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Ahmed III | Disasters | Disasters
In 1714, an Egyptian galleon near the Gümrük (Eminönü) Pier caught fire and burned, which resulted in the deaths of 200 people.
While Nevşehirli Damat Ibrahim Pasha continued his preparations for his return to Istanbul, a fire broke out in the city. The districts of Unkapanı, Azapkapı, Zeyrek, Fatih, Saraçhane, Horhor, Etmeydanı, Molla Gürani, Altımermer, Ayazma Gate, Kantarcılar, Vefa, Vez Neciler, Old Rooms, Acemioğlanlar Barracks, Çukur Çeşme, Langa, Davudpaşa were burned from the fire.
A large three-minute earthquake occurred on 14 May 1719. While the city walls of Istanbul were destroyed in the earthquake, 4,000 people died in Izmit and Yalova was destroyed. Reconstruction work followed after the quake ended in Istanbul. The most meaningful element to reflect the cultural aspect or weight of these works today is the Topkapı Palace Enderun Library, which was built in that year. A rich foundation was established for this institution, which is also known as the Sultan Ahmed-i Salis Library, which has a face-to-face with its architectural and valuable manuscripts. |
Ahmed III | Family | Family
Ahmed III is known to be the Sultan with the largest family (and harem) of the Ottoman dynasty. The hostess of his harem was Dilhayat Kalfa, known to be one of the greatest Turkish composeress of the early modern period. |
Ahmed III | Consorts | Consorts
Ahmed III had at least twenty-one consorts:
Emetullah Banu Kadın. Baş Kadin (first consort) and his first concubine, she was the mother of Fatma Sultan, Ahmed's firstborn and favorite daughter. She was Ahmed's most beloved consort, who dedicated a mosque, a school and a fountain to her. Very devoted and active in charity, she died in 1740 in the Old Palace.
Emine Mihrişah Kadın. She was the mother of four sons including Mustafa III, 26th Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, but she died before her son's rise and therefore was never Valide Sultan. She died in April 1732. Her son built the Ayazma Mosque in her honor in Üsküdar.
Rabia Şermi Kadın. She was the mother of Abdülhamid I, 27th Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, but she premorted at the rise of her son and therefore was never Valide Sultan. In 1728, a fountain was dedicated to her in Üsküdar. She died in 1732. Her son built the Beylerbeyi Mosque in her honor.
Ayşe Mihri Behri Kadın. Before she became a consort, she was treasurer of the harem.
Hatem Kadın. Mother of twins, she died in 1772 and was buried in Eyüp cemetery.
Emine Musli Kadın. Also called Muslıhe Kadın, Muslu Kadin or Musalli Kadın. She was the mother of two daughters, she died in 1750 and was buried with them in the Yeni Cami.
Rukiye Kadın. Mother of a daughter and a son, she built a fountain near the Yeni Cami. She died after 1738 and was buried with her daughter in the Yeni Cami.
Fatma Hümaşah Kadın. She died in 1732 and was buried by the Yeni Cami.
Gülneş Kadın. Also called Gülnuş Kadın. She is listed in a document naming her consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730.
Hürrem Kadın. Listed in a document that names the consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730.
Meyli Kadın. Listed in a document that names the consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730.
Hatice Kadın. She died in 1722 and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Nazife Kadın. Listed in a document that names the consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730, perphaps the 29 December 1764.According to other historians, this would instead be the date of death of Nazife Sultan, a daughter of Ahmed III, survival is controversial due to the fact that it turns out she never married.
Nejat Kadın. Listed in a document that names the consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730.
Sadık Kadın. Also called Sadıka Kadin. Listed in a document that names the consorts exiled to Old Palace after the deposition of Ahmed III whose jewels were confiscated. She died after 1730.
Hüsnüşah Kadın. She died in 1733 and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Şahin Kadın. She died in 1732 and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Ümmügülsüm Kadın. She died in 1768 and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Zeyneb Kadın. Mother of a daughter, she died in 1757 and was buried by the Yeni Cami.
Hanife Kadın. Mother of a daughter, she died in 1750 and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Şayeste Hanim. BaşIkbal. She died in 1722 and was buried by the Yeni Cami. |
Ahmed III | Sons | Sons
Ahmed III had at least twenty-one sons, all buried, apart from the two who became Sultans, in the Yeni Cami:
Şehzade Mehmed (24 November 1705 - 30 July 1706).
Şehzade Isa (23 February 1706 - 14 May 1706).
Şehzade Ali (18 June 1706 - 12 September 1706).
Şehzade Selim (29 August 1706 - 15 April 1708).
Şehzade Murad (17 November 1707 - 1707).
Şehzade Murad (25 January 1708 - 1 April 1708).
Şehzade Abdülmecid (12 December 1709 - 18 March 1710). Twin of Şehzade Abdülmelek.
Şehzade Abdülmelek (12 December 1709 - 7 March 1711). Twin of Şehzade Abdülmecid.
Şehzade Süleyman (25 August 1710 - 11 October 1732) - with Mihrişah Kadin. He died in the Kafes after two years of imprisonment.
Şehzade Mehmed (8 October 1712 - 15 July 1713).
Şehzade Selim (21 March 1715 - February 1718) - with Hatem Kadın. Twin of Saliha Sultan.
Şehzade Mehmed (2 January 1717 - 2 January 1756) - with Rukiye Kadın. He died in the Kafes after twenty-six years of imprisonment.
Mustafa III (28 January 1717 - 21 January 1774) - with Mihrişah Kadin. 26th Sultan of the Ottoman Empire after twenty-seven years of imprisonment in the Kafes.
Şehzade Bayezid (4 October 1718 - 24 January 1771) - with Mihrişah Kadin. He died in the Kafes after forty-one years of imprisonment.
Şehzade Abdullah (18 December 1719 - 19 December 1719).
Şehzade Ibrahim (12 September 1720 - 16 March 1721).
Şehzade Numan (22 February 1723 - 29 December 1764). He died in the Kafes after thirty-four years of imprisonment.
Abdul Hamid I (20 March 1725 - 7 April 1789) - with Rabia Şermi Kadın. 27th Sultan of the Ottoman Empire after forty-four years of imprisonment in the Kafes.
Şehzade Seyfeddin (3 February 1728 - 1732) - with Mihrişah Kadin. He died in the Kafes after two years of imprisonment.
Şehzade Mahmud (1730 - 22 December 1756). He died in the Kafes after twenty-six years of imprisonment.
Şehzade Hassan (? - ?). He probably died in the Kafes. |
Ahmed III | Daughters | Daughters
Ahmed III had at least thirty-six daughters:
Fatma Sultan (22 September 1704 - May 1733) - with Emetullah Kadın.According to Alderson, she was instead the daughter of Ayşe Behri Mihri Kadın, but this has been discredited . She was her father's favorite daughter. She married twice and had two sons and two daughters. She and her second husband were the real power during the Tulip Era. She fell from grace after the Patrona Halil revolt and was confined to Çırağan Palace, where she died three years later.
Ayşe Sultan (? - 1706). Buried in the Yeni Cami.
Mihrimah Sultan (17 June 1706 - ?). She died as a child and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Hatice Sultan (21 January 1707 - 22 January 1708). Buried in the mausoleum Turhan Sultan in the Yeni Cami.
Rukiye Sultan (3 March 1707 - 29 August 1707). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Ümmügülsüm Sultan (11 February 1708 - 28 November 1732). Twin of Zeynep Sultan. She married once and had four sons and a daughter.
Zeynep Sultan (11 February 1708 - 5 November 1708). Twin sister of Ümmügülsüm Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Zeynep Sultan (5 January 1710 - July 1710). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Hatice Sultan (8 February 1710 - 1710, before September). She was buried in the Turhan Sultan mausoleum in Yeni Cami.
Hatice Sultan (27 September 1710 - 1738) - with Rukiye Kadın. She married twice and had a son.
Emine Sultan (1711 - 1720). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Atike Sultan (29 February 1712 - 2 April 1737). She got married once and she had a son.
Rukiye Sultan (7 March 1713 - October 1715). Buried in the Turhan Sultan mausoleum in Yeni Cami.
Zeynep Asima Sultan (8 April 1714 - March 25, 1774). She married twice and she had a son.
Saliha Sultan (21 March 1715 - 11 October 1778) - with Hatem Kadın. Twin of Şehzade Selim. She was married five times and had a son and four daughters.
Ayşe Sultan (10 October 1715 - 9 July 1775) - with Musli Kadın. Nicknamed Küçük Ayşe (meaning Ayşe the youngest) to distinguish her from her cousin Ayşe the eldest, daughter of Mustafa II. She married three times and had a daughter.
Ferdane Sultan (? - 1718). She died as a child and she was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Reyhane Sultan (1718 - 1729). Also called Reyhan Sultan or Rihane Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Ümmüseleme Sultan (? - 1719). Also called Ümmüselma Sultan. She died as a child and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Rabia Sultan (19 November 1719 - before 1727). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Emetullah Sultan (1719 - 1723) Also called Ümmetullah Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Rukiye Sultan (? - 1720). She died as a child and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Beyhan Sultan (? - 1720). She died as a child and was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Emetullah Sultan (17 September 1723 - 28 January 1724). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Emine Sultan (late 1723/early 1724 - 1732). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Nazife Sultan (May 1723/1725 - before 1730 or 29 December 1764). Exceptionally, she never married, most likely because she was chronically ill or had physical and/or mental problems. She lived in seclusion in the Old Palace all her life. However, according to other historians, she actually died a child and the Nazife who died in the Old Palace in 1764 was instead one of Ahmed III's consorts with the same name, Nazife Kadin.
Ümmüselene Sultan (12 October 1724 - 5 December 1732). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Naile Sultan (15 December 1725 - October 1727). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Esma Sultan (14 March 1726 - 13 August 1778) - with Hanife Kadın or Zeyneb Kadın. Nicknamed Büyük Esma (meaning Esma the eldest) to distinguish her from her niece Esma the younger, daughter of Abdülhamid I. She married three times and had a daughter.
Sabiha Sultan (19 December 1726 - 17 December 1726). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Rabia Sultan (28 October 1727 - 4 April 1728). Also called Rebia Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Zübeyde Sultan (28 March 1728 - 4 June 1756) - with Musli Kadın. She married twice.
Ümmi Sultan (? - 1729). Called also Ümmügülsüm Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Ümmühabibe Sultan (? - 1730). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Akile Sultan (? - 1737). She was buried in the Yeni Cami.
Ümmi Sultan (1730 - 1742). Called also Ümmügülsüm Sultan. She was buried in the Yeni Cami. |
Ahmed III | Death | Death
Ahmed lived in Kafes of the Topkapi Palace for six years following his deposition, where he fell ill and died on 1 July 1736. He was buried in his grandmother's tomb in Turhan Sultan Mausoleum in New Mosque, at Eminönü in Istanbul. |
Ahmed III | In fiction | In fiction
In Voltaire's Candide, the eponymous main character meets the deposed Ahmed III on a ship from Venice to Constantinople. The Sultan is in the company of five other deposed European monarchs, and he tells Candide, who initially doubts his credentials:
I am not jesting, my name is Achmet III. For several years I was Sultan; I dethroned my brother; my nephew dethroned me; they cut off the heads of my viziers; I am ending my days in the old seraglio; my nephew, Sultan Mahmoud, sometimes allows me to travel for my health, and I have come to spend the Carnival at Venice."
This episode was taken up by the modern Turkish writer Nedim Gürsel as the setting of his 2001 novel Le voyage de Candide à Istanbul.
In fact, there is no evidence of the deposed Sultan being allowed to make such foreign travels, nor did Voltaire (or Gürsel) assert that it had any actual historical foundation. |
Ahmed III | See also | See also
Fountain of Ahmed III
Fountain of Ahmed III (Üsküdar)
Ibrahim Muteferrika |
Ahmed III | References | References |
Ahmed III | Sources | Sources
This article incorporates text from the History of Ottoman Turks (1878)
|
Ahmed III | External links | External links
Category:Turkish male poets
Category:1673 births
Category:1736 deaths
Category:18th-century sultans of the Ottoman Empire
Category:Dethroned monarchs
Category:Sons of sultans |
Ahmed III | Table of Content | Short description, Early life and education, Reign, Accession, Russo-Turkish War of 1710–1711, Wars with Venice and Austria, Character of Ahmed's rule, Foreign relations, Deposition, Architecture, Disasters, Family, Consorts, Sons, Daughters, Death, In fiction, See also, References, Sources, External links |
Ainu people | Short description | The Ainu are an indigenous ethnic group who reside in northern Japan and southeastern Russia, including Hokkaido and the Tōhoku region of Honshu, as well as the land surrounding the Sea of Okhotsk, such as Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, the Kamchatka Peninsula, and the Khabarovsk Krai. They have occupied these areas, known to them as "Ainu Mosir" (), since before the arrival of the modern Yamato and Russians. These regions are often referred to as and its inhabitants as in historical Japanese texts. Along with the Yamato and Ryukyu ethnic groups, the Ainu people are one of the primary historic ethnic groups of Japan.
Official surveys of the known Ainu population in Hokkaido received 11,450 responses in 2023, and the Ainu population in Russia was estimated at 300 in 2021. Unofficial estimates in 2002 placed the total population in Japan at 200,000 or higher, as the near-total assimilation of the Ainu into Japanese society has resulted in many individuals of Ainu descent having no knowledge of their ancestry.
The Ainu are one of the few ethnic minorities native to the Japanese islands. They were subject to forced assimilation and colonization by the Japanese since at least the 18th century. Japanese assimilation policies in the 19th century around the Meiji Restoration included forcing Ainu peoples off their land. This, in turn, forced them to give up traditional ways of life such as subsistence hunting and fishing. Ainu people were not allowed to practice their religion and were placed into Japanese-language schools, where speaking the Ainu language was forbidden. In 1966, there were about 300 native Ainu speakers; in 2008, there were about 100. In recent years, there have been increasing efforts to revitalize the Ainu language. |
Ainu people | Names | Names
This people's most widely known ethnonym, (; ; ), means 'human' in the Ainu language, particularly as opposed to , 'divine beings'. Ainu also identify themselves as ('comrades' or 'people'). Official documents use both names.
The name first appeared as in a 1591 Latin manuscript titled . This document gives the native name of Hokkaido as , or , 'land of the Ainu'. The terms and did not come into common use as ethnonyms until the early 19th century. The ethnonym first appeared in an 1819 German encyclopedia article. Neither European nor Japanese sources conceived of the Ainu as a distinct ethnic group until the late 1700s.
The Ainu were also called the Kuye by their neighbors. The Qing dynasty called Sakhalin ("island of the Ainu"). The island was also called . The word used by the Qing is "most probably related to kuyi, the name given to the Sakhalin Ainu by their Nivkh and Nanai neighbors." When the Ainu migrated onto the mainland, the Chinese described a "strong Kui (or Kuwei, Kuwu, Kuye, Kugi, i.e. Ainu) presence in the area otherwise dominated by the Gilemi or Jilimi (Nivkh and other Amur peoples)." Related names were in widespread use in the region, for example the Kuril Ainu called themselves .
The Old Japanese exonym () was coined according to the Kojiki-den from ("shrimp") + ("barbarian") as a reference to their hairiness and savagery. The term is considered an insult by contemporary Ainu. |
Ainu people | History | History
thumb|Hokkaido Ainu clan leader, 1930
The Ainu are considered the native people of Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, and the Kurils. Ainu toponyms support the historical view that the Ainu people lived in several places throughout northern Honshu. There is also a possibility that Ainu speakers lived throughout the Amur region as suggested by various Ainu loanwords found in the Uilta and Ulch languages. Ainu shares a number of cognates with Old Korean, that appear unlikely to be the result of a Japonic intermediary.
The ancestors of the Ainu, who were referred to as Emishi, came under Japanese subjugation starting in the 9th century and were pushed to the northern islands. |
Ainu people | Ainu Culture period (Nibutani period) | Ainu Culture period (Nibutani period)
Following the Zoku-Jōmon period, which began in the 5th century BC, and the subsequent Satsumon period, from around the 13th century the Ainu established their own culture by absorbing the surrounding culture while engaging in transit trade between Honshu and north-east Asia. This is called the Ainu Culture period or Nibutani period.
Active contact between the Wajin (ethnonym for Japanese, also known as Yamato people) and the Ainu of Ezogashima (now known as Hokkaido) began in this period. The Ainu formed a society of hunter-gatherers, surviving mainly by hunting and fishing. They followed a religion that was based on natural phenomena.
After the Mongols conquered the Jin dynasty (1234), Karafuto (Sakhalin)-Ainu suffered raids by the Nivkh and Udege peoples. In response, the Mongols established an administration post at Nurgan (present-day Tyr, Russia) at the junction of the Amur and Amgun rivers in 1263, and forced the submission of the two peoples. In 1264, the Karafuto-Ainu invaded the land of the Nivkh people. They also started an expedition into the Amur region, which was then controlled by the Yuan dynasty, resulting in reprisals by the Mongols who invaded Sakhalin.
From the Nivkh perspective, their surrender to the Mongols essentially established a military alliance against the Ainu who had invaded their lands. According to the History of Yuan, a group of people known as the Guwei (, the phonetic approximation of the Nivkh name for Ainu) from Sakhalin invaded and fought with the Jilimi (Nivkh people) every year. On November 30, 1264, the Mongols attacked the Ainu. The Karafuto-Ainu resisted the Mongol invasions but by 1308 had been subdued. They paid tribute to the Mongol Yuan dynasty at posts in Wuliehe, Nanghar, and Boluohe.
The Chinese Ming dynasty (1368–1644) placed Sakhalin under its "system for subjugated peoples" (). From 1409 to 1411 the Ming established an outpost called the Nurgan Regional Military Commission near the ruins of Tyr on the Siberian mainland, which continued operating until the mid-1430s. There is some evidence that the Ming eunuch Admiral Yishiha reached Sakhalin in 1413 during one of his expeditions to the lower Amur, and granted Ming titles to a local chieftain. Link is to partial text.
The Ming recruited headmen from Sakhalin for administrative posts such as commander (), assistant commander (), and "official charged with subjugation" (). In 1431, one such assistant commander, Alige, brought marten pelts as tribute to the Wuliehe post. In 1437, four other assistant commanders (Zhaluha, Sanchiha, Tuolingha, and Alingge) also presented tribute. According to the Ming Veritable Records, these posts, like the position of headman, were hereditary and passed down the patrilineal line. During these tributary missions, the headmen would bring their sons, who later inherited their titles. In return for tribute, the Ming awarded them with silk uniforms.
Nivkh women in Sakhalin married Han Chinese Ming officials when the Ming took tribute from Sakhalin and the Amur River region. Due to Ming rule in Manchuria, Chinese cultural and religious influence such as Chinese New Year, the "Chinese god", and motifs such as dragons, spirals, and scrolls spread among the Ainu, Nivkh, and Amur natives such as the Udeghes, Ulchis, and Nanais. These groups also adopted material goods and practices such as agriculture, husbandry, heating, iron cooking pots, silk, and cotton.
thumb|right|French map from 1821 shows Sakhalin as part of Qing Empire, and the Kuril Islands are a part of Japan.
The Manchu Qing dynasty, which came to power in China in 1644, called Sakhalin "Kuyedao" () or "Kuye Fiyaka" (). The Manchus called it "Sagaliyan ula angga hada" (Island at the Mouth of the Black River). The Qing first asserted influence over Sakhalin after the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk, which defined the Stanovoy Mountains as the border between the Qing and the Russian Empires. In the following year the Qing sent forces to the Amur estuary and demanded that the residents, including the Sakhalin Ainu, pay tribute. This was followed by several further visits to the island as part of the Qing effort to map the area. To enforce its influence, the Qing sent soldiers and mandarins across Sakhalin, reaching most parts of the island except the southern tip. The Qing imposed a fur-tribute system on the region's inhabitants.
The Qing dynasty established an office in Ningguta, situated midway along the Mudan River, to handle fur from the lower Amur and Sakhalin. Tribute was supposed to be brought to regional offices, but the lower Amur and Sakhalin were considered too remote, so the Qing sent officials directly to these regions every year to collect tribute and to present awards. By the 1730s, the Qing had appointed senior figures among the indigenous communities as "clan chief" (hala-i-da) or "village chief" (gasan-da or mokun-da). In 1732, 6 hala, 18 gasban, and 148 households were registered as tribute bearers in Sakhalin. Manchu officials gave tribute missions rice, salt, other necessities, and gifts during the duration of their mission. Tribute missions occurred during the summer months. During the reign of the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1735–95), a trade post existed at Delen, upstream of Kiji (Kizi) Lake, according to Rinzo Mamiya. There were 500–600 people at the market during Mamiya's stay there.
Local native Sakhalin chiefs had their daughters taken as wives by Manchu officials as sanctioned by the Qing dynasty when the Qing exercised jurisdiction in Sakhalin and took tribute from them.(Shiro Sasaki, 'A History of the Far East Indigenous Peoples' Transborder Activities Between the Russian and Chinese Empires', Senri Ethnological Studies, vol. 92, 2016, pp. 161‒193.) Sasaki, 'A History of the Far East Indigenous Peoples' Transborder Activities', p. 173. |
Ainu people | Japanese colonization | Japanese colonization
thumb|Omusha ceremony involving the Hidaka Ainu, by Hirasawa Byōzan
thumb|The samurai and the Ainu,
In 1635, Matsumae Kinhiro, the second daimyō of Matsumae Domain in Hokkaidō, sent Satō Kamoemon and Kakizaki Kuroudo on an expedition to Sakhalin. One of the Matsumae explorers, Kodō Shōzaemon, stayed in the island in the winter of 1636 and sailed along the east coast to Taraika (now Poronaysk) in the spring of 1637. The Tokugawa bakufu (feudal government) granted the Matsumae clan exclusive rights to trade with the Ainu in the northern part of the island. Later, the Matsumae began to lease out trading rights to Japanese merchants, and contact between Japanese and Ainu became more extensive. Throughout this period, Ainu groups competed with each other to import goods from the Japanese, and epidemic diseases such as smallpox reduced the population. In an early colonization attempt, a Japanese settlement was established at Ōtomari on Sakhalin's southern end in 1679.
In the 1780s, the influence of the Japanese Tokugawa Shogunate on the Ainu of southern Sakhalin increased significantly. By the beginning of the 19th century, the Japanese economic zone extended midway up the east coast, to Taraika. With the exception of the Nayoro Ainu located on the west coast in close proximity to China, most Ainu stopped paying tribute to the Qing dynasty. The Matsumae clan was nominally in charge of Sakhalin, but they neither protected nor governed the Ainu there. Instead they extorted the Ainu for Chinese silk, which they sold in Honshu as Matsumae's special product. To obtain Chinese silk, the Ainu fell into debt, owing much fur to the Santan (Ulch people), who lived near the Qing office. The Ainu also sold the silk uniforms (mangpao, bufu, and chaofu) given to them by the Qing, which made up the majority of what the Japanese knew as nishiki and jittoku. As dynastic uniforms, the silk was of considerably higher quality than that traded at Nagasaki, and enhanced Matsumae prestige as exotic items. Eventually the Tokugawa government, realizing that they could not depend on the Matsumae, took control of Sakhalin in 1807.
From 1799 to 1806, the Tokugawa shogunate took direct control of southern Hokkaido. Japan proclaimed sovereignty over Sakhalin in 1807, and in 1809 Mamiya Rinzō claimed that it was an island. During this period, Ainu women were separated from their husbands and either subjected to rape or forcibly married to Japanese men. Meanwhile, Ainu men were deported to merchant subcontractors for five- and ten-year terms of service. Policies of family separation and assimilation, combined with the impact of smallpox, caused the Ainu population to drop significantly in the early 19th century. In the 18th century, there were 80,000 Ainu, but by 1868, there were only about 15,000 Ainu in Hokkaido, 2,000 in Sakhalin, and around 100 in the Kuril Islands.
thumb|Ainu people, by Murase Yoshinori
Despite their growing influence in the area in the early 19th century as a result of these policies, the Tokugawa shogunate was unable to gain a monopoly on Ainu trade with those on the Asian mainland, even by the year 1853. Santan traders, a group composed mostly of the Ulchi, Nanai, and Oroch peoples of the Amur River, commonly interacted with the Ainu people independent of the Japanese government, especially in the northern part of Hokkaido. In addition to their trading ventures, Santan traders sometimes kidnapped or purchased Ainu women from Rishiri to become their wives. This further escalated Japan's presence in the area, as the Tokugawa shogunate believed a monopoly on the Santan trade would better protect the Ainu people.(Mamiya Rinzō (trans. and ed. John Harrison), 'Kita Ezo Zutsetsu or a Description of the Island of North Ezo by Mamiya Rinzō', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 99, no. 2, 1955, pp. 93‒117) Mamiya, 'Kita Ezo Zutsetsu', 107. The name 'Yaepikarainu' is my approximation based the Manchu version of his name, which was given as 'Yabirinu', and the Japanese version which was given as 'Yaepikaran', and the Ainu honorific naming convention of adding '-ainu' to the end of the names of elders. |
Ainu people | Japanese annexation of Hokkaido | Japanese annexation of Hokkaido
In 1869, the imperial government established the Hokkaidō Development Commission as part of the Meiji Restoration. Researcher Katarina Sjöberg quotes Yūko Baba's 1980 account of the Japanese government's reasoning:
As a result of the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), the Kuril Islandsalong with their Ainu inhabitantscame under Japanese administration. In 1899, the Japanese government passed an act labeling the Ainu as "former aborigines", with the idea that they would assimilate. This resulted in the Japanese government taking the land where the Ainu people lived and placing it under Japanese control. Also at this time, the Ainu were granted automatic Japanese citizenship, effectively denying them the status of an indigenous group.
thumb|right|280px|A photograph of , an Ainu individual famous for being a promoter of Ainu culture
The Ainu went from being a relatively isolated group of people to having their land, language, religion, and customs assimilated into those of the Japanese. Their land was distributed to the Yamato Japanese settlers to create and maintain farms in the model of Western industrial agriculture. It was known as "colonization" (拓殖) at the time, but later by the euphemism, "opening up undeveloped land" (). Additionally, factories like flour mills and beer breweries, along with mining practices, resulted in the creation of infrastructure such as roads and railway lines during a development period that lasted until 1904. During this time, the Ainu were ordered to cease religious practices such as animal sacrifice and the custom of tattooing. The same act applied to the native Ainu on Sakhalin after its annexation as Karafuto Prefecture. |
Ainu people | Assimilation after annexation | Assimilation after annexation
thumb|Sakhalin Ainu in 1904
The Ainu have historically suffered from economic and social discrimination, as both the Japanese government and mainstream population regarded them as dirty and primitive barbarians. The majority of Ainu were forced to be petty laborers during the Meiji Restoration, which saw the introduction of Hokkaido into the Japanese Empire and the privatization of traditional Ainu lands. During the 19th and 20th centuries, the Japanese government denied the rights of the Ainu to their traditional cultural practices, such as hunting, gathering, and speaking their native language.
The legal denial of Ainu cultural practices mostly stemmed from the 1899 Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act. This law and its associated policies were designed to fully integrate the Ainu into Japanese society while erasing Ainu culture and identity. The Ainu's position as manual laborers and their forced integration into larger Japanese society have led to discriminatory practices by the Japanese government that can still be felt today.
Intermarriage between Japanese and Ainu was actively promoted by the Ainu to lessen the chances of discrimination against their offspring. As a result, many Ainu today are indistinguishable from their Japanese neighbors, but some Ainu-Japanese are interested in traditional Ainu culture. For example, Oki, born as the child of an Ainu father and a Japanese mother, became a musician who plays the traditional Ainu instrument, the . There are also many small towns in the southeastern or Hidaka region of Hokkaido where ethnic Ainu live, such as in Nibutani ().
From the early 1870s, Christian missionary work was conducted among the Ainu. The Anglican Communion missionaries included the Rt. Rev. Philip Fyson, Bishop of Hokkaido, and the Rev. John Batchelor. Batchelor wrote extensively in English about the beliefs and daily life of the Ainu in Yezo (or Ezo), and his publications are a source of photographs of the Japanese and Ainu close to the missions.In particular, Sea-girt Yezo : glimpses of missionary work in North Japan by Batchelor, John (Church Missionary Society 1902) digitised by Google and uploaded to the Internet Archive at https://archive.org/details/seagirtyezoglim00socigoog |
Ainu people | Standard of living | Standard of living
The discrimination and negative stereotypes assigned to the Ainu have manifested in lower levels of education, income, and participation in the economy as compared to their ethnically Japanese counterparts. The Ainu community in Hokkaido in 1993 received welfare payments at a 2.3 times higher rate than that of Hokkaido as a whole. They also had an 8.9% lower enrollment rate from junior high school to high school and a 15.7% lower enrollment into college from high school. Due to this noticeable and growing gap, the Japanese government has been lobbied by activists to research the Ainu's standard of living nationwide. The Japanese government will provide ¥7 million (US$63,000), beginning in 2015, to conduct surveys nationwide on this matter. |
Ainu people | Ainu and ethnic homogeneity in Japan | Ainu and ethnic homogeneity in Japan
The existence of the Ainu has challenged the notion of ethnic homogeneity in post-WWII Japan. After the demise of the multi-ethnic Empire of Japan in 1945, successive governments forged a single Japanese identity by advocating monoculturalism and denying the existence of more than one ethnic group in Japan.
The Ainu were first recognised as an indigenous people in 1997, which began the process of claiming indigenous rights under national and international frameworks. Following the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, Hokkaido politicians pressured the government to recognize Ainu rights. Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo answered a parliamentary question on May 20, 2008, by stating,
On June 6, 2008, the National Diet of Japan passed a non-binding, bipartisan resolution calling upon the government to recognize the Ainu as indigenous people.
In 2019, eleven years after this resolution, the Diet finally passed an act recognizing the Ainu as an indigenous people of Japan. Despite this recognition of the Ainu as an ethnically distinct group, political figures in Japan continue to define ethnic homogeneity as key to the overall Japanese national identity. For example, then Deputy Prime Minister Tarō Asō notably claimed in 2020, "No other country but this one has lasted for as long as 2,000 years with one language, one ethnic group, and one dynasty." |
Ainu people | Origins | Origins
thumb|A picture of Imekanu, right, with her niece Yukie Chiri, a famous Ainu Japanese transcriber and translator of Ainu epic tales. (1922)
The Ainu are regarded as having descended from the indigenous Japanese hunter-gatherers who lived in Japan during the Jōmon period ( 14,000 to 300 BCE).
The exact origins of the early Ainu remain unclear, but it is generally agreed to be linked to the Satsumon culture of the Epi-Jōmon period, with later influences from the nearby Okhotsk culture. The Ainu culture may be better described as an "Ainu cultural complex", taking into account the regional variable subgroups of Ainu peoples. While the Ainu can be considered a continuation of the indigenous Jomon culture, they also display links to surrounding cultures, pointing to a larger cultural complex flourishing around the Sea of Okhotsk. Some authors have also described the development of the Ainu culture as the "resistance" of a Jomon society to the emerging Japanese state.
One of their , or legends, tells that "[T]he Ainu lived in this place a hundred thousand years before the Children of the Sun came."
The historical Ainu economy was based on farming as well as hunting, fishing, and gathering.
The general consensus among historians is to associate the Ainu with the Satsumon culture, which was located in an area stretching from northern Honshu to Hokkaido. Linguists such as Juha Janhunen and Alexander Vovin argue for a Satsumon origin of Ainu dialects, with deeper links to cultures centered in Central or Northern Honshu.Ainu ethnogenesis アイヌ民族起源 – Tokyo, August 2018 Juha Janhunen This is in part supported by Ainu-derived loanwords observed in Eastern Old Japanese and the probable distant link between the Ainu and the Emishi.
thumb|Ainu people of Hokkaido, 1904 thumb|A high-status Ainu man
It has also been noted that the Okhotsk culture played a role in the formation of the later Ainu culture. The origin of the Okhotsk culture itself is subject to research. While Okhotsk remains display affinity to the modern Nivkh people of northern Sakhalin, both also display affinities to the Jōmon peoples of Japan, pointing to a possible heterogeneous makeup of Okhotsk society. Satsumon pottery has been found among Okhotsk sites, pointing to a complex network of contacts in the wider area around the Sea of Okhotsk.
The emergence of the Ainu culture is henceforth primarily attributed to the Satsumon culture, which later received some contributions from the Okhotsk culture via cultural contacts in northern Hokkaido after the Satsumon culture expanded northwards and into Sakhalin.Smale, Joran (June 2014) End of Okhotsk? A Peer Polity Interaction approach to the interaction, exchange and decline of a Northeast-Asian maritime culture on Hokkaido, Japan. Master thesis. Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden. Quote: "Evidence that mainly Satsumon culture is ancestral to Ainu culture still stands. However, it is clear that there is some continuity between Okhotsk and Ainu culture in the veneration of the bear in Hokkaido." This view has been corroborated by later analyses. |
Ainu people | Relationship with the historical Emishi | Relationship with the historical Emishi
While the view that the ancient Emishi were identical to the Ainu has been largely disproven by current research, the exact relationship between them is still under dispute. It is agreed that at least some Emishi spoke Ainu languages and were ethnically related to the Ainu. The Emishi may, however, have also included non-Ainu groups, which can either be associated with groups distantly related to the Ainu (Ainu-like groups) but forming their own ethnicity, or early Japonic-speakers outside the influence of the Yamato court. The Emishi display clear material culture links to the Ainu of Hokkaido. Based on Ainu-like toponyms throughout Tohoku, it is argued that the Emishi, like the Ainu, descended from the Epi-Jōmon tribes and initially spoke Ainu-related languages.
The term "Emishi" in the Nara period (710–794) referred to people who lived in the Tohoku region and whose lifestyle and culture differed markedly from that of the Yamato people; it was originally a highly cultural and political concept with no racial distinction.
From the mid-Heian period onward, Emishi who did not fall under the governance of the Yamato Kingship were singled out as northern Emishi. They began to be referred to as "Ezo" (Emishi).
The first written reference to "Ezo", which is thought to be Ainu, can be found in Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba, which was written in 1356. Indeed, Ainu have lived in Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, Hokkaido, and the northern Tohoku region since the 13th century. |
Ainu people | Genetics | Genetics |
Ainu people | Paternal lineages | Paternal lineages
thumb|Three Ainu from Hokkaido in traditional dress
An analysis of 16 Ainu male individuals found that the majority (14/16) belong to Y-DNA Haplogroup D-M55, while a minority (2/16) belongs to Haplogroup C-M217. D-M55 is found throughout the Japanese archipelago, with very high frequencies among the Ainu of Hokkaido. C-M217 is found more commonly among populations from Northeast Asia and Central Asia. Another analysis found that one out of four Ainu men belonged to haplogroup C-M217, while the remaining three belonged to haplogroup D-M55. |
Ainu people | Maternal lineages | Maternal lineages
An analysis of 51 Ainu individuals found that around 51% of their mtDNA subclades are unique to the Ainu, while the remaining haplogroups are shared with other Asian populations, especially with the Nivkhs in northern Sakhalin and the Koryaks on the Kamchatka Peninsula.
Of the 51 Ainu individuals, around 27% (14/51) belong to N9 (of which 10 were assigned to subclade Y and four to unclassifed N9 clades), around 24% (12/51) to D, around 20% (10/51) to M7, and around 20% (10/51) to G; the minor haplogroups are A (2/51), B (1/51), F (1/51), and an unclassified subclade of M not belonging to M7, M8, CZ, D, or G. |
Ainu people | Autosomal DNA | Autosomal DNA
The Ainu appear genetically most closely related to the Jōmon period peoples of Japan. Previous genetic analyses of Jomon remains found them to represent a deeply diverged East Asian lineage. The Jomon lineage is inferred to have diverged from Ancient East Asians before the divergence between Ancient Northern East Asians and Ancient Southern East Asians, but after the divergence of the basal Tianyuan man and/or Hoabinhians. Beyond their broad affinity with Eastern Asian lineages, the Jomon also display a weak affinity for Ancient North Eurasians (ANE), which may be associated with the introduction of microblade technology to Northeast Asia and northern East Asia during the Last Glacial Maximum via the ANE or Ancient Paleo-Siberians.
The genetic makeup of the Ainu represents a "deep branch of East Asian diversity". Compared to contemporary East Asian populations, the Ainu share "a closer genetic relationship with northeast Siberians". The Ainu also display a relative closer genetic affinity with "lowland East Asians" than "highland East Asians" and may have contributed some ancestry to surrounding populations around the Sea of Okhotsk. Differences in the frequency of the derived EDAR gene variant between the Ainu and contemporary East Asians suggest that the ancestors of the Ainu may not have shared the selective pressures with other Ancestral East Asian populations. The Ainu, however, share two variants in the ADH gene cluster with other East Asians at high frequency, unlike Tibetans and Sherpa, "raising the possibility that selective pressure on these variants was different in the high-altitude environments."
The closest modern ethnic groups to the Ainu are the Ryukyuans in southern Japan, followed by contemporary Japanese people. Compared with other East Asian populations, the Ainu are an outgroup, pointing to long-lasting isolation after their divergence. By analyzing the SNP loci of Ainu individuals, it was found that they carry genes associated with facial structure found among Europeans and hair and tooth morphology found among East Asians. Genetic analyses of HLA I and HLA II genes as well as HLA-A, B, and DRB1 gene frequencies placed the Ainu in an intermediate position between indigenous peoples of the Americas and contemporary Northeast Asians.
thumb|Admixture graph based on the genomic data of Okhotsk (NAT002), Jomon (F23), and modern populations
Studies on modern-day Ainu estimate that they derive between 66% and 79.3% of their ancestry from the Jōmon lineage. Another study on modern Ainu individuals found that they derive c. 49% of their ancestry directly from the Jōmon people, c. 22% from the Okhotsk people (who themselves could be modeled as 54% Ancient Northeast Asian, 22% Ancient Paleo-Siberian, and 24% Jōmon), and ~29% from the Yamato Japanese (who carried around 11% Jōmon and 89% Yayoi ancestry), corresponding with historical events. |
Ainu people | Military service | Military service |
Ainu people | Russo-Japanese War | Russo-Japanese War
Ainu men were first recruited into the Japanese military in 1898. Sixty-four Ainu served in the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), eight of whom died in battle or from illness contracted during military service. Two received the Order of the Golden Kite, granted for bravery, leadership, or command in battle. |
Ainu people | Culture | Culture
thumb|Woman playing a .
Traditional Ainu culture is quite different from Japanese culture. According to Tanaka Sakurako from the University of British Columbia, the Ainu culture can be included into a wider "northern circumpacific region", referring to various indigenous cultures of Northeast Asia and "beyond the Bering Strait" in North America. The Ainu culture developed from the 13th century (late Kamakura period) to the present day. While most Ainu in Japan now live outwardly similar lives to the Wajin (ethnic Japanese) due to assimilation policies, many still maintain their Ainu identity and respect for traditional Ainu ways, known as "Ainu puri". The distinctive Ainu patterns (Ainu mon'yō) and oral literature (Yukar) have been designated as Hokkaido Heritage. |
Ainu people | Language | Language
thumb|Map of the pre-1945 distribution of Ainu languages and dialects
In 2008, the news block World Watch gave an estimate of fewer than 100 remaining speakers of the Ainu language. In 1993, linguist Alexander Vovin placed the number at fewer than 15 speakers, characterizing the language as "almost extinct". Because so few present-day speakers are left, study of the Ainu language is limited and is based largely on historical research. Historically, the status of the Ainu language was rather high and was used by early Russian and Japanese administrative officials to communicate with each other and with the Ainu people.
thumb|Place names in the Ainu language
Despite the small number of native speakers of Ainu, there is an active movement to revitalize the language, mainly in Hokkaido but also elsewhere, such as in Kanto. Ainu oral literature has been documented both in hopes of safeguarding it for future generations and for use as a teaching tool for language learners. As of 2011, there were an increasing number of second-language learners, especially in Hokkaido.
The resurgence of Ainu culture and language is in large part due to the pioneering efforts of the late Ainu folklorist, activist, and former Diet member Shigeru Kayano, himself a native speaker. He first opened an Ainu language school in 1987, funded by Ainu Kyokai.
Although some researchers have attempted to show that the Ainu and Japanese languages are related, modern scholars have rejected the idea that the relationship goes beyond contact, such as the mutual borrowing of words. No attempt to show a relationship with Ainu to any other language has gained wide acceptance, and linguists currently classify Ainu as a language isolate. Most Ainu people speak either Japanese or Russian.
The Ainu language has no indigenous system of writing and has historically been transliterated using Japanese kana or Russian Cyrillic. , it was typically written either in katakana or in the Latin alphabet.
Many of the Ainu dialects, especially those from different extremities of Hokkaido, are not mutually intelligible. However, all Ainu speakers understand the classic Ainu language of the , a form of Ainu epic. Without a writing system, the Ainu were masters of narration, with the and other forms of narration such as () tales being committed to memory and related at gatherings that often lasted many hours or even days.
Concepts expressed with prepositions in English, such as 'to', 'from', 'by', 'in', and 'at', appear as postpositional forms in Ainu. Whereas prepositions come before the word they modify, postpositions come after it. A single sentence in Ainu can comprise many added or agglutinated sounds or affixes that represent nouns or ideas. |
Ainu people | Social structure | Social structure
thumb|Ainu wedding in Hokkaido, Japan
Ainu society was traditionally organized into small villages called kotan, typically located in river basins or along seashores where food was readily available, particularly in rivers where salmon traveled upstream. In early modern times, Ainu were forced to relocate their kotan near Japanese fishing grounds to provide labor. As a result, traditional kotan disappeared, and large villages of several dozen families were formed around fishing grounds. The Ainu social structure included chiefs, but judicial functions were not entrusted to them. Instead, an indefinite number of community members sat in judgment upon criminals. Capital punishment did not exist, nor did the community resort to imprisonment. Beating was considered a sufficient and final penalty. However, in the case of murder, the nose and ears of the culprit were cut off, or the tendons of their feet were severed. |
Ainu people | Appearance and dress | Appearance and dress
thumb|Ainu ceremonial dress, British Museum
Never shaving after a certain age, the men have full beards and moustaches. Men and women alike cut their hair level with the shoulders at the sides of the head, trimmed semi-circularly behind. The women tattoo () their mouths and sometimes their forearms. The mouth tattoos start at a young age with a small spot on the upper lip, gradually increasing in size. The soot deposited on a pot hung over a fire of birch bark is used for color.
Traditional Ainu dress consists of a robe spun from the inner bark of the elm tree, called or . The various styles consist generally of a simple short robe with straight sleeves, folded around the body, and tied with a band around the waist. The sleeves end at the wrist or forearm, and the length generally is to the calves. Women also wear an undergarment of Japanese cloth. Citations:
Rev. John Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901)
Isabella Bird (Mrs Bishop), Korea and her Neighbours (1898)
Basil Hall Chamberlain, Language, Mythology and Geographical Nomenclature of Japan viewed in the Light of Aino Studies and Aino Fairy-tales (1895)
Romyn Hitchcock, The Ainos of Japan (Washington, 1892)
H. von Siebold, Über die Aino (Berlin, 1881)
In winter, the skins of animals are worn, with leggings of deerskin and, in Sakhalin, boots made from the skin of dogs or salmon. Ainu culture regards earrings, traditionally made from grapevines, as gender-neutral. Women also wear a beaded necklace called a tamasay. Modern craftswomen weave and embroider traditional garments that command very high prices. |
Ainu people | Dwellings and Structures | Dwellings and Structures
thumb|upright|Ainu woman with mouth tattoos and a live bear
Their traditional habitations are reed-thatched huts, the largest about square, without partitions and having a fireplace in the center. There is no chimney; there is only a hole at the angle of the roof. One window sits on the eastern side, along with two doors. The house of the village head is used as a public meeting-place when one is needed.
Another kind of traditional Ainu house is called . The "chise" or dwelling is typically oriented east to west or parallel to a river, with the entrance on the west side also serving as a storeroom. It has three windows, including the sacred rorun-puyar on the east side, through which gods enter and leave and ceremonial tools are taken in and out. The Ainu regard this window as sacred and are told never to look in through it. A chise has a fireplace near the entrance. A husband and wife would traditionally sit on the fireplace's left side (called shiso). Children and guests would sit facing them on the fireplace's right side (called harkiso). The chise has a platform for valuables called iyoykir behind the shiso. The Ainu place sintoko (hokai) and ikayop (quivers) there. additionally there is the "Chashi" or hilltop fortification. These were found mostly around Hokkaidō, Japan. These structures served as defensive strongholds and symbolic centers for Ainu communities. The term "Chashi" comes from the Ainu word "casi," meaning palisade or fortified compound. The "okuriba" or sacred site, was another structure that has great value to the Ainu people. it refers to a sacred ritual platform used in Ainu funerary customs. it was used to help send off the spirits of the deceased. The Okuriba was typically a raised platform where offerings were placed. the Ainu people believed that these offerings helped the deceased transition to the Spirit World. |
Ainu people | Cuisine | Cuisine
Traditional Ainu cuisine consists of the meat of bears, foxes, wolves, badgers, oxen, and horses, as well as fish, fowl, millet, vegetables, herbs, and roots. The Ainu traditionally never eat raw fish or meat, always boiling or roasting it. They also cultivated crops such as millet (piyapa), foxtail millet (munchiro), and barnyard millet (menkur), which were used to make a type of sake called "tonoto" for ceremonial purposes.
Salmon was particularly important, referred to as kamuy chep (god's fish) or shipe (true food). In autumn, large quantities of salmon were caught and processed into dried fish for preservation. This served not only as a staple food but also as a major trade item with the Japanese. The Ainu also made extensive use of the bulbs of the Cardiocrinum cordatum (turep), from which they extracted and preserved starch. This tradition of starch usage made it easy for them to adopt potatoes when they were introduced. Ainu cuisine is not commonly eaten outside Ainu communities. Only a few restaurants in Japan – mainly in Tokyo and Hokkaido – serve traditional Ainu dishes. |
Ainu people | Hunting | Hunting
thumb|Bear hunting, 19th century
The Ainu traditionally hunt from late autumn to early summer, in part because in late autumn, plant gathering, salmon fishing, and other activities of securing food come to an end, and hunters readily find game in fields and mountains in which plants have withered. A village typically possesses a hunting-ground of its own, or several villages use a joint hunting territory, called an . Heavy penalties were imposed on any outsiders trespassing on such hunting grounds or on joint hunting territory. The Ainu traditionally hunt Ussuri brown bears, Asian black bears, Ezo deer (a subspecies of sika deer), hares, red foxes, Japanese raccoon dogs, and other animals. Ezo deer are a particularly important food resource for the Ainu, as are salmon. The Ainu also hunt sea eagles, such as white-tailed sea eagles, along with ravens and other birds. The Ainu hunted eagles for their tail feathers, which they used in trade with the Japanese. Historically, the Ainu hunted sea-otters and traded their pelts in the Japanese market.
thumb|Ainu people, c. 1840
The Ainu hunted with arrows and spears with poison-coated points. They obtained the poison, called , from the roots and stalks of aconites. The recipe for this poison was a household secret that differed from family to family. They enhanced the poison with mixtures of roots and stalks of dog's bane, boiled juice of Mekuragumo (a type of harvestman), Matsumomushi (Notonecta triguttata, a species of backswimmer), tobacco, and other ingredients. They also used stingray stingers or skin-covering stingers.
They traditionally hunt in groups with dogs. Before hunting, particularly for bears and similar animals, they may pray to the , the house guardian goddess, to convey their wishes for a large catch and to the god of mountains for safe hunting. The Ainu traditionally hunt bears during the spring thaw. At that time, bears are weak because they haven't eaten during their long hibernation. Ainu hunters catch hibernating bears or bears that have just left hibernation dens. When they hunt bears in summer, they use a spring trap loaded with an arrow, called an . The Ainu usually use arrows to hunt deer. Also, they drive deer into a river or sea and shoot them with arrows. For a large catch, a whole village would drive a herd of deer off a cliff and club them to death. |
Ainu people | Fishing | Fishing
Fishing is important to Ainu culture. They largely catch trout in summer and salmon in autumn, as well as (Japanese huchen), dace, and other fish. Spears called were often used. Other methods were fishing, fishing, and fishing. Many villages were built near rivers or along the coast. Each village or individual had a definite river fishing territory. Outsiders could not freely fish there and needed to ask the owner. |
Ainu people | Japanese lacquerware | Japanese lacquerware
thumb|200px|Lacquer stored in cise (Hokkaido Museum)
Japanese lacquerware was used in everyday life as tableware and often used in ceremonies (ritual utensils), such as the cups used to offer alcohol when praying to the kamui. Lacquerware was often treated as treasure, and it was also used as containers for storing other treasures.
One of the characteristics of Ainu lacquerware is that it is almost entirely imported from the south of Honshu. Some pieces may have been lacquered in Matsumae in southern Hokkaido, but since the technique of lacquering is from Honshu, lacquerware can be considered an introduced item among Ainu folk implements.
There are examples of spatulas and other objects used by the Ainu people for ceremonial purposes that remain in clusters of the same size, and some are specifically produced for trading with the Ainu. |
Ainu people | Ornaments | Ornaments
thumb|Ainu leader wearing a matanpushi in 1904
Traditionally, Ainu men wear a crown called a for important ceremonies. are made from wood fiber with bundles of partially shaved wood. The crown has wooden figures of animal gods and other ornaments in its center. Men carry an (ceremonial sword) secured by an strap to their shoulders.
thumb|An Ainu woman from Hokkaido,
Ainu women traditionally wear , embroidered headbands, and , metal earrings with balls. and were originally also worn by men. Furthermore, aprons called are now part of women's formal clothes. However, some old documents state that men wore . Women sometimes wear a bracelet called a .
Women may wear a necklace called a , a long, narrow strip of cloth with metal plaques. They may also wear a necklace that reaches the breast, called a or , usually made from glass balls. Some glass balls came from trade with the Asian continent. The Ainu also obtained glass balls secretly made by the Matsumae clan. |
Ainu people | Housing | Housing
thumb|Ainu house in Hokkaido
A village is called a in the Ainu language. were traditionally located in river basins and along seashores where food was readily available, particularly in the basins of rivers through which salmon traveled upstream. In early modern times, the Ainu people were forced to labor at Japanese fishing grounds. Ainu were also forced to relocate to near fishing grounds so that the Japanese could secure a labor force. When the Japanese moved to other fishing grounds, Ainu were forced to accompany them. As a result, the traditional disappeared, and large villages of several dozen families were formed around the fishing grounds.
thumb|Ainu traditional house. Ainu:
or (houses) in a are made of cogon grass, bamboo grass, bark, etc. The length lays east to west or parallel to a river. A is about seven by five meters, with an entrance at the west end that also serves as a storeroom. A has three windows, including the , a window located on the side facing the entrance (i.e., on the east side), through which gods enter and leave and ceremonial tools are taken in and out. The Ainu regard this window as sacred and are told never to look in through it. A has a fireplace near the entrance. A husband and wife would traditionally sit on the fireplace's left side (called ). Children and guests would sit facing them on the fireplace's right side (called ). The has a platform for valuables called behind the . The Ainu place () and (quivers) there. |
Ainu people | Traditions | Traditions
300px|thumb|Chishima Ainu working
The Ainu people have various types of marriage. A child is traditionally promised in marriage by arrangement between their parents and the parents of their betrothed, or by a go-between. When the betrothed reach a marriageable age, they are told who their spouse is to be. There are also traditional marriages based on the mutual consent of both sexes. In some areas, when a daughter reaches a marriageable age, her parents allow her to live in a small room called a , annexed to the southern wall of the house. The parents choose her husband from the men who visit her.
The age of marriage is 17 to 18 years of age for men and 15 to 16 years of age for women, who are traditionally tattooed. At these ages, both sexes are regarded as adults.
thumb|An Ainu man smoking
When a man proposes to a woman in traditional fashion, he visits her house, and she hands him a full bowl of rice. He then eats half of the rice and returns the rest to her. If the woman eats the remaining rice, she accepts his proposal. If she does not and instead puts it beside her, she rejects his proposal. When a man and woman become engaged or learn that their engagement has been arranged, they exchange gifts. The man sends her a small engraved knife, a workbox, a spool, and other gifts. She sends him embroidered clothes, coverings for the back of the hand, leggings, and other handmade clothes.
The worn-out fabric of old clothing is used for baby clothes because soft cloth is good for their skin. Additionally, worn-out material was thought to protect babies from the gods of illness and demons, due to these entities' abhorrence of dirty things. Before a baby is breast-fed, they are given a decoction of the endodermis of an alder and the roots of butterburs to discharge impurities. Children are raised almost naked until about the ages of four to five. Even when they wear clothes, they do not wear belts and leave the front of their clothes open. Subsequently, they wear bark clothes without patterns, such as , until they come of age.
Ainu babies traditionally are not given permanent names when they are born. Rather, they are called by various temporary names until the age of two or three.
Newborn babies are named ("a baby's crying"), , ("small excrement"), and ("old excrement"). Their tentative names have a portion meaning "excrement" or "old things" to ward off the demon of ill-health. Some children are named based on their behavior or habits; others are named after notable events or after their parents' wishes for their future. When children are named, they are never given the same names as others.
Men traditionally wear loincloths and have their hair dressed properly for the first time at age 15 to 16. Women are also considered adults at the age of 15 to 16. They traditionally wear underclothes called and have their hair dressed properly, with wound waistcloths called and around their bodies.
When women reached the age of 12 or 13, the lips, hands, and arms were traditionally tattooed. When they reached the age of 15 or 16, their tattoos would be completed, indicating their qualification for marriage. |
Ainu people | Religion | Religion
thumb|Painting of the Ainu , or bear spirit sending ceremony, in Hokkaido (1875)
The Ainu are traditionally animists,believing that everything in nature has a (spirit or god) on the inside. The most important include:
, goddess of the hearth
, god of bears and mountains
, god of the sea, fishing, and marine animals
, regarded as the creator of the world in the Ainu religionNorbert Richard Adami: Religion und Schaminismus der Ainu auf Sachalin (Karafuto), Bonn 1989, p. 40-42.
thumb|Ainu traditional ceremony,
Ainu craftsmen, and the Ainu as a whole, traditionally believed that "anything made with deep sincerity was imbued with spirit and also became a []". They also held the belief that ancestors and the power of the family could be invoked through certain patterns in art to protect them from malignant influences.
The Ainu religion has no priests by profession. Instead, the village chief performs whatever religious ceremonies are necessary. Ceremonies are confined to making libations of , saying prayers, and offering willow sticks with wooden shavings attached to them. These sticks are called (singular) and (plural).
They are placed on an altar used to "send back" the spirits of killed animals. Ainu ceremonies for sending back bears are called which dates back to AD 11. This ritual took place over several years and included the capture of a bear cub, who was then raised as a member of the family. Eventually, they would ritually kill the bear. Since they treated the bear well in life, the Ainu believed that in death, the spirit of the bear would ensure the well-being of its adoptive community. The Ainu people give thanks to the gods before eating and pray to the deity of fire in times of sickness. Traditional Ainu belief holds that their spirits are immortal and that their spirits will be rewarded hereafter by ascending to (Land of the Gods).
The Ainu are part of a larger collective of indigenous people who practice "arctolatry", or bear worship. The Ainu believe that the bear holds particular importance as 's chosen method of delivering the gift of the bear's hide and meat to humans.
John Batchelor reported that the Ainu view the world as being a spherical ocean on which many islands float, a view based on the fact that the sun rises in the east and sets in the west. He wrote that they believe the world rests on the back of a large fish, which, when it moves, causes earthquakes.
Ainu assimilated into mainstream Japanese society have adopted Buddhism and Shintō; some northern Ainu were converted as members of the Russian Orthodox Church. Regarding Ainu communities in Shikotan and other areas that fall within the Russian sphere of cultural influence, there have been a few churches constructed, and some Ainu are reported to have accepted the Christian faith.北千島アイヌの改宗政策について – 立命館大学 There have also been reports that the Russian Orthodox Church has performed some missionary projects in the Sakhalin Ainu community. However, there are only reports of a few conversions to Christianity. Converts have been scorned as (Russian Ainu) by other members of the Ainu community. Reports indicate that many Ainu have kept their faith in their traditional deities.
According to a 2012 survey conducted by Hokkaido University, a high percentage of Ainu are members of their household family religion, which is Buddhism (especially Buddhism). However, it is noted that, similar to the Japanese religious consciousness, there is not a strong feeling of identification with a particular religion, with Buddhist and traditional beliefs both being part of their daily lives.
Another religious-based practice was the Kamuy Puyara or Sacred Windows. Ainu homes, called chise, contained a special window through which sacred offerings were made. Excavations of Pre-Modern Ainu settlements (13th–17th century) show burials and house orientations aligned with spiritual beliefs. |
Ainu people | Rituals | Rituals
The Ainu religion consists of a pantheistic animist structure in which the world is founded on interactions between humans and . Within all living beings, natural forces, and objects, there is a (sacred life force) that is an extension of a greater . are gods or spirits that choose to visit the human world in temporary physical forms, both animate and inanimate, within the human world. Once the physical vessel dies or breaks, the returns to the and leaves its physical form behind as a gift to humans. If the humans treated the vessel and with respect and gratitude, then the would return out of delight for the human world. Due to this interaction, the Ainu lived with deep reverence for nature and all objects and phenomena in the hopes that the would return. The Ainu believed that the granted humans objects, skills, and knowledge to use tools, and thus deserve respect and worship. Daily practices included the moderation of hunting, gathering, and harvesting to not disturb the . Often, the Ainu would make offerings of an (sacred shaved stick), which usually consisted of whittled willow tree wood with decorative shavings still attached, and wine to the . They also built sacred altars called (a fence-like row of taller Inau decorated with bear skulls), separated from the main house and raised storehouses and often observed outdoor rituals.
The Ainu observed a ritual that would return , a divine or spiritual being in Ainu mythology, to the spiritual realm. This sending ritual was called Omante. A bear cub would be captured alive during hibernation and raised in the village as a child. Women would care for the cubs as if they were their children, sometimes even nursing them if needed. Once the bears reached maturity, they would hold another ritual every 5 to 10 years called Iomante (sometimes Iyomante). People from neighboring villages were invited to help celebrate this ritual, in which members of the village would send the bear back to the realm of spirits by gathering around it in a central area and using special ceremonial arrows to shoot it. Afterwards, they would eat the meat. However, in 1955, this ritual was outlawed as animal cruelty. In 2007, it became exempt due to its cultural significance to the Ainu. The ritual has since been modified; it is now an annual festival. The festival begins at sundown with a torch parade. A play is then performed, and this is followed by music and dancing.
Other rituals were performed for things such as food and illness. The Ainu had a ritual to welcome the salmon, praying for a big catch, and another to thank the salmon at the end of the season. There was also a ritual for warding off that would bring epidemics, using strong-smelling herbs placed in doorways, windows, and gardens to turn away epidemic . Similarly to many religions, the Ainu also gave prayers and offerings to their ancestors in the spirit world or afterlife. They would also pray to the fire to deliver their offerings of broken snacks and fruit, as well as tobacco. |
Ainu people | Dancing in rituals | Dancing in rituals
Traditional dances are performed at ceremonies and banquets. Dancing is a part of the newly organized cultural festivals, and it is even done privately in daily life. Ainu traditional dances often involve large circles of dancers, and sometimes there are onlookers that sing without musical instruments. In rituals, these dances are intimate; they involve the calls and movements of animals and/or insects. Some, like the sword and bow dances, are rituals that were used to worship and give thanks for nature. This was to thank deities that they believed were in their surroundings. There was also a dance in Iomante that mimicked the movements of a living bear. However, some dances are improvised and meant just for entertainment. Overall, Ainu traditional dancing reinforced their connection to nature and the religious world and provided a link to other Arctic cultures. |
Ainu people | Funerals | Funerals
When a person dies, their soul is thought to travel through the hearth of Kamuy Fuchi, the goddess of fire, to the afterlife. Burial customs included dressing the deceased in ceremonial clothing and surrounding them with their treasured possessions, which were intentionally broken to release their spirits. Funerals also included prayers and offerings to the fire , as well as verse laments expressing wishes for a smooth journey to the next world. Sometimes a burial would be followed by burning the residence of the dead. In the event of an unnatural death, there would be a speech raging against the gods. The graves were often isolated and were marked by carved poles called "kuwa." These practices reflect the Ainu's deep spiritual beliefs and their connection to nature and the divine.
In the afterlife, recognized ancestral spirits moved through and influenced the world, though neglected spirits would return to the living world and cause misfortune. Prosperity of family in the afterlife would depend on prayers and offerings left by living descendants; this often led to Ainu parents teaching their children to look after them in the afterlife. |
Ainu people | Graves | Graves
Archaeological excavations have revealed that Ainu graves are typically oval or rectangular, with the deceased primarily buried in an extended dorsal position, though some were interred in a crouched posture. Offerings placed around the head provide insight into its orientation, based on the distribution of burial accessories, even when skeletal remains are absent. Over 1,000 burials from the Pre-Ainu Period have been uncovered and cataloged by Utagawa, with about 400 featuring precisely documented orientations. Earlier excavation reports predominantly referenced magnetic north, according to current Hokkaido data. At the Tohohata Burial site in Shin-Hidaka Town, 75 burials have been excavated, and with only one exception, all exhibited a southeast orientation near the Winter Solstice sunrise point. In contrast, at the Motomonbetsu site in Monbetsu Town, northeastern Hokkaido, burial orientations are more varied, with east, southeast, north, and northwest alignments being present. This variation suggests regional differences in burial orientation mirroring patterns seen in house alignments. |
Ainu people | Incorporating Ainu into archaeology | Incorporating Ainu into archaeology
There has been many findings regarding the Ainu people that have been made with a Western mindset. Because of this, there have been movements made in order to start breaking away from this and starting to incorporate the Ainu people into archaeological work, including the incorporation of the "Kamui-nomi" ceremony at archaeological sites. This is a traditional Ainu ritual performed with the intention of giving prayers to their gods for safe travel or well-being. During the ritual, sacred shaved sticks called "inaw" are used, and then later they are offered to the Ishikari River as part of the ceremony. This is being done now because archaeology is looked at as a colonialist endeavor by many Indigenous communities, like the Ainu, and Indigenous pasts are very different from the stories archaeologists conclude, and those stories impact Indigenous knowledge. Indigenous archaeology argues that it is necessary to have the Indigenous people participate to ensure that the research that is being done is reciprocal towards that community by respecting the culture, traditions, and perspective of those people. Incorporating the Ainu people into archaeological research is essential, as Indigenous archaeology prioritizes their voices, ensuring that discoveries about their ancestors are interpreted with respect, accuracy, and cultural authenticity rather than solely through external perspectives. Their ceremonies, such as the "Kamui-nomi," the "Iomante" (Bear-Sending Ceremony), and other rituals honoring natural spirits provide crucial insights into their worldview. Their Indigenous knowledge offers a deeper contextual understanding of Ainu burial practices, sacred sites, and ancestral traditions, shaping how people interpret archaeological findings beyond mere artifacts, and enriching people's appreciation of their spiritual and cultural legacy.
Archaeological efforts are crucial in deepening people's understanding of the Ainu, as they provide tangible evidence of their historical and cultural legacy. Through the excavation of artifacts such as tools, pottery, and remnants of ancient settlements, researchers can reconstruct the daily lives, social structures, and spiritual practices of the Ainu people. These findings help to fill gaps in historical records, offering a more comprehensive and nuanced view of the Ainu's contributions to history. Archaeology plays a vital role in preserving the heritage of the Ainu, ensuring that their stories and traditions are not lost to time. By fostering collaboration between archaeologists and the Ainu community, these efforts also promote cultural sensitivity and respect, allowing for a more accurate and respectful representation of the Ainu's rich cultural identity.
Historically, their language, traditions, and spiritual practices were marginalized under policies aimed at integrating them into the dominant cultures. This led to significant losses in their cultural heritage, with the Ainu language now critically endangered. However, recent efforts have focused on revitalizing Ainu identity through the preservation of language, traditional arts, and spiritual practices. These initiatives are not only about cultural survival but also about reclaiming a sense of pride and identity among Ainu communities.
Within Ainu heritage and research circles, there has been a growing movement to Indigenize and decolonize their narratives. This involves challenging the dominant historical perspectives that have often portrayed the Ainu as a vanishing or primitive people. By centering Ainu's voices and perspectives, these efforts aim to dismantle colonial frameworks and promote a more authentic representation of their history and contributions.
Archaeology has played a pivotal role in challenging dominant historical narratives about the Ainu and revitalizing their cultural practices. By uncovering material evidence of the Ainu's distinct cultural and historical trajectory, archaeologists, along with the Ainu people, have highlighted the complexity and richness of their heritage, which has been overlooked or misrepresented in mainstream accounts. This collaboration between archaeologists and Ainu communities underscores the importance of Indigenous perspectives in interpreting the past and shaping the future. |
Ainu people | Institutions | Institutions
thumb|National Ainu Museum interior
Most Hokkaidō Ainu, and some other Ainu, are members of an umbrella group called the Hokkaido Ainu Association. The organization changed its name to Hokkaido Utari Association in 1961 due to the fact that the word Ainu was often used in a derogatory manner by the non-Ainu ethnic Japanese. It was changed back to the Hokkaido Ainu Association in 2009 after the passing of the new law regarding the Ainu. The organization was originally controlled by the government to speed Ainu assimilation and integration into the Japanese nation-state. It is now run exclusively by Ainu and operates mostly independently of the government.
thumb|Ainu cultural promotion center and museum in Sapporo (Sapporo Pirka Kotan)
Other key institutions include The Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture (FRPAC), established by the Japanese government after the enactment of the Ainu Culture Law in 1997; the Hokkaidō University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies, established in 2007; and various museums and cultural centers. The Ainu people living in Tokyo have also developed a vibrant political and cultural community.
Since late 2011, the Ainu have developed cultural exchange and cooperation with the Sámi people of northern Europe. Both the Sámi and the Ainu participate in the organization for Arctic indigenous peoples and the Sámi research office in Lapland (Finland).
Currently, there are several Ainu museums and cultural parks. Some of them are:
National Ainu Museum
Kawamura Kaneto Ainu Museum
Ainu Kotan
Ainu Folklore Museum
Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples
Nibutani Ainu Culture Museum
Shinhidaka Ainu Museum |
Ainu people | Ethnic rights | Ethnic rights
thumb|The Oki Dub Ainu Band, led by the Ainu Japanese musician Oki, in Germany in 2007. |
Ainu people | Legal action | Legal action
thumb|Ainu people in front of a traditional building in Shiraoi, Hokkaido.
On March 27, 1997, the Sapporo District Court decided a landmark case that, for the first time in Japanese history, recognized the right of the Ainu people to enjoy their distinct culture and traditions. The case arose because of a 1978 government plan to build two dams in the Saru River watershed in southern Hokkaidō. The dams were part of a series of development projects under the Second National Development Plan that were intended to industrialize the north of Japan. The planned location for one of the dams was across the valley floor near Nibutani village, the home of a large community of Ainu people and an important center of Ainu culture and history. When the government commenced construction on the Nibutani Dam in the early 1980s, two Ainu landowners refused to agree to the expropriation of their property. These landowners were Tadashi Kaizawa and Shigeru Kayano—well-known and important leaders in the Ainu community. After Kaizawa and Kayano declined to sell their land, the Hokkaidō Development Bureau applied for and was subsequently granted a Project Authorization, which required the men to vacate their land. When their appeal of the Authorization was denied, Kayano and Kaizawa's son Koichi (Kaizawa died in 1992) filed suit against the Hokkaidō Development Bureau.
The final decision denied the relief sought by the plaintiffs for pragmatic reasons (the dam was already in place), but the decision was nonetheless heralded as a landmark victory for the Ainu people. Nearly all of the plaintiffs' claims were recognized. Moreover, the decision marked the first time Japanese case law acknowledged the Ainu as an indigenous people and contemplated the responsibility of the Japanese nation to the indigenous people within its borders. The decision included broad fact-finding that underscored the long history of the oppression of the Ainu people by Japan's majority, referred to as in the case, and discussions about the case. The decision was issued on March 27, 1997. Because of the broad implications for Ainu rights, the plaintiffs decided not to appeal the decision, which became final two weeks later. After the decision was issued, on May 8, 1997, the Diet passed the Ainu Culture Law and repealed the Ainu Protection Act—the 1899 law that had been the vehicle of Ainu oppression for almost one hundred years.The law's original Japanese text is available at Wikisource. While the Ainu Culture Law has been widely criticized for its shortcomings, the shift that it represents in Japan's view of the Ainu people is a testament to the importance of the Nibutani decision. In 2007, the "Cultural Landscape along the Sarugawa River resulting from Ainu Tradition and Modern Settlement" was designated an Important Cultural Landscape of Japan. A later action seeking the restoration of Ainu assets held in trust by the Japanese government was dismissed in 2008.Levin & Tsunemoto, Oklahoma Law Review. |
Ainu people | Governmental bodies on Ainu affairs | Governmental bodies on Ainu affairs
There is no single government body to coordinate Ainu affairs. Rather, various advisory boards are set up by the Hokkaido government to advise on specific matters. One such committee operated in the late 1990s, and its work resulted in the . This panel was criticized for including no Ainu members.
In 2006, another panel was established, which notably included an Ainu member for the first time. It completed its work in 2008, issuing a major report that included an extensive historical record and called for substantial government policy changes towards the Ainu. |
Ainu people | Formation of Ainu political party | Formation of Ainu political party
On January 21, 2012, the was founded after a group of Ainu activists in Hokkaidō announced the formation of a political party for the Ainu on October 30, 2011. The Ainu Association of Hokkaidō reported that Kayano Shiro, the son of the former Ainu leader Kayano Shigeru, would head the party. Their aim is to contribute to the realization of a society where the Ainu and Japanese can coexist and possess equal rights in Japan. |
Ainu people | Official promotion | Official promotion
The "2019 Ainu act" simplified procedures for obtaining various permissions from authorities in regards to the traditional lifestyle of the Ainu and nurtured the identity and cultures of the Ainu without defining the ethnic group by blood lineage.
On July 12, 2020, the National Ainu Museum was opened. It had originally been scheduled to open on April 24, 2020, prior to the Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games scheduled in the same year in Shiraoi, Hokkaidō. The park was planned to be a base for the protection and promotion of Ainu people, culture, and language. The museum promotes the culture and habits of the Ainu people, who are the original inhabitants of Hokkaidō. Upopoy in the Ainu language means "singing in a large group". The National Ainu Museum building has images and videos exhibiting the history and daily life of the Ainu.
The Ainu cultural contribution is also recognized by a UNESCO listing,submitted by Ainu Association of Hokkaido, Japan 2008-9 in consequence of a UNESCO decision to list non-physical cultural assets, including songs and dancing.
In July 2023, it was reported that a group of Ainu from Hokkaido was suing the government to reclaim the right of salmon river fishing. This has been outlawed for a century, except for the exemption of a limited number of salmon for ceremonial purposes. The group claimed the Japanese government did not abide by the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, which it had signed. |
Ainu people | Geography | Geography
The traditional locations of the Ainu are Hokkaido, Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, Kamchatka, and the northern Tōhoku region. Many of the place names that remain in Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands have a phonetic equivalent of the Ainu place names.
In 1756 CE, a kanjō-bugyō (a high-ranking Edo period official responsible for finance) implemented an assimilation policy for Ainu engaged in fishing in the Tsugaru Peninsula. From that point on, Ainu culture rapidly disappeared from Honshu.
After the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), most of the Ainu from the Kuril islands were moved to the island of Shikotan by providing the pioneers with essential life supplies and for defense purposes (Kurishima Cruise Diary).
In 1945, the Soviet Union invaded Japan and occupied Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. The Ainu who lived there were repatriated to their home country, Japan, except for those who indicated their willingness to remain.「昭和21年（1946年）12月19日、東京でデレヴャンコ中将と日本における連合国軍最高司令官代表ポール・J・ミューラー中将が、ソ連領とのその支配下にある地域からの日本人捕虜と民間人の本国送還問題に関する協定に署名した。協定では、日本人捕虜と民間人はソ連領とその支配下のある地域から本国送還されなければならない、と記されていた。日本市民はソ連領から自由意志の原則に基づいて帰還することが特に但し書きされていた。」（ネットワークコミュニティきたみ・市史編さんニュース №100 ヌプンケシ 平成17年1月15日発行） |
Ainu people | Russia | Russia
As a result of the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), the Kuril Islands, along with their Ainu inhabitants, came under Japanese administration. A total of 83 North Kuril Ainu arrived in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky on September 18, 1877, after they decided to remain under Russian rule. They refused the offer by Russian officials to move to new reservations in the Commander Islands. An agreement was reached in 1881, and the Ainu decided to settle in the village of Yavin, Kamchatka. In March 1881, the group left Petropavlovsk and started the journey towards Yavin on foot. Four months later, they arrived at their new homes. Another village, Golygino, was founded later. Under Soviet rule, both villages were forced to disband, and residents were moved to the Russian-dominated Zaporozhye rural settlement in Ust-Bolsheretsky Raion. As a result of intermarriage, the three ethnic groups assimilated to form the Kamchadal community. In 1953, K. Omelchenko, the minister for the protection of military and state secrets in the USSR, banned the press from publishing any more information on the Ainu living in the USSR. This order was revoked after two decades.
, the North Kuril Ainu of Zaporozhye form the largest Ainu subgroup in Russia. The Nakamura clan (South Kuril Ainu on their paternal side), the smallest group, numbers just six people residing in Petropavlovsk. On Sakhalin Island, a few dozen people identify themselves as Sakhalin Ainu, but many more with partial Ainu ancestry do not acknowledge it. Most of the 888 Japanese people living in Russia (2010 Census) are of mixed Japanese–Ainu ancestry, although they do not acknowledge it (full Japanese ancestry gives them the right of visa-free entry to Japan). Similarly, no one identifies themselves as Amur Valley Ainu, although people of partial descent live in Khabarovsk. There is no evidence of living descendants of the Kamchatka Ainu.
In the 2010 Census of Russia, nearly 100 people tried to register themselves as ethnic Ainu in the village, but the governing council of Kamchatka Krai rejected their claim and enrolled them as ethnic Kamchadal. In 2011, the leader of the Ainu community in Kamchatka, Alexei Vladimirovich Nakamura, requested that Vladimir Ilyukhin (Governor of Kamchatka) and Boris Nevzorov (Chairman of the State Duma) include the Ainu in the central list of the Indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. This request was also denied.
Ethnic Ainu living in Sakhalin Oblast and Khabarovsk Krai are not organized politically. According to Alexei Nakamura, , only 205 Ainu live in Russia (up from just 12 people who self-identified as Ainu in 2008). They, along with the Kurile Kamchadals (Itelmen of the Kuril Islands), are fighting for official recognition. Since the Ainu are not recognized in the official list of the peoples living in Russia, they are counted as people without nationality, as ethnic Russians, or as Kamchadals.
The Ainu have emphasized that they were the natives of the Kuril Islands, and that the Japanese and Russians were both invaders. In 2004, the small Ainu community living in Russia in Kamchatka Krai wrote a letter to Vladimir Putin, urging him to reconsider any move to award the Southern Kuril Islands to Japan. In the letter, they blamed the Japanese, the Tsarist Russians, and the Soviets for crimes against the Ainu, such as killings and assimilation; they also urged him to recognize the Japanese genocide against the Ainu people. This proposal was rejected.
thumb|Karafuto (Sakhalin) Ainu family behind their house in 1912.
, both the Kuril Ainu and Kuril Kamchadal ethnic groups lack the fishing and hunting rights that the Russian government grants to the indigenous tribal communities of the far north.
In March 2017, Alexei Nakamura revealed that plans for an Ainu village to be created in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and plans for an Ainu dictionary are underway. |
Ainu people | Population | Population
The population of the Ainu during the Edo period was a maximum of 26,800; it has since declined, due in part to the spread of infectious diseases. It was traditionally regarded as a Tenryō territory.
According to the 1897 Russian census, 1,446 Ainu native speakers lived in Russian territory.
Currently, there is no Ainu category in the Japanese national census, and no fact-finding has been conducted by national institutions. Therefore, the exact number of Ainu people is unknown. However, multiple surveys have been conducted that provide an indication of the total population.
According to a 2006 Hokkaido Agency survey, there were 23,782 Ainu people in Hokkaido. When viewed by the branch office (currently the Promotion Bureau), there are many in the Iburi / Hidaka branch office. The definition of "Ainu" by the Hokkaido Agency in this survey is "a person who seems to have inherited the blood of Ainu" or "the same livelihood as those with marriage or adoption." Additionally, if the other person is declared not to be "Ainu", then it is not subject to investigation.
A 1971 survey determined an Ainu population of 77,000. Another survey yielded a total of 200,000 Ainu living in Japan. However, there are no other surveys that support this high estimate.
Many Ainu live outside of Hokkaido. A 1988 survey estimated that the population of Ainu living in Tokyo was 2,700. According to a 1989 survey report on Utari living in Tokyo, it is estimated that the Ainu population of the Tokyo area alone exceeds 10% of Ainu living in Hokkaido; there are more than 10,000 Ainu living in the Tokyo metropolitan area.
In addition to Japan and Russia, it was reported in 1992 that there was a descendant of Kuril Ainu in Poland, but there are also indications that they are a descendant of the Aleut.「しかしアキヅキトシユキは実際には1975年の樺太・千島交換条約の際に千島に住んでいた90人のアレウト族の末裔だったのではないかと推測している。そのアイヌがどこのだれのことを示しているのかということに関してそれ以上の情報はでてこなかった」 On the other hand, the descendant of the children born in Poland by the Polish anthropologist Bronisław Piłsudski, who was a leading Ainu researcher and left a vast amount of research material, such as photographs and wax tubes, was born in Japan.
According to a 2017 survey, the Ainu population in Hokkaido is about 13,000. This is a sharp drop from 24,000 in 2006. However, this is partially due to a decrease in membership in the Ainu Association of Hokkaido, which is cooperating with the survey. Additionally, interest in protecting personal information has increased. It is thought that the number of individuals who cooperate is declining and that it does not match the actual population of Ainu people. |
Ainu people | Subgroups | Subgroups
These are unofficial subgroups of the Ainu people, with location and population estimates.
Subgroup Location Description PopulationYear Hokkaido Ainu HokkaidoHokkaido Ainu (the predominant community of Ainu in the world today): A Japanese census in 1916 returned 13,557 pure-blooded Ainu in addition to 4,550 multiracial individuals. A 2017 survey says the Ainu population in Hokkaido is about 13,000. It decreased sharply from 24,000 in 2006. 13,0002017 Tokyo Ainu Tokyo Tokyo Ainu (a modern-age migration of Hokkaidō Ainu highlighted in a documentary film released in 2010): According to a 1989 survey, more than 10,000 Ainu live in the Tokyo metropolitan area. 10,0001989 Tohoku Ainu Tohoku Tohoku Ainu (from Honshū; no officially acknowledged population exists): Forty-three Ainu households scattered throughout the Tohoku region were reported during the 17th century. There are people who consider themselves descendants of Shimokita Ainu on the Shimokita Peninsula, while the people on the Tsugaru Peninsula are generally considered Yamato but may be descendants of Tsugaru Ainu after cultural assimilation. Extinct17th centurySakhalin AinuSakhalinSakhalin Ainu: Pure-blooded individuals may be surviving in Hokkaidō. From both Northern and Southern Sakhalin, a total of 841 Ainu were relocated to Hokkaidō in 1875 by Japan. Only a few in remote interior areas remained when the island was turned over to Russia. Even when Japan was granted Southern Sakhalin in 1905, only a handful returned. The Japanese census of 1905 counted only 120 Sakhalin Ainu (down from 841 in 1875, 93 in Karafuto, and 27 in Hokkaidō). The Soviet census of 1926 counted 5 Ainu, while several of their multiracial children were recorded as ethnic Nivkh, Slav, or Uilta.
North Sakhalin: Only five pure-blooded individuals were recorded during the 1926 Soviet Census in Northern Sakhalin. Most of the Sakhalin Ainu (mainly from coastal areas) were relocated to Hokkaidō in 1875 by Japan. The few that remained (mainly in the remote interior) were mostly married to Russians, as can be seen from the works of Bronisław Piłsudski.
Southern Sakhalin (Karafuto): Japanese rule until 1945. Japan evacuated almost all the Ainu to Hokkaidō after World War II. Isolated individuals might have remained on Sakhalin. In 1949, there were about 100 Ainu living on Soviet Sakhalin.1001949Northern Kuril AinuNorthern Kuril islandsNorthern Kuril Ainu (no known living population in Japan; existence is not recognized by the Russian government in Kamchatka Krai): Also known as Kurile in Russian records. They were under Russian rule until 1875; they first came under Japanese rule after the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875). The majority of the population was located on the island of Shumshu, with a few others on islands like Paramushir. Together, they numbered 221 in 1860. These individuals had Russian names, spoke Russian fluently, and were Russian Orthodox in religion. As the islands were given to the Japanese, more than a hundred Ainu fled to Kamchatka along with their Russian employers (where they were assimilated into the Kamchadal population). Only about half remained under Japanese rule. To derussify the Kurile, the entire population of 97 individuals was relocated to Shikotan in 1884, given Japanese names, and the children were enrolled in Japanese schools. Unlike the other Ainu groups, the Kurile failed to adjust to their new surroundings; by 1933, only 10 individuals survived (plus another 34 multiracial individuals). The last group of 20 individuals (including a few pure-blooded Ainu) was evacuated to Hokkaidō in 1941, where they soon vanished as a separate ethnic group.Extinct20th centurySouthern Kuril Ainu Southern Kuril islandsSouthern Kuril Ainu (no known living population): This group numbered almost 2,000 people (mainly in Kunashir, Iturup, and Urup) during the 18th century. In 1884, their population had decreased to 500. Around 50 individuals (mostly multiracial) who remained in 1941 were evacuated to Hokkaidō by the Japanese soon after World War II. The last full-blooded Southern Kuril Ainu was Suyama Nisaku, who died in 1956. The last of the tribe (partial ancestry), Tanaka Kinu, died on Hokkaidō in 1973.Extinct1973Kamchatka AinuKamchatka Kamchatka Ainu (no known living population): Known as Kamchatka Kurile in Russian records. They ceased to exist as a separate ethnic group after their defeat in 1706 by the Russians. Individuals were assimilated into the Kurile and Kamchadal ethnic groups. They were last recorded in the 18th century by Russian explorers.Extinct18th centuryAmur Valley AinuAmur River
(Eastern Russia)Amur Valley Ainu (probably none remain): A few individuals married to ethnic Russians and ethnic Ulchi were reported by Bronisław Piłsudski in the early 20th century. Only 26 pure-blooded individuals were recorded during the 1926 Russian Census in Nikolaevski Okrug (present-day Nikolayevsky District, Khabarovsk Krai). They were probably assimilated into the Slavic rural population. Although no one identifies as Ainu today in Khabarovsk Krai, there are a large number of ethnic Ulch with partial Ainu ancestry.Shaman: an international journal for Shamanistic research, Volumes 4–5, p.155.Extinct20th century |
Ainu people | In popular culture | In popular culture
The characters Nakoruru, Rimururu, and Rera from the SNK game series Samurai Shodown are Ainu.
In the 2006 video game Ōkami, the Oina people, who inhabit the northern land of Kamui, are heavily inspired by the Ainu.
The manga and anime series Golden Kamuy has an Ainu girl, Asirpa, as one of the protagonists and features many aspects of Ainu culture.
The character Fredzilla from Big Hero 6 is of Ainu descent.
The character Okuru from the anime series Samurai Champloo is the sole survivor of an Ainu village wiped out by disease.
Usui Horokeu, also known as Horohoro in the manga series Shaman King, is a member of an Ainu tribe.
"Ainu" is a playable nation in the game Europa Universalis IV.
The history of the island of Hokkaidō and of the Ainu people are part of the plot of a chapter in the manga Silver Spoon.
A coming-of-age film, Ainu Mosir, was released in Japan on October 17, 2020. The film portrays Kanto, a sensitive 14-year-old Ainu boy who struggles to come to terms with his father's death and his identity. The film also focuses on the dilemma of the controversial bear sacrifice ritual under the shadow of modern Japanese society and the Ainu's heavy reliance on tourists for their livelihood. Along with other restless teenagers, Kanto is under pressure to retain his Ainu identity and participate in the cultural rituals.
In the James Bond novel You Only Live Twice and film, Bond's character spends some time living in an Ainu village and (in the film) is supposedly disguised as one of the local people, "marrying" a local pearl fisher () as part of his cover.
In the 2013 samurai film Unforgiven, starring Ken Watanabe and which is a remake of the 1992 Clint Eastwood Western film of the same name, the character of Goro Sawada (Yuya Yagira) is half-Ainu. |
Ainu people | See also | See also
Ainu-ken
Ainu Revolution Theory
Akira Ifukube
Anti-Japaneseism
Bibliography of the Ainu
Bikki Sunazawa
Burakumin
Constitution of Japan
Ethnic issues in Japan
Human rights in Japan
Racism in Japan
Ethnocide
Genocide of indigenous peoples
Hiram M. Hiller Jr.
Kankō Ainu
Matagi
Mieko Chikappu
Shizue Ukaji |
Ainu people | Ainu culture | Ainu culture
Ainu flag
Ainu genre painting
Ikupasuy |
Ainu people | References | References |
Ainu people | Citations | Citations |
Ainu people | Works cited | Works cited
Genetic studies
Language
|
Ainu people | Further reading | Further reading
Hitchingham, Masako Yoshida (trans.), Act for the Promotion of Ainu Culture & Dissemination of Knowledge Regarding Ainu Traditions, Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal, vol. 1, no. 1 (2000).
Kayano, Shigeru (1994). Our Land Was A Forest: An Ainu Memoir. Westview Press. . .
(Indiana University, digitized September 3, 2009)
The Collected Works of Bronisław Piłsudski, translated and edited by Alfred F. Majewicz with the assistance of Elzbieta Majewicz.
Volume 1: The Aborigines of Sakhalin
Volume 2: Materials for the Study of the Ainu Language and Folklore (Kraków 1912)
Volume 3: Materials for the Study of the Ainu Language and Folklore II
Volume 4: Materials for the Study of Tungusic Languages and Folklore |
Ainu people | External links | External links
Organizations
Hokkaido Utari Kyokai/Ainu Association of Hokkaido
Sapporo Pirka Kotan Ainu Cultural Center
Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture (centers located in Sapporo and Tokyo)
Hokkaido University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies
Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Ainu in Samani, Hokkaidō
Foundation for Ainu Culture
Museums and exhibits
Smithsonian Institution
The Boone Collection
Nibutani Ainu Cultural Museum
The Ainu Museum at Shiraoi
Ainu Komonjo (18th & 19th century records) – Ohnuki Collection
The Regions: North America—Ainu–North American cultural similarities
Articles
"Japan's Ainu hope new identity leads to more rights" in The Christian Science Monitor, June 9, 2008
A Salmon's Life: An Incredible Journey (Columbia River basin, June 8, 2016)—Posterback Activities
Video
"A Trip through Japan with the YWCA (ca. 1919)" —Rare Japanese video featuring Ainu
The Ainu: The First Peoples of Japan. Old videos and photographs arranged by Rawn Joseph
"The Despised Ainu People". The Ainus' Tense Relationship with Japan. 1994. Journeyman.tv
Category:Ethnic groups in Japan
Category:Ethnic groups in Russia
Category:History of Hokkaido
Category:History of Northeast Asia
Category:History of Sakhalin
Category:Indigenous peoples of East Asia
Category:People of Kamakura-period Japan
Category:Japanese people of Russian descent
Category:Russian people of Japanese descent
Category:Genocide of indigenous peoples in Asia |
Ainu people | Table of Content | Short description, Names, History, Ainu Culture period (Nibutani period), Japanese colonization, Japanese annexation of Hokkaido, Assimilation after annexation, Standard of living, Ainu and ethnic homogeneity in Japan, Origins, Relationship with the historical Emishi, Genetics, Paternal lineages, Maternal lineages, Autosomal DNA, Military service, Russo-Japanese War, Culture, Language, Social structure, Appearance and dress, Dwellings and Structures, Cuisine, Hunting, Fishing, Japanese lacquerware, Ornaments, Housing, Traditions, Religion, Rituals, Dancing in rituals, Funerals, Graves, Incorporating Ainu into archaeology, Institutions, Ethnic rights, Legal action, Governmental bodies on Ainu affairs, Formation of Ainu political party, Official promotion, Geography, Russia, Population, Subgroups, In popular culture, See also, Ainu culture, References, Citations, Works cited, Further reading, External links |
Acropolis | short description | thumb|upright=1.5|Acropolis of Athens in Athens, Greece
An acropolis was the settlement of an upper part of an ancient Greek city, especially a citadel, and frequently a hill with precipitous sides, mainly chosen for purposes of defense. The term is typically used to refer to the Acropolis of Athens, yet nearly every Greek city had an acropolis of its own. Acropolises were used as religious centers and places of worship, forts, and places in which the royal and high-status resided. Acropolises became the nuclei of large cities of classical ancient times, and served as important centers of a community. Some well-known acropolises have become the centers of tourism in present-day, and they are a rich source of archaeological information of ancient Greece, especially, the Acropolis of Athens. |
Acropolis | Origin | Origin
An acropolis is defined by the Greek definition of , ; from () or () meaning “highest; edge; extremity”, and () meaning “city.” The plural of () is , also commonly as and , and in Greek. The term acropolis is also used to describe the central complex of overlapping structures, such as plazas and pyramids, in many Maya cities, including Tikal and Copán. Acropolis is also the term used by archaeologists and historians for the urban Castro culture settlements located in Northwestern Iberian hilltops.
thumb|Acropolis of Lindos, on the island of Rhodes, Greece
It is primarily associated with the Greek cities of Athens, Argos (with Larisa), Thebes (with Cadmea), Corinth (with its Acrocorinth), and Rhodes (with its Acropolis of Lindos). It may also be applied generically to all such citadels including Rome, Carthage, Jerusalem, Celtic Bratislava, Asia Minor, or Castle Rock in Edinburgh. An example in Ireland is the Rock of Cashel. In Central Italy, many small rural communes still cluster at the base of a fortified habitation known as of the commune. Other parts of the world have developed other names for the high citadel, or , which often have reinforced a naturally strong site. Because of this, many cultures have included acropolises in their societies, however, do not use the same name for them. |
Acropolis | Differing acropolises | Differing acropolises
The acropolis of a city was used in many ways, with regards to ancient time and through references. Because an acropolis was built at the highest part of a city, it served as a highly functional form of protection, a fortress, and was as well as a home to the royal of a city and a centre for religion through the worshipping of different gods. There have been many classical and ancient acropolises, including the most commonly-known, Acropolis of Athens, as well as the Tepecik Acropolis at Patara, Ankara Acropolis, Acropolis of La Blanca, Acropolis at the Maya Site in Guatemala, and the Acropolis at Halieis.
thumb|left|The Parthenon in Athens
The most famous example is the Athenian Acropolis, which is a collection of structures featuring a citadel on the highest part of land in ancient (and modern-day) Athens, Greece. Many notable structures at the site were constructed in the 5th century BCE, including the Propylaea, Erechtheion, and the Temple of Athena. The Temple is also commonly known as the Parthenon, which is derived from the divine Athena Parthenos. There were often dances, music and plays held at the acropolis, which it served as a community centre for the city of Athens. It became a prime tourist destination by the 2nd century AD during the Roman Empire and was known as "the Greece of Greece," as coined by an unknown poet. Although originating in the mainland of Greece, use of the acropolis model quickly spread to Greek colonies such as the Dorian Lato on Crete during the Archaic Period.
The Tepecik Acropolis at Patara served as a harbor to nearby communities and naval forces, such as Antigonos I Monopthalmos and Demetrios Poliorketes, and combined land and sea. Its fortification wall and Bastion date back to the Classical period. The acropolis was constructed in the fourth century BCE by the Hekatomnids that ultimately led to its seizure in 334 BCE by Alexander the Great. The acropolis contributed significantly to the overall development that took place during the Hellenistic empires. This acropolis was the earliest place of settlement, probably dating back to the third millennium BCE. During excavations that took place in 1989, ceramic items, terracotta figurines, coins, bone and stone objects were found that date to the fourth century BCE. The fortification wall and bastion that are built at this acropolis uses a style of masonry, commonly known as the Greek word (meaning "woven"). This style of masonry was likely used for weight-bearing purposes.
The Acropolis at Halieis dates back to the Neolithic and Classical periods. It included a fortified wall, sanctuary of Apollo (two temples, an altar, a race course), and necropolis (cemetery). This acropolis was the highest point of fortification on the south edge at Halieis. There was a small open-air cult space, including an altar and monuments.
The Ankara Acropolis, which was set in modern-day Turkey, is a historically prominent space that has changed over time through the urban development of the country from the Phrygian period. This acropolis was well known as a spot for holy worshipping, and was symbolic of the time. It has also been a place that has historically recognized the legislative changes that Turkey has faced.
The Acropolis of La Blanca was created in Guatemala as a small ancient Maya settlement and archaeological site that is located adjacent to the Salsipuedes River. This acropolis developed as a place of residence for the city of La Blanca's rulers. Its main period of usage was during the Classical period of 600 AD to 850 AD, as the city developed as a commercial place of trade among a number of nearby settlements.
The Mayan Acropolis site in Guatemala included a burial site and vaulted tombs of the highest status royal. This funerary structure was integrated into this sacred landscape, and illustrated the prosperity of power between the royal figures of Pedras Negras in Guatemala. |
Acropolis | Modern-day uses | Modern-day uses |
Acropolis | Tourism | Tourism
Acropolises today have become the epicenters of tourism and attraction sites in many modern-day Greek cities. The Athenian Acropolis, in particular, is the most famous, and has the best vantage point in Athens, Greece. Today, tourists can purchase tickets to visit the Athenian Acropolis, including walking, sightseeing, and bus tours, as well as a classic Greek dinner. |
Acropolis | Cultural ties | Cultural ties
thumb|Columbia University in Morningside Heights, Manhattan
Because of its classical Hellenistic and Greco-Roman style, the ruins of Mission San Juan Capistrano's Great Stone Church in California, United States has been called an American Acropolis. The civilization developed its religious, educational, and cultural aspects of the acropolis, and is used today as a location that holds events, such as operas.
The neighborhood of Morningside Heights in New York City is commonly referred to as the "Academic Acropolis" due to its high elevation and the concentration of educational institutions in the area, including Columbia University and its affiliates, Barnard College, Teachers College, Union Theological Seminary and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America; Manhattan School of Music; Bank Street College of Education; and New York Theological Seminary. The analogy is also aided by the neoclassical architecture of the Columbia University campus, which was designed by McKim, Mead & White in the early 20th century. |
Acropolis | Excavations | Excavations
Much of the modern-day uses of acropolises have been discovered through excavations that have developed over the course of many years. For example, the Athenian Acropolis includes a Great Temple that holds the Parthenon, a specific space for ancient worship. Through today's findings and research, the Parthenon treasury is able to be recognized as the west part of the structure (the Erechtheion), as well as the Parthenon itself. Most excavations have been able to provide archaeologists with samples of pottery, ceramics, and vessels. The excavation of the Acropolis of Halieis produced remains that provided context that dated the Acropolis at Halieis from the Final Neolithic period through the first Early Helladic period. |
Acropolis | See also | See also
Acropolis of Rhodes
Acropolis Palaiokastro
Idjang
Tell (archaeology)
Hillfort |
Acropolis | References | References |
Acropolis | External links | External links
Acropolis Museum
Acropolis: description, photo album
The Acropolis of Athens (Greek Government website)
The Acropolis Restoration Project (Greek Government website)
The Acropolis: A Walk Through History
The Parthenon Frieze (Hellenic Ministry of Culture web site)
UNESCO World Heritage Centre — Acropolis, Athens
Category:Ancient Greek architecture
Category:Culture of Greece
Category:Archaeological terminology
Category:Ancient Greek fortifications |
Acropolis | Table of Content | short description, Origin, Differing acropolises, Modern-day uses, Tourism, Cultural ties, Excavations, See also, References, External links |
Acupuncture | Short description | Acupuncture is a form of alternative medicine and a component of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) in which thin needles are inserted into the body. Acupuncture is a pseudoscience; the theories and practices of TCM are not based on scientific knowledge, and it has been characterized as quackery.
There is a range of acupuncture technological variants that originated in different philosophies, and techniques vary depending on the country in which it is performed. However, it can be divided into two main foundational philosophical applications and approaches; the first being the modern standardized form called eight principles TCM and the second being an older system that is based on the ancient Daoist wuxing, better known as the five elements or phases in the West. Acupuncture is most often used to attempt pain relief, though acupuncturists say that it can also be used for a wide range of other conditions. Acupuncture is typically used in combination with other forms of treatment.
The global acupuncture market was worth US$24.55 billion in 2017. The market was led by Europe with a 32.7% share, followed by Asia-Pacific with a 29.4% share and the Americas with a 25.3% share. It was estimated in 2021 that the industry would reach a market size of US$55 billion by 2023.
The conclusions of trials and systematic reviews of acupuncture generally provide no good evidence of benefits, which suggests that it is not an effective method of healthcare. Acupuncture is generally safe when done by appropriately trained practitioners using clean needle techniques and single-use needles. When properly delivered, it has a low rate of mostly minor adverse effects. When accidents and infections do occur, they are associated with neglect on the part of the practitioner, particularly in the application of sterile techniques. A review conducted in 2013 stated that reports of infection transmission increased significantly in the preceding decade. The most frequently reported adverse events were pneumothorax and infections. Since serious adverse events continue to be reported, it is recommended that acupuncturists be trained sufficiently to reduce the risk.
Scientific investigation has not found any histological or physiological evidence for traditional Chinese concepts such as qi, meridians, and acupuncture points, and many modern practitioners no longer support the existence of qi or meridians, which was a major part of early belief systems. Acupuncture is believed to have originated around 100 BC in China, around the time The Inner Classic of Huang Di (Huangdi Neijing) was published, though some experts suggest it could have been practiced earlier. Over time, conflicting claims and belief systems emerged about the effect of lunar, celestial and earthly cycles, yin and yang energies, and a body's "rhythm" on the effectiveness of treatment. Acupuncture fluctuated in popularity in China due to changes in the country's political leadership and the preferential use of rationalism or scientific medicine. Acupuncture spread first to Korea in the 6th century AD, then to Japan through medical missionaries, and then to Europe, beginning with France. In the 20th century, as it spread to the United States and Western countries, spiritual elements of acupuncture that conflicted with scientific knowledge were sometimes abandoned in favor of simply tapping needles into acupuncture points. |
Acupuncture | Clinical practice | Clinical practice
thumb|One type of acupuncture needle
Acupuncture is a form of alternative medicine. It is used most commonly for pain relief, though it is also used to treat a wide range of conditions. Acupuncture is generally only used in combination with other forms of treatment. For example, the American Society of Anesthesiologists states it may be considered in the treatment of nonspecific, noninflammatory low back pain only in conjunction with conventional therapy.
Acupuncture is the insertion of thin needles into the skin. According to the Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research (Mayo Clinic), a typical session entails lying still while approximately five to twenty needles are inserted; for the majority of cases, the needles will be left in place for ten to twenty minutes. It can be associated with the application of heat, pressure, or laser light. Classically, acupuncture is individualized and based on philosophy and intuition, and not on scientific research. There is also a non-invasive therapy developed in early 20th-century Japan using an elaborate set of instruments other than needles for the treatment of children ( or ).
Clinical practice varies depending on the country. A comparison of the average number of patients treated per hour found significant differences between China (10) and the United States (1.2). Chinese herbs are often used. There is a diverse range of acupuncture approaches, involving different philosophies. Although various different techniques of acupuncture practice have emerged, the method used in traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) seems to be the most widely adopted in the US. Traditional acupuncture involves needle insertion, moxibustion, and cupping therapy, and may be accompanied by other procedures such as feeling the pulse and other parts of the body and examining the tongue. Traditional acupuncture involves the belief that a "life force" (qi) circulates within the body in lines called meridians. The main methods practiced in the UK are TCM and Western medical acupuncture. The term Western medical acupuncture is used to indicate an adaptation of TCM-based acupuncture which focuses less on TCM. The Western medical acupuncture approach involves using acupuncture after a medical diagnosis. Limited research has compared the contrasting acupuncture systems used in various countries for determining different acupuncture points, and thus there is no defined standard for acupuncture points.
In traditional acupuncture, the acupuncturist decides which points to treat by observing and questioning the patient to make a diagnosis according to the tradition used. In TCM, the four diagnostic methods are: inspection, auscultation and olfaction, inquiring, and palpation. Inspection focuses on the face and particularly on the tongue, including analysis of the tongue size, shape, tension, color and coating, and the absence or presence of teeth marks around the edge. Auscultation and olfaction involve listening for particular sounds, such as wheezing, and observing body odor. Inquiring involves focusing on the "seven inquiries": chills and fever; perspiration; appetite, thirst and taste; defecation and urination; pain; sleep; and menses and leukorrhea. Palpation is focusing on feeling the body for tender points and feeling the pulse.Cheng, 1987, chapter 12. |
Acupuncture | Needles | Needles
thumb|right|Acupuncture needles
thumb|right|Traditional and modern Japanese guiding tube needles
The most common mechanism of stimulation of acupuncture points employs penetration of the skin by thin metal needles, which are manipulated manually or the needle may be further stimulated by electrical stimulation (electroacupuncture). Acupuncture needles are typically made of stainless steel, making them flexible and preventing them from rusting or breaking. Needles are usually disposed of after each use to prevent contamination. Reusable needles when used should be sterilized between applications. In many areas, only sterile, single-use acupuncture needles are allowed, including the State of California.Department of Consumer Affairs, California Acupuncture Board. Title 16, Article 5. Standards of Practice, 1399.454. Single Use Needles. www.acupuncture.ca.gov/pubs_forms/laws_regs/art5.shtml 1-10-2020. Needles vary in length between , with shorter needles used near the face and eyes, and longer needles in areas with thicker tissues; needle diameters vary from 0 to 0,Aung & Chen, 2007, p. 116. with thicker needles used on more robust patients. Thinner needles may be flexible and require tubes for insertion. The tip of the needle should not be made too sharp to prevent breakage, although blunt needles cause more pain.
Apart from the usual filiform needle, other needle types include three-edged needles and the Nine Ancient Needles. Japanese acupuncturists use extremely thin needles that are used superficially, sometimes without penetrating the skin, and surrounded by a guide tube (a 17th-century invention adopted in China and the West). Korean acupuncture uses copper needles and has a greater focus on the hand. |
Acupuncture | Needling technique | Needling technique |
Acupuncture | Insertion | Insertion
The skin is sterilized and needles are inserted, frequently with a plastic guide tube. Needles may be manipulated in various ways, including spinning, flicking, or moving up and down relative to the skin. Since most pain is felt in the superficial layers of the skin, a quick insertion of the needle is recommended.Aung & Chen, 2007, pp. 113–14. Often the needles are stimulated by hand in order to cause a dull, localized, aching sensation that is called de qi, as well as "needle grasp," a tugging feeling felt by the acupuncturist and generated by a mechanical interaction between the needle and skin. Acupuncture can be painful. The acupuncturist's skill level may influence the painfulness of the needle insertion; a sufficiently skilled practitioner may be able to insert the needles without causing any pain. |
Acupuncture | ''{{Lang | sensation
(; "arrival of qi") refers to a claimed sensation of numbness, distension, or electrical tingling at the needling site. If these sensations are not observed then inaccurate location of the acupoint, improper depth of needle insertion, inadequate manual manipulation, are blamed. If is not immediately observed upon needle insertion, various manual manipulation techniques are often applied to promote it (such as "plucking", "shaking" or "trembling").
Once is observed, techniques might be used which attempt to "influence" the ; for example, by certain manipulation the can allegedly be conducted from the needling site towards more distant sites of the body. Other techniques aim at "tonifying" () or "sedating" () qi. The former techniques are used in deficiency patterns, the latter in excess patterns. De qi is more important in Chinese acupuncture, while Western and Japanese patients may not consider it a necessary part of the treatment. |
Acupuncture | Related practices | Related practices
Acupressure, a non-invasive form of bodywork, uses physical pressure applied to acupressure points by the hand or elbow, or with various devices.
Acupuncture is often accompanied by moxibustion, the burning of cone-shaped preparations of moxa (made from dried mugwort) on or near the skin, often but not always near or on an acupuncture point. Traditionally, acupuncture was used to treat acute conditions while moxibustion was used for chronic diseases. Moxibustion could be direct (the cone was placed directly on the skin and allowed to burn the skin, producing a blister and eventually a scar), or indirect (either a cone of moxa was placed on a slice of garlic, ginger or other vegetable, or a cylinder of moxa was held above the skin, close enough to either warm or burn it).Needham & Lu, 2002, pp. 170–73 .
Cupping therapy is an ancient Chinese form of alternative medicine in which a local suction is created on the skin; practitioners believe this mobilizes blood flow in order to promote healing.
Tui na is a TCM method of attempting to stimulate the flow of qi by various bare-handed techniques that do not involve needles.
Electroacupuncture is a form of acupuncture in which acupuncture needles are attached to a device that generates continuous electric pulses (this has been described as "essentially transdermal electrical nerve stimulation [TENS] masquerading as acupuncture").
Fire needle acupuncture also known as fire needling is a technique which involves quickly inserting a flame-heated needle into areas on the body.
Sonopuncture is a stimulation of the body similar to acupuncture using sound instead of needles. This may be done using purpose-built transducers to direct a narrow ultrasound beam to a depth of 6–8 centimetres at acupuncture meridian points on the body. Alternatively, tuning forks or other sound emitting devices are used.
Acupuncture point injection is the injection of various substances (such as drugs, vitamins or herbal extracts) into acupoints. This technique combines traditional acupuncture with injection of what is often an effective dose of an approved pharmaceutical drug, and proponents claim that it may be more effective than either treatment alone, especially for the treatment of some kinds of chronic pain. However, a 2016 review found that most published trials of the technique were of poor value due to methodology issues and larger trials would be needed to draw useful conclusions.
Auriculotherapy, commonly known as ear acupuncture, auricular acupuncture, or auriculoacupuncture, is considered to date back to ancient China. It involves inserting needles to stimulate points on the outer ear. The modern approach was developed in France during the early 1950s. There is no scientific evidence that it can cure disease; the evidence of effectiveness is negligible.
Scalp acupuncture, developed in Japan, is based on reflexological considerations regarding the scalp.
Koryo hand acupuncture, developed in Korea, centers around assumed reflex zones of the hand. Medical acupuncture attempts to integrate reflexological concepts, the trigger point model, and anatomical insights (such as dermatome distribution) into acupuncture practice, and emphasizes a more formulaic approach to acupuncture point location.
Cosmetic acupuncture is the use of acupuncture in an attempt to reduce wrinkles on the face.
Bee venom acupuncture is a treatment approach of injecting purified, diluted bee venom into acupoints.
Veterinary acupuncture is the use of acupuncture on domesticated animals. |
Acupuncture | Efficacy | Efficacy
, many thousands of papers had been published on the efficacy of acupuncture for the treatment of various adult health conditions, but there was no robust evidence it was beneficial for anything, except shoulder pain and fibromyalgia. For Science-Based Medicine, Steven Novella wrote that the overall pattern of evidence was reminiscent of that for homeopathy, compatible with the hypothesis that most, if not all, benefits were due to the placebo effect, and strongly suggestive that acupuncture had no beneficial therapeutic effects at all.
Harriet Hall noticed that according to Edzard Ernst, systematic reviews agree that acupuncture works for neck pain, but not for every other pain—and that makes its whole enterprise suspicious. |
Acupuncture | Research methodology and challenges | Research methodology and challenges |
Acupuncture | Sham acupuncture and research | Sham acupuncture and research
It is difficult but not impossible to design rigorous research trials for acupuncture. Due to acupuncture's invasive nature, one of the major challenges in efficacy research is in the design of an appropriate placebo control group. For efficacy studies to determine whether acupuncture has specific effects, "sham" forms of acupuncture where the patient, practitioner, and analyst are blinded seem the most acceptable approach. Sham acupuncture uses non-penetrating needles or needling at non-acupuncture points, e.g. inserting needles on meridians not related to the specific condition being studied, or in places not associated with meridians. The under-performance of acupuncture in such trials may indicate that therapeutic effects are due entirely to non-specific effects, or that the sham treatments are not inert, or that systematic protocols yield less than optimal treatment.
A 2014 review in Nature Reviews Cancer found that "contrary to the claimed mechanism of redirecting the flow of qi through meridians, researchers usually find that it generally does not matter where the needles are inserted, how often (that is, no dose-response effect is observed), or even if needles are actually inserted. In other words, "sham" or "placebo" acupuncture generally produces the same effects as "real" acupuncture and, in some cases, does better." A 2013 meta-analysis found little evidence that the effectiveness of acupuncture on pain (compared to sham) was modified by the location of the needles, the number of needles used, the experience or technique of the practitioner, or by the circumstances of the sessions. The same analysis also suggested that the number of needles and sessions is important, as greater numbers improved the outcomes of acupuncture compared to non-acupuncture controls. There has been little systematic investigation of which components of an acupuncture session may be important for any therapeutic effect, including needle placement and depth, type and intensity of stimulation, and number of needles used. The research seems to suggest that needles do not need to stimulate the traditionally specified acupuncture points or penetrate the skin to attain an anticipated effect (e.g. psychosocial factors).
A response to "sham" acupuncture in osteoarthritis may be used in the elderly, but placebos have usually been regarded as deception and thus unethical. However, some physicians and ethicists have suggested circumstances for applicable uses for placebos such as it might present a theoretical advantage of an inexpensive treatment without adverse reactions or interactions with drugs or other medications. As the evidence for most types of alternative medicine such as acupuncture is far from strong, the use of alternative medicine in regular healthcare can present an ethical question.
Using the principles of evidence-based medicine to research acupuncture is controversial, and has produced different results. Some research suggests acupuncture can alleviate pain but the majority of research suggests that acupuncture's effects are mainly due to placebo. Evidence suggests that any benefits of acupuncture are short-lasting. There is insufficient evidence to support use of acupuncture compared to mainstream medical treatments. Acupuncture is not better than mainstream treatment in the long term.
The use of acupuncture has been criticized owing to there being little scientific evidence for explicit effects, or the mechanisms for its supposed effectiveness, for any condition that is discernible from placebo. Acupuncture has been called "theatrical placebo", and David Gorski argues that when acupuncture proponents advocate "harnessing of placebo effects" or work on developing "meaningful placebos", they essentially concede it is little more than that. |
Acupuncture | Publication bias | Publication bias
Publication bias is cited as a concern in the reviews of randomized controlled trials of acupuncture. A 1998 review of studies on acupuncture found that trials originating in China, Japan, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were uniformly favourable to acupuncture, as were ten out of eleven studies conducted in Russia. A 2011 assessment of the quality of randomized controlled trials on traditional Chinese medicine, including acupuncture, concluded that the methodological quality of most such trials (including randomization, experimental control, and blinding) was generally poor, particularly for trials published in Chinese journals (though the quality of acupuncture trials was better than the trials testing traditional Chinese medicine remedies). The study also found that trials published in non-Chinese journals tended to be of higher quality. Chinese authors use more Chinese studies, which have been demonstrated to be uniformly positive. A 2012 review of 88 systematic reviews of acupuncture published in Chinese journals found that less than half of these reviews reported testing for publication bias, and that the majority of these reviews were published in journals with impact factors of zero. A 2015 study comparing pre-registered records of acupuncture trials with their published results found that it was uncommon for such trials to be registered before the trial began. This study also found that selective reporting of results and changing outcome measures to obtain statistically significant results was common in this literature.
Scientist Steven Salzberg identifies acupuncture and Chinese medicine generally as a focus for "fake medical journals" such as the Journal of Acupuncture and Meridian Studies and Acupuncture in Medicine. |
Acupuncture | Safety | Safety |
Acupuncture | Adverse events | Adverse events
Acupuncture is generally safe when administered by an experienced, appropriately trained practitioner using clean-needle technique and sterile single-use needles. When improperly delivered it can cause adverse effects. Accidents and infections are associated with infractions of sterile technique or neglect on the part of the practitioner. To reduce the risk of serious adverse events after acupuncture, acupuncturists should be trained sufficiently.Comment in: A 2009 overview of Cochrane reviews found acupuncture is not effective for a wide range of conditions. People with serious spinal disease, such as cancer or infection, are not good candidates for acupuncture. Contraindications to acupuncture (conditions that should not be treated with acupuncture) include coagulopathy disorders (e.g. hemophilia and advanced liver disease), warfarin use, severe psychiatric disorders (e.g. psychosis), and skin infections or skin trauma (e.g. burns). Further, electroacupuncture should be avoided at the spot of implanted electrical devices (such as pacemakers).
A 2011 systematic review of systematic reviews (internationally and without language restrictions) found that serious complications following acupuncture continue to be reported. Between 2000 and 2009, ninety-five cases of serious adverse events, including five deaths, were reported. Many such events are not inherent to acupuncture but are due to malpractice of acupuncturists. This might be why such complications have not been reported in surveys of adequately trained acupuncturists. Most such reports originate from Asia, which may reflect the large number of treatments performed there or a relatively higher number of poorly trained Asian acupuncturists. Many serious adverse events were reported from developed countries. These included Australia, Austria, Canada, Croatia, France, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the US. The number of adverse effects reported from the UK appears particularly unusual, which may indicate less under-reporting in the UK than other countries. Reports included 38 cases of infections and 42 cases of organ trauma. The most frequent adverse events included pneumothorax, and bacterial and viral infections.
A 2013 review found (without restrictions regarding publication date, study type or language) 295 cases of infections; mycobacterium was the pathogen in at least 96%. Likely sources of infection include towels, hot packs or boiling tank water, and reusing reprocessed needles. Possible sources of infection include contaminated needles, reusing personal needles, a person's skin containing mycobacterium, and reusing needles at various sites in the same person. Although acupuncture is generally considered a safe procedure, a 2013 review stated that the reports of infection transmission increased significantly in the prior decade, including those of mycobacterium. Although it is recommended that practitioners of acupuncture use disposable needles, the reuse of sterilized needles is still permitted. It is also recommended that thorough control practices for preventing infection be implemented and adapted. |
Acupuncture | English-language | English-language
A 2013 systematic review of the English-language case reports found that serious adverse events associated with acupuncture are rare, but that acupuncture is not without risk. Between 2000 and 2011 the English-language literature from 25 countries and regions reported 294 adverse events. The majority of the reported adverse events were relatively minor, and the incidences were low. For example, a prospective survey of 34,000 acupuncture treatments found no serious adverse events and 43 minor ones, a rate of 1.3 per 1000 interventions. Another survey found there were 7.1% minor adverse events, of which 5 were serious, amid 97,733 acupuncture patients. The most common adverse effect observed was infection (e.g. mycobacterium), and the majority of infections were bacterial in nature, caused by skin contact at the needling site. Infection has also resulted from skin contact with unsterilized equipment or with dirty towels in an unhygienic clinical setting. Other adverse complications included five reported cases of spinal cord injuries (e.g. migrating broken needles or needling too deeply), four brain injuries, four peripheral nerve injuries, five heart injuries, seven other organ and tissue injuries, bilateral hand edema, epithelioid granuloma, pseudolymphoma, argyria, pustules, pancytopenia, and scarring due to hot-needle technique. Adverse reactions from acupuncture, which are unusual and uncommon in typical acupuncture practice, included syncope, galactorrhoea, bilateral nystagmus, pyoderma gangrenosum, hepatotoxicity, eruptive lichen planus, and spontaneous needle migration.
A 2013 systematic review found 31 cases of vascular injuries caused by acupuncture, three causing death. Two died from pericardial tamponade and one was from an aortoduodenal fistula. The same review found vascular injuries were rare, bleeding and pseudoaneurysm were most prevalent. A 2011 systematic review (without restriction in time or language), aiming to summarize all reported case of cardiac tamponade after acupuncture, found 26 cases resulting in 14 deaths, with little doubt about cause in most fatal instances. The same review concluded that cardiac tamponade was a serious, usually fatal, though theoretically avoidable complication following acupuncture, and urged training to minimize risk.
A 2012 review found that a number of adverse events were reported after acupuncture in the UK's National Health Service (NHS), 95% of which were not severe, though miscategorization and under-reporting may alter the total figures. From January 2009 to December 2011, 468 safety incidents were recognized within the NHS organizations. The adverse events recorded included retained needles (31%), dizziness (30%), loss of consciousness/unresponsive (19%), falls (4%), bruising or soreness at needle site (2%), pneumothorax (1%) and other adverse side effects (12%). Acupuncture practitioners should know, and be prepared to be responsible for, any substantial harm from treatments. Some acupuncture proponents argue that the long history of acupuncture suggests it is safe. However, there is an increasing literature on adverse events (e.g. spinal-cord injury).
Acupuncture seems to be safe in people getting anticoagulants, assuming needles are used at the correct location and depth, but studies are required to verify these findings. |
Acupuncture | Chinese, Korean, and Japanese-language | Chinese, Korean, and Japanese-language
A 2010 systematic review of the Chinese-language literature found numerous acupuncture-related adverse events, including pneumothorax, fainting, subarachnoid hemorrhage, and infection as the most frequent, and cardiovascular injuries, subarachnoid hemorrhage, pneumothorax, and recurrent cerebral hemorrhage as the most serious, most of which were due to improper technique. Between 1980 and 2009, the Chinese-language literature reported 479 adverse events. Prospective surveys show that mild, transient acupuncture-associated adverse events ranged from 6.71% to 15%. In a study with 190,924 patients, the prevalence of serious adverse events was roughly 0.024%. Another study showed a rate of adverse events requiring specific treatment of 2.2%, 4,963 incidences among 229,230 patients. Infections, mainly hepatitis, after acupuncture are reported often in English-language research, though are rarely reported in Chinese-language research, making it plausible that acupuncture-associated infections have been underreported in China. Infections were mostly caused by poor sterilization of acupuncture needles. Other adverse events included spinal epidural hematoma (in the cervical, thoracic and lumbar spine), chylothorax, injuries of abdominal organs and tissues, injuries in the neck region, injuries to the eyes, including orbital hemorrhage, traumatic cataract, injury of the oculomotor nerve and retinal puncture, hemorrhage to the cheeks and the hypoglottis, peripheral motor-nerve injuries and subsequent motor dysfunction, local allergic reactions to metal needles, stroke, and cerebral hemorrhage after acupuncture.
A causal link between acupuncture and the adverse events cardiac arrest, pyknolepsy, shock, fever, cough, thirst, aphonia, leg numbness, and sexual dysfunction remains uncertain. The same review concluded that acupuncture can be considered inherently safe when practiced by properly trained practitioners, but the review also stated there is a need to find effective strategies to minimize the health risks. Between 1999 and 2010, the Korean-language literature contained reports of 1104 adverse events. Between the 1980s and 2002, the Japanese-language literature contained reports of 150 adverse events. |
Acupuncture | Children and pregnancy | Children and pregnancy
Although acupuncture has been practiced for thousands of years in China, its use in pediatrics in the United States did not become common until the early 2000s. In 2007, the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) conducted by the National Center For Health Statistics (NCHS) estimated that approximately 150,000 children had received acupuncture treatment for a variety of conditions.
In 2008, a study determined that the use of acupuncture-needle treatment on children was "questionable" due to the possibility of adverse side-effects and the pain manifestation differences in children versus adults. The study also includes warnings against practicing acupuncture on infants, as well as on children who are over-fatigued, very weak, or have over-eaten.
When used on children, acupuncture is considered safe when administered by well-trained, licensed practitioners using sterile needles; however, a 2011 review found there was limited research to draw definite conclusions about the overall safety of pediatric acupuncture. The same review found 279 adverse events, 25 of them serious. The adverse events were mostly mild in nature (e.g., bruising or bleeding). The prevalence of mild adverse events ranged from 10.1% to 13.5%, an estimated 168 incidences among 1,422 patients. On rare occasions adverse events were serious (e.g. cardiac rupture or hemoptysis); many might have been a result of substandard practice. The incidence of serious adverse events was 5 per one million, which included children and adults.
When used during pregnancy, the majority of adverse events caused by acupuncture were mild and transient, with few serious adverse events. The most frequent mild adverse event was needling or unspecified pain, followed by bleeding. Although two deaths (one stillbirth and one neonatal death) were reported, there was a lack of acupuncture-associated maternal mortality. Limiting the evidence as certain, probable or possible in the causality evaluation, the estimated incidence of adverse events following acupuncture in pregnant women was 131 per 10,000.
Although acupuncture is not contraindicated in pregnant women, some specific acupuncture points are particularly sensitive to needle insertion; these spots, as well as the abdominal region, should be avoided during pregnancy. |
Acupuncture | Moxibustion and cupping | Moxibustion and cupping
Four adverse events associated with moxibustion were bruising, burns and cellulitis, spinal epidural abscess, and large superficial basal cell carcinoma. Ten adverse events were associated with cupping. The minor ones were keloid scarring, burns, and bullae; the serious ones were acquired hemophilia A, stroke following cupping on the back and neck, factitious panniculitis, reversible cardiac hypertrophy, and iron deficiency anemia. |
Acupuncture | Risk of forgoing conventional medical care | Risk of forgoing conventional medical care
As with other alternative medicines, unethical or naïve practitioners may induce patients to exhaust financial resources by pursuing ineffective treatment. Professional ethics codes set by accrediting organizations such as the National Certification Commission for Acupuncture and Oriental Medicine require practitioners to make "timely referrals to other health care professionals as may be appropriate." Stephen Barrett states that there is a "risk that an acupuncturist whose approach to diagnosis is not based on scientific concepts will fail to diagnose a dangerous condition". |
Acupuncture | Conceptual basis | Conceptual basis |
Acupuncture | Traditional | Traditional
thumb|right|Old Chinese medical chart of acupuncture meridians
Acupuncture is a substantial part of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM). Early acupuncture beliefs relied on concepts that are common in TCM, such as a life force energy called qi.Aung & Chen Qi was believed to flow from the body's primary organs (zang-fu organs) to the "superficial" body tissues of the skin, muscles, tendons, bones, and joints, through channels called meridians."（三）十二经脉 ...（四）奇经八脉 ..." [(3.) The Twelve Vessels ... (4.) The Extraordinary Eight Vessels ...] as seen at Acupuncture points where needles are inserted are mainly (but not always) found at locations along the meridians. Acupuncture points not found along a meridian are called extraordinary points and those with no designated site are called points.Aung & Chen, 2007, p. 101.
In TCM, disease is generally perceived as a disharmony or imbalance in energies such as yin, yang, qi, xuĕ, zàng-fǔ, meridians, and of the interaction between the body and the environment. Therapy is based on which "pattern of disharmony" can be identified. For example, some diseases are believed to be caused by meridians being invaded with an excess of wind, cold, and damp. In order to determine which pattern is at hand, practitioners examine things like the color and shape of the tongue, the relative strength of pulse-points, the smell of the breath, the quality of breathing, or the sound of the voice. TCM and its concept of disease does not strongly differentiate between the cause and effect of symptoms. |
Acupuncture | Purported scientific basis | Purported scientific basis
thumb|right|Modern acupuncture model
Many within the scientific community consider acupuncture to be quackery and pseudoscience, having no effect other than as "theatrical placebo". David Gorski has argued that of all forms of quackery, acupuncture has perhaps gained most acceptance among physicians and institutions. Academics Massimo Pigliucci and Maarten Boudry describe acupuncture as a "borderlands science" lying between science and pseudoscience.
A 2015 paper by several professors states that acupuncture has "no credible or respectable place in medicine", because it is often considered to be pseudoscience or quackery. |
Acupuncture | Rationalizations of traditional medicine | Rationalizations of traditional medicine
It is a generally held belief within the acupuncture community that acupuncture points and meridians structures are special conduits for electrical signals, but no research has established any consistent anatomical structure or function for either acupuncture points or meridians. Human tests to determine whether electrical continuity was significantly different near meridians than other places in the body have been inconclusive. Scientific research has not supported the existence of qi, meridians, or yin and yang. A Nature editorial described TCM as "fraught with pseudoscience", with the majority of its treatments having no logical mechanism of action. Quackwatch states that "TCM theory and practice are not based upon the body of knowledge related to health, disease, and health care that has been widely accepted by the scientific community. TCM practitioners disagree among themselves about how to diagnose patients and which treatments should go with which diagnoses. Even if they could agree, the TCM theories are so nebulous that no amount of scientific study will enable TCM to offer rational care." Academic discussions of acupuncture still make reference to pseudoscientific concepts such as qi and meridians despite the lack of scientific evidence. |
Acupuncture | Release of endorphins or adenosine | Release of endorphins or adenosine
Some modern practitioners support the use of acupuncture to treat pain, but have abandoned the use of qi, meridians, yin, yang and other mystical energies as an explanatory frameworks. The use of qi as an explanatory framework has been decreasing in China, even as it becomes more prominent during discussions of acupuncture in the US.
Many acupuncturists attribute pain relief to the release of endorphins when needles penetrate, but no longer support the idea that acupuncture can affect a disease. Some studies suggest acupuncture causes a series of events within the central nervous system, and that it is possible to inhibit acupuncture's analgesic effects with the opioid antagonist naloxone. Mechanical deformation of the skin by acupuncture needles appears to result in the release of adenosine. The anti-nociceptive effect of acupuncture may be mediated by the adenosine A1 receptor. A 2014 review in Nature Reviews Cancer analyzed mouse studies that suggested acupuncture relieves pain via the local release of adenosine, which then triggered nearby A1 receptors. The review found that in those studies, because acupuncture "caused more tissue damage and inflammation relative to the size of the animal in mice than in humans, such studies unnecessarily muddled a finding that local inflammation can result in the local release of adenosine with analgesic effect." |
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