metal‐oxide semiconductor operational amplifier, at liquid helium temperature. In addition, we have characterized several factors important to the practical application of such a circuit from room temperature down to 4.2 K. The temperature dependence and measurement techniques for open‐loop gain, input offset voltage, input referred noise voltage, and quiescent current are presented. We will discuss our observations of low temperature behavior of the opamp with respect to others’ previous results. This work represents an advancement over earlier studies which only reported opamp operation down to 77 or 30 K with measurements taken only at a limited number of temperatures instead of a broad range. Our data suggest that under special operating conditions the opamps can be effectively used with careful consideration of noise and gain performance. Input offset voltage levels and quiescent current (including power consumption) resemble normal room temperature operation. © 1995 American Institute of Physics. | <urn:uuid:9009d7fe-fcbf-4fc9-8189-fe1fe9b3e2c9> | {
"date": "2014-03-10T20:40:32",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-10",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394011011190/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305091651-00006-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.89451664686203,
"score": 2.640625,
"token_count": 234,
"url": "http://ieeexplore.ieee.org/xpl/articleDetails.jsp?reload=true&arnumber=4993214&contentType=Journals+%26+Magazines"
} |
2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - Afghanistan
|Publisher||United States Department of State|
|Author||Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor|
|Publication Date||11 March 2008|
|Cite as||United States Department of State, 2007 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - Afghanistan, 11 March 2008, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/47d92c5db9.html [accessed 1 September 2015]|
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
March 11, 2008
Afghanistan is an Islamic republic with a population of approximately 30 million. Citizens elected Hamid Karzai president in October 2004 in the country's first presidential election under its January 2004 constitution. The September 2005 parliamentary elections – the first in more than three decades – did not fully meet international standards for free and fair elections, but citizens perceived the outcomes as acceptable, and the elections established the basis for democratic development at the federal and local levels.
The country's human rights record remained poor due to a deadly insurgency, weak governmental and traditional institutions, corruption, drug trafficking, and the country's legacy of two-and-a-half decades of conflict. Human rights problems continued, including extrajudicial killings; torture; poor prison conditions; official impunity; prolonged pretrial detention; increased restrictions on freedom of press; restrictions on freedoms of religion, movement, and association; violence and societal discrimination against women, religious converts, and minorities; trafficking in persons; abuse of worker rights; and child labor. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were instances in which members of the security forces acted independently of government authority.
While the government deepened its authority in provincial centers, the Taliban or factions operating outside government authority controlled some areas. During the year more than 6,500 persons died as a result of the insurgency, including by suicide attacks, roadside bombs, and gun assassinations, in contrast to 2006, when more than 1,400 individuals died. The overwhelming majority of the casualties were insurgent fighters killed in combat. The Taliban and antigovernment elements continued to threaten, rob, attack, and kill villagers, government officials, foreigners, and nongovernmental organization (NGO) workers. The Taliban increasingly attacked civilian and international targets using the tools of terrorism, including targeted suicide bombings, automatically and remotely detonated bombs and landmines, and the use of civilians as shields. Also during the year, the number of NGO representatives who were threatened and kidnapped increased significantly. The instability caused by the continuing insurgency and the difficult operating environment caused by the Taliban's strategy of targeting government offices and workers contributed to weaknesses in government institutions.
The government continued to develop and professionalize its army and police force. Increased oversight of police by internal and external monitors helped to prevent abuses, and human rights training became a regular element for police and army personnel. The Ministry of Interior (MOI) continued rank and pay reform efforts and removed officers involved in human rights violations and high-level corruption. International human rights groups stated that extensive reporting of human rights abuses led to increased arrests and prosecutions of abusers.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were numerous reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. The shortage of trained police, poor infrastructure and communications, and a weak justice system hampered investigations of unlawful actions and prevented reliable numerical estimates. Additionally, there were killings of civilians in conflict, high-profile killings by unknown actors, and politically motivated killings by insurgent groups during the year in connection with the ongoing insurgency (see section 1.g.).
In June in Jowzjan Province, police fired on protesters demanding the removal of the province's governor, killing at least 10 persons and injuring at least 40. At year's end there had been no prosecutions in the case.
According to a 2006 Amnesty International (AI) report, President Karzai's chief of staff told the Secretary General of AI that there would be a moratorium on executions while judicial reform was carried out. However, on October 7, 15 prisoners were executed at Pol-e-Charkhi prison by executive order. According to prison officials, all prisoners allegedly were multiple offenders convicted of crimes including murder, armed robbery, and rape. One prisoner escaped, allegedly with the help of prison guards. The European Union (EU), UN, and numerous human rights NGOs condemned this execution, noting that the lack of due process in the judicial system did not guarantee a fair trial for those executed.
There were no developments in the February 2006 police killing of four protesters in Kabul and one in Maymana when demonstrations over satirical cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad turned violent; there also were no developments in the September 2006 death in custody in Ghazni Province.
In February 2006 inmates at Pol-e-Charkhi prison rioted for five days, resulting in the death of six inmates and injuries to 44, according to the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC); many reported that security personnel used excessive force in their response to the riot. There continued to be no public investigation.
There were no further developments in the 2005 case involving Kabul Police Chief General Abdul Jamil Junbesh, who allegedly tortured and killed a civilian named Hussain, or in the case of the December 2005 police beating and subsequent death of a detainee at the Kabul police station. In both cases human rights activists characterized official investigations as ineffective, and authorities made no formal charges. In June 2006 President Karzai removed Junbesh from office following a security incident in which critics attacked Junbesh's ability to maintain order.
Violence perpetrated by Taliban, al-Qa'ida, and Hizb-e-Islami Gulbuddin terrorists and insurgents killed more civilians than in the previous year. Violence by these groups included an increasing number of terrorist attacks using suicide bombs. Insurgent violence killed more than 6,500 civilians and military personnel during the year, compared to more than 1,400 in 2006. Attacks on government security forces, international organizations, international aid workers and their local counterparts, and foreign interests and nationals increased during the year, prompting some organizations to restrict their developmental or humanitarian activities or leave areas of the country. Government officials remained under attack by insurgents, with more than a dozen killed in numerous incidents.
Insurgents appeared to be targeting Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and construction crews, NGOs, and contractors as a means to hamper reconstruction efforts and drive the international assistance community out of the country. There was a marked increase in high-profile kidnappings of foreign NGO workers, journalists, and contractors. During the year the Taliban beheaded at least 20 citizens and foreigners for alleged "crimes" ranging from espionage to supporting the Karzai government.
On April 4, in Badakhshan, the local population and police discovered a mass grave of more than 120 civilians. An initial investigation indicated that they were likely killed in the late 1970s; the investigation continued at the end of the year.
The constitution prohibits kidnapping; however, there were reports of insurgent groups and criminals perpetrating disappearances and abductions during the year, including in connection with the ongoing insurgency (see section 1.g.). Insurgents targeted government officials and civilians. In some cases, inadequate judicial institutions failed to disclose detentions in a timely way, creating the impression of disappearance.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The constitution prohibits such practices; however, there were reports of abuses by government officials, local prison authorities, police chiefs, and tribal leaders. NGOs reported that security forces continued to use excessive force, including beating and torturing civilians. During the year human rights organizations reported that local authorities in Herat, Helmand, Badakhshan, and other locations continued to torture and abuse detainees. Torture and abuse included pulling out fingernails and toenails, burning with hot oil, beatings, sexual humiliation, and sodomy. On March 15, the UN Secretary-General released a report noting that in a significant portion of cases ill-treatment and torture had been used to force confessions, and on September 21, released another report stating that the government must investigate allegations of torture of detainees by authorities, especially by the National Directorate of Security (NDS).
On November 11, AI released a report stating that prisoners frequently were subject to torture once transferred to local authority. The report documented specific cases of torture and noted that AI received repeated reports from both individuals and international organizations of torture and ill-treatment by the NDS. The government rejected the report's assertions.
In 2006 Mohammed Ibrahim Sahdat, a lawyer from the Afghanistan Human Rights Organization, reported the case of Jalaludin, whose home was near the scene of an explosion and whom police accused of having ordered it. Authorities reportedly hung Jalaludin by his feet for 10 hours, beat him, and subjected him to electric shocks. He was later released. There were no further developments in the case.
There were numerous reports of abuse by Afghan National Police (ANP) officers. In September in Ghazni Province, police beat two prisoners in custody. The cases were referred to the MOI's human rights unit, and investigations continued at year's end.
In 2006 in Faryab Province, villagers in Kata Kala town reported that regional leaders imprisoned and tortured them to extort money. Some were beaten and others were locked in dark rooms for hours. Victims also were repeatedly threatened with death if they did not cooperate.
In the fall of 2006, residents of the village of Galouch claimed that ANP and Afghan National Army (ANA) soldiers seeking a local commander entered villagers' homes, verbally abused them, and stole personal items from the residents.
There were continued allegations of rape and sexual abuse of individuals in government detention; investigations did not result in charges. In 2006 in Pol-e-Charkhi prison, the AIHRC also reported that two police officers and several prisoners raped a young male prisoner. The AIHRC reported that in 2005 local authorities granted one woman medical treatment after police provided her to men for sexual exploitation.
In Balkh Province in 2006, residents alleged that regional leaders were running private prisons to extort money. Abuse generally consisted of beatings, resulting in death in some cases. There was no investigation by year's end.
There were also reports of abuses by the Taliban and other insurgent groups. Media reports and firsthand accounts accused the Taliban of employing torture in interrogations of persons they accused of supporting coalition forces and the central government. According to media sources, the Taliban reportedly claimed responsibility in such cases by contacting newspapers and television stations directly. For example, in November in Kandahar, the Taliban tortured and then killed five policemen, reportedly as a warning to villagers against cooperating with the government.
Violence and instability due to the insurgency increasingly hampered relief and reconstruction efforts in different parts of the country and led to numerous human rights abuses. During the year government employees received threats of kidnapping and physical violence in Khost, Laghman, Paktika, Kapisa, and Sari-Pul. Additionally, directors of the provincial offices of the Department of Women's Affairs in Kandahar, Helmand, Farah, Uruzgan, Wardak, and Nuristan received threats of physical abuse.
In June 2006 in Balkh Province, unknown assailants beat member of Parliament (MP) Faizullah Zaki. There were many allegations that this attack was politically motivated; however, there continued to be no public investigation into the attack.
According to UN reports, in some cases where there were no local detention facilities, tribal leaders held women accused of crimes in private detention, forced them into slave-like conditions outside the reach of the law, and subjected them to sexual and physical abuse for committing acts that often did not constitute legal offenses.
According to an AIHRC report, children who were in detention centers and orphanages were exposed to sexual exploitation. According to the AIHRC, during the Pol-e-Charkhi prison riots in 2006, a prison official working in the women's wing of the prison raped one female inmate.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Prison conditions remained poor. Most were decrepit, severely overcrowded, unsanitary, and fell well short of international standards. Some prisons held more than twice their planned capacity. Often prisoners were in collective cells, reflecting resource constraints and also cultural preferences for collective housing rather than individual or two-person cells. Where new collective cells were constructed, consideration was given to appropriate square footage per person. In district prisons, shipping containers were used as cells when other structures were unavailable. There were reports of prisoners beaten and tortured. Resource constraints contributed to some prisoners not always having access to an adequate diet, but it was not policy or practice to withhold food to ensure a compliant prison population. The AIHRC continued to report that inadequate food and water, poor sanitation facilities, insufficient blankets, and infectious diseases were common conditions in the country's prisons. Infirmaries, where they existed, were underequipped, and the supply of quality medicine was insufficient. Contagious and mentally ill prisoners were rarely separated from other prisoners. In September, 120 inmates at Pol-e-Charkhi prison undertook a hunger strike lasting two days. The prisoners stated they were protesting conditions at the prison and unfair judicial procedures.
The government reported 34 official prisons, one in each province. The government also reported 31 active rehabilitation centers for juveniles. Approximately 14 detention centers housed female prisoners.
Children under 12 years of age whose mothers had been convicted of a crime were incarcerated with their mothers. Prisons did not have the capacity to separate prisoners and lacked adequate separate housing for women, accompanying children, and juveniles. In Pol-e-Charkhi prison, as in other parts of the country, juveniles frequently were detained with adult prisoners, unless space permitted. Prisoners awaiting trial generally were not separated from the rest of the inmate population.
According to an AIHRC report, children in juvenile detention centers were normally kept in areas where they were exposed to the possibility of physical and sexual exploitation. There were approximately 134 juvenile offenders in correction facilities, but 12 provinces did not have specialized juvenile correction centers. In December Pol-e-Charkhi prison held 106 female inmates, 58 of whom were accompanied by their children, who had not committed any crimes.
A local NGO tried to provide kindergarten activities for some of the incarcerated children; however, there was not enough space in the classrooms. According to prison staff, the official policy was that children could stay with their mothers only until the age of two and were then transferred to a rehabilitation center. Space constraints at the rehabilitation center sometimes prevented the transfer, adding to children's time.
The government permitted the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to visit all prisons operated by the NDS and Ministry of Justice (MOJ), and the ICRC conducted such visits during the year. The AIHRC also monitored prison conditions regularly during the year. The AIHRC reported that in some cases prison authorities did not grant representatives full access. In a March 15 report, the UN Secretary-General stated that access to detention facilities remained problematic for the AIHRC and the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA).
International media reports asserted that Taliban forces detained and imprisoned individuals in Musa Qala in a Taliban jail after seizing control of the town from February to December. The ICRC and the AIHRC did not have access to prisoners and hostages held by Taliban insurgents. According to UN reports, in some cases where there were no local detention facilities, women accused of crimes reportedly were placed in private detention, sometimes in the house of the head of the village against approved treatment guidelines and international human rights standards. NGOs reported that powerful local leaders and insurgents, including the Taliban, continued to operate private prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The law prohibits arbitrary arrest or detention; however, both remained serious problems.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
The ANP, under the MOI, had primary responsibility for internal order. In some areas powerful individuals, some of whom reportedly were linked to the insurgency, maintained considerable power as a result of the government's failure to assert control. During the year the government expanded its reach to new areas, including the eastern border region with Pakistan, through the use of auxiliary police. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization remained in control of the UN-sanctioned International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which worked closely with the national security forces. The NDS investigated criminal and national security cases and also functioned as part of the intelligence apparatus. During the year human rights activists and NGOs reported widespread human rights violations committed by representatives of national security institutions, including arbitrary arrest, illegal detention, and torture. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, speaking during a November visit to the country, noted her concern regarding transfer of prisoners taken during ISAF operations to the NDS, stating that it "is not a regular law enforcement body and operates on the basis of a secret decree."
The ANP played a major role in providing security in the country. Rank and pay reform procedures put in place in 2006 continued, resulting in the removal of more than 80 senior officers in the past two years. International support for recruiting and training of new ANP personnel was conditional upon new officers being vetted in a manner consistent with international human rights standards to generate a more professional police force. The international community worked with the government to develop training programs and internal investigation mechanisms to curb security force corruption and abuses. At the end of the year, more than 73,000 ANP members had been trained in basic literacy, professional development, and fundamental standards of human rights. Nevertheless, human rights problems persisted.
According to media reports and polling during the year, the perception of widespread corruption and mistreatment of citizens in custody undermined confidence in the police. The MOI Human Rights Unit receives and responds to complaints of police abuse and has trained at least two ANP officers in each province and one in each checkpoint in Kabul to recognize and report human rights violations. Communication and coordination of reports between the provinces and MOI headquarters in Kabul remained a concern.
Fueled in part by inadequate and irregular payment of salaries and corruption, official impunity remained pervasive. Illegal border checkpoints, some reportedly manned by tribal leaders and low-level members of insurgent groups, extorted bribes and continued to be a problem. Human rights groups and detainees reported that local police extorted bribes from civilians in exchange for their release from prison or to avoid arrest.
The government made efforts to combat corruption in the security apparatus. The government introduced electronic direct deposit of police and military salaries during the year, making pay more transparent and accountable.
NGOs and human rights activists noted that societal violence, especially against women, was widespread; however, in many cases, security forces did not prevent or respond to such violence.
Arrest and Detention
Arbitrary arrest and detention remained problems. Judicial and police procedures and practices for taking persons into custody and bringing them to justice varied depending on the area and local authorities. Some areas, such as the major regional centers, had more formal judicial structures than others.
The law provides for access to legal counsel, the use of warrants, and bail; however, authorities applied all three inconsistently.
The press and human rights organizations reported arbitrary arrest in most provinces. There was little consistency in the length of time that detainees were held before trial or arraignment. In a March 15 report the UN Secretary-General stated that in many cases there was prolonged pretrial detention and that suspects had not been given access to lawyers.
In 2006 during Ramadan, a locally established "morals and rules commission" in Khost Province arrested individuals for selling alcohol to Muslims, possessing and selling pornography, and displaying "other improper ethics."
Many detainees were able to bribe their way out of custody before their cases were prosecuted.
Police often detained women at the request of family members for "zina," a term used broadly to refer to actions that include defying the family's wishes on the choice of a spouse, running away from home, fleeing domestic violence, eloping, or for other "moral" offenses such as adultery or premarital sex. Authorities imprisoned an unknown number of women for reporting crimes perpetrated against them and as substitutes for their husbands or male relatives convicted of crimes. Some women were placed in protective custody to prevent violent retaliation by family members.
Authorities did not respect limits on length of pretrial detention, and lengthy pretrial detention remained a problem in part because the legal system was unable to guarantee a speedy trial. The UN Human Rights Commission, ICRC, and AIHRC reported that arbitrary and prolonged detentions frequently occurred throughout the country. The Interim Criminal Procedure Code sets limits on pretrial detention. Police have the right to detain a suspect for a maximum of 72 hours to complete a preliminary investigation. If they decide to pursue a case, the file is transferred to the prosecutor's office, which must see the suspect within 48 hours. The investigating prosecutor could continue to detain a suspect without formal charges for 15 days from the time of arrest while continuing the investigation. Prosecutors must file an indictment or drop the case within 30 days of arrest. The court has two months to hear the case. An appeal must be filed within 20 days, and the appellate court has two months to review the case. A second appeal must be filed within 30 days, after which the case moves to the Supreme Court, which could take up to five months to conclude the trial. In many cases, courts did not meet these deadlines. NGOs continued to report that prison authorities detained individuals for several months without charging them. There were credible reports during the year that police in Ghazni and Kabul continued to detain prisoners after they were found innocent.
Lengthy trial procedures stemmed in part from the severe inadequacy of the judicial system. Reports from international NGOs estimated that no more than 150 defense lawyers, 1,400 judges, and 2,000 to 2,500 prosecutors practiced; most of them lacked any formal legal training. During the year international groups worked with the MOJ to provide constitutionally mandated legal aid, with more than 800 prosecutors, attorneys, and justice professionals receiving training.
According to the MOJ, there were 9,604 persons detained in correctional facilities nationwide, of whom 5,342 had been tried and convicted; the remaining 4,262 were awaiting trial. There were also widespread shortages of judges. Bamyan Province, for instance, reported that there were no judges in three of its districts and three districts were understaffed. Another significant barrier to justice was detainees' lack of awareness of their rights under the 2004 Interim Criminal Code for Courts. The Criminal Code, which human rights and legal experts widely reported was inadequate, continued to be rewritten and improved during the year.
On February 20, the parliament passed a bill that would grant amnesty from prosecution to all persons engaged in conflict for the past 25 years, as well as those who are currently fighting. The bill also states that those individuals should not be subjected to criticism. The bill does allow for individuals to bring cases against perpetrators. NGOs, the AIHRC, and many citizens criticized the bill, noting that it would grant amnesty to gross violators of human rights, including many parliamentarians. An AIHRC commissioner noted that it would cause instability and undermine national reconciliation. At the end of the year, President Karzai had not signed the bill, and its status remained unclear.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The law provides for an independent judiciary, but in practice the judiciary was underfunded, understaffed, and subject to political influence and pervasive corruption. Pressure from public officials, tribal leaders, families of accused persons, and individuals associated with the insurgency, as well as bribery and corruption, threatened judicial impartiality. Justice was administered unevenly according to a mixture of codified law, Shari'a (Islamic law), and local custom.
The formal justice system was relatively strong in the urban centers, where the central government was strongest, and weaker in the rural areas, where approximately 75 percent of the population lives. Nationwide, fully functioning courts, police forces, and prisons were rare. The judicial system lacked the capacity to handle the large volume of new and amended legislation. A lack of qualified judicial personnel hindered the courts. Municipality and provincial authorities as well as judges had minimal training and often based their judgments on their personal understanding of Shari'a, tribal codes of honor, or local custom. Both judges and prosecutors were hampered by a lack of access to legal codes and statutes.
In October 2006 the Attorney General's Office launched an investigation of Judge Gholam Rabbani, who was in charge of the Paghman District Court. Officials suspended Rabbani's license and on January 16, the Supreme Court sentenced him to two years' imprisonment, removed him from his position, and made him pay a fine of approximately $500 (24,400 AFN). The attorney general also suspended and detained Judge Mohammed Dawood, a member of the District 11 Court on charges of bribery. In January the Supreme Court removed him from his position, sentenced him to three years in prison, and forced him to pay a fine of approximately $3,500 (175,000 AFN). According to the personnel office at the Supreme Court, a clerk in District 12 Court faced accusations of bribery and was fired. The clerk remained in detention at year's end and was under investigation by the Attorney General's Office.
The judicial branch consists of the Supreme Court, high courts (appeals courts), and primary courts, the structure and authority of which are determined by law. Judges are appointed with the recommendation of the Supreme Court and approval of the president. The Supreme Court has overall responsibility for the national court system. The president appoints Supreme Court members with the approval of the House of Representatives (Wolesi Jirga). A national security court tried terrorists and other cases, although details were limited on its procedures. In 2005 President Karzai passed an antinarcotics law by decree, which serves as law pending parliamentary review. The law created a separate central court with national jurisdiction for narcotics prosecutions above a threshold level.
In some remote areas not under government control, the Taliban enforced a parallel judicial system by means of informal "shuras" (community councils). These included districts in Helmand Province. Punishments handed out by such Taliban councils included beatings, hangings, and beheadings, according to human rights activists.
In major cities, courts primarily decided criminal cases, although civil cases were often resolved in the informal system. Due to the undeveloped formal legal system, in rural areas local elders and shuras were the primary means of settling both criminal matters and civil disputes; they also allegedly levied unsanctioned punishments. The informal justice system played a vital role in society. Some estimates suggested that 80 percent of all cases went through the shuras, which did not adhere to the constitutional rights of citizens and often violated the rights of women and minorities.
Trial procedures rarely met internationally accepted standards. The administration and implementation of justice varied in different areas of the country. Trials were usually public, and juries were not used. Defendants have the right to be present and to appeal; however, these rights were rarely applied. Defendants also have the right to consult with an advocate or counsel at public expense when resources allowed. This right was inconsistently applied, mainly due to a lack of trained personnel and funding. Defendants were not allowed to confront or question witnesses. Citizens were often unaware of their constitutional rights, and there was no functioning public defender system. Defendants and attorneys were entitled to examine the documents related to their case and the physical evidence before trial; however, NGOs noted that court documents often were not available for review before cases went to trial. Defendants were presumed innocent until evidence proved otherwise. The courts reportedly heard cases in sessions that lasted only a few minutes.
In criminal cases involving murder and rape, judges may sentence convicted prisoners to execution. Under the 2004 constitution, capital punishment is conditional upon approval of the president, who also had the right to reduce penalties and pardon offenders. However, under Shari'a, relatives of victims can also pursue a civil case against a suspected offender, where a judge can offer restitution or even order execution, which the family could choose to carry out themselves, regardless of the outcome of the criminal case.
Where courts were not available, local elders, often without formal legal training, made decisions through the shura system, basing their rulings on local customs or Shari'a. Even in areas where courts were available, many persons opted for informal dispute resolution, citing cost and effectiveness as reasons. Local elders and shuras often imposed unsanctioned penalties that were not in compliance with codified law. In such proceedings, the accused typically had no right to legal representation, bail, or appeal. In cases lacking a clearly defined legal statute, or cases in which judges, prosecutors, or elders were simply unaware of the law, courts and informal shuras enforced Shari'a; this practice often resulted in outcomes that discriminated against women. In some rural areas, this included the practice of ordering the defendant to provide compensation in the form of young girls to be married to men whose wives had died. Unlike in past years, there were no confirmed reports of flogging or death by stoning.
There were no developments in the case of Asadullah Sarwari, the communist-era intelligence chief and reported human rights abuser. In February 2006 the court sentenced Sarwari to death in a summary, one-day trial without legal representation, which observers deemed seriously flawed. Sarwari had been detained since 1992; authorities held him without charges until 2005. This sentence was the first attempt to hold a senior government official accountable for past crimes. Sarwari remained in custody at the end of the year.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
There were reports that a number of tribal leaders, sometimes affiliated with the government, held prisoners and detainees. There were no reliable estimates of the numbers involved.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
Citizens had limited access to justice for constitutional and human rights violations, and interpretations of religious doctrine often took precedence over human rights or constitutional rights. The judiciary did not play a significant role in civil matters due to a lack of capacity and severe corruption. Land disputes remained the most common civil dispute and were most often resolved by shuras or informal local courts.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The law prohibits such actions; however, the government did not respect these prohibitions in practice, and there were no legal protections for victims.
Antigovernment elements, tribal leaders, and security and police officials forcibly entered and looted the homes and businesses of civilians with impunity. There were reports of theft by national security forces while conducting raids and searching homes. According to press reports in April, men in military uniforms looted homes and businesses in the Sangenn District of Helmand Province. There are conflicting reports about whether the men were allied with international forces or an independent militia. Following a September bus crash in Ghazni, ANP officers allegedly looted valuables from victims and told victims that unless they paid the police they would not receive medical attention. In August 2006 ANP officers in Uruzgan Province raided a local bazaar to seize contraband items, including poppy. Several storekeepers and shoppers reported being harassed and having their money and goods stolen. During a subsequent inspection of the ANP provincial headquarters' evidence locker, authorities found only small amounts of the contraband.
The law provided for wiretapping in certain cases.
The government's willingness to recognize the right to marry varied according to nationality, gender, and religion. The family court could register a marriage between a Jewish or Christian woman and a Muslim man, but the court required the couple to accept a Muslim ceremony. A woman of any other faith had to first convert to Islam before marrying a Muslim man. The court could not register a marriage between a Muslim woman and a non-Muslim man. The court also could not register a marriage for citizens who stated they were not Muslim, even if they were born into other faiths. Non-Afghans could marry, and foreigners were permitted a civil ceremony as long as neither was Muslim.
In late 2006 in Farah and Balkh provinces former muhajeddin leaders acting outside central government authority repeatedly interfered with civilians' lives. In Badakhshan a local militia leader pressured a family to marry its 13-year-old daughter to the son of a prominent politician. The girl refused, and villagers threatened to stone her. The case eventually went to the Supreme Court. Several residents from Badakhshan urged authorities to decide against the girl. Following discreet negotiations, including some action by the central government to advocate on the girl's behalf, the court dropped the case.
There were reports that officials arrested and sentenced individuals, often women, for crimes committed by other family members.
In the south and east, Taliban and other antigovernment elements frequently forced locals to provide food and shelter to their fighters. The Taliban also continued to loot schools, radio stations, and government offices. In Ghazni and Helmand provinces the Taliban reportedly enforced curfews.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Other Abuses in Internal Conflicts
Ongoing internal conflict and the continued use of excessive force caused civilian deaths, abductions, prisoner abuse, property damage, and the displacement of residents.
On November 6, a bomb killed at least 64 persons in the northern province of Baghlan, including six MPs, children, and onlookers. It was reported that many of the casualties occurred when security forces shot into the crowd after the bombing. The UN reported that security forces indiscriminately fired into the crowd of unarmed civilians, including numerous children; however, official investigations by the Ministries of Interior and Justice stated that only a few of the casualties were due to gunfire.
Persistent Taliban and al-Qa'ida activity, interfactional fighting between regional warlords, and criminal activity resulted in unlawful killings and numerous civilian casualties. Militants targeted and killed foreigners and local NGO employees. Militant suicide attacks increased, with 143 suicide attacks this year compared to 140 in 2006 and 15 in 2005. Insurgents targeted national and government officials, as well as women working in the government and other high profile positions, but the majority of victims were civilians. Attacks against noncombatants (government officials, civilians, religious figures, teachers, and students) remained a threat, with 635 in 2005, 664 in 2006, and 671 this year. A UN report released during the year found that 76 percent of all suicide bombings targeted international and local security forces, with the overwhelming majority of victims being civilians.
Insurgents targeted and killed more than 30 government officials during the year, including the head of the Khost Provincial Council, a district police chief in Farah, and at least 10 intelligence officers in two separate incidents in April in Laghman Province. Nearly 900 police were killed during the year.
In March a suicide bomber using a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device attacked a foreign embassy convoy in Kabul, injuring several individuals. During the year insurgents killed two female journalists and attempted to assassinate Parwan MP and Provincial Director of Education Samia Sadat. In June the bodies of four judges kidnapped in Ghazni Province were found. The media reported that the Taliban claimed responsibility.
In July a suicide bomber attacked the convoy of the Turkish civilian PRT director in Wardak during an unsuccessful assassination attempt. That same month in Helmand Province, a suicide bomber killed two locals and wounded two others. In a separate incident a few days later, a suicide bomber attacked a convoy using an explosives-packed motorcycle, killing one and wounding several others. Also in July in Paktia Province, a suicide bomber killed at least 10 civilians and injured as many as 30 others. On July 2, the deputy head of education in Khost Province was killed in a drive-by shooting at his home. On July 9, Taliban militants attacked a police convoy in Zabul Province in the south, killing five police officers and wounding six. On August 3 in Kunar Province, a bomb, widely believed to have been set by the Taliban, killed four police officers and wounded bystanders.
In August a suicide bomber detonated a bomb outside the gates of Kabul's international airport next to a German military patrol, killing two local soldiers and wounding 10 others. Also in August three deminers were killed in Kandahar Province in the south, with the Taliban widely believed to have been responsible.
In September in Helmand Province, the Taliban killed a 15-year-old boy by beating and then hanging him. The boy allegedly had a U.S. five dollar bill in his pocket, which witnesses said the Taliban interpreted as a sign of his support for the Coalition Forces. The Taliban reportedly stuffed one dollar bills into the boy's mouth as a warning for other villagers to stay away from Coalition troops.
On September 29, a suicide bomber attacked a bus carrying ANA personnel, killing 28 soldiers and two civilians. In October a suicide bomber attacked a foreign embassy convoy en route to Kabul's international airport. On October 2, a suicide bomber attacked an ANP bus in a residential section of Kabul, killing at least 12 police officers, wounding several more, and killing several civilians. Also in October a foreign embassy convoy struck an improvised explosive device in Ghazni Province, killing one.
In December in Sangin District in Helmand Province, the Taliban hanged a 12-year-old boy. Press reports indicated the Taliban had accused him of helping the government.
There were other documented incidents during the year of officials targeted unsuccessfully for killings. In March in Faryab Province, unidentified militants attacked a convoy escorting local government officials. One district administrator was killed. Also in March, the governor of the northern province of Sar-i-Pul survived two assassination attempts on the same day when a roadside bomb exploded near his convoy and an unknown assailant hurled a hand grenade at the same convoy. Four locals were injured; the governor was unharmed. In July a district chief in Ghazni escaped gunfire aimed at his car. In October Khost Provincial Governor Arsad Jamal escaped a vehicle-borne suicide bomb attack as he moved in a PRT convoy in Khost city. During the year, Jamal was the target of four suicide bomb attacks.
During the year antigovernment elements continued to attack progovernment religious leaders. The Taliban killed at least 10 clerics and committed a number of acts of violence inside mosques and other religious facilities. In October in Zabul Province, insurgents beheaded a prayer leader who had spoken in favor of the government, according to media reports. The Taliban reportedly claimed responsibility. Investigations continued at the end of the year but authorities had made no arrests. In 2006 the Taliban killed more than 20 clerics, including more than a dozen in Kandahar. Suicide bombings around mosques occurred; in September 2006 a suicide bomber detonated himself outside a mosque in Kandahar.
The Ministry of Education (MOE) reported that terrorist and insurgent attacks killed a total of 140 teachers, students, or other school employees during the year. Investigations occurred in some cases, but the outcomes were unclear at the end of the year.
In 2006 insurgents killed Governor Taniwal of Paktia Province, Safia Ama Jan, Director of Women's Affairs in Kandahar, as well as a district police chief, an intelligence officer, and an administrator in the eastern province of Nangarhar. Coalition and ISAF forces faced frequent attacks on their convoys. The Taliban also beheaded more than a dozen civilians for allegedly acting as coalition spies. In January 2006 antigovernment forces targeted a coalition convoy, killing Canadian diplomat Glynn Berry. In 2006 a suicide bomber killed more than a dozen Hajj pilgrims outside the governor's compound in Helmand Province. In October 2006 Karen Fischer and Christian Struwe, two German journalists, were shot and killed in Baghlan Province in a tent they had pitched near a road in the north. The MOI stated that the motive was not clear and that the two were conducting an investigation. At year's end, there were no further developments in the case.
Authorities reported approximately 90 abductions during the year, at least 15 of which resulted in the death of the hostage; however, the unreported number was believed to be much higher. The overall number of kidnappings of foreign aid and NGO workers increased to more than 70 from only a few in 2006. The head of UNAMA said publicly in October that insurgents and criminal gangs had abducted 76 aid workers, that 34 aid workers had been killed during the year, and that insurgents had attacked or looted 55 aid convoys. The Taliban, militants, tribal leaders, and insurgents abducted security forces, civilians, and at least one journalist for political and financial gain. Many were killed but some were allowed to live if they vowed to resign and join antigovernment elements. Antigovernment forces abducted a pregnant German woman from a restaurant in Kabul in August and two German contractors in Wardak Province. ANP freed the German woman and arrested four suspects. One of the men was killed; the other was released in early October.
In March insurgents led by Mullah Dadullah in Helmand Province kidnapped Italian journalist Daniele Mastrogiacomo, traveling with local journalist Ajmal Naqshbandi and driver Sayed Agha. The insurgents later released Mastrogiacomo in exchange for five Taliban prisoners; they killed Naqshbandi and Agha by beheading.
On July 17, the Taliban kidnapped mine clearance workers in Ghazni Province. The deminers were released after nine days in captivity. On July 19, the Taliban abducted 23 South Korean relief workers traveling from Kabul to Kandahar Province. The Taliban killed two of the South Korean abductees after government authorities refused to release several Taliban prisoners. The Taliban freed two women before releasing the remaining 19 hostages on August 31.
In September insurgents abducted four ICRC workers who were negotiating the release of a German contractor who was abducted in August. Insurgents released the ICRC staff after two days. Also in September in Farah the Taliban allegedly kidnapped two Italian soldiers. An Italian military operation secured their release after two days in captivity.
Italian journalist Gabriele Torsello was kidnapped in October 2006 and released after less than a month in captivity. It was not known if he was targeted because of his profession. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Torsello's kidnappers originally demanded the return of Abdul Rahman from Italy in exchange for his release.
According to a 2006 UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) report there were also several documented cases of abduction of young boys for sexual exploitation by men. The Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) reported that this practice continued to increase, especially in the north.
Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture
Landmines and unexploded ordnance caused deaths and injuries, restricted areas available for cultivation, and impeded the return of refugees to mine-affected regions. The most heavily mined areas were the provinces bordering Iran and Pakistan.
The UN Mine Action Center for Afghanistan (UNMACA) reported that landmines and unexploded ordnance killed or injured an average of 62 persons each month. Mine explosions over the past two decades affected 4.2 million with an estimated 1.5 million casualties.
The UN, with funding from international donors, organized and trained mine detection and clearance teams, which operated throughout the country. UN agencies and NGOs conducted many educational programs and mine awareness campaigns for women and children in various parts of the country. HALO Trust cleared 5.96 billion square feet of land. There were almost 7.78 billion square feet of uncleared land remaining at year's end, according to UNMACA.
During the year there were reports of the government providing compensation to civilian victims of fighting between the government and the Taliban.
There continued to be reports of the Taliban and insurgents using child soldiers; however, exact numbers were unobtainable. A 2003 presidential decree prohibited the recruitment of children and young persons under the age of 22 into the army; in the middle of 2006 the government changed the legal recruitment age to 18. There were unconfirmed reports of children under 18 falsifying their identification records to join the national security forces, which was a large-scale source of new employment opportunities. The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) maintained that efforts to assist the government in creating a national birth registry and ID system would greatly mitigate this problem. There were no reports of forced child conscription by the government; however, Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) and the AIHRC reported that children younger than 18 were being recruited and in some cases sexually abused by the ANP and militias. Additionally, there were reports of Taliban forces using children younger than 18, including as suicide bombers.
Warlords and Taliban leaders were reported to be involved in the sexual exploitation of young men. Rule 19 of the Taliban Rule Book, updated in 2006, states, "Mujaheddin are not allowed to take young boys with no facial hair onto the battlefield or into their private quarters," implying that sexual exploitation of young men was a possibility.
Beginning in 2004 an estimated 8,000 former child soldiers were demobilized under a UNICEF-initiated program. Since 2004, more than 15,000 children affected by war have been supported through UNICEF's reintegration project in 28 provinces. During the year UNICEF supported educational and skills training for more than 2,691 demobilized child soldiers and other war-affected children (approximately 800 of whom were girls) in six provinces.
Other Conflict-Related Abuses
During the year suspected Taliban members fired on NGO vehicles and attacked NGO offices. International NGO and UN workers and recipients of NGO assistance were attacked on 70 occasions. In a shift in tactics during the year, insurgents actively attacked and targeted NGO workers with acts of violence. Violence and instability hampered relief and reconstruction efforts in different parts of the country. NGOs reported that insurgents, locally powerful individuals, and militia leaders charged them for the relief supplies they were bringing into the country. Assistance efforts were increasingly limited by the difficulties in moving relief goods overland to remote areas due to insurgent threat. There were reports in Kandahar that antigovernment forces increasingly attacked those accepting foreign assistance, causing villagers to begin refusing aid. Due to the increasing violence, the UN considered more than a third of the country inaccessible.
In October ongoing fighting in Uruzgan Province between the Taliban and Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) displaced approximately 1,600 families; according to the UN, the protracted conflict and ongoing aerial strikes made it extremely difficult to provide humanitarian aid.
During the year the Taliban increasingly distributed threatening letters at night in villages to intimidate and attempt to curtail development activities. During the year the leader of a women's NGO in Herat reported that the Taliban had sent several "night letters" telling her to cease her activities on fear of death for herself and her children.
Militants used women and children as human shields either by forcing them into the line of fire or by basing operations in civilian settings. In December in Kandahar, suspected Taliban forced a family to drive their vehicle at high speed towards an ANA convoy that also contained coalition vehicles. Suspecting a suicide attack, the convoy fired on the vehicle, killing two persons.
2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The law provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, there were instances of insurgents, government officials, and the Taliban intimidating journalists to influence reporting.
Some media observers stated that individuals could not criticize the government publicly or privately without fear of reprisal. A combination of influential political leaders and a weak judicial system caused individuals to feel vulnerable. On May 21, the parliament voted to suspend MP Malalai Joya for the remainder of her term for comments she made criticizing her fellow MPs during a televised interview the previous day. Previously, Joya repeatedly and publicly criticized the human rights records of several of her fellow MPs.
The media faced increased restrictions during the year, including heightened detention of journalists and government interference in media coverage. The press frequently was critical of the government, but according to independent media and observers, government repression and armed groups prevented the media from operating freely. The Afghan Independent Journalists Association and Center for International Journalism reported 43 registered cases of intimidation and undue influence by tribal leaders, purported warlords, and government officials. The law prohibits information that could insult "the sacred religion of Islam and other religions." The ambiguity over what was considered offensive offered the potential for abuse of press freedom. Under the media law new newspapers, printers, and electronic media had to be licensed by and registered with the Ministry of Information and Culture. The government strictly regulated and limited foreign investment in the media.
In September parliament passed a media law that is less restrictive, in some regards, than the previous law-by-decree. However, the Ministry of Information and Culture controls media licensing; content of certain types is prohibited, including works that are contrary to Islam, that publicize other religions, and that affect the community's ethical integrity. Radio Television Afghanistan (RTA), while not under direct ministerial control, remains within the structures of the state. There was concern within the media community that the new law would place greater restrictions on media content and create an overall climate of government intimidation and self-censorship. The amended law confirmed that the High Media Council, created in 2006 by presidential decree, is responsible for planning and approving media policy. The Minister of Information and Culture chaired this council, which also included members of the Supreme Court, Ministry of Communications, and parliament. There was also a Private and Personal Media Commission responsible for monitoring the performance of such media and dealing with complaints. On December 26, citing potential constitutional conflicts within the draft, President Karzai sent the law back to parliament for review.
The independent media were active and reflected differing political views, although the extent varied from region to region. There were approximately 400 publications, 50 private radio stations, five news agencies, and eight television networks, although not all were independently owned and operated. The government owned at least 35 publications and most of the electronic news media, although competing independent media existed in virtually all markets. There were numerous other newspapers that published sporadically, and many were affiliated with different provincial authorities. While some independent journalists and writers published magazines and newsletters, circulation largely was confined to Kabul, and many publications were self-censored. The foreign media were covered under the freedom of speech law; however, they were restricted from commenting negatively on Islam and from publishing materials considered a threat to the president. Approximately a dozen international stations broadcast in Dari or Pashto. More than 30 community-based independent radio stations existed.
During the year various insurgents, government officials, and the Taliban subjected members of the press to harassment, intimidation, and violence. Threatening calls and messages against media organizations also remained common and some resulted in violence. According to media sources, NDS banned all issues of The Mashal Weekly, a new publication that is critical of the government.
The Ministry of Information and Culture and some provincial governors exercised control over news content to varying degrees. Many media organizations stated that the current Minister of Information and Culture supported a restrictive media law. Factional authorities tightly controlled media in some parts of the country. Observers noted tighter controls, especially in the larger provinces of Mazar-e-Sharif, Kandahar, Herat, and Nangarhar. Male journalists were not allowed to interview women for their reports.
During the year two officials from RTA resigned due to government interference in RTA content.
On January 27, NDS officials detained Tolo TV News Director Sharif Hassanyar for 29 hours after he conducted telephone interviews with a Taliban spokesperson. In February Minister Khoram dismissed nearly 70 young RTA employees. In late February Ariana TV correspondent Fawad Ahmadi was arrested in Herat; NDS officials allegedly deleted footage of a factory worker demonstration from his camera. In February police beat two journalists in Herat while they were covering sectarian violence. On April 8, Attorney General Sabit's office reportedly instructed local media outlet Lemar TV to cease transmissions of its Al Jazeera English programming.
On April 17, 50 police officers raided Tolo TV's main headquarters in Kabul, abducted three staff members, and brought them to the Attorney General's office. There were reports that police physically abused Tolo TV employees who barred police from entering the studio without a warrant. There were also reports that authorities abused the three while they were in detention. In August authorities arrested two Tolo TV staff members on the grounds that the TV station had misrepresented the Attorney General's remarks to the parliament as critical of the central government. Human rights observers stated that this was an abuse of the Attorney General's authority and an example of government officials' misuse of power to manipulate the media.
In May a member of parliament from Ghazni beat reporter Noorullah Rahmani and cameraman Omed Yakmanish as they tried to cover a debate on atrocities allegedly committed by parliamentarians. In July armed men, allegedly working for an MP, beat three members of a television crew for covering a land grab story outside Kabul. Authorities did not investigate or bring charges against individuals in connection with these incidents.
In July security forces arrested Mohammed Asif Nang, editor of a government-produced magazine called Peace Jirga and the parliamentary affairs spokesperson, and held him for 17 days due to an article he authored that was critical of President Karzai. Authorities did not file formal charges, and there were no further developments in the case.
On July 4, according to CPJ, secret police detained Mir Hazar, a journalist for Salam Watandar and chief editor for the KabulPress Web site, and warned him not to continue writing articles criticizing government officials. He was released on July 9 and placed under surveillance. Police detained him again on August 9 and released him the same day. Independent media groups reported that Hazar feared reimprisonment and remained under surveillance.
In August authorities released Tawab Niazi, a journalist who had been arrested in 2006 and sentenced to one year in jail for allegedly being in contact with the Taliban. Afghanistan's Independent Journalists Association reported that during Niazi's detention all of his possessions were seized, and he was threatened with rearrest if he reported on his jail experience. Independent media groups reported that Niazi feared re-imprisonment and remained under surveillance.
In August conservative MPs, angry that a Tolo TV crew broadcast footage of them sleeping during a parliamentary session, physically attacked the crew and had them expelled from the parliament.
In October police arrested Sayed Perwiz Kambakhsh, a student at Balkh University and a journalist for Jahan-e Naw (New World) daily, after he downloaded information from the Internet regarding the role of women in Islamic societies. He remained in jail at year's end. According to IWPR, Kambakhsh's brother Sayed Yaqub Ibrahimi's office was raided the day after Kambakhsh was arrested. Ibrahimi, an IWPR journalist, had written investigative reports exposing local powerful leaders' human rights abuses. Ibrahimi reported that he faced continued harassment and surveillance from the NDS.
In January 2006 Afghan TV was fined $1,000 (49,000 AFD) by the media monitoring commission for broadcasting un-Islamic material. According to IWPR the government cracked down on a private television station in Kabul for violating traditional values. The fine was levied by a special media commission, composed of six members from various government organs, and headed by the Minister of Information and Culture. In February 2006 two local television stations were warned against programming that ran counter to local culture and did not conform to conservative views held by many in their respective localities. In February 2006 authorities arrested and detained radio journalist Abdul Qudus for 10 months on false allegations that he had attacked MP Sharmia Sardad. He was released in January.
In June 2006 the NDS summoned several journalists and presented them with a list of directives for press conduct, including restrictions on reporting the country's deteriorating security situation; negative propaganda, interviews, or reports against the international coalition forces and ISAF; materials that harmed the morale of the public, caused security problems, or were against the national interest. The NDS later distributed a copy to journalists accompanied by a demand that it not be copied or further distributed. Later that month, President Karzai's office issued a statement denying the government had issued restrictions, instead characterizing the directive as a request reflecting the need to help the nascent media sector develop.
In October 2005 police arrested and convicted journalist Ali Mohaqiq Nasab of blasphemy for publishing un-Islamic materials, specifically for publishing a different interpretation of Shari'a law and listing the harsh punishments imposed on individuals accused of adultery and theft, as well as the right of Muslims to convert to other religions. In December 2005 authorities released Nasab with a suspended six-month sentence under the condition that he repent. Nasab moved to Iran, and there were no further developments in the case.
Members of the media reported that they did not interview Taliban commanders or leaders due to government pressure. During the year the security forces briefly detained one Tolo TV staffer for talking to a Taliban spokesman; the staffer was released without prosecution. Observers also reported media self-censorship by obscuring parts of female images when broadcasting certain pieces, such as music videos.
Cumbersome licensing procedures restricted operations of publishing houses.
Nongovernmental actors also interfered in the operations of journalists. In February a key leader of the Taliban warned media outlets of reprisals unless they covered Taliban activities in a positive light, and warned the media not to report positively on government and ISAF programs. In August unnamed militants set a radio station afire in Wardak Province. There were also allegations that Iran bribed and threatened reporters in the western provinces to increase the number of antigovernment reports and decrease the number of anti-Iranian articles.
At least 10 journalists were killed during the year. In April the Taliban beheaded journalist Ajmal Naqshbandi in Helmand Province. He had been abducted on March 4, with Italian journalist Daniele Mastrogiacomo and their driver, Sayed Agha. After a personal appeal by the Italian Prime Minister to President Karzai, Mastrogiacomo was released on March 19 in exchange for Taliban prisoners. In June Shakiba Sanga Amaj, a female reporter for Shamshad Television, was killed. Authorities arrested two men, and an investigation into the case is ongoing. Also in June Zakia Zaki, head of the local Radio Peace station, was killed in Parwan Province. Zaki had been critical of local warlords and had received threats. Authorities arrested three men and charged them with the crime. Court proceedings continued at the end of the year.
On August 20, 12 Taliban fighters attacked Yawali Ghag community radio station in Wardak Province. They assaulted, bound, and held the station guard captive. They also set the station afire, destroying the equipment.
On September 24, unknown gunmen attacked two radio stations in Logar Province that were affiliates of Internews, Milli Paygham and Radio Istiqal with rocket propelled grenades. The Milli Paygham station sustained damage to its transmission cable and a guard was severely injured. On August 28, Taliban fighters kidnapped Mohammad Bahand, a reporter for Salam Watandar. They took him to a Taliban command center where Zabiullah Mujahid, a Taliban spokesman, interrogated and threatened him.
In July 2006 the Taliban contacted a radio station in Paktika wanting direct airtime. The Taliban had previously requested that the station broadcast traditional Muslim religious programs and prayers. The station complied by broadcasting readings from the Koran for one hour in the morning and evening.
In October 2006 unknown attackers killed two German journalists in the north. The BBC reported that they were believed to be the first foreign reporters to be killed in the country since 2001.
Members of the media noted their concern that current media law did not include clear definitions of libel and defamation, additions that would make journalists less vulnerable to prosecution for criticism of influential political or other leaders.
There were no government restrictions on access to the Internet or reports that the government monitored e-mail or Internet chat rooms. Individuals and groups could engage in the peaceful expression of views via the Internet, including by e-mail. However, in October police arrested student journalist Sayed Perwiz Kambaksh for distributing information he downloaded from the Internet regarding the role of women in Islamic societies. Internet access was unavailable to most citizens, and computer literacy and ownership rates were miniscule, although Internet cafes were increasingly popular.
Academic Freedom and Cultural Events
Through its appointment of university officials and censoring and restriction on course content it deemed un-Islamic, the government restricted academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The constitution provides for freedom of assembly and association; however, security conditions and, in some cases, local officials restricted this right in practice. Increased Taliban, al-Qa'ida, and other antigovernment activity, particularly in the south and east, forced UN agencies and NGOs to cancel or curtail public activities at times during the year.
Freedom of Assembly
A lack of physical security and interference from local authorities and security forces inhibited freedom of assembly in areas outside Kabul.
For example, in June in Jowzjan Province, police fired on protesters demanding the removal of the province's governor, killing at least 10 persons and injuring at least 40. At year's end an investigation into the incident continued.
In February and March 2006 protests took place around the country in response to Danish cartoons depicting the Prophet Mohammad. Police killed four protesters while attempting to protect foreigners from violent protesters.
In July 2006 several hundred Korean Christians arrived in Kabul with plans to hold a nationwide "Peace Festival" with rallies in Kabul, Mazar-e-Sharif, and Herat in early August. After talks with the government and foreign embassy representatives, the group decided against holding the rallies due to security concerns.
Freedom of Association
The law on political parties obliges parties to register with the MOJ and requires them to pursue objectives consistent with Islam. Political parties based on ethnicity, language, Islamic school of thought, and religion were not allowed. At year's end there were 91 registered political parties. Parties generally were able to conduct activities throughout the country without opposition or hindrance, except in regions where antigovernment violence affected overall security. However, the International Crisis Group reported some instances of registration obstruction.
During the year the Supreme Court considered banning a proposed association of female judges, citing fears that such associations would detract from the independent nature of the judiciary. Women's rights and civil society groups challenged this as discrimination against women, and the Supreme Court took no further action in the matter by the end of the year.
In August 2006 Interior Minister Zarar called for two parties run by rival warlords, National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan, known locally as "Junbish" and headed by General Abdul Rashid Dostum and the Freedom Party of Afghanistan, run by General Abdul Malik, to be disbanded after allegations surfaced connecting them to violence in the Northern provinces. Members of both parties protested and the parties were not dissolved.
c. Freedom of Religion
The law proclaims that Islam is the "religion of the state" but allows non-Muslim citizens the freedom to perform their rituals within the limits determined by laws for public decency and peace. This right was not respected in practice. The law also declares that no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of Islam. For issues on which the constitution and penal code are silent – such as conversion and blasphemy – the courts defer to Shari'a. Family courts are governed by a Sunni Hanafi school-based civil code, regardless of whether the parties involved are Shi'a or Sunni. This civil code also applies to non-Muslims.
Licensing and registration of religious groups is not required, but the government began a new initiative to register mullahs. The government assumes all native-born citizens to be Muslim. The government also does not designate religion on national identity cards. In practice non-Muslims faced harassment and social persecution and opted to practice their faith discreetly.
According to Islamic law, conversion from Islam is punishable by death. In recent years this sentence was not carried out in practice. On April 9, police arrested a citizen, born a member of the Baha'i faith, after his wife exposed his religious beliefs to authorities. Officials detained him for 31 days in jail without charges, in contravention of the penal code. Authorities released him on May 11 after the international community expressed its concern. Upon his release, he fled to another country. On May 20, the General Directorate of Fatwas and Accounts under the Supreme Court issued a ruling on the status of the Baha'i faith, declaring it a form of blasphemy. The ruling also declared all Muslims who convert to Baha'i to be apostates and all followers of the Baha'i faith to be infidels.
On November 15, the National Council of Religious Scholars issued a declaration calling for moderation in freedom of expression and press freedom by urging individuals to avoid conduct that may be perceived as insulting to local traditions and religious values. The statement declared that "Safeguarding our national honors and Islamic values is the obligation of every citizen."
In early November authorities arrested and detained Ghaus Zalmai for publishing an unofficial translation of the Koran in Dari. Religious scholars alleged the translation was un-Islamic for misinterpreting verses about alcohol, begging, homosexuality, and adultery, as well as for not providing a parallel text in Arabic for comparison. Protests calling for Zalmai's punishment were held in various towns. The parliament prohibited Zalmai from leaving the country, and a commission of clerics and prosecutors was established to examine the text. At the end of the year, Zalmai remained in jail, and no charges have been filed. The editor is in hiding.
Due to societal pressure, Christians were forced to remain underground, not openly practicing their religion or revealing their identity. During the year there were sporadic reports of harassment and threats against Christians. There was only one known Christian church in the country, located inside the diplomatic quarter. Local nationals wishing to practice Christianity did so in private locations, as the church was not open to them.
Members of the government called for the execution of Christian converts. An NGO alleged that in late 2006 a Muslim convert to Christianity was murdered by his wife's father, who was a Muslim. Local authorities investigated the crime but made no arrests; later, they closed their investigation.
In February 2006 authorities arrested Abdul Rahman for converting to Christianity and sentenced him to death. The court determined that Rahman was unfit to stand trial, and he was given asylum in Italy. Rahman accused authorities of beating him with hoses and bare hands during his detention. Hundreds in Mazar-e-Sharif protested the government's failure to pursue Rahman's case.
There are no laws forbidding proselytizing, although authorities viewed proselytizing as contrary to the beliefs of Islam, and authorities could punish blasphemy and apostasy with death under the Shari'a. Foreigners caught proselytizing were deported. There were no overt foreign missionaries or other non-Islamic religiously oriented organizations in the country.
The government did not require women to wear burqas. Although some women continued to wear the burqa out of personal choice, many other women felt compelled to wear one due to societal or familial pressure. Cases of local authorities policing aspects of women's appearance to conform to a conservative interpretation of Islam and local custom continued to diminish.
Public school curricula continued to include Islamic content but no content from other religious groups. Non-Muslims were not required to study Islam, and there were no restrictions on parental religious teaching. Members of some indigenous minority groups, such as the Sikhs, operated private schools to avoid harassment and to provide religious and cultural education to their community. In July the MOE opened a school for local Sikh and Hindu children in Ghazni Province.
There were 1,134 schools and madrassas under construction or renovation. The government announced in April that it would begin setting up its own madrassas to counter the influence of extremist elements. The first schools were scheduled to be established in the spring and summer, with a new madrassa to eventually open in each of the 34 provinces.
During the year antigovernment elements continued to attack progovernment religious leaders for supporting the government or for stating that activities conducted by terrorist organizations were against the tenets of Islam. Antigovernment elements killed 11 clerics, compared with 12 clerics killed in 2006. These attacks also injured more than 30 other religious officials, compared with more than 40 in 2006.
Societal Abuses and Discrimination
Historically the majority Sunni population discriminated against the minority Shi'a community. However, since Shi'a representation has increased in government, there has been a decrease in hostility from Sunnis. The Shi'a religious affiliation of the ethnic Hazaras historically was a significant factor contributing to their repression, and there was continued social discrimination against Hazaras.
There were approximately 500 Sikhs and Hindus in the country. Those communities, although allowed to practice their faith publicly, reportedly continued to face discrimination, including intimidation; discrimination when seeking government jobs; and verbal and physical abuse in public places, including during major celebrations. Unlike in previous years, when Hindus complained of not being able to cremate the remains of their dead in accordance with their customs, the government stepped in to protect their right to carry out cremations. Although community representatives expressed concerns over land disputes, they often chose not to pursue restitution through the courts for fear of retaliation, particularly when powerful, local leaders occupied their property.
Non-Muslims faced discrimination in schools. The AIHRC continued to receive reports that students belonging to the Sikh and Hindu faiths were prevented from enrolling in some schools and others stopped attending due to harassment from both teachers and students. The government did not implement measures to protect these children but did open the first government-sponsored school for Sikh and Hindu children in Ghazni Province. In both Jalalabad and Kabul, the community representatives expressed concerns that they would not be able to accommodate returning families. While Hindus and Sikhs had recourse to dispute resolution mechanisms such as the Special Land and Property Court, in practice the community felt unprotected. Although Hindus reported being harassed by neighbors in their communities, there were no known reports of discrimination against Hindus by the government.
In July 2006 several hundred South Korean Christians arrived in Kabul with plans to hold a nationwide "Peace Festival" with rallies in Kabul, Mazar-e-Sharif, and Herat in early August. In response to concerns about societal violence against them, government agencies worked with the international community to develop a comprehensive security plan to prevent violent clashes between the demonstrators and the country's Muslim communities. The MOI deployed additional police officers in the three cities where the Koreans had assembled to maintain peace and housed the Christians in clusters around each city but took measures to prevent the Christians from assembling in large groups. After talks with several foreign embassies, the Christian group decided against holding the rally due to security concerns.
There were no reports of anti-Semitic acts. There was only one known Jewish resident, where he was caretaker of a local synagogue in Kabul.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2007 International Religious Freedom Report.
d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons
The law provides for freedom of movement within the country, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation; however, certain laws limited citizens' movement, and the government limited citizens' movement due to security interests. The greatest restriction to movement in some parts of the country was the lack of security. In many areas insurgent violence, banditry, and landmines made travel extremely dangerous, especially at night. The government cooperated with UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to internally displaced persons, refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, and other persons of concern.
During the year the parliament amended the passport law to give women the right to apply for a passport without permission from a male relative. In some areas of the country, however, local custom or tradition forbids women from leaving the home except in the company of a male relative.
Taxi, truck, and bus drivers reported that both security forces and armed militants operated illegal checkpoints and extorted money and goods. The number of such checkpoints increased at night, especially in the border provinces. In Kunduz the customs department had no effective control of the many illegal crossings and claimed the corruption of border police permitted smuggling of drugs, weapons, and other commodities. Residents reported having to pay bribes to ANP and border police officials at checkpoints and border crossings between Jalalabad and Pakistan. The Taliban imposed nightly curfews on the local populace in regions it controlled.
Ethnic Hazaras reported being asked to pay additional bribes at border crossings where Pashtuns were allowed to pass freely.
In July the MOI issued an order requesting it be informed of foreign aid and assistance workers' movements outside Kabul. The MOI maintained that this policy helped the government protect and locate foreigners in cases of emergency.
The law prohibits forced exile, and the government generally did not use it in practice.
According to the AIHRC, female residents deported from Iran remain in government custody until their citizenship can be verified or guaranteed by family.
Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
Authorities estimated there were 129,310 IDPs in the country at the beginning of the year. Many of these were members of the residual caseload of more than one million IDPs who left their places of origin because of drought in 1995, insecurity and drought in 2002, and human rights violations and ethnic-based conflict linked to land and property issues between 2003 and 2004. These individuals resided in a camp-like situation, mainly in the south.
Authorities estimated that approximately 29,000 individuals were newly displaced within the country during the year, mainly due to insecurity and violence linked to armed conflict in their areas of origin. Most of these individuals originated from provinces in the south (Kandahar, Helmand, Uruzgan, and Zabul) and west (Herat and Badghis). Local government provided housing assistance and, in some cases, food aid to conflict-affected IDPs through provincial emergency commissions, consisting of the Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development, Afghan Red Crescent Society, UNHCR, International Organization for Migration, UNAMA, and UNICEF.
There were no reported cases of IDPs being denied access to domestic or international humanitarian organizations; however, there were scattered instances of corruption in rural areas interfering with the local distribution of assistance to IDPs. Moreover, many humanitarian organizations widely acknowledged that a lack of access to many areas of the country has prevented both an accurate assessment of the scope of the IDP situation and the effective provision of assistance. In one instance, emergency assistance delivered by a PRT to a group of IDPs in Kandahar Province to which aid agencies had little or no access was seized by antigovernment elements immediately after the PRT left the area.
The Provincial Departments of Refugees and Repatriation and UNHCR assisted approximately 2,000 individuals to return to their places of origin, mostly in the north, during the year. Approximately 2,400 IDPs returned spontaneously.
In February more than 8,000 persons fled their homes in the Musa Qala District in Helmand Province in fear of an impending attack on suspected Taliban insurgents. The exact number of individuals could not be verified due to lack of access to the area, nor was it known how many returned spontaneously. In December approximately 400 families fled Musa Qala in fear of renewed fighting in the area, and all reportedly returned when the fighting ceased.
In March according to IRIN, medical services were disrupted for almost a month to as many as 50,000 IDPs in Kandahar after the abduction of five health workers by Taliban forces.
A small number of families were displaced by foreign and ANSF military operations in Nangarhar Province. The displaced civilians reported that they were not informed in advance of the military operation and were unable to take their possessions with them. They returned after the operations ceased.
IRIN reported that between July and October approximately 13,000 persons fled their homes in Helmand, Uruzgan, and Kandahar due to fighting.
In November approximately 160 families were displaced due to fighting in Farah Province. The Afghan Red Crescent society was unable to provide aid due to inadequate resources. Due to increasing insurgency, Farah is inaccessible to the UN.
Protection of Refugees
Although the constitution states that all matters related to asylum will be regulated by law, and the government ratified the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees and its 1967 protocol, the laws do not provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the Convention and its 1967 protocol, and the government has not established a system for providing protection to refugees.
While the government did not officially grant refugee status or asylum, it did accept the UNHCR's presence in the country and recognize the UNHCR's mandate to deal with both refugees and asylum. The UNHCR issued letters to individuals confirming their refugee or asylum status and the Supreme Court similarly recognized refugees under the Shari'a, such as conversion to Islam. Through these means, the UNHCR and the government provided legal and material assistance to asylum seekers and refugees from Iran, Iraq, and other countries. In practice, the government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where there is reason to believe they feared persecution.
In December an estimated 350 to 500 Pakistani families fled sectarian violence in Pakistan's Kurram Agency and crossed the border into Khost and Paktia provinces. The government, the Afghan Red Crescent Society, and the international community provided food aid and nonfood items to the families.
The country continued to focus on providing services for its own returning refugees. Since March 2002, more than five million refugees have returned to the country, more than four million with UNHCR assistance.
During the year the UNHCR assisted more than 365,000 returning refugees. The return numbers significantly increased from the previous year's 138,000, largely due to the UNHCR's decision to offer unregistered Afghans living in Pakistan a one-time opportunity to repatriate with UNHCR assistance. Approximately 206,000 unregistered individuals took advantage of this opportunity. Spontaneous returns otherwise decreased during the year.
The continuing insurgency and related security concerns, as well as economic difficulties, discouraged some refugees from returning to the country. In Pakistan, three of the four Afghan refugee camps scheduled for closure during the year remained open.
The UNHCR estimated that approximately 2.9 million refugees were still living in Iran and Pakistan. In April Iran began deporting large numbers of illegal Afghan migrants; by year's end, Iran had deported 363,000. Most deportees were single men who had traveled to Iran seeking work; however, some families and vulnerable individuals, including children, single women, elderly, and infirm, were deported who had lived in Iran for decades and who needed humanitarian assistance upon arrival in Afghanistan. Furthermore, a small number of registered refugees were swept up in the deportations and have had difficulty returning to Iran. The Afghan government and the UNHCR protested these expulsions.
Governor Sherzai of Nangarhar gave returning refugees from Pakistan who had settled in Tangi, Nangarhar, title to the land. The governor had made a verbal commitment in 2006 to give land to the returned refugees, but ethnic Kuchis protested, claiming that the land was theirs. The Tangi settlement has a strong community structure and now receives government and international community assistance for health, education, water, and shelter.
3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
The constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in the 2004 presidential and 2005 parliamentary elections.
Elections and Political Parties
In 2004 citizens chose Hamid Karzai to be the first democratically elected president in an election that was perceived as acceptable to the majority of the country's citizens. Observers stated that it did not meet international standards and noted irregularities, including pervasive intimidation of voters and candidates, especially women.
In 2005 citizens elected 249 members of the Wolesi Jirga, the lower house of the National Assembly, in an election viewed as credible by the majority of citizens. The AIHRC and UNAMA reported that local officials tried to influence the outcome of the 2004 and 2005 elections. The Electoral Complaints Commission received 5,397 complaints during the parliamentary election season and disqualified 37 candidates, of more than 6,000, from the campaign, including three for committing election offenses. In 2005 antigovernment forces killed seven parliamentary candidates, two parliamentarians-elect, and at least four election workers. Militants targeted civilians and election officials in a campaign to derail national elections, and according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), in the south and southwest antigovernment forces drove down participation to nearly a third of registered voters.
Presidential and provincial council nomination selected members of the Meshrano Jirga, the upper house.
There was no established tradition of political parties; however, they grew slowly in importance in the National Assembly. The MOJ recognized more than 90 accredited political parties. Political parties generally were able to conduct activities throughout the country, except in regions where antigovernment violence affected overall security. Many tribal leaders, former mujaheddin leaders, and insurgents were active MPs. There were reports that some used fear and intimidation to influence the votes of other members. AIHRC and UNAMA reported that officials sometimes interfered with political parties. The parties also exercised significant self-censorship. Political parties were visibly discouraged or curtailed in some parts of the country.
While women's political participation gained a degree of acceptance, there were elements that continued to resist this trend. Women active in public life faced disproportionate levels of threats and violence. As required by law, there were 68 women in the 249 seat Wolesi Jirga at the beginning of the year, but MP Malalai Joya was removed by parliamentary action in May. President Karzai appointed 17 women to serve in the 34-seat Meshrano Jirga, and an additional six female MPs were elected to that house, bringing the total to 23 women in the Meshrano Jirga. There was one woman in the cabinet. There were no women on the Supreme Court.
There were no laws preventing minorities from participating in political life; however, different ethnic groups complained of not having equal access to jobs in local government in provinces where they were in the minority. The law requires that 10 seats of the 249 seat Wolesi Jirga be allocated to Kuchis.
Government Corruption and Transparency
The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the government did not always implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. There was widespread public perception of government corruption, including involvement by some officials in the illegal narcotics trade, but the government took some steps to address the problem. The president replaced several governors, police chiefs and other officials, in some cases because of their corrupt practices. For example, the MOI removed the police chief in Wardak in July due to allegations of corruption. Authorities asked Border Police Commander Haji Zahir to leave his post in June 2006 due to allegations of corruption, but he refused to do so. The MOI stopped salary payment to the officers operating under Zahir; however, Zahir continued to operate, reportedly using his own funds to pay officers' salaries and funded more than 1,000 additional officers, essentially forming a private militia.
According to the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators, the country had a severe problem with corruption. A lack of political accountability and technical capacity to monitor government spending exacerbated government corruption, as did low salaries. Observers alleged that governors with reported involvement in the drug trade or past records of human rights violations nevertheless received executive appointments and served with relative impunity. The MOI reportedly reviewed the dismissal of several provincial police chiefs on charges of corruption and human rights abuses.
The constitution provides citizens the right to access government information, except in cases where this right might violate the rights of others. The government generally provided access in practice, but officials at the local level were less cooperative to requests for information. Lack of government capacity also severely restricted access to information.
4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials were generally cooperative and responsive to their views. Some of these human rights groups were based in Pakistan with branches inside the country. The lack of security and instability in parts of the country severely reduced NGO activities in these areas. The ICRC regularly visited more than 80 detention places, including NDS detention centers. Security constraints sometimes prevented ICRC delegates from visiting some places of detention, and the ICRC was not notified of all places of detention and detainees.
In a shift in tactics, militant groups and suspected Taliban directly targeted NGO groups for violence during the year. The overall number of kidnappings of foreign aid and NGO workers increased to more than 70 from a few in 2006. More than 40 humanitarian workers were killed during the year, with 31 humanitarian facilities attacked or looted and 55 convoys attacked, according to year-end UN figures.
Local employees ran several international NGOs, including the HRW. In 2005 the government passed a law to reduce the number of for-profit companies operating as NGOs. Many NGOs supported this action as a way to differentiate themselves from those organizations. In February 2006 the government stripped the licenses of more than 1,600 NGOs accused of economic fraud and corruption. The government cooperated with international governmental organizations and permitted them to visit the country.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour told the government and the international community that it must revitalize the Action Plan for Peace, Reconciliation, and Justice (APPRJ), commonly known as transitional justice. Arbour specifically focused on the lack of prosecution of past human rights abusers, "some of whom continue to hold high positions."
The constitutionally mandated AIHRC continued its role in addressing human rights problems. The president appointed the nine-member commission, which generally acted independently of the government, often voicing strong criticism of government institutions and actions, and accepting and investigating general complaints of human rights abuses. The AIHRC operated ten offices outside Kabul. The AIHRC was reasonably influential in its ability to raise public awareness and shape national policy on human rights. The AIHRC did not have adequate resources to focus on advocacy of human rights or to intervene in individual cases. During the year some MPs called for a vote of confidence on AIHRC chairman Sima Samar and the other AIHRC commissioners, but by year's end the vote had not taken place. Samar remained the head of the AIHRC. Some MPs also sought to review the law that defines the mandate of the AIHRC and proposed that the AIHRC include religious scholars educated in the Shari'a.
In 2005 the government developed the APPRJ, in coordination with the AIHRC and UNAMA. The government reaffirmed its commitment to this transitional justice plan in the January 2006 Afghanistan Compact. The plan included symbolic measures, such as the creation of national memorial sites and a national museum; institutional reform by vetting civil service employees for involvement in past atrocities, and reform of the judiciary; truth-seeking documentation of past atrocities; promotion of national reconciliation and unity through public debate and awareness; and the establishment of accountability mechanisms to bring to justice those responsible for grave human rights abuses. In December 2006 President Karzai declared December 10 a national day of remembrance for the victims of past human rights atrocities and worked with the AIHRC to reenergize efforts to implement the plan. During the year the AIHRC noted that implementation of the transitional justice had been a "complete failure," mainly due to lack of political commitment.
During the year the implementation of transitional justice became the object of controversy. In response to a December 2006 HRW report naming several prominent government officials as gross human rights violators during the mujaheddin period and calling for a special court to try them as well as the implementation of transitional justice, parliament, which included many human rights abusers, passed an amnesty law granting immunity to any citizens involved in the country's two-and-a-half decades of conflict, provided those persons recognized the central government and the constitution. At year's end, President Karzai had not signed the law. Local and international human rights organizations decried this law as unconstitutional and incompliant with international human rights standards.
There are three parliamentary committees that deal with human rights in the Wolesi Jirga: the Gender, Civil Society, and Human Rights Committee; the Counternarcotics, Intoxicating Items, and Ethical Abuse Committee; and the Judicial, Administrative Reform, and Anticorruption Committee. In the Meshrano Jirga, the Committee for Gender and Civil Society addresses human rights issues. During the year these committees vetted several draft laws that went before parliament and conducted confirmation hearings on several presidential appointees.
5. Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
The constitution states discrimination between citizens is prohibited and provides for the equal rights of men and women; however, local customs and practices that discriminated against women prevailed in much of the country. Equal rights based on race, disability, language, or social status is not explicitly mentioned in the law. There were reports of discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, and gender. Shi'a minorities faced discrimination from the majority Sunni population. Ethnic Hazaras reported discrimination at border checkpoints and in obtaining civil service jobs. Although the severity varied by region, women faced the harshest forms of discrimination in both public and private life.
Women continued to face pervasive human rights violations and remained largely uninformed of their rights under the law. Discrimination was more acute in rural areas and small villages. Women in urban areas continued to make strides towards greater access to public life, education, health care, and employment; however, the denial of educational opportunities during the continuing insurgency, as well as limited employment possibilities, and the threat of violence continued to impede the ability of many women to improve their situation.
The law criminalizes rape, which is punishable by death, but under the Shari'a, which the country's laws draw from greatly, the criminalization did not extend to spousal rape. Under the Shari'a, rape cases require that a woman produce multiple witnesses to the incident while the man need simply claim that it was consensual sex, often leading to an adultery conviction of the victim. Adultery is defined in the Penal Code and was designated a crime; premarital sex is not designated a crime, but local officials often considered it a "moral" offense. According to the MOI, 260 cases of rape were reported during the year; however, the actual number of cases generally was believed to be much higher. Of the reported cases, 146 were of rape against females and 114 were of rape against males. The MOI reported 409 arrests in connection with rape cases. Statistics on convictions were unavailable. Rapes were difficult to document in view of the associated social stigma against victims. Female victims faced stringent societal reprisal, including being deemed unfit for marriage or being imprisoned. In 2006 the AIHRC reported a case in which a girl was raped by her brother. A resulting pregnancy forced the girl to reveal the incident to her parents. In order to save the family's reputation, the parents killed the girl by setting her afire. At year's end authorities had not investigated this case.
According to NGO reports, hundreds of thousands of women continued to suffer abuse at the hands of their husbands, fathers, brothers, armed individuals, parallel legal systems, and institutions of state such as the police and justice system. The community tolerated and practiced violence against women. For example, in December 16-year-old Nazia's 40-year-old husband cut off her ears and nose, after months of torture, including breaking her teeth with stones. At year's end there was no investigation.
Authorities rarely prosecuted abusers and seldom investigated complaints of violent attacks, rape, murders, or suicides of women. If cases came to court, the accused were often exonerated or punished lightly. There were no regulations explicitly outlawing domestic violence and no accurate statistics for the number of women affected by domestic violence. The director of the Women's Skills Development Center, which ran a shelter for victims of domestic violence, noted that it occurred in most homes but went largely unreported due to societal acceptance of the practice. Domestic violence usually consisted of the beating of women and children and, less often, the burning of women by other family members. During the year the AIHRC initiated additional efforts to collect statistics on violence against women. In a one-month pilot project 96 cases were reported in the cities of Kabul and Kandahar, compared to only 362 cases reported through existing channels nationwide.
According to IRIN, four shelters in Kabul were home to more than 100 women and girls. The Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA) and other agencies supported the centers, which were designed to give protection, accommodation, food, training, and healthcare to women who were escaping violence in the home or were seeking legal support due to family feuds. According to the MOWA, up to 20 women and girls were referred to the MOWA's legal department every day; however, space at the specialized shelters was limited. Many of the women who could not find a place in the four secure hostels in Kabul ended up in prison. One shelter in Kabul reported that while it only had capacity for 20 women, it held 26 women and eight children during the year. Approximately 120 women and girls passed through the shelter seeking refuge since its opening in 2003.
The concept of women's shelters was still not widely accepted in society, as many persons treated them with distrust and did not understand their utility. As a result, many of the shelters were not in publicly disclosed locations. Policewomen trained to help victims of domestic violence complained that they were instructed not to do outreach to victims but simply to wait for victims to show up at police stations. This significantly hindered their work, as reporting domestic violence was not socially accepted. On January 24, the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) reported that a new Family Response Unit dealing with family violence, children in trouble, and female victims of crime started operating in Kabul. It allowed policewomen to address violence and crimes towards women and children; interrogate, detain, and investigate female suspects; and provide support to female victims of crime and ensure the security of women.
Societal discrimination against women persisted, including domestic abuse, rape, forced marriages, exchange of girls to settle disputes, kidnappings, and honor killings. In some rural areas, particularly in the south, women were forbidden to leave the home except in the company of a male relative.
Violence against women was widely tolerated by the community and generally went unreported; thus most known information is anecdotal. Authorities rarely prosecuted or investigated cases of abuse, and if a case made it to court, perpetrators were often exonerated or punished lightly. The AIHRC estimated that approximately 40 percent of marriages were forced, and distinguished this category from another 20 percent of marriages that were "arranged," the latter allowing the woman the choice to decline marriage but not to choose her spouse. For example, according to UNIFEM, Rosina, 18, was sold into marriage by her father to a man in his fifties. When she refused she was beaten.
During the year the AIHRC recorded 30 cases of women being given to another family to settle disputes, although the practice is outlawed by presidential decree. The unreported number was believed to be much higher.
Local officials occasionally imprisoned women at the request of family members for opposing the family's choice of a marriage partner or being charged with adultery or bigamy. Women also faced bigamy charges from husbands who had deserted them and then reappeared after the woman remarried. Local officials imprisoned women in place of a family member who had committed a crime but could not be located. According to MOI statistics, at year's end there were 234 women detained in the country, of which 172 had been convicted and sentenced to prison. The remainder was held in pretrial detention. Some women resided in detention facilities because they had run away from home due to domestic violence or the prospect of forced marriage. Several girls between the ages of 17 and 21 years of age remained detained in Pol-e-Charkhi prison because they were captured after fleeing abusive forced marriages.
The AIHRC documented a total of 45 honor killings throughout the year; however, the unreported number was believed to be much higher. In February in Herat Province, a man beheaded his 15-year-old daughter after she was accused by locals of adultery. Although police detained the man following the crime, there was no evidence at year's end that he had been prosecuted. In December 2006 media outlets reported that villagers in Kunar Province killed a boy and girl for having illicit sexual relations.
Women occasionally resorted to self-immolation when they felt there was no escape from these situations. During the year the AIHRC documented 110 cases of self-immolation, in contrast to 106 cases nationwide in 2006. Other organizations reported an overall increase over the past two years. In Herat Province, a new burn unit reported at least 70 cases of women setting themselves on fire and eight cases of men self-immolating.
Women active in public life faced disproportionate levels of threats and violence. Supported by official government policy, women's political participation gained some acceptance, even as conservative elements and insurgents resisted the trend.
Several female MPs reported death threats. MP Samia Sadat survived assassination attempts against her in May and in February 2006. Women were also the targets of Taliban and insurgent attacks. In September 2006 unknown assailants assassinated Safia Ama Jan, the director of the Kandahar Department for Women's Affairs. In October 2006 gunmen killed the daughter of MP Shakila Hashemi at her home in an attack believed to have been intended for the MP herself. Several provincial employees of MOWA continued to report threats. In November 2006 gunmen ambushed the vehicle of Kandahar provincial councilwoman Zargohna Kakar, killing her husband. Investigations into these cases continued at year's end.
Insurgents issued night letters threatening women working for the government, local NGOs, and foreign organizations. Women who received threats were often forced to move constantly to evade those harassing them. Threats against women also affected the 2005 parliamentary elections. Of the 633 female candidates, 51 withdrew their candidacies due to harassment and threats.
Prostitution was illegal but existed. Many observers, journalists, and international organizations also believed that "temporary marriages" were a form of prostitution. Temporary marriages allowed for short-term marriages, lasting from one day to a few months, in exchange for a dowry. Several Chinese restaurants were believed to serve as fronts for brothels where prostitutes were solicited.
There was no law specifically prohibiting sexual harassment. The public generally viewed sexual harassment of Muslim women as socially unacceptable. There were reports of harassment of foreign women.
Women who reported cases of abuse or who sought legal redress for other matters reported pervasive discrimination within the judicial system. Local family and property law were not explicitly discriminatory toward women, but in parts of the country where courts were not functional or knowledge of the law was minimal, elders relied on Shari'a and tribal custom, which generally was discriminatory toward women. Most women reported having limited access to justice in tribal shuras, where all presiding elders were men; women in some villages were not allowed any access for dispute resolution. Women's advocacy groups reported informal intervention from the government through letters to local courts encouraging interpretations of the law more favorable to women.
The government and NGOs continued to promote women's rights and freedoms, but according to MOWA, women made up less than 25 percent of government employees. There were efforts to integrate gender units into several ministries.
The MOWA, the primary government agency responsible for addressing the needs of women, had provincial offices, but the organization suffered from a lack of capacity. During the year parliament considered eliminating the MOWA as part of an effort to streamline the government but decided to preserve it.
The government did not require women to wear burqas, and cases of local authorities policing aspects of women's appearance continued to diminish. However, informal social and familial pressure led the majority of women in rural areas to wear burqas, and most women, even in Kabul, wore head covering.
Women, particularly in villages and rural areas, faced pervasive human rights violations and remained uninformed of their rights under the law and constitution. The government established special police units to address the needs of women and children. Policewomen staffed the unit and kept complaints confidential. The government, along with local and international NGOs, ran shelters for abused women in Kabul, Herat, and Mazar-e-Sharif. Some MPs opposed these shelters as against family values, arguing that these facilities encouraged women to separate from their families.
Some local authorities excluded women from all employment outside the home, apart from the traditional work of women in agriculture.
The government demonstrated an increasing commitment to address the concerns of vulnerable children and their families; however, a 2006 report by the AIHRC stated that the country's civil code did not adequately address the rights of the child. In May 2006 the government launched its National Strategy for Children at Risk (NSFCAR), which was designed by the Ministry of Work, Social Affairs, Martyred, and Disabled (MOWSAMD) to improve care for vulnerable children and families. The Ministry of Public Health trained more than 1,600 health workers on prevention of child abuse and violence against children.
The law makes education mandatory up to the secondary level and provides for free education up to the college level. According to the MOE there were 9,033 basic and secondary schools. Local authorities made some progress in school attendance. A back-to-school campaign launched by the MOE increased school enrollment from 4.2 million children in 2003 to more than 5.4 million, according to UNICEF. During the year UNICEF estimated that more than two million children (approximately 54 percent) were out of school, including 1.3 million girls. According to figures from the MOE, approximately 40 percent of teachers were professionally accredited.
During the year the MOE estimated that 40 percent of girls attend primary school but only five percent go on to secondary school. The World Bank and NGOs estimated female attendance at 32 to 35 percent. Estimates of female literacy varied from five to 13 percent.
In most of the country the enrollment of girls in schools may have increased, in some places significantly. However, nearly one-third of districts and several provinces had no schools for girls to attend. Enrollment was as low as 15 percent in some areas. Even in secure areas such as Kabul, where access to schools was not an issue, some male family members did not allow girls to attend school. In most regions boys and girls attended primary classes together but were separated for intermediate- and high school-level education.
According to the UN, schools continued struggling with high dropout rates and serious shortages of teachers, especially female teachers. The MOE reported that, on average, girls in cities stopped attending school after completing high school and, in the villages, girls stopped attending school at the age of 12 or 13 in part because there was a lack of female teachers and families did not allow their teenage girls to be taught by adult men.
Violence continued to impede access to education in some parts of the country where Taliban and other extremists threatened or physically attacked schools, officials, teachers, and students, especially in girls' schools. Where schools did remain open, parents were often afraid to send their children to school, particularly girls. The majority of school-related violence occurred in 11 provinces in the southern and border regions. The MOE reported that more than 300 schools were attacked during the year and a total of nearly 200 schools had been closed due to attacks, preventing almost 220,000 students from receiving an education. For example, in Helmand Province 30,000 fewer students attended schools and more than 100 schools remain closed due to insecurity.
In January unknown gunmen killed a headmaster in Helmand District. In April a landmine, apparently planted deliberately in a playing field, killed four young boys. In June two gunmen on motorbikes opened fire on a girls' school in Kabul, killing a teacher, a young student, and wounding two others. On June 12, unidentified gunmen attacked a school in Logar, killing two young girls and wounding three other children. In early October four schools were attacked in Shindad Province.
According to an HRW report on school attacks, there were entire districts where attacks by Taliban and other insurgents led to the closing of all schools. Education officials stated that attacks averaged one school per day. Even more common were threatening "night letters," distributed alone or preceding actual attacks, in mosques, around schools, and on routes taken by students and teachers, warning them against attending school and making credible threats of violence. Physical attacks or threats against schools and their staff caused schools to close, either because the building was destroyed or because the teachers and students were too afraid to attend. Schools in the surrounding area frequently shut down as well. In areas where students did attend school, the quality of education was extremely low.
Children did not have adequate access to health care; only one children's hospital existed in the country, and it was not readily accessible to those outside Kabul. However, infant mortality statistics improved during the year. According to a John Hopkins University and the Ministry of Public Health (MOPH) survey, infant and under five-year-old child mortality decreased from a 2006 figure of 165 out of 1,000 live births to 129 this year. A MOPH survey revealed that 54 percent of children under age five were chronically malnourished.
Child abuse was endemic throughout the country, ranging from general neglect, physical abuse, abandonment, and confinement to work in order to pay off family debts. Although against the law, corporal punishment at schools was common.
On September 30, according to AI, Taliban members kidnapped a 15-year-old boy named Zainullah from a bazaar and hanged him from a utility pole after accusing him of spying.
The legal age for marriage was 16 for girls and 18 for boys. International and local observers estimated that 60 percent of girls were married before 16.
There is no clear provision in the Criminal Procedure Law to penalize those who arrange forced or underage marriages. Article 99 of the Law on Marriage states that marriage of a minor may be conducted by a guardian. However, in March, the Supreme Court approved a new marriage contract stipulating that the man needs to verify his bride is 16 years of age, and that marriage certificates would not be issued for underage brides. In June 2006 the government set up a working group on early and forced marriages under the MOWSAMD; however, this group appears to have informally dispersed. The AIHRC estimates that up to 70 percent of reported cases of domestic violence have roots in child marriage.
Sexual abuse of children remained pervasive. During the year an AIHRC study found that most child victims were abused by extended family members. A UNHCR report noted that boys were also abused by tribal leaders. There were reports of sexual abuse that occurred in government-run orphanages around the country. During the year the MOI recorded 80 cases of rape of young boys, following approximately 130 documented cases in 2006. A 2006 AIHRC study found that 60 percent of child sexual abuse victims were girls; whereas 35 percent were boys (the remainder of victims surveyed did not record their gender). Eighteen percent of respondents knew of other children who had suffered sexual abuse. Only 29 percent of victims had approached relevant authorities for help after the abuse, citing a lack of trust in the judicial system, fear of consequences, and lack of family permission as the main reasons. Only 35 percent of victims who did file complaints were satisfied with the outcome. Article 427 of the penal code reads that "any person who conducts adultery or sodomy with a female or sodomy with a male shall be sentenced to lengthened imprisonment in accordance with the circumstances." Article 247 authorizes lengthened punishment (not to exceed 10 years), "if the victim has not attained the age of 18." Article 430 more explicitly criminalizes sexual exploitation of children: "Any person who incites a male or female, who has not completed the age of 18, to engaging in debauchery as a profession or facilitates such an engagement, shall be sentenced to intermediate imprisonment, no less than three years."
According to the AIHRC, only 24 percent of child sexual abusers are actually incarcerated.
While there were no documented cases of child trafficking during the year, most experts believed the practice was widespread and continued to be a problem.
Beginning in 2004 an estimated 8,000 former child soldiers were demobilized under a UNICEF-initiated program. Since 2004 more than 15,000 war-affected children in 28 provinces have been supported through UNICEF's reintegration project. UNICEF supported educational and skills training for more than 2,691 demobilized child soldiers and other war-affected children (approximately 800 of whom were girls) in six provinces.
Living conditions for children in orphanages were unsatisfactory. Children reported mental, physical, and sexual abuse, were sometimes trafficked out of state-run orphanages, and did not always have access to health services, recreational facilities, or education. MOWSAMD operated 52 orphanages across the country. UNICEF estimates that some 80 percent of the 8,000 children currently living in orphanages had at least one living parent. NSFCAR strongly advocated taking most children out of these orphanages and promoting community-based care options; however, the existing capacity of social workers and child welfare services was extremely weak.
Displacement due to the conflict also affected children. NGOs estimated that up to a third of all refugees were children, and street children remained a problem in urban areas, although no reliable estimates were available. Street children had little to no access to government services, although several NGOs provided access to basic needs such as shelter and food.
Trafficking in Persons
The law does not prohibit trafficking in persons; however, traffickers could be prosecuted under other laws, including statutes against kidnapping.
The country is a source, transit point, and destination country for human trafficking. It is a source for women and children trafficked internally and to Iran, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia for forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation. Children are trafficked internally for forced labor as beggars or for debt bondage in the brick kiln and carpetmaking industries. Local women and girls are kidnapped, lured by fraudulent marriage or job proposals, or sold into marriage or commercial sexual exploitation within the country and elsewhere. The AIHRC reported 150 cases of child trafficking in 2006, although many believe this was a low estimate.
During the year the MOI reported 40 to 70 arrests of child traffickers. Four prosecutions resulted in 15 convictions, with six traffickers sentenced to jail terms ranging from eight months to 20 years and seven traffickers sentenced to death. However, the government did not report any significant measures taken to investigate, prosecute, or otherwise curb government corruption, particularly among border guards who were widely believed to facilitate trafficking.
The government did not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. There was an interagency working group on trafficking, but little discernible action was taken.
The government made modest improvements in its protection efforts. The government cooperated with Saudi Arabia to repatriate children trafficked for forced begging. In 2005 authorities repatriated 317 children from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Zambia, UAE, and Oman. The MOWSAMD, with the assistance of UNICEF, set up a transit center to assist with these returns, and other agencies such as the AIHRC helped with the children's reunification and reintegration. The transit center remained in operation and also served to reintegrate children affected by the conflict.
While the government did not operate any shelters for trafficking victims that provided medical, psychological, or legal aid to trafficking victims, NGOs operated such shelters. Adult victims were sometimes jailed. The government did not encourage victims to participate in the trials of their traffickers.
The government's national antitrafficking task force was not active; however, it disseminated information about missing children through the media and mosques and conducted limited police training to raise awareness of trafficking. Government officials failed to screen emigrants and immigrants adequately at the border to identify trafficking victims or to undertake a broad public awareness campaign.
Persons with Disabilities
The law requires the state to assist persons with disabilities and protect their rights, including healthcare and financial protection. The government took no measures to mandate accessibility to buildings for persons with disabilities.
According to the MOWSAMD, sample surveys estimated a total disabled population of two million persons, 25 percent of whom had disabilities caused by the country's two-and-a-half decades of conflict. IRIN reported that more than 50 percent of persons with disabilities are less than 19 years old. Domestic NGOs offered privately funded trade classes to persons with disabilities. However, according to the National Disability Survey, more than 72 percent of all persons with disabilities over age six have not received any education, and fewer than 30 percent of persons with disabilities have jobs. Although community-based health and rehabilitation committees continued to provide services to approximately 100,000 persons, their activities were restricted to 60 out of 330 districts. As a result, they were able to assist only a small number of those in need. The MOWSAMD worked within the framework of the UN Development Program's National Program for Action and Disability (NPAD) to coordinate and develop policy strategies that create employment opportunities, access to education, health care, and greater mobility for disabled citizens; however, during the year, the MOWSAMD reported that the scope of NPAD was greatly reduced due to a lack of funds. Ministry services currently extend to only 16 of the 34 provinces. Disabled groups repeatedly protested the inaction of the MOWSAMD.
The Afghanistan Landmine Monitor Report stated that the rehabilitation and reintegration needs of mine survivors and other persons with disabilities were not being met. For every one person with a disability who received assistance, 100 more reportedly did not receive assistance. Disability services existed in only 20 of the 34 provinces.
In the Meshrano Jirga two of the 34 seats appointed by the president were reserved for persons with disabilities.
Ethnic Hazaras continued to prevent some Kuchi nomads from returning to traditional grazing lands in the central highlands, in part because of allegations that the Kuchis were pro-Taliban and thus complicit in the massacres of Hazaras in the 1990s. During the year there were clashes between Hazaras and Kuchis in Wardak Province.
Claims of social discrimination against Hazaras and other Shi'as continued. The Hazaras accused President Karzai, a Pashtun, of providing preferential treatment to Pashtuns and of ignoring minorities, especially Hazaras. During 2006 nomadic Kuchis expressed concern that the voter registration process underrepresented their population. The government and the Joint Electoral Management Body worked to address their concerns.
A recent UNHCR paper reported that while attempts were made to address the problems faced by ethnic minorities and there were improvements in some areas, there was still a well-founded fear of persecution. Confiscation and illegal occupation of land by insurgents and tribal leaders caused displacement in isolated situations. Other forms of discrimination concerned access to education, political representation, and civil service employment. A 2006 UNHCR paper reported that while the government attempted to address the problems faced by ethnic minorities and some areas improved, there was still a well-founded fear of persecution by tribal and insurgent leaders. Confiscation and illegal occupation of land by powerful individuals, in some cases tied to the insurgency, caused displacement in isolated situations. Discrimination, at times amounting to persecution, continued in some areas, in the form of extortion of money through illegal taxation, forced recruitment and force labor, physical abuses and detention.
According to a 2006 UNHCR report, while Ismailis (a minority Shi'a Muslim group who follow the Aga Khan) were not generally targeted or seriously discriminated against, they continued to be exposed to risks. In Baghlan Province, tribal leaders occupied or confiscated and then sold Ismaili land, and Ismailis were unable to reclaim their property. The Baghlan provincial court and other provincial authorities refused to dispense justice for Ismailis in land-related cases. Ismailis faced illegal taxation and extortion by tribal leaders. In Tala-wa-Barfak District, cases of rape of Ismaili women were reported, with perpetrators acting with impunity.
Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination
The law criminalizes homosexual activity; however, the authorities only sporadically enforced the prohibition. A recent UNHCR report noted that most homosexual persons hid their sexual orientation. Many observers believed that societal disapproval of homosexuality was partly the cause for the prevalence of rape of young boys. During 2006 the Taliban published a new set of rules that explicitly forbade the recruitment of young boys for sexual pleasure.
6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law provides broad provisions for protection of workers; however, little was known about their enforcement. In January the parliament passed a new labor law. Implementation remained a problem due to lack of funding, personnel, and political will. Labor rights were not understood outside of the Ministry of Labor, and workers were not aware of their rights. There was no effective central authority to enforce them. The largest employers in Kabul were the ministries and local and international NGOs. The labor law does allow unionization and the formation of associations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
As a consequence of 25 years of war, occupation, and civil strife, the country's elementary industrial base had been erased by the time the Taliban fell in 2001. Unions were ruined along with the economy. There was only one semiactive union, the Central Council National Union Afghanistan Employees (CCNUAE). This union was a Soviet-era organization, which formally separated from the government after the fall of the Taliban. In 2006, CCNUAE reported a membership of 200,000 government workers and employees of state-owned enterprises, but membership was more theoretical than real. Most government workers did not consider themselves members of CCNUAE, and according to CCNUAE, fewer than 40 percent paid dues. The union operated mostly on proceeds from real estate properties and other investments. The government allowed CCNUAE to operate without interference. The new law does not provide for the right to strike, and the country lacked a tradition of genuine labor-management bargaining. The law did not protect collective bargaining. There were no known labor courts or other mechanisms for resolving labor disputes. Wages were determined by market forces, or, in the case of government workers, dictated by the government.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that such practices occurred. As in past years, there were reports of women being given away as laborers to another family in order to settle disputes and debts.
d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
Children under 13 may not work under any circumstances. The law recognizes the standard legal age for work as 15, but there are provisions for 13- and 14-year-olds to work as apprentices, provided they only work 35 hours per week. There was no evidence that authorities in any part of the country enforced labor laws relating to the employment of children. Child labor remained a pervasive problem. According to UNICEF estimates, at least 20 percent of primary school age children undertook some form of work and there were more than one million child laborers under age 14. An AIHRC report released in 2006 estimated that most child laborers worked as street vendors (13 percent) or shop keepers (21 percent). Other common forms of labor were workshop labor, blacksmiths, farming, auto repair, and tailoring. In cities, a larger proportion of child laborers were involved in collecting paper, scrap metal, and firewood; shining shoes; and begging. Some of these practices exposed children to the danger of landmines. Boys comprised 86 percent of child laborers.
AIHRC reported approximately 60,000 child laborers in Kabul alone, the majority of whom migrated to the city from other provinces. Many employers subjected them to sexual exploitation and forced labor. UNHCR noted that Jalalabad and Mazar-e-Sharif also had large numbers of child laborers. According to Save the Children, there were up to 5,000 child laborers working in brick factories in Nangarhar. Children faced numerous health and safety risks at work and some of them sustained serious injuries such as broken bones.
MOWSAMD reported that the government was working on the problem of child labor. The NSFCAR addressed child labor and demanded the creation of diversified services for vulnerable families to prevent family separation and exploitation of children. MOE efforts in promoting universal basic education, such as workshops in schools and outreach to employers also contributed to the prevention of exploitative child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
No reliable information existed regarding a statutory minimum wage or maximum workweek or the enforcement of safe labor practices. The national minimum wage of approximately $1,000 (5,000 AFD) per month did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family and was not observed in practice. Many employers allotted workers time off for prayers and observance of religious holidays. The law provides workers the right to receive wages, annual vacation time in addition to national holidays, health compensation for injuries suffered in the line of work, overtime pay, health insurance for the employee and immediate family members, per diem for official trips, daily transportation, food allowances, night shift differentials, retirement rights, and compensation for funeral expenses in case of death while performing official duties. Article 30 of the Labor Rights Law defines the standard workweek as 40 hours per week, eight hours per day with one hour for lunch and noon prayers. Reduced standard workweeks were stipulated for youth, pregnant women, nursing mothers, and miners and other occupations that present health risks to laborers. These standards were not effectively enforced, and citizens were not generally aware of the full extent of their labor rights under the law. For example, in October IRIN reported that in the preceding 12 months, seven female employees at wool and fur factories in Herat had died due to respiratory diseases and chest infections. The factories do not provide protective gloves or masks and do not offer medical insurance or any financial assistance for health problems. There were no occupational health and safety standards and no enforcement mechanism. Employment was at-will, and while there was a Ministry of Work and Social Affairs, there were few if any protections for workers under either the 1987 or the new laws. | <urn:uuid:c16e340a-ea32-4ed8-972b-01bc0b90a912> | {
"date": "2015-09-01T11:36:35",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-35",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-35/segments/1440645171365.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20150827031251-00053-ip-10-171-96-226.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9753890633583069,
"score": 2.90625,
"token_count": 25456,
"url": "http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=topic&tocid=4565c22535&toid=4565c25f42b&publisher=&type=&coi=AFG&docid=47d92c5db9&skip=0"
} |
Eating cheese may prevent cavities.
Researchers studied 68 kids ranging in age from 12 to 15. They looked at the dental plaque pH in the subjects' mouths before and after they consumed cheese, milk or sugar-free yogurt.
Those who ate the milk and sugar-free yogurt experienced no changes in the pH levels in their mouths. But those who ate cheese showed a rapid increase in pH levels which means they are less likely to get cavities.
Get the full story at sciencedaily.com | <urn:uuid:cfbd1040-be2e-4301-8a50-a1a3b14ab005> | {
"date": "2014-03-10T17:53:22",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-10",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394010925635/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305091525-00006-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9621780514717102,
"score": 2.9375,
"token_count": 103,
"url": "http://wtbx.com/blogs/food-drinks/84/the-power-of-cheese/"
} |
Food Processing Costs Per Food-at-Home Dollar Rose Sharply in 2009 and 2010
In 2010, about 35 cents from each dollar that U.S. consumers spent on U.S.-produced food sold in grocery and other retail foodstores went to food processing establishments like flour mills, meatpacking plants, and dairy processors. This equates to an increase of around 14 percent since 2007, when the share was about 31 cents per dollar spent. Over time, consumers are replacing their purchases of less processed foods with new products, such as bagged salad mixes and ready-to-grill marinated meats, that eliminate most of the post-purchase food preparation work. ERS's Food Dollar Series suggests that this trend has accelerated since 2007.
Food processors transform raw food commodities, such as bushels of wheat or live chickens, into ready-to-eat products like sliced whole wheat bread and canned chicken soup or into "almost-ready" forms, such as flour and uncooked boneless chicken breasts. The processing share of the food-at-home dollar reflects the salaries and benefits of workers and managers in the processing plants and the capital costs incurred by plant owners and investors. It does not reflect costs incurred by food processors that are paid to other industries, such as energy, packaging, and advertising, which are reported separately.
When prices for all food production inputs (farm commodities, processing, energy, packaging, and others) are held constant at their 2000 levels, processing's share of the at-home food dollar rises even more sharply to 37 cents. This indicates that processing's share has grown not because food companies are charging more for their processing services but because consumers are buying greater quantities of highly processed food products.
This article is drawn from...
Food Dollar Series, by Patrick Canning, USDA, Economic Research Service, June 2014 | <urn:uuid:923efe66-e2df-4c4f-a828-a9161629be95> | {
"date": "2015-03-04T15:15:21",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-11",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-11/segments/1424936463606.79/warc/CC-MAIN-20150226074103-00092-ip-10-28-5-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9644392132759094,
"score": 2.734375,
"token_count": 375,
"url": "http://www.ers.usda.gov/amber-waves/2012-september/food-processing.aspx"
} |
|Priorities in Health and Nutrition of the Urban Poor: The Case of the Calcutta Slums (CRED, 1991, 18 p.)|
Debarati GUHA SAPIR
«The slum: 400 baht a month for a family consisting of one father, one mother, eight children, four dogs, ten cats, six ducks and ten million mosquitoes.»
(Morell and Morell, Bangkok, 1972)
In the last decade before the end of this century, urban populations are projected to increase by 66% throughout the world, and by 100% in tropical and sub-tropical countries. The three major Indian cities of New Delhi, Bombay and Calcutta are all included in the list of the worlds 16 fastest growing cities, with growth rates over the last two decades of 125%, 88% and 75%, respectively (Harpham, 1988). Between 1971 and 1980, Indias urban population increased by 46,4%, resulting in a total urban population of approximately 160 million in 1981. Today, about a quarter of Indias population is urban and by the end of the century urban populations will account for 33% of the total or 230 million (Hardoy and Sattherwaite, 1989). The growth in these cities has been largely in the lower socioeconomic classes. Scattered evidence suggests that birth rates among the urban poor in all three of these cities are high and that this may even be a greater net contributor to their increase today than rural urban migration.
Aggregated statistics of urban populations are almost consistently better than the rural statistics. Although commonly used, aggregated statistics are extremely misleading and provide a false sense of security. Available evidence suggests that developmental indicator rates of the urban poor are vastly different from the aggregated figures of urban populations overall (Linn, 1983). Basta (1977) presents a series of illuminating examples of the differences in rates of development indicators between the urban poor and the urban rich. In many cases, the rates were worse than national averages and in some cases, worse than the rural levels. The range of differences of disease specific prevalence rates for the urban poor were often two or three times worse in comparison to the rural poor. For example, Basta observed in Manila rates of gastroenteritis among squatters to be 1,352/100,000 compared to rates of 780/100,000 among the non-squatter population. Similarly, in Bombay, leprosy in squatter settlements was 22 per 1,000 compared to 6.9 per 1,000 for the city as a whole (Ganapati, 1983). The overall urban literacy rate in India was 57.4%, according to the 1980 Census, but was only 26% among the urban poor, according to a Task Force Report on Housing and Urban Development (Government of India, 1988). Unfortunately, systematic statistics on the urban poor are difficult to obtain for at least two reasons: the data are almost always consolidated over the entire urban population; and evidence of the differences between urban poor and rich is scattered and fragmented (Boyden, 1991).
National Plans for Urban Health
Urbanisation measures in India to manage massive influxes and high birth rates have been seriously inadequate. The consequence has been a proliferation of some of the worst slums in the world in Calcutta and Bombay. Decennial growth rates in these cities have been 37.8 and 30.4 respectively (Government of India Census, 1981). Although large scale evictions have been reported in these Indian cities since 1980 (Srivastav, 1982), nevertheless, the urban growth rates of these cities show no significant signs of abating. As urban growth rates continue to increase, the problems as a result of high growth rates can only be expected to exacerbate conditions in the decade to come.
The national planning process, directed by the consecutive Five-Year Plans, significantly affects urban conditions and health programmes. However, neither the Fifth nor the Sixth Five-Year Plan (covering the periods 1975 to 1980 and 1980 to 1985, respectively) directly addressed urban poverty issues, although the Sixth Plan did allocate resources for «61,000» urban poor for «additional consumption benefits» (Government of India, 1988). The Seventh Five-Year Plan (1985 to 1990) represents the first attempt to address urban poverty issues directly. It places considerable emphasis on the improvement of slum dwellers living conditions and acknowledges the «growing incidence of poverty in urban areas» and the rapid growth of slums. Among other components of its strategy, the Plan proposes to improve the access of urban poor to basic amenities such as education, health care, sanitation, and safe drinking water.
Context of Life in Indian Slums
The physical, economic, and environmental conditions of slum populations in India can be quite different from those in rural villages. The most visible characteristic in Indian slums is the extreme penury of space. A survey conducted by the Delhi Development Authority in 1986 estimated that a typical family of four in the slums of Delhi, lived in a space of approximately 7.5 square meters. A report of the Government of India in 1988 reported that more than 67% of Calcuttas total urban population lived in one-roomed housing. In addition to lack of space, life is characterised by hard labour for all family members, including children, in difficult and life-threatening conditions such as construction sites or industrial sites where exposure to motorised traffic and open machinery is common. Reported child labour accounted for about 4,3% of employed males and 7% of working females among the urban population of India (Government of India, 1988; UNICEF, 1991). Industrial, automobile and human pollution of all types also aggravate the situation. Finally, social disruption due to increased consumption of hallucinatory drugs and alcohol, the power struggles among rival gangs, and the breakdown of the family structure, significantly reduce the quality of life of the poor.
This paper is based on data from a household survey of 2,603 families with at least one child under five years of age living in 37 randomly selected slums recognised by the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authorities. In addition to standard demographic and socio-economic histories of the family, the survey obtained detailed information on health care use, maternal histories, dietary intakes of mother and youngest child, reported mortality and morbidity histories, and nutritional anthropometry. This paper discusses only a few of the issues addressed by the whole survey. Following this first introductory section, section two describes the history and context of the Calcutta slums, and the public services and administrative infrastructures that exist to support it. Section three presents the results of the survey, followed by a discussion of the results in section four. Section five presents the conclusions of the paper and the recommendations for priority areas for strategy development. | <urn:uuid:01702e5b-0099-4bc7-8e3d-090d56309bda> | {
"date": "2014-04-21T12:55:13",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-15",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-15/segments/1397609539776.45/warc/CC-MAIN-20140416005219-00139-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9387791156768799,
"score": 3.109375,
"token_count": 1378,
"url": "http://www.nzdl.org/gsdlmod?e=d-00000-00---off-0cdl--00-0----0-10-0---0---0direct-10---4-------0-1l--11-en-50---20-about---00-0-1-00-0--4----0-0-11-10-0utfZz-8-00&a=d&cl=CL3.20.1&d=HASHccb46709dd5f66ca5d4e89.fc"
} |
- also spelled griffon , or gryphon
composite mythological creature with a lion's body (winged or
wingless) and a bird's head, usually that of an eagle. The griffin was
a favorite decorative motif in the ancient Middle Eastern and
Mediterranean lands. Probably originating in the Levant in the 2nd
millennium BC, the griffin had spread throughout western Asia and into
Greece by the 14th century BC. The Asiatic griffin had a crested head,
whereas the Minoan and Greek griffin usually had a mane of spiral
curls. It was shown either recumbent or seated on its haunches, often
paired with the sphinx; its function may have been protective.
the Iron Age the griffin was again prominent in both Asia and Greece.
Greek metalworkers evolved a handsome stylized rendering, the beak
open to show a curling tongue and the head provided with horses' ears
and a large knob on top. Apparently the griffin was in some sense
sacred, appearing frequently in sanctuary and tomb furnishings. Its
precise nature or its place in cult and legend remains unknown.
Britannica from Encyclopędia Britannica Premium Service. | <urn:uuid:a3fbdc81-ab60-4f5d-ae03-18b5162237dd> | {
"date": "2015-03-02T12:39:44",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-11",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-11/segments/1424936462762.87/warc/CC-MAIN-20150226074102-00287-ip-10-28-5-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9410224556922913,
"score": 3.53125,
"token_count": 271,
"url": "http://www.stuffedlegends.com/griffin.htm"
} |
Ringing school bells mean earlier wake-up times, which certainly take some getting used to. But rubbing eyes and stifling yawns could be a sign of sleep deprivationa serious problem as kids head back to school.
We know that the effects of sleep deprivation are various, including poor performance on tests and activities to behavioral problems, says Michael Breus, PhD, a psychologist and sleep disorder specialist. Other potentially more serious problems include suppressed immune systems, impaired short-term memory and weight gain. Even more, the issue is becoming almost commonplace in schools: According to a recent study by Boston College, 80% of 13- and 14-year-olds in the U.S. are sleep deprived.
Younger kids should get 10 to 11 hours of sleep per night, while teens need 9 to 10 hours. But how do you make sure your child starts off the year with a solid sleep routine? Dr. Breus recommends waking your child up at the same time they will get up for school every day for a week before, while also slowly moving the bedtime earlier. They are going to be a disaster, he says. Theyre going to be cranky; theyre not going to want to get out of bed; theyre going to argue. But they have to understand that their bodies have to get ready for school.
If kids have a hard time falling asleep, Kim West, a licensed family therapist, suggests using ambient sound to help them snooze. In utero, we grew with constant white noise, she says. You need to create a sleep-inducing environment that is cool, dark and has white noise if, for example, you live in a loud area with barking dogs and garbage trucks at 3 A.M. A member of the cloud b advisory board, she recommends a multi-sensory product like the Tranquil Turtle ($47.95; CloudB.com) that plays soft melodies and glows like a nightlight.
Most important, both Dr. Breus and West agree, is regulating technology time. The bright light of a screen prevents the brain from shutting down for the night. With teenagers, impose an electronic curfew, Dr. Breus urges. One hour before lights out, computers are off, Blackberrys are off, iPhones are off. Then theyre either reading or studyingsomething thats a little more calming, rather than super interactive. Dim the lights and let your mind and body know its time for bed. | <urn:uuid:39f6e71f-ddff-4ed3-a0e2-de8c379b9ac6> | {
"date": "2014-03-10T00:49:42",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-10",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394010509865/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305090829-00006-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9556558132171631,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 503,
"url": "http://www.womansday.com/health-fitness/conditions-diseases/how-to-get-kids-to-sleep?src=shelter_footer"
} |
- What other names is Transfer Factor known by?
- What is Transfer Factor?
- How does Transfer Factor work?
- Are there safety concerns?
- Dosing considerations for Transfer Factor.
Transfer factors are used for infectious conditions in people with weak immune systems. These infectious conditions include bacteria or viruses in the blood stream (septicemia), sinus infections, bronchitis, influenza, swine flu, the common cold, shingles, chickenpox, hepatitis B, fungal infections such as coccidioidomycosis, yeast infections (candidiasis), parasitic infections such as leishmaniasis and cryptosporidiosis, and leprosy. Transfer factors are also used against infections caused by viruses such as cytomegalovirus (CMV) and Epstein-Barr virus; by bacteria such as Mycobacterium tuberculosis, Mycobacterium fortuitum, and Mycobacterium avium; and by yeast-like fungus such as Cryptococcus and Pneumocystis carinii.
Transfer factors are also used for diabetes, autism, infertility, systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE), fibromyalgia, chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS), Behcet's syndrome, Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome, balding, and Alzheimer's disease. They are also used for skin conditions including psoriasis, allergic dermatitis, and others. Other uses include an eye condition called retinitis pigmentosa, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS, Lou Gehrig's disease), multiple sclerosis, bone cancer, lung cancer, melanoma, food and chemical allergies, myasthenia gravis, and asthma.
Possibly Effective for...
- Shingles. Giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin seems to prevent shingles in children with leukemia. However, transfer factor doesn't seem to prevent a second bout of shingles or restore protection against shingles in people who have received a bone marrow transplant for leukemia. When given as a shot under the skin to people with shingles, transfer factor seems to help reduce the duration of pain compared to the drug acyclovir.
Possibly Ineffective for...
- Treating a disease called amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS, Lou Gehrig's disease). Transfer factor from humans doesn't seem to affect the course of ALS.
- Lung cancer. Some researchers have tried adding transfer factor shots to usual lung cancer treatment such as surgery and chemotherapy. However, the transfer factor doesn't seem to affect survival in most people with lung cancer. However, early research suggests that transfer factor might improve survival in people with advanced stage (Stage 3IIIA or 3IIIB) lung cancer.
- Melanoma (a type of skin cancer). Giving transfer factor as a shot along with usual treatment doesn't seem to slow the progress of the disease or extend life when used for up to 2 years following surgery for Stage I and Stage II melanoma.
- Multiple sclerosis (MS). Most studies show that transfer factor does not slow disease progression in people with MS. While some research shows that transfer factor might slow disease progression in people with mild to moderate symptoms, it appears to take 18 months to 2 years of treatment to see any effect.
Insufficient Evidence to Rate Effectiveness for...
- Acne. Early research suggests that transfer factor doesn't improve acne when given as a shot under the skin.
- AIDS-related infections. Developing research suggests that taking transfer factor by mouth might help people with cryptosporidiosis related to AIDS. Cryptosporidiosis is an infection caused by one-celled organisms (protozoa) and produces diarrhea, fever, and stomach cramps. Transfer factor from cows seems to improve symptoms.
- Asthma. Taking transfer factor by mouth or as a shot into the muscle doesn't seem to improve clinical status or lung function in most people with asthma. However, some research shows that taking transfer factor by mouth might reduce the need for steroid drugs in children with persistent asthma due to allergies.
- Red, itchy skin (eczema). Research studies disagree about the effectiveness of transfer factor for treating eczema. Some research shows that taking transfer factor relieves symptoms. Other studies show it has no benefit.
- Cervical cancer. Early research shows that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin after surgery and radiation treatment for cervical cancer reduces the risk of recurrence.
- Chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS). Transfer factor doesn't seem to improve symptoms in people with CFS when given as a shot into the muscle. However, early research suggests that it might improve symptoms when taken by mouth.
- Crohn's disease. Early research shows that giving transfer factor as a shot into the muscle doesn't improve Crohn's disease.
- Seizures (epilepsy). Early research shows that taking transfer factor along with the antiseizure drugs carbamazepine or primidon reduces the number of seizures that occur in people with epilepsy.
- Hepatitis B. Research studies disagree about the effectiveness of transfer factor for treating hepatitis B. Some studies show that transfer factor taken from patients with acute hepatitis B might be useful for treating ongoing active hepatitis B infection. However, other studies show no benefit.
- Herpes. Early research suggests that transfer factor might help prevent a second bout of eye infections caused by the herpes simplex virus (HSV) in people with a history of having these infections. Also, transfer factor seems to help prevent genital or oral herpes from recurring.
- HIV/AIDS. Early research shows that taking transfer factor specific for HIV by mouth doesn't slow the progression of HIV in people also being treated with the HIV drug zidovudine.
- Hodgkin's disease. Early research shows that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin doesn't reduce infections in people with Hodgkin's disease.
- Human papilloma virus (HPV). Early research shows that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin doesn't help treat warts in people with HPV.
- Skin wounds caused by a parasitic infection called leishmaniasis. There's some evidence that transfer factor taken from patients with antibodies to leishmania, the organism that causes leishmaniasis, can help hard-to-heal skin wounds associated with leishmaniasis.
- Leukemia. Early research suggests that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin doesn't improve recovery in people with leukemia.
- A type of cancer called mycosis fungoides. Early research suggests that giving transfer factor as a shot into the muscle doesn't improve mycosis fungoides.
- Nose and throat cancer. Research studies disagree about the effectiveness of transfer factor for improving survival in people with nose and throat cancer. Some research shows that giving transfer factor with specific activity against Epstein-Barr virus as a shot into the muscle improves survival. Other research shows no benefit.
- A type of bone cancer called osteosarcoma. Early research suggests that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin doesn't improve survival or reduce tumor recurrence in people with osteosarcoma.
- Prostate cancer. Early research suggests that giving transfer factor as a shot into the muscle might reduce the progression of certain types of prostate cancer.
- Rheumatoid arthritis. Early research suggests that giving transfer factor as a shot under the skin doesn't improve arthritis in children under the age of 16 years.
- A genetic disease called Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome. Some research suggests that transfer factor taken from humans might extend life in people with Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome.
- Alzheimer's disease.
- Other conditions.
Transfer factors that are taken from cows are POSSIBLY SAFE when used short-term, up to 3 months. They can cause fever in some people. Transfer factors given as a shot (by injection) can cause swelling and pain where the injection is given.
There is some concern about the possibility of catching "mad cow disease" (bovine spongiform encephalitis, BSE) or other diseases from products that come from animals. "Mad cow disease" has not been transmitted by transfer factor, but it is probably wise to avoid animal products from countries where mad cow disease has been found.
Special Precautions & Warnings:Children: The shot form of transfer factor from humans is POSSIBLY SAFE in children when given for up to 6 years. Transfer factor from cows is POSSIBLY SAFE in children when given by mouth for up to 6 months.
Pregnancy and breast-feeding: There is not enough reliable information about the safety of taking transfer factor if you are pregnant or breast-feeding. Stay on the safe side and avoid use.
- For preventing shingles (varicella zoster infection) in children with leukemia: a single dose of transfer factor (from humans) that is specific for the varicella virus is given. The health provider giving the shot calculates the proper dose based on the child's weight.
Natural Medicines Comprehensive Database rates effectiveness based on scientific evidence according to the following scale: Effective, Likely Effective, Possibly Effective, Possibly Ineffective, Likely Ineffective, and Insufficient Evidence to Rate (detailed description of each of the ratings).
Report Problems to the Food and Drug Administration
You are encouraged to report negative side effects of prescription drugs to the FDA. Visit the FDA MedWatch website or call 1-800-FDA-1088. | <urn:uuid:c68c1d88-6a5a-43eb-8ae6-6533e00ef010> | {
"date": "2019-04-24T12:41:23",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-18",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578641278.80/warc/CC-MAIN-20190424114453-20190424140453-00176.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9405471682548523,
"score": 3.421875,
"token_count": 1973,
"url": "https://www.rxlist.com/transfer_factor/supplements.htm"
} |
PICKAWAY – Photographer Thomas Bowen, iheartimagery.com captures a short ear owl hunting for its next meal. Sometimes called the Praire Owl they are normally only seen during the winter months in this part of Ohio.
- Advertisement -
Short Ear Owls prey on just about all small mammals and birds. They normally decapitate mammals before eating them, and pull the wings off birds before snacking. Yikes!
Short Ear owls nest on the ground digging a small bowl like nest to lay eggs in. Normally these sites are surrounded in grassy vegetation and on knolls. | <urn:uuid:82ff9543-3646-4f7f-be11-fbdf7286120e> | {
"date": "2019-01-24T07:29:09",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-04",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-04/segments/1547584519382.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20190124055924-20190124081924-00616.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9305920600891113,
"score": 2.890625,
"token_count": 122,
"url": "http://www.sciotopost.com/photographs-of-the-short-eared-owl-diving-for-dinner/"
} |
THL Toolbox > Developers' Zone > GIS Development > OpenLayers
Contributor(s): Tom Benner
- OpenLayers Documentation
- OpenLayers class documentation
- OpenLayers Table Summarizing Code and Its Functions A table for OpenLayers that lists which section of code controls what, and then below has more detail about each section and function
- OpenLayers Examples
- OpenLayers users list
The two best introductions to OpenLayers are the OpenLayers Documentation and the source code of the OpenLayers Examples. The former presents a formal overview of the library, but the latter is probably more helpful in showing common tasks that are available and how they are written.
Firebug is extremely useful in OpenLayers development, as it allows you to use a command like "console.dir(map)" to give a readout of the entire OpenLayers.Map object (which includes the properties of the map's layers, controls, etc). It also logs Ajax requests, including those made with WFS requests.
Live HTTP Headers can be used to view the details all HTTP requests, including WMS requests.
When requesting geospatial data to be displayed, you will most often display it either as a vector layer (with data retrieved via a WFS request) or as a grid-based layer (via WMS). For the specs on these two request methods see: WMS and WFS.
Vector layers render each feature as an element (using SVG, VML, or Canvas) in the web page DOM. This allows for mouse interaction with the feature (e.g. hovering over a feature to highlight it, clicking on a feature to get info on it). However, if there are a great number of geometries, or if the geometries include lots of polygons with many vertices, rendering and interacting with the features will cause a major performance hit. Performance in this regard differs between browsers, and of course also depends on the specs of the computer.
Grid-based layers provide an alternative to this performance issue. Instead of rendering features individually in the browser, they ask the map server to send a grid of images on which the features are rendered, and then arrange those images into a grid on the map. There is no way for the client to tell where the features are located in these images, so mouse interaction isn't possible. Some useful methods related to the resulting issues of interactivity are:
- Clicking on a point makes a request for a list of features at that location (via a WFS GetFeature or a WMS GetFeatureInfo request)
- Hovering over a point makes a request to show features at that location as a vector layer (this has the effect of highlighting those features and making them clickable).
A decision to use Google Maps API images for the base layer is a major commitment for a large project, as it requires that the map be in the EPSG:900193 projection (spherical mercator, using meters instead of degrees) instead of OpenLayers' native EPSG:4326 projection. As a result, all handling of projection-dependent elements, like bounds, points, etc, must be in this projection, and requests to map servers must specify this projection and use meters instead of degrees. You may need to use the .transform() method, which is available for most relevant objects, to switch them from one projection to another projection. For example:
map.calculateBounds().transform(new OpenLayers.Projection("EPSG:900913"), new OpenLayers.Projection("EPSG:4326"))
Other details about using this projection are given here.
Styling vector layers is most often done with the StyleMap class. For details, click here.
Styling grid-based layers is generally done by sending a SLD parameter, with its value being the URL of an SLD file, as part of the request to the map server. SLD is an XML schema for styling geospatial data. It includes methods like rules and filters that allow styling to depend on any properties of a feature, methods for displaying features labels, and a great deal more. The official schema can be found here, but vendors often provide additional methods which can be crucial. GeoServer, for example, has an introduction to using SLD with it, as well as a very useful cookbook of common types of map styling here.
CQL filters are the simplest way to constrain the results of WFS and WMS requests. To get all features where the "object_type" field equals "43", for example, you would add "&CQL_FILTER=object_type=43" to the request string. Boolean operators can be used, as can spatial filtering. Examples can be seen here. | <urn:uuid:639389e5-86b7-46a4-b77e-0e334bee4631> | {
"date": "2015-05-29T04:26:43",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-22/segments/1432207929869.17/warc/CC-MAIN-20150521113209-00144-ip-10-180-206-219.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9133272767066956,
"score": 2.859375,
"token_count": 1000,
"url": "http://www.thlib.org/tools/wiki/Openlayers.html"
} |
Asbestos refers to the group of minerals classified as having microscopic fibers that can separate and, when inhaled, invade the body’s organs with toxic effects.
The six different minerals are1:
Learn about the history of asbestos.
Asbestos occurs naturally, but is also mined and manufactured as a component of other industrial products, including insulation, brake linings and construction/building materials. Some of the people most at risk for asbestos exposure include:
According to the National Cancer Institute, 70 to 80 percent of all cases of mesothelioma reported asbestos-exposure work histories.
According to an OSHA fact sheet, there are three standards that protect workers from exposure to asbestos:
Because asbestos exposure can increase the risk for diseases like mesothelioma, asbestosis and lung cancer, many groups have called for greater regulation or total bans of asbestos. Learn more about the efforts to ban asbestos.
Via the National Cancer Institute:
See related asbestos topics: | <urn:uuid:816774af-924f-4cf2-93b7-7bc014d8884d> | {
"date": "2016-05-02T19:21:16",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-18",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-18/segments/1461860117405.91/warc/CC-MAIN-20160428161517-00176-ip-10-239-7-51.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.917970597743988,
"score": 3.828125,
"token_count": 202,
"url": "http://www.simmonsmesotheliomafoundation.org/asbestos/"
} |
Bipolar affective disorder is a lifelong illness, which can cause considerable disruption to one's life.
Periods of illness can require time off work. Both depressive symptoms and the lack of inhibition, which often occurs during manic episodes, can lead individuals to make decisions that are not in their best interest.
Added to this, uncertainty about the future and worries about if and when another episode of illness will occur has a profound impact on many patients.
There are strategies that can help to counter these problems. They come under the heading of 'lifestyle management' and can help minimise the impact of the illness on your life.
In this article we look at some of the main issues for people with bipolar disorder. You should discuss these topics with your mental health team.
Many people's entire identity is tied up with their job. 'What do you do?' is one of the first questions people ask when meeting someone new.
Having a long-term (chronic) relapsing illness can play havoc with your ability to hold down a job or pursue a career, no matter how much you may want it.
The structure and routine that work provides does seem to offer protection against illness. On the other hand, stress can have the opposite effect. It can be difficult to work and yet avoid stress.
If bipolar disorder causes you have to take time off work, knowing when is the right time to return can be a real problem.
- The longer you are off, the harder it can be to go back.
- Returning too soon can set you back: struggling with work that you used to manage with no difficulty will make anybody feel down. Negative thoughts about this can cause a resurgence of depression.
Bipolar affective disorder is a serious illness. A period of convalescence may be needed following an episode of ill health, just as it would be after any other serious illness.
The pointers that a person is ready to return to work are:
- improvements in concentration (able to think clearly and focus)
- increased energy
- interest in life approaching normal.
Dealing with employers
Mental illness is common, with as many as 300,000 workers in Britain believed to be suffering from work-related stress, anxiety or depression. Yet there is still a great deal of ignorance about bipolar affective disorder and mental illness in general.
Some organisations may be reluctant to to employ somebody with mental health problems. Some people find it hard to understand that mental illness is a real illness just the same as heart disease or diabetes. This can be a major issue in the relationship between you and your employer.
As a general rule, employers tend to be more understanding of stress rather than a condition such as depression or bipolar. This is partly because employers can be held liable for putting employees under unnecessary levels of stress.
Before tackling your employer, you should get advice from your mental health team, any professional body of which you are a member, or your trade union.
- Bipolar disorder is made worse by stress. As well as finding your own ways of keeping your stress under control, ask your employer to review your workload to ensure it doesn't contribute.
- Employers always want to minimise staff absenteeism. Yet a short period off work can sometimes help prevent a longer episode of illness developing and leading to a prolonged absence. Try to communicate this fact to your employer if necessary.
- The aim of medication is to keep you well. If concerns are raised about likelihood of relapse, involve your GP.
While many of us don't like leaning on others, involving family members and friends can lessen the need for hospitalisation in bipolar disorder and help manage crisis situations.
Educating them about your illness can also improve your relationships because sometimes family members and friends can feel helpless.
Your close friends and family are often the first people to realise that you are experiencing a relapse. Their involvement with your treatment programme often helps secure early intervention to maintain wellbeing.
Friends and family members can offer practical assistance (such as taking on domestic chores) and encourage you to seek professional help if you appear to be becoming unwell. They can also contact the mental health team on your behalf, say if you are very low or start to become manic but are unaware or unaccepting of this.
At the same time, family and friends should make sure they don't neglect their own needs. A government directive insists that all mental health services provide support to the family of people with severe mental illnesses. If necessary, talk to your doctor about arranging extra support.
While support from friends and family can be extremely helpful for a person with bipolar affective disorder, it is always important to allow people their own space and responsibility whenever possible.
Carers: people who look after you when you are ill, eg your partner or parents.
The intense emotions that can sometimes occur in an over-close relationship between patient and carer can be detrimental to your health and increase the chance of a relapse. If you have concerns in this regard, discuss them with the mental health care team.
Alcohol and drug-related problems
Drugs and alcohol can destabilise bipolar affective disorder by:
- bringing on new episodes of highs or lows
- making treatment of existing episodes harder.
Studies have suggested that up to 60 per cent of people with bipolar affective disorder misuse drugs or alcohol. The high rate of alcohol and drug misuse occurs because:
- people with bipolar disorder use drugs and alcohol to self-treat symptoms, such as anxiety or lack of sleep
- less inhibition is a symptom of manic episodes, and this can result in you using substances that you normally wouldn't.
Alcohol, cannabis and ecstasy
The effects of alcohol on bipolar disorder vary between individuals.
Some people with bipolar affective disorder can drink alcohol within normally safe limits with no apparent problems. For others, even one glass of wine can lead to problems.
After a few drinks there is often an initial exaggerated reduction in inhibition, which then leads to rebound lows.
This pattern can also be seen with ecstasy and cannabis. They can initially lead to a sense of calm and relaxation, which is no doubt a relief if you are feeling ill. However, these effects are usually followed by periods of low mood.
When your mood has a tendency to fluctuate anyway, these lows can be disastrous.
Bipolar affective disorder can be associated with psychotic symptoms. Simply put, these include false beliefs (for example that you are God) and hallucinations (eg hearing voices).
LSD can also cause psychotic symptoms, particularly it seems in people already at risk of such symptoms.
Psychotic symptoms can be difficult to treat and can lead to people being admitted to hospital against their will. Such events can be extremely traumatic.
Amphetamine can be associated with elevated mood. But like alcohol, amphetamine use is followed by a rebound low that can worsen existing low mood.
Drug misuse and bipolar disorder
Drug misuse can lead to a more chaotic lifestyle and an increased chance of not taking medication as directed. This is particularly problematic with lithium, where suddenly stopping treatment leads to a 50 per cent chance of experiencing a manic episode within three months.
Rapid cycling bipolar affective disorder: four or more episodes in a year.
Most clinicians have bipolar patients who have apparently developed a rapid cycling form of the disorder following drug misuse.
Not only are many of these patients addicted to the various drugs, but rapid cycling bipolar affective disorder responds less well to treatment.
If you have bipolar affective disorder, try to avoid all recreational drugs.
Keep your alcohol intake within safe limits:
- 21 units per week for men
- 14 units per week for women
- one unit = half pint of normal strength beer, single whisky, 125ml wine.
If you find that even drinking within these limits can lead to your mood going either up or down, you may need to set lower limits or consider complete abstinence.
This may seem rather harsh, but the consequences of an out of control bipolar affective disorder (disrupted family life, loss of job, hospitalisation, suicide) are even worse.
Individual and group psychotherapy can be useful for drug and alcohol problems. Organisations, such as Alcoholics Anonymous, can also be of great help.
There are mental health services that specialise in helping people with both mental illness and drug misuse. They may be able to offer advice about how to keep alcohol and drug use under control if this continues to be a problem.
Based on a text by Dr Hamish McAllister-Williams, honorary consultant psychiatrist, Dr Aju Abraham, specialist registrar in psychiatry, Dr Paul Mackin, academic specialist registrar in psychiatry
Last updated 06.06.2016 | <urn:uuid:ae7b52f7-9d42-4971-a655-55f4767acd34> | {
"date": "2017-06-28T10:43:15",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-26",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128323604.1/warc/CC-MAIN-20170628101910-20170628121910-00177.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9564545750617981,
"score": 2.78125,
"token_count": 1788,
"url": "http://www.netdoctor.co.uk/conditions/depression/a674/lifestyle-management-and-bipolar-affective-disorder/"
} |
Snowy Tree Cricket
View more pictures: Bing Images Google Images Yahoo Images
Common names: Snowy Tree Cricket
Scientific name: Oecanthus fultoni
Region: This cricket is found throughout North America.
Life cycle: This insect produces one generation each year and overwinters in the egg stage. The eggs are laid in early autumn and hatch into nymphs in the spring.
Physical Description: This 1/2 inch long cricket is pale green to white, is very slender, has long antennae, and makes a chirping noise at night. The eggs are laid in a series of tiny holes made in the bark of the host plant.
Feeding characteristics: This pest will attack apple, blackberry, cherry, grape, peach, and plum plants, although, damage is usually minimal. In fact, the only serious consequence to their feeding is the possible introduction of disease through the injured area. They will also feed on small insects.
Controls: Crops overgrown with ground cover are most susceptible to an infestation. Control methods are not usually necessary if the ground cover is kept to a minimum or eliminated.
Return from Snowy Tree Cricket to Insects Q-T Encyclopedia of Garden Insects | <urn:uuid:1ed7acc1-a112-4668-8162-05bbc9e0a518> | {
"date": "2016-10-01T20:44:17",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-40",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738663247.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173743-00282-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9193410873413086,
"score": 3.046875,
"token_count": 253,
"url": "http://www.organicgardeninfo.com/snowy-tree-cricket.html"
} |
The Florida Cats Indoors materials have been developed in partnership with the American Bird Conservancy
For the purposes of this Web site, the term "free-ranging cats" applies to owned cats that spend all or a portion of their time outdoors where they may prey on wildlife. "Feral cats" are those cats that are not owned and exist in the wild. Feral cats can be born in the wild or may have only recently entered into the wild, but we make no attempt here to distinguish between these two groups. Feral animals can exist in the wild completely unaided by humans or they may be members of so-called "cat colonies" that receive varying levels of care and food from human caretakers.
The domestic cat (Felis catus) is a beloved house pet, with over 77 million pet cats nationwide. Of these, about 43 million spend some time outside. Additionally, there may be 60 to 100 million homeless stray and feral cats. Domestic cats are becoming a common feature not only of our backyards and city streets but also of our parks and other wild lands.
Domestic cats are descended from the wild cat of Africa and southwestern Asia and were domesticated by the Egyptians about 4,000 years ago. Animal behavior experts note that cats will hunt and kill even if well fed. Domestic cats are very effective predators on rabbits, squirrels, mice, lizards, snakes, and many species of wild birds.
Domestic cats can have impacts on native wildlife:
Domestic cats are not a part of natural ecosystem. A single individual free-ranging cat may kill 100 or more birds and mammals per year. Scientists in Wisconsin estimate that cats kill at least 7.8 million birds per year in that state alone. Even cats with bells on their collars kill birds and small mammals.
Cats compete with native predators and spread disease.
Domestic cats can be a nuisance and cause damage in many of the same ways that wild animals do, such as killing poultry and other small domestic stock.
Homeless cats may compete with pets for food.
Free-ranging cats can kill birds at bird feeders.
Cats can be a nuisance in gardens when they defecate and cover their feces by digging.
Modify your actions to begin solving the cat problem.
Do not feed cats other than your own. Do what you can to eliminate cat's artificial food sources. Bring in pet food at night and secure trash cans by fastening the lid tightly or enclosing in a bin with a locking lid.
Keep bird feeders away from bushes and underbrush where cats can hide. If a free-ranging cat remains a problem at your feeder, you may need to stop feeding birds for while to allow the cat to move to other hunting areas.
Try to work problems out with your neighbors by first determining if the cat is owned and asking the owners to control their cat. The nuisance cat may be homeless or it could be your neighbor's.
When all else fails you can trap the cat in a humane way and transport it to an animal shelter. Make trapping a pet cat a last resort and check your local ordinances first! In some communities, it is illegal to trap a neighbor's cat even on your property. Use a live trap baited with sardines or tuna spread on newspaper or a paper plate. Place the bait in the back of the trap so that the cat must enter the trap to get the bait. Check the trap regularly, preferably every hour. To keep from capturing animals such as raccoons and opossums, only trap during the day. Be very careful not to be
bitten or scratched; stray or feral cats can carry rabies and other diseases. You can receive additional technical assistance on dealing with nuisance domestic cats through your local Humane Society or animal shelter.
If you are a cat owner, be responsible:
Obey your local pet control ordinances, and do not allow your cat to become someone else's nuisance.
Recognize the impact that your pet may have on native wildlife and consider making your cat an indoor cat. Indoor cats live longer, stay healthier, and do not kill native animals. Outdoor cats can be trained to be indoor cats and new pet cats should stay indoors right from the start.
NEVER intentionally release cats into the wild. Abandoning cats is inhumane, harms our native wildlife, and is against state law.
The FWC and Feral Cats
At its May 30, 2003 meeting at Kissimmee, the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission passed a policy regarding feral and free-ranging cats.
It is apparent from recent articles and letters in the media, as well as from feedback directly to the Commission from the public, that some people have a serious misunderstanding
about that policy.
What the Commission approved May 30 was just that - a policy - "to protect native wildlife from predation, disease and other impacts presented by feral and free-ranging cats."
This policy does not call for the FWC to kill cats, nor does it outlaw the practice of Trap-Neuter-Release. It is the foundation for FWC staff to interact with affected parties and develop science-based, humane solutions when cats impact rare wildlife - particularly on lands the Commission owns or manages. It calls for us to work cooperatively with other land-management agencies to prevent the release or feeding of cats on public lands supporting wildlife habitat. Among our strategies is the development of a public-awareness campaign focusing on responsible cat ownership and the impact on native wildlife posed by feral and free-ranging cats.
For more detailed information about what the policy does and does not mean, please click on the following link.
Review of Feral and Free-ranging Cats Policy
Issue Assessment: Impacts of Feral and Free-ranging Domestic Cats on Wildlife in Florida. (.pdf 318KB) | <urn:uuid:74a8c391-f0ef-414a-b6d9-7b5acd5d81f0> | {
"date": "2016-05-24T13:50:20",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-22/segments/1464049270798.25/warc/CC-MAIN-20160524002110-00076-ip-10-185-217-139.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.934833288192749,
"score": 3.609375,
"token_count": 1197,
"url": "http://myfwc.com/wildlifehabitats/nonnatives/mammals/feral-cats/"
} |
Esther Bergman memoir
Consists of a memoir written by Esther Bergman to pay homage to Madame Odette Hofbauer, a French Huguenot responsible for hiding Bergman for nearly two years during the Holocaust. The memoir describes Bergman's flight to the south of France with her family, her separation from her family while in a transit camp, her time in hiding on a farm belonging to the family of Odette Hofbauer, and her reunion with Hofbauer in 1987 after a 43-year separation.
Record last modified: 2018-01-22 10:06:46
This page: https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/irn502887 | <urn:uuid:e6537c50-2045-4f17-8560-8342b1f8aeaa> | {
"date": "2018-04-24T23:55:13",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-17/segments/1524125947421.74/warc/CC-MAIN-20180424221730-20180425001730-00576.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8941401243209839,
"score": 2.59375,
"token_count": 146,
"url": "https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/irn502887"
} |
These energetic rhythmic routines are active learning at its very best. Eighteen familiar classroom songs are presented with notated rhythm patterns and kinesthetic stick routines. Tap them on your knees, click them together, cross with a neighbor, and more. The simple rhythms can be learned by rote or read off the reproducible student pages. Information about the history and culture of each piece is included.
Andrew Briggs - Alfred Music Publishing
Select a Product
Powered by Rating-System.com | <urn:uuid:23588c72-1f93-4466-a752-b7da63d96e61> | {
"date": "2017-03-29T08:04:03",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-13",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-13/segments/1490218190234.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20170322212950-00186-ip-10-233-31-227.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9222016334533691,
"score": 2.65625,
"token_count": 99,
"url": "https://www.jwpepper.com/About-Time!/10457834.item"
} |
Although bones of Pteranodon were first discovered in the 1860s, it was not until after the turn of the century that we had a reasonably complete picture of the animal. Its bones are hollow and thin-walled; therefore, they were usually crushed flat. Also skeletons were generally incomplete. Like our model, it was necessary to incorporate bones from several specimens in order to reconstruct Pteranodon.
Pteranodon ingens Marsh is not the largest pterosaur. Thatís Quetzalcoatlus, with a 35- to 40-foot wingspan! It is not even the biggest known Pteranodon. That one has a wingspan of about 25 feet, and ours is closer to 22. But it is about the biggest based on reasonably complete material. It has been mounted banking into a left turn: the left wing is slightly contracted (you can see this well from above and below), the right wing is higher than the left, the head is looking a little to the left, and the body is pitched slightly forward in descent.
Why are the bones so large and yet so thin? It turns out that these bones donít need to withstand compressive forces (as the legs do), but they do have to withstand the tensile and torsional forces of flight. The ability to do that depends almost entirely on the diameter of the bone, not on the thickness. So the bones may appear to be thick, but they weighed next to nothing. The whole animal probably didnít tip the scales at more than 20 to 25 lbs. Thus Pteranodon is something of an optical illusion. Appearances are not always what they seem.
Pteranodon ingens is located on the first floor of the Valley Life Sciences Building in the circular stairwell. He is soaring above the T. rex on the ground floor. Stop by for a closer look. To learn more about pterosaurs, see the virtual pterosaur exhibit.
Directions and times for the Valley Life Sciences Building (VLSB). | <urn:uuid:68296633-dae8-4a09-ab1a-3bf24e6e9365> | {
"date": "2017-10-19T10:40:23",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-43",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-43/segments/1508187823282.42/warc/CC-MAIN-20171019103222-20171019123222-00256.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9675320982933044,
"score": 4,
"token_count": 421,
"url": "http://www.ucmp.berkeley.edu/museum/public/ingensmount.html"
} |
Dentists are in the first line of discovery and defense of many systemic diseases. We are often the first ones to discover diabetes, sleep apnea and oral cancer. The three serious conditions listed above are all too frequently under-diagnosed. New tools and techniques are now available for dental professionals to be able to do far more as comprehensive caregivers for their patients. An interdisciplinary approach, enabling conferencing and sharing of information between patients' full medical teams will provide the most reliable diagnosis and optimal treatment. Oral Cancer Screening -Oral cancer is the most prevalent form of cancer. -It can form in any part of the mouth or throat. -Most oral cancers begin in the tongue and in the floor of the mouth. -Anyone can get oral cancer, but the risk is higher if you are male, over age 40, use tobacco or alcohol or have a history of head or neck cancer. -The methods in use for oral cancer screening have been cumbersome and costly. -Dentists now have an easy to use and economical system for oral cancer screening and are calling this a "game changer". - "Oral ID" has an impressive record of evidence-based testing, is sought after because of its non invasive ease of usage, and its very affordable cost.
Sleep Apnea Screening -Patients are realizing how a blockage of oxygen to the brain, caused by nocturnal apnoeic events, can influence systemic damage. -Sleep Apnea is connected to strokes, cardiac arrest, diabetes and dementia. -The public asks their dentists for help- most dentists are unprepared. -Less than 1% of practicing dentists are trained and qualified to screen and treat the over 40 million victims of Sleep Apnea. -One of the next three patients that walk thru your doors is a Sleep Apnea victim. -Are you prepared to help them? Diabetes Mellitus The oral manifestations of diabetes include: -Periodontal Disease, Xerostomia, tenderness, pain and burning sensation of tongue, secondary enlargement of parotid glands with sialosis. -Increased caries prevalence in adults. -Increased risk of infection- reasons unknown, but macrophage metabolism altered with inhibition of phagocytosis. -Peripheral neuropathy and poor peripheral circulation, -Oral mucosal diseases including Candidal infections, lichen planus and recurrent aphthous stomatitis. -Delayed healing of wounds due to microangiopathy and ultilization of protein for energy may retard the repair of tissues. -Increased prevalence of dry sockets. -Immunological deficiency: -A high sugar medium decreases production of antibodies. Blood pressure and other "vitals" Imagine administering a mandibular block, having your patient go into cardiac arrest, and realizing that no one in your office has taken that patient's blood pressure today. Enough said about that! Are you providing a Comprehensive Exam? | <urn:uuid:77862bbc-f340-4511-8524-ec1bcb3788a6> | {
"date": "2019-01-17T12:57:49",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-04",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-04/segments/1547583658981.19/warc/CC-MAIN-20190117123059-20190117145059-00536.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9278230667114258,
"score": 3.234375,
"token_count": 597,
"url": "http://join.sleepgroupsolutions.com/what-are-you-missing-in-your-new-patient-exam-that-can-hurt-you/"
} |
Salem, a mere clearing in the woods when settlers began the job of establishing a seat for the newly-formed Washington County, was to grow through the years as a center of industry, commerce, agriculture, education and a caring community that continues to provide a safe haven to thousands of residents who are proud to call it home.
William Lindley, a land surveyor who had already built a cabin just south of Blue River, hosted a group or men who were sent to pick a site for the town. His expertise helped them decide on the location of present day Salem. While meeting with them and during discussion for a town name, Mrs. Lindley suggested Salem, as that had been the name of the Lindley’s hometown in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Her suggestion was accepted.
In a short time word had spread about the new town. Pioneers crossed the Ohio River and made their way along buffalo and deer trails to the accumulation of cabins and sheds that were popping up around an early form of the present day town square.
Salem officially came to be in 1814. It was here that local government ruled a county that included parts of Orange, Scott, Jackson and a corner of Lawrence counties. Later the county was reduced in land area to its present size.
For much of its existence, the center piece for Salem’s town square has been the county courthouse. The first, built on pillars, gaining it the nickname “Stilted Castle of Justice,” opened in 1816, but by 1824 was deemed unsubstantial and was ordered replaced. The present day courthouse -- the third at that location -- opened in 1888, a spectacular structure that today stands as one of the crown jewels among Indiana’s 92 courthouses.
Salem grew rapidly, thriving on agriculture, and the products of its mills and tanneries.
By the mid-1840s, frustrated by efforts to ship goods and to travel on narrow, muddy trails, businessmen proposed establishing a railroad between Salem and the Ohio River. In 1847, meeting with New Albany businessmen at New Providence, now Borden, they organized the New Albany & Salem Rail Road. January 14, 1851, the first train arrived in Salem, marking the completion of the line and providing a major link for Salem to the outside world.
Ambitious organizers decided to continue railroad construction all the way to Lake Michigan, accomplishing this goal by 1854. Later the railroad would become the Monon Railroad, serving much of the state of Indiana.
In the mid- to late-1800s, Salem gained a reputation as a center for education, drawing young scholars from throughout southern Indiana to its high schools and colleges.
Among its most important contributions to the state, nation and, in some cases, the world, were individuals who became leaders in education, business, industry, medicine, government, the military and life in general.
The town attracted much attention as home to such notables as John Milton Hay, who became personal secretary to President Abraham Lincoln and twice U.S. secretary of state under Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt; several governors, a U.S. Senator and people of vision such as Lee W. Sinclair, who built the world-acclaimed West Baden Springs Hotel in 1901.
Throughout its history, the town has thrived on the abundance of timber available in the area. Several major manufacturers, including Smith Cabinet Company, for years the county’s largest employer, and O.P. Link Handle Company, that long held the distinction of being the world’s largest producer of wooden handles for tools, relied on timber from the area.
Following World War II there was more emphasis on other types of products, plastics and textiles, paving the way for additional industrial growth.
While agriculture continues to be a major factor in the area’s economy, the diverse selection of industry now calling Washington County home continues to provide residents with steady employment.
As a city, Salem has grown and thrived, today boasting excellent schools, major employers, a strong business climate, museums, housing developments, parks, playgrounds and other facilities that provide for the leisure activities of all ages. Excellent highways offer easy access to metropolitan areas.
For additional information on the history and residents of Salem and Washington County, Indiana please visit the Stevens Memorial Museum located on the grounds of the John Hay Center in Salem, Indiana. | <urn:uuid:5bcfb349-d1e5-41d5-91d2-4bbc3c7ccdb2> | {
"date": "2017-06-24T15:24:36",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-26",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128320264.42/warc/CC-MAIN-20170624152159-20170624172159-00337.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9716252684593201,
"score": 2.625,
"token_count": 904,
"url": "http://www.cityofsalemin.com/salem-indiana-tourism-information/visit-historic-salem-indiana"
} |
Brain implantation and manipulation is a mainstay of science fiction. Often, characters can gain extra memory or get smarter, by having chips placed within the brain. (Or you can wind up mind-controlled by a psychopath. It's a mixed bag.)
But in real life, one scientist made huge strides towards creating workable brain implants. In the 1950s and 1960s. Here's his story.
Jose Delgado performed experiments using permanent brain implants in bulls, primates, and humans beginning in the 1950s, with extremely successful results. Neuroscience often ignores this chapter of its history, but it's worth taking a look at Delgado's successes, and his long term goals for manipulation of humans and society.
The top image is from Delgado's Physical Control of the Mind: Toward a Psychocivilized Society, with colors altered by the author.
Controlling the Movements of Primates
The bulk of Delgado's stimoceiver research took place at Yale University in the 1950s and 1960s. Delgado manually positioned electrode assembles within the brain, assemblies that stimulate a desired area of the brain when a particular FM frequency is present.
After implantation, the monkeys lived well for several years after surgery, with no behavioral deficits. The implants appear quite grotesque, projecting inches above the scalp of the primates, but they provided a "plug and play" method of interacting with the animals without inflicting harm through multiple surgeries. Delgado's stimulation research allowed for manipulation of complex, chained limb movements in primates.
A Scientist plays Matador
Delgado became a matador to demonstrate the abilities of stimoceiver manipulation, as he stepped into a closed ring with an implanted bull armed only with a radio frequency controller in 1963. When the bull charged, Delgado stimulated the bull's motor cortex with the remote control, causing the bull to come to a full stop only feet away.
In a 1965 New York Times interview about the matador experiment, Delgado foreshadowed the future of human experimentation:
The individual may think that the most important reality is his own existence, but this is only his personal point of view. This lacks historical perspective. Man does not have the right to develop his own mind. This kind of liberal orientation has great appeal. We must electronically control the brain. Someday armies and generals will be controlled by electric stimulation of the brain.
At least 25 humans (mostly women) received stimoceiver implants of a similar manner from Delgado – each patient received the implant willingly, and as a last resort in a course of psychiatric treatment. Delgado viewed the implants as a humane alternative to lobotomy.
Humans responded in a fashion similar to Delgado's early animal research - limbs could be moved independently of the will of the patient, but not to the extent seen in primates. In one dramatic experiment, temporal lobe stimulation caused a calm epileptic woman playing a guitar to slam her instrument against a wall. Delgado noted in his human research that a specific behavior could not be directed, with only an increase or decrease in aggression possible.
Toward a Psychocivilized Society?
Delgado illustrated some of his hopes for mind control in 1969's Physical Control of the Mind: Toward a Psychocivilized Society. The
book makes for a phenomenal read, with Delgado going into the intimate details of his research with images, along with a treatise on ethical implications of the technology.
In his writings, Delgado truly appears to want the best for humanity. He exhibits a very Spock-like "needs of the many outweigh the needs of the few" belief system. He sums up his beliefs in this quote from the Ethical Considerations chapter of Physical Control of the Mind:
There is one aspect of human research which is usually overlooked: the existence of a moral and social duty to advance scientific knowledge and to improve the welfare of man. When important medical information can be obtained with negligible risk and without infringing on individual rights, the investigator has the duty to use his intelligence and skills for this purpose. Failure to do so represents the neglect of professional duties in some way similar to the negligence of a medical doctor who does not apply his full effort to the care of a patient.
An Opportune return to Spain
Controversy shrouded Delgado in the early 1970s, due to lawsuits from individuals who believed they received stimoceiver implants against their will. Delgado left the United States in 1975, taking an opportunity to return to his birthplace of Spain and start a medical school at the Autonomous University of Madrid.
In Spain, Delgado continued his stimoceiver research, experimenting on himself and members of his family. Delgado retired in the 1990s, but actively spoke about the field until his death in late 2011, making an ominous statement about the power of science in light of human ethics:
Can you avoid knowledge? You cannot! Can you avoid technology? You cannot! Things are going to go ahead in spite of ethics, in spite of your personal beliefs, in spite of everything.
Images from Physical Control of the Mind: Toward a Psychocivilized Society and a 1965 edition of The New York Times. Sources linked within the article. | <urn:uuid:b1785d4a-66f2-46e1-854e-35ffeea66ec8> | {
"date": "2017-05-27T00:49:24",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-22/segments/1495463608726.4/warc/CC-MAIN-20170527001952-20170527021952-00308.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9531530141830444,
"score": 3.171875,
"token_count": 1060,
"url": "http://io9.gizmodo.com/5871598/the-scientist-who-controlled-peoples-minds-with-fm-radio-frequencies?tag=mind-control"
} |
Change is no longer in the air. Or in space, for that matter. Three years ago, a team of astronomers surprised the scientific community with evidence that a fundamental constant of nature--one related to the speed of light--was changing slowly over time. If true, a changing fine-structure constant would force physicists to rethink some of their fundamental assumptions about the immutability of the laws of nature. Now, astronomers in France and India have presented new data that seriously undermine the case for an inconstant constant.
The case for a changing constant comes from observations of bright, ancient celestial objects known as quasars. Gas clouds between the quasars and Earth absorb certain wavelengths of light, leaving dark bands in the object's spectrum. These bands are like a fingerprint that tell astronomers precisely what elements are in the cloud. However, in 2001, Australian and U.S. astronomers saw a curious pattern in the light--the bands seemed to be somewhat out of place relative to one another. This effect might be caused by a slow change in a fundamental number known as the fine-structure constant; this constant, denoted by the Greek letter alpha, is related to the strength of the electromagnetic force, which, in turn, determines the spacing in the bands. The astronomers concluded that the fine-structure constant might have been a tiny fraction of a percent smaller in the early universe (ScienceNow, 15 August 2001).
Now a new set of observations with the Very Large Telescope in Chile casts doubt on the 2001 conclusions. Like the earlier group, the team looked at the absorption lines of quasars, but the new observations concentrated on getting high-quality data about relatively few quasars rather than lower-quality data about lots of quasars, like the 2001 team. The better data enabled the team to make a precise measurement of whether the fine-structure constant was different in the distant past, says team leader Patrick Petitjean, an astronomer at the Institute for Astrophysics in Paris. The answer appears to be no. "In my opinion, there's no variation of alpha," he says. The new study is published in Physical Review Letters and Astronomy & Astrophysics.
"I find it convincing enough to rate it as a very important result," says Jason Prochaska, one of the authors of the 2001 paper and an astronomer at Lick Observatory in California. Yet, he's not ready to throw out his earlier work. Prochaska suspects that the discrepancy between the two results is due to a systematic error in one or the other group's work; hopefully, a third telescope will be able to settle the difference. | <urn:uuid:b58dda28-01c4-452e-a0b1-7e0b35131405> | {
"date": "2015-07-03T15:55:24",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-27",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-27/segments/1435375096156.35/warc/CC-MAIN-20150627031816-00036-ip-10-179-60-89.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9455193877220154,
"score": 3.421875,
"token_count": 539,
"url": "http://news.sciencemag.org/2004/04/fine-structure-constant-true-name"
} |
MONDAY: Sage Test (ENGL)
TUESDAY: Sage Test (ENGL)
WEDNESDAY: Who created the New Deal? What is it? Did it work? Why or why not?
THURSDAY: Look at the following list. Who do you think this is referring to? Why?
1. Helped his country out of a depression
2. He was willing to try new things
3. He gave his people hope
4. His people LOVED him!
MONDAY: Who is Hitler? How does he relate to WWII?
TUESDAY: When did WWII start? Why did it start? Who caused it?
WEDNESDAY: What are 3 reasons Utah was in an "ideal place to help during WWII"? (green packet p.3)
THURSDAY: Spring Break!
FRIDAY: Spring Break! | <urn:uuid:7a5fa4bd-176d-4571-8258-a9cbdb448201> | {
"date": "2018-11-14T12:01:33",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-47",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039741979.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20181114104603-20181114130603-00096.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9761606454849243,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 190,
"url": "http://chandlersutah.weebly.com/starters/green-starter-april-7-18"
} |
University of Missouri
Home | People | Locations | Program index | Calendar | News | Publications
Continuing education Seminars Courses
mu extension > news > display story
MU news media
Pat MillerAgronomy SpecialistUniversity of Missouri ExtensionPhone: 417-448-2560Email: [email protected]
Published: Tuesday, April 9, 2013
NEVADA, Mo. —Trees, like people, have a life span. They live, they flourish, they die. University of Missouri Extension agronomy specialist Pat Miller offers her Top 10 practices for prolonging the life of your tree.
1. Don’t plant too deep
Planting too deeply can cause roots to encircle the tree and eventually girdle and choke it, Miller says. “This invisible killer often doesn’t cause a problem for many years.”
Dig the hole only as deep as the soil ball. For more information, see the MU Extension guide “How to Plant a Tree” (G6850), available for free download at www.extension.missouri.edu/G6850.
2. Pick a site suited to the tree
Plant trees where roots can grow unhindered. Trees with sidewalks, houses and streets covering their roots will struggle to survive, Miller says. Roots need water and air.
Some trees do best in partial shade while others may prefer full sunlight, she notes. The MU Extension publication series “Selecting Landscape Plants” offers tips on choosing the right trees for your yard. Go to www.extension.missouri.edu/TreesShrubs.
3. Don’t burn brush or leaves too close to your tree
“A fire near the trunk can damage the tree’s vascular system,” Miller says. “Because heat rises, a fire built out from the trunk but still under the canopy of the tree will damage the upper branches.”
4. Use proper pruning techniques
“Topping” a tree—drastically cutting back its main branches—can greatly shorten the life of a tree and create flushes of weak growth at the branch ends.
Proper pruning and training of a young tree will prevent narrow crotches, which leave trees vulnerable to storm damage. “Good pruning techniques also will promote healing of wounds and deter disease,” Miller says.
For more information, see the MU Extension guide “Pruning and Care of Shade Trees” (G6866) at www.extension.missouri.edu/G6866.
5. Don’t let trees get too thirsty
While healthy, well-established trees can usually endure a dry spell with no ill effects, an extended drought like the one that parched the Midwest last summer can deplete a tree’s supply of subsoil moisture.
“While it is often believed that large trees have huge, deep root systems, most of the roots that take up water and nutrients are in the top 18 inches,” she says.
Drip irrigation can help you conserve water while reducing stress on trees. Learn more from “Irrigating Trees and Shrubs During Summer Drought” (G6879) at www.extension.missouri.edu/G6879.
6. Remove strings, wire or plastic from the tree before planting
Over time, these can girdle the tree, causing it to die, Miller says.
7. Avoid compacting root zone soil
“Compaction in the tree root zone from construction equipment reduces the ability of the soil to hold air and water,” she says. “Often people build a house on a wooded lot only to find that years later the construction process has caused the trees to slowly die.”
Before construction starts, check out the MU Extension guide “Preventing Construction Damage to Trees” (G6885) at www.extension.missouri.edu/G6885.
8. Don’t crowd the tree
Raised beds around a tree can suffocate the roots and damage the trunk, Miller says. Do not change the soil level around a tree if possible.
9. Easy on the mulch
Mulch should be applied in a 2- to 3-inch layer in the drip line area around the tree. Mulch should not touch the bark. “Think mulch doughnuts, not volcanoes,” Miller says.
10. No weed eaters
“Ban weed eaters from your possession,” she says. “ O.K., maybe you can own one, but never let it be used near a young tree. The vascular system of a young tree is just under the thin bark layer. If the vascular system layer is damaged, it can girdle the tree and kill it. Mower decks can do similar damage.”
For more information on lawn and garden topics, go to www.extension.missouri.edu/LawnGardenNews or contact your local MU Extension center.
About | Jobs | Extension councils |
For faculty and staff | For researchers | Giving | Ask an expert | Contact
to 2014 Curators of the University
of Missouri, all rights reserved, DMCA
and other copyright information
University of Missouri Extension is an equal opportunity/ADA institution.
University of Missouri Extension
to 2014 Curators of the University of Missouri, all rights reserved | <urn:uuid:ab138f6d-8f6c-443a-9a9d-bd0a3c0dba3f> | {
"date": "2014-10-22T13:50:58",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-42",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-42/segments/1413507447020.15/warc/CC-MAIN-20141017005727-00217-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8847783803939819,
"score": 3.078125,
"token_count": 1149,
"url": "http://extension.missouri.edu/news/DisplayStory.aspx?N=1795"
} |
The enchanting grounds of Oakland and Magnolia Plantations present challenges to visitors, such as uneven or muddy trails, fire ants, and an exciting variety of reptiles. It is always a good idea to watch your step.
Did You Know?
Brick was an uncommonly expensive and durable substrate for a slave structure. Most slave houses were built of planks or logs and were extremely drafty. Magnolia’s brick cabins with wooden floors provided a level of comfort seldom found in slave dwellings. | <urn:uuid:f81bca54-12df-4dda-9c87-296d2b76c77b> | {
"date": "2014-07-10T22:53:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-23",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-23/segments/1404776423075.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20140707234023-00016-ip-10-180-212-248.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9637929201126099,
"score": 2.890625,
"token_count": 103,
"url": "http://www.nps.gov/cari/planyourvisit/yoursafety.htm"
} |
Definitions for alliterationəˌlɪt əˈreɪ ʃən
This page provides all possible meanings and translations of the word alliteration
alliteration, initial rhyme, beginning rhyme, head rhyme(noun)
use of the same consonant at the beginning of each stressed syllable in a line of verse
"around the rock the ragged rascal ran"
The repetition of consonants at the beginning of two or more words immediately succeeding each other, or at short intervals.
The recurrence of the same letter in accented parts of words, as in Anglo-Saxon alliterative meter.
Origin: From ad and litera.
the repetition of the same letter at the beginning of two or more words immediately succeeding each other, or at short intervals; as in the following lines: -
Origin: [L. ad + litera letter. See Letter.]
In language, 'alliteration' is the repetition of a particular sound in the prominent lifts of a series of words or phrases. Alliteration has developed largely through poetry, in which it more narrowly refers to the repetition of a consonant in any syllables that, according to the poem's meter, are stressed, as in James Thomson's verse "Come…dragging the lazy languid Line along". Another example is Peter Piper Picked a Peck of Pickled Peppers. In alliterative verse, the alliteration that is relevant to the metre is the lift of the half-line; the ironic example often given to illustrate this is that the word alliteration itself alliterates on the consonant l, not a - thus, bold beauty is an alliterative formula, between beauties is not, etc. Consonance is another 'phonetic agreement' akin to alliteration. Assonance is also often in said category, though is more akin to true-rhyme than alliteration. Alliteration may also include the use of different consonants with similar properties such as alliterating z with s, as does Tolkien in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, or as Anglo-Saxon poets would alliterate hard/fricative g with soft g; this is known as license. The concept is that the sounds are formed orally with exceptional similarity.
Chambers 20th Century Dictionary
al-lit-ėr-ā′shun, n. the recurrence of the same letter at the beginning of two or more words following close to each other, as in Churchill's 'apt alliteration's artful aid:' the recurrence of the same initial sound in the first accented syllables of words: initial rhyme—the characteristic structure of versification of Old English and Teutonic languages generally. Every alliterative couplet had two accented syllables, containing the same initial consonants, one in each of the two sections.—v.i. Allit′erate, to begin with the same letter: to constitute alliteration.—adj. Allit′erative. [Fr.—L. ad, to, and litera, a letter.]
The numerical value of alliteration in Chaldean Numerology is: 1
The numerical value of alliteration in Pythagorean Numerology is: 1
Images & Illustrations of alliteration
Translations for alliteration
From our Multilingual Translation Dictionary
- al·literacióCatalan, Valencian
- alkusointu, alliteraatioFinnish
- stuðlun, stafrímIcelandic
Get even more translations for alliteration »
Find a translation for the alliteration definition in other languages:
Select another language:
Discuss these alliteration definitions with the community:
Word of the Day
Would you like us to send you a FREE new word definition delivered to your inbox daily?
Use the citation below to add this definition to your bibliography:
"alliteration." Definitions.net. STANDS4 LLC, 2016. Web. 24 Jul 2016. <http://www.definitions.net/definition/alliteration>. | <urn:uuid:e3459037-230a-4dff-8e0d-18ac3da87b14> | {
"date": "2016-07-24T08:58:24",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-30/segments/1469257823989.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20160723071023-00132-ip-10-185-27-174.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8161810040473938,
"score": 3.25,
"token_count": 879,
"url": "http://www.definitions.net/definition/alliteration"
} |
|ROSAT Home Page||ROSAT
The time variability of X-ray emission can be studied with the HRI since each detected photon has its time of arrival recorded by the detector. The accuracy of this time is limited by the electronic resolution of the HRI processor which is 61 sec relative to the ROSAT spacecraft clock. The relative arrival times of photons during a single observation is accurate to this value. The absolute accuracy of the ROSAT spacecraft clock, and its conversion to UT, is expected to be a few milliseconds.
The HRI has a processing dead time during which events may not be counted which varies between 0.36 and 1.35 msec per event. The variation is discussed in section 188.8.131.52 and depends on the fine position of the event. Thus there is a dead time correction that needs to be made for calculating the true event rate from a source. A mean dead time of = 0.81 msec can be used for this purpose, and the true rate is then given by: , where n is the observed rate.
Due to the telescope wobble and the small variations in the QE of the HRI on spatial scales of a few arc minutes (see Fig. 5.13), the count rate of a source can vary by 5% between the extremities of a wobble. This can produce a low amplitude source variability on a time scale of approximately 100-400 seconds in some sources.
As for the PSPC, the HRI observations are typically interrupted once per orbit, and sometimes as much a three times per orbit. Typical continuous viewing times for a source will be about 2000 seconds, with some cases lasting up to 4000 seconds. Long term monitoring of sources on time scales of weeks of more will be limited by the solar view constraints of the satellite. This limits source accessibility to about one month every six months for a source in the elliptic plane, with greater access time for sources closer to the ecliptic poles. | <urn:uuid:32e7c4e9-4f66-4a50-825f-0e4d7779c26b> | {
"date": "2013-05-21T17:45:18",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2013-20",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700264179/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516103104-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9439008831977844,
"score": 2.5625,
"token_count": 403,
"url": "http://heasarc.gsfc.nasa.gov/docs/rosat/ruh/handbook/node153.html"
} |
Triclosan is a chlorophenol, a class of chemicals
suspected of causing cancer in humans. Externally, it can cause skin
irritation, but since "….phenols can temporarily deactivate
the sensory nerve endings….contact with [triclosan] often
causes little or no pain. Internally, it can lead to cold sweats,
circulatory collapse, convulsions, coma, and even death."
Triclosan is stored in body fat. "It can
accumulate to toxic levels, damaging the liver, kidneys, and lungs, and
can cause paralysis, sterility, suppression of immune function, brain
hemorrhage, decreased fertility and sexual function, heart problems,
and coma." It has not been completely tested and analyzed for all
health and environmental risks.
Triclocarban is another antibacterial agent
similar to triclosan. Like triclosan, it is also a pesticide. It is
widely used in antibacterial soaps and other personal care
products. Not much research has been done on the toxicity of
triclocarban. However, it has been found to adversely affect lab
animals’ ability to reproduce and some of its breakdown
products cause cancer.
Triclocarban does not completely break down in wastewater treatment,
after you wash it down the drain. It has been found in groundwater,
streams and drinking water. There are many unanswered questions about
whether it’s presence in fertilizer and the soil cause it to
get into the food supply and whether it will cause harm.
These two chemicals alone are enough reason to
avoid antibacterial soaps. However, products containing antibacterial
agents generally also contain other harmful ingredients. Some of the
other ingredients found in these products that you should avoid include:
Antibacterial agents are not only in liquid soaps. It’s more
common for liquid soap to contain the antibacterial chemicals, about
75% of them do. However, about 30% of the bar soaps also contain
chemicals like tricolsan or triclocarban. In addition, these chemicals
can also be found in other products, like deodorants, cosmetics,
lotions, creams, toothpastes, mouthwashes, detergents, dish soaps and
- DMDM hydantoin
- Potassium Lauryl sulfate
- Lauramide diethanolamine (DEA)
- Ammonium lauryl sulfate
- Sodium laureth sulfate
- Tetrasodium EDTA
- D&C Colors
- FD&C Colors
It is especially important to avoid using
antibacterial soaps on children. These soaps do not protect
them and help them to stay healthy. In fact, children need to come in
contact with “germs” to help them to develop their
immune system. Overuse of antibacterial agents has been linked to
allergies and asthma.
It's also important to remember that
antibacterial agents do not kill viruses, the microorganisms
responsible for colds and flu.
The best soap to use for hand washing and general
body care is a pure and natural soap, liquid or bar, free of the harsh
and harmful chemicals. Gentle and healthy natural soaps can generally
be found in health food stores (be sure to check the ingredients on the
label) or online from companies that specialize in natural soaps.
Healthy soaps are also recommended in the book, Dying To Look Good and
online at DyingToLookGood.com. | <urn:uuid:be418601-b043-4a97-9cdb-2c129310c929> | {
"date": "2014-03-08T01:46:42",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-10",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1393999652570/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305060732-00006-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9147380590438843,
"score": 3.25,
"token_count": 766,
"url": "http://dyingtolookgood.com/antibacterialsoap.html"
} |
These flutes are part of the broader western rim-blown flute world which include examples from the Anasazi, Mojave, and southern California cultures.
Like the Anasazi flutes, many of these flutes are made of a elder wood, specifically elderberry. This is a common tree that grows wild in southern California. It blooms with yellow flowers in the spring. The inner core, or pith, of the wood, is soft and can be poked out with a hard stick for flute making. Three of the flutes in the Riverside museum were made of elderberry. The two other flutes were made of river cane. The majority of the flutes we saw that day were thought to have been made during the turn of the 20th century. All had four finger holes.
We took some photos and measurements of the flutes but were not able play them as they had been treated with a preservative that was toxic. I think it was formaldehyde. They also had to be handled with white gloves for this reason.
Measuring about 21" in length with a 3/4" bore, the elderberry flutes' finger holes were evenly spaced in the middle of the flute. No information was known about the tuning or the traditional use of these instruments, although Ernest recalled that elders played this flute when he was a youngster growing up on the Morongo reservation in the San Gorgonio pass. The flutes in the Riverside museum were found in the Diegno/Ipai
The cane flutes were about 17" in length with the top finger hole being about 8 1/2" from the blown end, also known as the proximal end. From there three more finger holes descended toward the distal end.
The flutes all had some decorative markings. Hatch marks radiating from finger holes like sun rays and bands of triangles and wavy lines that were possibly burned on to the flutes.
Several weeks later the Yazzies made a few reproductions of the elderberry flutes. (Fig 1-A below) The pitch classification of the notes does not correspond to any western tuning and seemed to be random. Due to this lack of any tonal focus I never really put much effort to playing these flutes. That was a couple years ago.
About a month ago I dropped by the Yazzies and while there Jonette brought out some flutes that were based on the cane Cahuilla flutes with the finger holes grouped toward the distal end of the flute. When I played these there was a stronger tonal center than the elder berry ones. These were fun to play. (Fig-1 B-E)
One of the better "tuned" ones was based on the note G (above middle C). The tones produced by a straight uncovering of the holes from the bottom up produce the notes G-B-C#-D-E with an overblown octave G. A cross fingering pattern will produce the notes G-B-C-D-E-(G 8va) (Fig 1-D)
Two of the flutes were based on E-G#-A-B-C with an overblown octave E. These flutes tends to wander a bit more between half steps depending on the players embouchure. (Fig 1-B/C)
The Yazzies also made a six hole version, but not based on any of the artifacts we saw. The pitches found in this flute are F-Ab-A-B-C-Db-Eb with an over blown note of E, a major seventh above the root. (Or a half step below the octave.) By not playing some of the notes I was able to come up with some scales, but nothing like the Anasazi, Mojave or NAF scales. (Fig 1-E)
These flutes have a very soft, intimate sound. What I would call sweet. They are not at all loud. Here is an example of flute D from Figure 1.
The Yazzies are making these flutes with their "grand father" tuning. I thought it would be fun to take some of them with me to the Zion Flute School (more on that in a later post) and before I even got them handed out they were spoken for. Luckily, I had one already.
You won't find these flutes on their website, but if you contact them they can fill you in on the details.
© 2009 Cedar Mesa Music. All rights reserved. | <urn:uuid:2d3673dc-f030-42d9-86ec-3f67b240f707> | {
"date": "2017-06-26T10:36:24",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-26",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128320707.69/warc/CC-MAIN-20170626101322-20170626121322-00337.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9874482154846191,
"score": 3.046875,
"token_count": 941,
"url": "http://cedarmesa.blogspot.com/2009_05_01_archive.html"
} |
Infographic Series: The Diversity Gap
Our Diversity Gap studies highlight distinct societal problems that pervade entertainment, media, and even the US government. Underrepresentation, inequality, and lack of social justice all stem from not having a seat at the proverbial table. While some would argue that we live in a post-racial society, and that discussions about race are not needed, we question why the numbers look like they do.
People have to admit that there is a problem before they can attempt to fix it, and each Diversity Gap study strengthens our argument that a diversity gap still exists. We hope our infographics that illuminate the diversity gap in many areas of society will encourage people to have honest dialogues about the issues. The next step will be to decide what actions to take to bring meaningful change.
Taking apart problems and providing practical solutions is what we consistently do at LEE & LOW. If you are interested in becoming part of the solution and making diversity an integral part of children’s reading, please subscribe to our blog. We are dedicated to coming up with ways to close the gaps once and for all.
For press inquiries or permission to reprint any of the infographic images, please contact Hannah Ehrlich at hehrlich[at]leeandlow[dot]com. When resharing, please credit LEE & LOW BOOKS and include a link back to the original post.
The Diversity Gap: CHILDREN'S LITERATURE
Despite census data that shows 37% of the US population consists of people of color, children’s book publishing has not kept pace. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: THE TONY AWARDS AND THEATER
Does the diversity gap exist in theater? We speak to playwright/actor/diversity activist Christine Toy Johnson. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: THE EMMY AWARDS AND TELEVISION
Does the diversity gap exist in television? We interviewed Luisa Leschin, actress/television scriptwriter of The George Lopez Show and Everybody Hates Chris. We also interview Kelvin Yu, actor and scriptwriter of Bob’s Burger. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: POLITICS
Our government is designed to serve the people but is it represented by the people? Apparently, race and politics do not mix. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: NY TIMES BESTSELLERS
Naturally we were curious about the level of representation of authors of color in last year’s New York Times Top 10 Bestsellers list. We interviewed Charles Yu, author of How to Live Safely in a Science Fictional Universe, which was one of the best books of the year by Time magazine. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: THE ACADEMY AWARDS
How does the level of diversity on the big screen compare to our previous studies? Interviews with actors and writers: Gina Prince-Bythewood (writer/director: Love and Basketball and Secret Life of Bees), Iyin Landre (indie filmmaker: Me + You), Jason Chan (actor/co-founder: Bananamana Films), and Kelvin Yu (actor and writer: Bob’s Burger). Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: SCI-FI AND FANTASY BLOCKBUSTER MOVIES
We look at the 100 top-grossing sci-fi and fantasy blockbuster movies of all time and discover some surprising, and some not-so-surprising, facts about representation in them. Interviews with representatives from Racebending.com and The Representation Project, two organizations dedicated to pushing for more diversity in Hollywood. Infographic included.
The Diversity Gap: SILICON VALLEY AND THE TECH INDUSTRY
Silicon Valley has been the darling of the US economy for decades. Though lauded as a true meritocracy by the business world, the truth is that Silicon Valley that suffers from a similar lack of representation among women and people of color as other industries.
Literary Agents Discuss the Diversity Gap in Publishing
Being that the number of diverse books has not increased in the last eighteen years, in order to understand why this problem persists we decided to ask the gatekeepers. Interviews with: Adriana Domínguez, Karen Grencik and Abigail Samoun, Lori Nowicki, and Mira Reisberg.
The Diversity Baseline Survey was designed to measure the lack of diversity within the publishing industry. Contact us if you are a publisher or reviewer.
Teacher's Resource Guide for Diversity Gap Infographic Series by LEE & LOW BOOKS
- Using Infographics in the Classroom to Teach Visual Literacy
By Jill Eisenberg
Infographics’ format and economy of words make infographics engaging and accessible to children, reluctant readers, visual learners, and English Language Learners.
- The Movies, The Academy Awards and Implicit Bias
By The Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
In this high school lesson, students will reflect on their own experiences and opinions about movies, analyze demographic information about the movie industry and explore the role of implicit bias. | <urn:uuid:16515d88-d222-4915-a338-281760635a49> | {
"date": "2019-12-06T09:03:37",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2019-51",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-51/segments/1575540486979.4/warc/CC-MAIN-20191206073120-20191206101120-00136.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9119848012924194,
"score": 2.703125,
"token_count": 1052,
"url": "https://www.leeandlow.com/educators/diversity-gap-studies?fbclid=IwAR2hViuYs6S9i1ED03WkJndc0_BczbAg3vNuIh2bKnrKmTFMt3gK-hWKnIM"
} |
Teens who carry cell phones often send text messages more than they talk. It’s also a way for them to discuss things in private without anyone listening in, and texting is a central part of their social network. Learning how to send text messages will open up a new line of communication between you and your child, and it is a good way to talk about important subjects in a non-confrontational way.
Texting LingoDon’t be intimidated by the codes and abbreviations that texting is famous for. Most of them come from dropping vowels or replacing words with numbers for the sake of speed.
- BCUZ Because
- BTW By the way
- CUL8R See you later
- H&K Hugs and kisses
- F2T Free to talk
- JK Just kidding
- TTYL Talk to ya later
- GUDLUK Good luck
It’s hard to keep up with all the changing terms, but as long as you are being clear, your teen should get the message.
Sample TextsYou can text about something specific, or just send a random message to let your child know you are thinking about her. Here are some examples that may start a conversation or just brighten your child’s day:
- Do you want to get together for pizza and talk?
- You stressed about school? We can talk about it.
- Lemme know how things go 2day.
- Hope ur having a gr8 day!
- Just thinking about you.
- I’m here if you ever need to talk.
Check with your mobile provider and phone to learn how to send text messages and what kinds of fees may apply. | <urn:uuid:3f3251f1-ee93-4bbd-89db-f1fef29417bc> | {
"date": "2014-11-24T17:51:50",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2014-49",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-49/segments/1416400380948.74/warc/CC-MAIN-20141119123300-00064-ip-10-235-23-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9383926391601562,
"score": 2.546875,
"token_count": 359,
"url": "http://www.healthvermont.gov/adap/underage_drinking/textyourteen.aspx"
} |
Intel wants a chip implant in your brain
Computer chip maker Intel wants to implant a brain-sensing chip directly into the brains of its customers to allow them to operate computers and other devices without moving a muscle.
Intel believes its customers would be willing to have a chip implanted in their brains so they could operate computers without the need for a keyboard or mouse using thoughts alone. The implant could also be used to operate devices such as cell phones, TVs and DVDs.
The chip is being developed at Intel's laboratory in Pittsburgh, USA. It would sense brain activity using technology based on FMRI (Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging). The brain sensing chips are not yet available, but Intel research scientist Dean Pomerleau thinks they are close.
Theoretically, different people thinking of the same word or image would have the same activity in their brains, but since no one really knows exactly how the brain works, this is not certain. Pomerleau and his team have used FMRI to scan the brains of volunteers to see if brain patterns match when they are thinking of similar things, and so far the results look promising.
Pomerleau said that with human beings and machines converging in many ways, people will want to give up the need for an interface such as a keyboard, mouse or remote control and operate the devices using their brain waves. Pomerleau believes that some time within the next decade or so people will be "more committed" to the idea of the brain implants.
Pomerleau said a headset incorporating brain sensing technology to operate a computer is close, and the next step is to develop the tiny brain implant, which would be much less cumbersome for the user.
Associate Professor Charles Higgins of the University of Arizona predicts people will be using hybrid computers using a combination of living tissue and technology within 10 to 15 years. Researchers at his University have successfully built a robot guided by the eyes and brain of a moth. Researchers with Toyota are also working in the area, have developed a wheelchair controlled by brain waves.
While it seems unlikely many people would volunteer for the Intel chip implant at present, it could have applications for people who are unable to move, such as quadriplegics. | <urn:uuid:f43d57d3-e988-4123-b6ad-585256631563> | {
"date": "2016-07-29T00:09:53",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-30/segments/1469257829320.91/warc/CC-MAIN-20160723071029-00193-ip-10-185-27-174.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9638085961341858,
"score": 3.0625,
"token_count": 454,
"url": "https://redice.tv/news/intel-wants-a-chip-implant-in-your-brain"
} |
1859 – Katharine Lee Bates was born 12th of August in Falmouth, Massachusetts.
1880 – Graduated from Wellesley College.
1893 – The first draft of "America the Beautiful" was hastily jotted in a notebook.
– Bates spent teaching English at Colorado College in Colorado Springs, Colorado.
1895 – Her poem first appeared in print in The Congregationalist, a weekly journal, for Independence Day.
1904 – Revised version of her poem was printed in the Boston Evening Transcript.
1847-1903 – The hymn has been sung to other music, but the familiar tune that Ray Charles delivered is by Samuel A. Ward.
1889 – Bates is credited with creating Mrs. Claus in the poem Goody Santa Claus on a Sleigh Ride from the collection; Sunshine and other Verses for Children.
1929 – Katharine Lee Bates died in Wellesley, Massachusetts on 26th of March.
1970 – She was inducted into the Songwriters’ Hall of Fame.
Katharine Lee Bates is remembered as the author of the words to the anthem "America the Beautiful". | <urn:uuid:90e80b57-ecdf-46d6-a476-0ce21f9f0761> | {
"date": "2017-09-23T02:06:07",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-39",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-39/segments/1505818689413.52/warc/CC-MAIN-20170923014525-20170923034525-00496.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9623882174491882,
"score": 2.78125,
"token_count": 235,
"url": "http://www.s9.com/Biography/Bates-Katharine-Lee"
} |
Question of the Week: Rabbi, I just wanted to thank you again for your support to our family after the loss of my grandmother. You helped ease the pain of what was a very sad period. One question I had is about the traditional words of consolation said to mourners: "May G-d comfort you together with the mourners of Zion and Jerusalem." What exactly is the consolation in those words? How does comparing the loss of a loved one to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans two thousand years ago make me feel any better?
There are several parallels between the fall of Jerusalem and the passing of a soul. By contemplating these similarities, the mourners can find a profound message of hope in the midst of sorrow.
Although the destruction of Jerusalem primarily affected those who actually lived there, nevertheless it was a national tragedy. All Jews, including those who lived far from Jerusalem, were deeply pained at the loss of their sanctuary. The mourning stretched far beyond the city limits of Jerusalem. And this gave strength and courage to the Jerusalemites, knowing that the entire Jewish people was together with them, feeling their pain.
So too, although it is the family that is mourning for their loss, the entire community shares in their sorrow at the passing of one of our own. This is comfort in knowing that your sorrow is being shared by your people. You're not alone.
It's been almost two thousand years since the destruction, and we still mourn for the loss of Jerusalem. But the Jewish people has never lost hope that the Temple in Jerusalem will one day be rebuilt. We cry for the loss, but we remain hopeful that very soon what we have lost will be returned to us.
In a similar way, we mourn the loss of our loved ones, but we have faith that we will one day be reunited with them. Our prophets have promised that the dead will come back to life when the Messiah comes, and we will all meet again. This is comfort in knowing that the separation, as painful as it is, is only temporary. It isn't forever.
But it goes even deeper. While the Romans were able to destroy the buildings of Jerusalem, they could never destroy its spirit and inner holiness. No enemy can destroy the soul of Jerusalem, and even today it remains the Holy City.
So too, death can only take away the body, the physical persona. But the soul lives on. Even after their passing, our loved ones are with us in spirit. They give us strength when we face challenges, and they smile with us when we celebrate. While we can no longer see them, we can sense their presence. This is comfort in knowing that we are never really apart. They're still with us.
None of this denies the pain and sorrow of death. But it may take the edge off that pain to know that, like Jerusalem, the soul has eternal powers that even death can't conquer.
May we soon see the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem, together with all those holy souls on high, reunited at last.
Come along this Shabbos to see the new configuration of our shul. You may be surprised...
NEFESH SERVICES - 54 Roscoe St Bondi Beach
5:20pm Mincha followed by shiur
6:30pm - 7:15pm Shabbos Service followed by Kiddush
9am Class on Weekly Parsha
10am -12:15pm Morning Service with kids' program followed by Kiddush sponsored by David Cappe who is together with his brother commemorating yarzeit for their late father Peter Cappe, Pinchas ben Shimon- long life.
Mincha 5:05pm followed by Seudah Shlishis and Maariv | <urn:uuid:307ff51e-6692-4cf8-99ed-c7867323bc1c> | {
"date": "2018-07-22T23:57:21",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-30/segments/1531676594675.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20180722233159-20180723013159-00456.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9698454141616821,
"score": 2.5625,
"token_count": 768,
"url": "http://rabbimoss.blogspot.com/2011/08/when-death-will-be-no-more.html"
} |
Enrique García Hernán, The Battle of Kinsale. Study and documents from the Spanish Archives, with the collaboration of Ciaran Brady and Declan M. Downey, Madrid, Albatros Ediciones-Ministerio de Defensa, 2013.
The Battle of Kinsale (1602) and the Destiny of Ireland.
All battles have been fought for power, but only a few have been waged to secure control of a society. The fighting at Kinsale in the first weeks of 1602 can be said to be one of those that resulted not only in changes in the military, diplomatic and political configuration of the time, but also in the very structure of society that emerged in its aftermath. Other great battles in the early modern period – Pavia (1525), Mohacs (1526), Lepanto (1571) and Rocroi (1643) – led to changes in the military, diplomatic and political authority of the states involved in them (for this reason, historians tend to set them within the paradigm of ‘the rise and fall’ of the ‘great powers’). These confrontations were therefore supremely important events, which had far-reaching repercussions in their respective spheres of impact (Italy, Hungary, the Mediterranean and, in the case of Rocroi, the balance of power in western and central Europe).
Kinsale is rather different. The defeat of the Spanish expeditionary force and the Irish Gaelic nobles who came to support it would lead to a series of profound political, cultural and even ethnic changes in Ireland. As a direct result of Kinsale, the English government would press ahead with an ambitious programme for the transformation of Ireland whose basis was the eradication of the Gaelic culture of the people, the emasculation of the traditional ruling elites and the implantation of a new class of landowners. It is no simplification to say that the English victory in January 1602 would transform Ireland, and in doing so would unleash forces which remain discussed – and profoundly controversial – to this day: the legacy of English rule; the resonance of Gaelic culture; the historical links between Spain and the Catholic Irish; the Irish diaspora across the Atlantic world in the course of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Even without taking into account its consequences, the Battle of Kinsale was a remarkable event for a number of reasons. It was the only engagement fought by Spanish troops on the soil of the British Isles in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Philip III of Spain (1598-1621) intended that his soldiers and officials would not only fight against the forces of Elizabeth I of England (1558-1603), but also that they would act to improve the social and religious circumstances of the civilian population in the region where they settled. The King’s plan was that his commanders would provide money to the Irish nobles in order to fund an army which they would recruit and lead. The expedition was therefore an extraordinary social and military experiment: it was designed as not only a mission of humanitarian assistance, but also as an attempt to recruit, pay, provision and equip foreign subjects to fight against a ruler whose legitimacy had been called into question and rejected by her own subjects.
The Spanish-Irish force was defeated by the English army at Kinsale, and the legacy of this reverse has sometimes been said to have shaped all subsequent Irish history. Yet the campaign offers insights not only into political events, diplomatic developments and military systems, but also tells us a great deal about contemporary attitudes to legitimacy, honour and duty. This volume brings together documents gathered as a result of a decade of intensive archival research. The letters, memoranda and inventories reproduced in it serve to improve and deepen our understanding of this pivotal event. They are accompanied by a scholarly study which sets out the new interpretations that are transforming our understanding of the events at Kinsale and the culture that produced them.
Enrique García Hernán is a Professor at the Spanish National Council for Academic Research (CSIC), in Madrid. He has pioneered the study of the links between the Spanish Monarchy and Ireland, and his work has examined the political, cultural, social and economic networks which emerged as a result of Madrid’s involvement in Irish affairs. This has inspired a wave of research by young Spanish and Irish historians such as Óscar Recio Morales, Igor Pérez Tostado, Eduardo de Mesa Gallego and Ben Hazard. He is a leading member of the Council for Spanish-Irish Historical Studies. (See www.irishinspain.es)
Professor García Hernán has published twelve historical monographs. In addition to his contribution to the history of Spain’s involvement in early modern Ireland, he has written on the military and intellectual history of the Spanish Monarchy and its possessions in the New Worlds; the monarquía and its presence in cinquecento Italy; the conflicts with the Ottoman Empire in the Mediterranean in the sixteenth century; the development of early modern Catholicism through figures such as St Francis of Borgia. In 2013 he has also published a biography of Ignacio de Loyola. | <urn:uuid:7b6bee4e-0e2c-4fa6-8889-72b79c1750cb> | {
"date": "2018-04-20T19:56:30",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-17/segments/1524125944682.35/warc/CC-MAIN-20180420194306-20180420214306-00216.warc.gz",
"int_score": 4,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9677346348762512,
"score": 3.5,
"token_count": 1068,
"url": "http://www.northeuropeinspain.es/?tag=libro"
} |
1- In Der alte und der neue Glaube
2- xxi, 25.
3- First of all it seems to have referred to the red
capital letters placed at the head of chapters or
other divisions of works.
The English statesman William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) led the Liberal party and served as prime minister. His strong religious sense was an integral part of his political and social policies.Willi...
William Ewart Gladstone's enduring fame arises from his long and distinguished career in politics. He was prime minister four times (1868-1874; 1880-1885; 1886; and 1892-1894), and he, more than any o...
"A book collector ought as I conceive," Gladstone wrote to Bernard Quaritch on 9 September 1896, "to possess the following six qualifications: appetite, leisure, wealth, knowledge, discrimination, and... | <urn:uuid:4a46af2d-b73b-4c07-9c1f-6737c665f7d7> | {
"date": "2017-08-17T22:06:55",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-34",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886104160.96/warc/CC-MAIN-20170817210535-20170817230535-00536.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9479784369468689,
"score": 2.921875,
"token_count": 193,
"url": "http://www.bookrags.com/On_Books_and_the_Housing_of_Them/"
} |
SURFSAT-1 is a small satellite built by undergraduate college students and the Jet Propulsion Laboratory to support experiments by NASA's Deep Space Network. The satellite is designed to mimic signals from planetary spacecraft, and radiates milliwatt level RF signals in X-, Ku-, and Ka-band. These signals support research and development experiments supporting future implementation of Ka-band communications, tests of new 11m ground stations built to support the Space Very Long Baseline Interferometry project (SVLBI), and training of ground station personnel. From conception through launch, the spacecraft cost ~$3 million, including design, fabrication, test, and launch integration. The mission's goal is to provide one year of continuous operation, although the lack of any consumables aboard the spacecraft may permit several additional years of operation. Spacecraft: The spacecraft consists of two aluminum boxes that remain permanently bolted to the launch vehicle's 2nd stage rocket. The SUSFSAT-1/Delta 2 system is gravity gradient stabilised. Power is provided by body-mounted solar panels providing ~15W orbit average power. The boxes are electrically connected by a interconnecting wire harness.3 omni antennas (2 on the "primary" box, 1 on the "secondary" box) are used for uplink and downlink.3 independent command detector units are used to control operational state. The vehicle uses passive thermal control. There is no propulsion system, batteries or attitude control / determination. Payload: One transponder a carried in each box. The "primary" transponder operates at X-band (8 Ghz) and Ka-band (32 Ghz). The "secondary" transponder operates at Ku-band (15 Ghz). Both transponders radiate milliwatt level signals through the omni antennas.
Design Life: 1 year. Total Length: 0.8 m. Maximum Diameter: 0.3 m. Total Mass: 55 kg.
Test satellite for NASA's Deep Space Network. | <urn:uuid:d53b4634-0967-4bba-a2f3-75235aa4c4a5> | {
"date": "2018-04-22T01:13:12",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-17",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-17/segments/1524125945484.57/warc/CC-MAIN-20180422002521-20180422022521-00616.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9006894826889038,
"score": 3.015625,
"token_count": 412,
"url": "http://www.friends-partners.org/mwade/craft/surfsat1.htm"
} |
The Council of Europe – established on 5 May 1949 under the Treaty of London and now has 47 member states – is the main organization for the defense of human rights on the continent. Other its main purposes are to promote democracy, the European cultural identity and the search for solutions to social problems in Europe.
In 1987 the Council of Europe decided to create a European Cultural Routes system having the key feature to merge several Countries on the basis of thematic routes based on historical and artistic elements expressed by the Culture of the Peoples of Europe.
The Program of Cultural Routes was originated from the awareness, experienced within a working group of the Council of Europe itself, about the existence of places of cultural attraction and about the role that they could (and can) play in enhancement of the tangible and intangible heritage of European civilization and, at the same time, to promote mutual understanding and circulation of ideas between the Peoples of Europe.
From there took shape the idea of fostering, through the journey, the rediscovery of the European cultural community, and finally – following in more recent times the evolution of customs and the needs of development of the European economies – the next intuition to combine in so close to the knowledge and enjoyment of cultural tourism assets socio-economic development of the territories crossed by the routes.
The Council of Europe has therefore tasked to select, approve and coordinate the various proposals made by parties of the Acceding States to a European Institute of Cultural Routes special place under the auspices of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
- Restore the centrality of Culture as a driving element for a higher awareness on the values of Nature and History and essential growth factor for the strengthening of cooperation for the development of science and socio-economic development of the Community;
- Build a European reality based on a shared cultural background, union site of a coordinated development logic;
- Foster the exchange of knowledge between the Territories and the implementation of specific activities of training and information, especially for the younger generation, as far as the shared cultural and historical inheritance and training also addresses a common and higher awareness on the values of today’s European citizenship.
- Creating a permanent director for cooperation between institutions, specialized centers of study and research, business and living forces of the Route Territories in the development of their local community;
- Encouraging permanently and promote cooperation initiatives between European Itinerary Territories and stimulate new tourism opportunities and thereby stimulate the qualitative growth of many economic sectors, employment, the meeting between young people, the enhancement and promotion of forms and artistic expression
The Council of Europe has promoted the establishment of the European Cultural Itineraries with the aim of favouring the reciprocal knowledge and cooperation of the peoples of Europe through the sharing of common cultural aspects.
The Council of Europe defines the European Cultural Itineraries as “a pathway that passes through one or more countries or regions and is organised around themes of European historical, artistic or social interest, as regards both the geographical layout of the Itinerary and its content and significance.”
- To promote – through cultural and sustainable tourism – the sharing of common values and a feeling of belonging among European citizens
- To enhance the territories through which the Itinerary passes with a homogeneous shared leitmotif (cultural, historical, artistic, productive)
- To pursue the values of responsible, sustainable, environmentally compatible and ethical tourism (WTO principles)
The task of attending to discipline, to the procedures for accepting candidacies of new European Cultural Itineraries, their approval and control and the continuity of promotional activities, has been entrusted to the Institut Européen des Itinéraires Culturels based in Luxembourg (http://www.culture-routes.lu/php/fo_index.php?)
The European Cultural Itineraries, according to the founding regulations, must possess precise characteristics:
- they must be centred on a theme representing European values, common to several countries;
- they must be developed along a historic route or, in the case of cultural tourism, create a new one;
- they must develop projects for long-term multilateral compatibility in some priority sectors (scientific research, preservation and enhancement of the heritage; cultural and educational exchanges among young people in Europe; contemporary practice of culture and the arts; cultural tourism and its sustainable development);
Besides corresponding to the general criteria described above, the construction of a European Cultural Itinerary requires the definition, by a Scientific Committee created by the proposers, of precise scientific criteria for selecting admissible locations on the route. | <urn:uuid:114fec10-ba3a-433e-a051-e0e5bd327ea8> | {
"date": "2017-11-23T01:41:03",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-47",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-47/segments/1510934806715.73/warc/CC-MAIN-20171123012207-20171123032207-00656.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9273255467414856,
"score": 2.6875,
"token_count": 924,
"url": "http://www.thechocolateway.eu/council-of-europe/"
} |
Approach focused on something new -- improving child well-being
By Jackie Brinkman | University Communications
AURORA, Colo. – Foster kids who receive mentoring and training in skills such as anger management, healthy communication, and problem solving are less likely to move foster homes or to be placed in a residential treatment center, and more likely to reunify with their biological families, according to a study by University of Colorado School of Medicine researchers.
Many programs nationwide have tried to help foster children achieve better placement outcomes by working with parents and making system-wide changes. This study, published in Pediatrics, focused on something new — improving child well-being.
These latest results are especially powerful and promising because there are few evidence-based programs for children in foster care.
Starting in 2002, researchers evaluated what happened when foster kids, aged 9-11, in two Colorado counties, were given nine months of mentoring and skills training in areas such as feelings identification, healthy coping, and cultural identity.
Results for approximately 50 children who received mentoring and skills training were compared to about the same number who received typical community and social services.
Foster children in the prevention program had 44 percent fewer placement changes and were 82 percent more likely to avoid placement in a residential treatment center. They were also twice as likely to have reunified with their families a year after the program ended.
“Focusing on child well-being is a major push nationally within the child welfare field. This study demonstrates the positive impacts that can result from such a focus,” says Heather Taussig, PhD, an associate professor of pediatrics and psychiatry at the CU School of Medicine. Taussig also directs this program, called Fostering Healthy Futures, at the Kempe Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Abuse and Neglect in collaboration with her child welfare partners.
“A decade of work and analysis shows that well-designed and supervised mentoring programs can be effective for high-risk youth,” Taussig says. More importantly, she adds, it’s an indication that children are achieving a higher quality of life. Indeed, another published finding from this study demonstrated that children who received the prevention program had fewer mental health problems and were less likely to receive therapy six months after the program ended.
The foster children in the study cannot comment because of confidentiality, but one former foster child who volunteers with this program says this kind of help is crucial.
“Foster children battle so many obstacles,” says Tracy Rivera. “Anything we can do to reduce those challenges and improve emotional well being benefits them and all of us. The education and skills kids get in the Fostering Healthy Futures program is preparing them for successful lives.
“I wish I had been a part of FHF. There was not the awareness or a program like this for me when I was growing up, which made for many painful transitions and insecurities in my life as a young adult.” | <urn:uuid:f196b3d5-202e-4c87-8f31-100be2c53ad6> | {
"date": "2017-05-28T06:41:03",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2017-22",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-22/segments/1495463609605.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20170528062748-20170528082748-00116.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9741941690444946,
"score": 2.78125,
"token_count": 618,
"url": "http://www.cuanschutztoday.org/foster-kids-better-under-new-approach/"
} |
Less Well-Studied CAM Remedies For Depression - Ayurveda and Homeopathy
The traditional medicine of India, called Ayurveda, works with herbs, energetic balance, and yoga, a system of breathing exercises and postures that promote inner peace and unity with a supreme being. Although Ayurveda has its roots in Hinduism, it is not a religious form of treatment. Rather, the treatment is based on an ancient science and has a spiritual component. Some people with depression find that they are able to maintain well-being through the regular practice of yoga and meditation.
Although Traditional Chinese Medicine and Ayurveda may seem similar, they have some major differences: they originated in different parts of Asia, use different herbs that are grown natively in those countries, and the addition of yoga adds a physical aspect to the practice of Ayurveda. While yoga in the U.S. is thought to be a merely a program of exercise, in the Indian tradition, it is an entire philosophy. Therapeutic yoga incorporates poses (asanas), breathing ("pranayama") and meditation techniques to improve quality of life and manage symptoms of various diseases, chronic conditions and illnesses - including asthma, back pain, fibromyalgia, depression and cancer.
Yoga is difficult to study in a clinical setting because there are several different factors that can impact its effectiveness. For example, there are many different types of yoga (with varied levels of relaxation or activity), and individual levels of effort during classes may vary. In addition, only certain people are willing to try this form of exercise, so study results may not apply to every group of people who are depressed. There are a few studies that suggest that regular yoga sessions improve depressive symptoms, but their design makes it difficult to draw broad conclusions about the type of person who would benefit most from this therapy.
Yoga can be practiced at home, or you can find a class at a local community/recreation center, gym, or yoga studio. There are forms of yoga that incorporate slow and gentle stretching and others that are more active. If you are thinking of trying yoga, visit several different classes a few times each before committing to one so as to determine which teacher and style will best meet your needs.
Homeopathy is a variety of Western medicine that was created in the 19th century as an alternative to traditional Western medicine (called allopathic medicine) which, as you well know emphasizes the treatment of disease with medications. In contrast to allopathic medicine, homeopathic medicine involves the use of very small amounts of substances (sometimes an infinitesimal amount of the active ingredient) as a means of treating disease. Homeopathy is based on the principle of analogy; that "like-treats-like". With this principle in mind, a homeopathic practitioner might give a homeopathic medication that would normally cause a fever to someone who has a fever already. The thought is that the body seeks a "balance" with a disease and if it is pushed further, then the body will push back. If someone who has a fever is "given more fever", the body will react by reducing the fever.
Homeopathy is very difficult to study due to the varied treatments that practitioners use across different patients. Most homeopathic remedies are individualized to patients; therefore, 10 people with depression might get 10 different remedies! While a few studies have shown that homeopathy can be used to treat depression, these studies were not large or well-designed.
The mechanisms by which homeopathy achieves treatment effects is unclear. Many (allopathic) scientists suggest that when homeopathy works, its benefits are caused by the so-called placebo effect which occurs when treatment effects occur on the basis of patients' belief they will work (rather than on any intrinsic healing property of the treatment). This conclusion has not been established definitively, however. Some clinical trials have shown that homeopathy works better than placebo for treating depression, but other studies have not shown this result. In any event, most homeopathic preparations are so diluted that there is very little chance that an active ingredient (in the conventional sense) is present.
There are many self-help books on homeopathy. However, if you are interested in exploring this branch of medicine, it is best to go to a qualified practitioner and have them personalize a remedy for you. Because homeopathy uses such small amounts of substances, it can be said that homeopathy has no side effects or drug interactions. | <urn:uuid:98c30b39-dd84-410a-b508-09ff1b070975> | {
"date": "2016-07-27T21:04:05",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2016-30",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-30/segments/1469257827079.61/warc/CC-MAIN-20160723071027-00071-ip-10-185-27-174.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9661010503768921,
"score": 2.515625,
"token_count": 911,
"url": "http://www.cwcc.us/poc/view_doc.php?type=doc&id=13037&cn=5"
} |
The flow of dissolved organic carbon (DOC) from land to sea typically accounts for a small fraction of an ecosystem’s carbon budget compared with processes like photosynthesis and respiration. However, changes in DOC export from an ecosystem can give scientists insight into the sensitivity of carbon budgets to climate change. Previous research has found that hydrologic processes like runoff may have a greater effect on DOC export than changes in temperature, land use, or land cover. Here Huntington et al. measured how climate change alters hydrologic conditions in New England and affects DOC transport into the Gulf of Maine.
Roughly 3000 cubic meters of water drain into the Gulf of Maine every second from the region’s watershed, and 90% of the organic carbon carried by rivers in the northeastern United States is DOC. The team measured DOC export sensitivity in relation to only runoff, which increased in northern New England throughout the 20th century. Climate models predict that the trend will continue throughout the 21st century.
The researchers calculated DOC export from 1950 to 2013 for 20 rivers that flow into the Gulf of Maine and from 1930 to 2013 for 14 rivers. They also predicted DOC export for the 21st century for three rivers, the Penobscot, Kennebec, and Androscoggin, which drain nearly half the area of Maine. The climate projections for future DOC predictions were based on coupled atmosphere-ocean general circulation models from the U.K. Met Office Hadley Centre (HadCM3) and the U.S. Department of Energy/National Center for Atmospheric Research Parallel Climate Model (PCM) under two emissions scenarios.
The team found that for half of the 20 rivers with data going back to 1950, DOC export significantly increased during the winter. The same was true for 13 of the 14 rivers with data going back to 1930. There was, however, significant variability in DOC export from year to year for each river; wintertime DOC export from the Penobscot River, for example, varied by a factor of 5 throughout the study period. Still, the annual DOC export across the region generally increased from 1930 to the 1970s, then decreased until the 1990s, before rapidly rising again through 2013.
The climate projections predicted larger increases in temperature but smaller increases in precipitation over the 21st century compared with the 20th. According to the team, this suggests that annual DOC export will likely continue to rise throughout the 21st century but not quite as rapidly as it has in the past.
Although the current study is limited by the fact that the authors looked only at runoff and held other variables such as land cover constant, the results could be relevant to other regions that are likely to experience precipitation increases in a warming world. In addition, DOC can influence algal blooms, phytoplankton productivity, and carbon sequestration in coastal waters, so understanding fluxes in DOC transport into the ocean is critical for evaluating its effects on coastal food webs. (Journal of Geophysical Research: Biogeosciences, https://doi.org/doi:10.1002/2015JG003314, 2016)
—Kate Wheeling, Freelance Writer | <urn:uuid:e7ffaf2c-ae59-42f8-8ffd-e4e4b6fa248c> | {
"date": "2018-01-17T14:29:15",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2018-05",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-05/segments/1516084886946.21/warc/CC-MAIN-20180117142113-20180117162113-00256.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9443554282188416,
"score": 3.203125,
"token_count": 645,
"url": "https://eos.org/research-spotlights/how-climate-change-affects-the-flow-of-carbon-from-land-to-sea"
} |
The images from Mayflower, Ark., after a March 29 oil spill were particularly repulsive: A river of black goo running through yards and down the street of a subdivision, and hundreds of workers arriving to clean up an industrial mess in a peaceful burg.
But the Exxon Mobil pipeline spill, initially estimated to have released at least 157,000 gallons of crude oil and driven more than 20 families from their homes, represents only a fraction of the regular oil losses from the huge network of pipelines stretching across the United States, the Los Angeles Times reports.
Between 2008 and 2012, U.S. pipelines spilled an average of more than 3.1 million gallons of hazardous liquids per year, according to data from the Pipeline & Hazardous Materials Safety Administration, the nation's pipeline regulator. Those spills -- most commonly caused by corrosion and equipment failure -- caused at least $1.5 billion in property damage altogether.
Read the rest of this post on www.latimes.com | <urn:uuid:7e0524d3-73c9-47ba-a64c-cc5b3f0ef01b> | {
"date": "2015-01-28T20:31:35",
"dump": "CC-MAIN-2015-06",
"file_path": "s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422119446463.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124171046-00044-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz",
"int_score": 3,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9347403645515442,
"score": 2.578125,
"token_count": 197,
"url": "http://newsok.com/article/3782593"
} |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.