Produced by David King and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.) Ninth Cavalry NINTH CAVALRY One Hundred and Twenty-first Regiment Indiana Volunteers. Daniel Webster Comstock RICHMOND, IND.: PUBLISHED BY J. M. COE. 1890. PREFACE. The papers here collected were read by the Regimental Historian, from time to time, at Annual Re-unions of the 9th Indiana Cavalry. They are printed at the request of the boys of the regiment, and are for their benefit. Combined, they give, as seen from the standpoint of the individual who narrates, the principal events in which the regiment took part, but do not even refer to many skirmishes in which it participated with the forces of Wheeler, Forrest, Rhoddy, and other Confederate Cavalry leaders, in the Department of the Cumberland, and "brushes" with guerrillas in the Military Division of the Mississippi,--"affairs" unimportant from the insignificance of the numbers engaged, but in which the most soldierly qualities were often displayed. The papers were not all prepared by the Historian: with those he did not write he has, with the full consent of the respective authors, made such changes as he thought proper. The paper by J. A. Brown, corporal Co. L, on "Sulphur Branch Trestle," appears as written by him, without a verbal change. The other paper upon the same subject is made up of accounts furnished by Col. Lilly and Capt. J. B. Harrod, Co. B. While the writer assisted in making up the detail sent upon that unfortunate expedition, it was not his fortune to go with it. The very able and graphic chapter upon the Hood Campaign is from the pen of Capt. O. B. Hayden, Co. D. The account of the Lynnville fight appears substantially as given by Capt. Harrod. If in these sketches it appears that too much stress is put on minor matters, and things of importance but lightly stated, it should be remembered that the statements are made from individual observations, and the shading must be looked at from the observer's angle of observation. Hereafter, if the boys desire, the story of the regiment may be further told. It will be noticed that but brief mention is made of the officers, especially in the chapter upon the Hood Campaign. There is no intentional slight in this--a fair share of the officers were on hand and did their duty, as is attested by the fact that four of them were killed in action and others wounded during that campaign--but the fact is that the privates fought the war and the officers got the pay and the glory. It was a peculiarity found in the volunteer service--found in the army of no other Nation--that however brave and capable the officers of the line, a dozen privates in each company were found equally brave and capable. The accident of rank should not affect the distribution of credit. It is enough to participate in the glory of the boys--too much to claim the lion's share. D. W. COMSTOCK. SULPHUR BRANCH TRESTLE. On the afternoon of the 22d of September, 1864, the 9th was ordered to furnish a force of mounted men to march to Elk River Bridge, on the Nashville & Decatur Railroad. The detail was promptly made from the mounted men of each company, and, under command of Major Lilly, senior major of the regiment, started the same night. The force leaving Pulaski, consisting of portions of the 9th and 10th Indiana Cavalry, being under the command of Colonel Pace, of the latter regiment. The command arrived at Elk River Bridge about noon of the next day. Intelligence having been received that a rebel force was threatening Sulphur Branch Trestle, some miles further south on the same railroad, Major Lilly was ordered to report with his command to the commander of that post. Late that afternoon he arrived there and reported to Col. Lathrop, commanding the garrison occupying the earth-work constructed with a view of protecting the trestle at that point. The garrison consisted of two companies of colored troops. After a brief consultation between the officers a reconnaissance was determined upon and moved out on the Athens road about sunset. About two miles from Sulphur Branch the advance guard was fired upon by the pickets of the enemy. Light skirmishing ensued, and, night coming on, by the light of the enemy's campfires, their camp was reconnoitered, and they were discovered to be in heavy force. The enemy thus discovered proved to be the command of Gen. N. B. Forrest, estimated at twelve thousand men, with three batteries of artillery. On coming from Pulaski a courier line had been established, thus keeping open communication between Major Lilly's command and headquarters at the latter place. The courier line was under the command of Sergeant Anderson, of Company "B." By means of this line the situation was reported to Rousseau at Pulaski, and, in response thereto, came the order to "hold the fort at all hazards and to the last extremity." Major Lilly withdrew his command to the fort and established his picket lines. It was then 9 o'clock P. M. This fort was a small, four-bastioned earth-work, mounting two twelve-pounder Napoleon guns. It was located upon a knoll by the railway trestle, and was commanded by higher points within 500 to 800 yards, while on the east side within a few hundred feet, rose a higher hill covered with timber. The remainder of the night was spent by the men in throwing up traverses and otherwise strengthening the fort. Firing commenced on the picket line at midnight. It increased as the night advanced until daylight, when it was evident the fort was being surrounded, and before sunrise the battle was on. The parapets were manned so far as they could be with so small a force. The members of the 9th were in position on the south and east parapets, and on the southeastern bastion, on their left along the east parapet, were about sixty men of the 3d Tennessee Cavalry, under command of Col. Minnis, who had been driven into the fort the evening before; the remainder of the work was covered by the two companies of Col. Lathrop, who also manned the two guns, situated on the northeast and northwest bastions. The entire strength of the force called upon to defend the fort may thus be fairly estimated at 450 men. The 9th was armed with Gallagher carbines, a very ineffective weapon, and on leaving Pulaski had but forty rounds of ammunition, and probably not more than thirty when the real fighting began. The attack upon the fort began before sunrise, and at the first onset of the enemy, Col. Lathrop was killed. During the brief period in which they knew him, Col. Lathrop impressed himself upon the officers and men of the 9th as an intelligent and gallant officer; the manner of his death was worthy of a soldier. About 9 o'clock Col. Minnis, who succeeded Col. Lathrop in command, was wounded by a piece of shell and carried unconscious into the magazine. The command then devolved upon Major Lilly. He was with his men near the southeast bastion; they were meeting each successive charge of the enemy with well-delivered volleys, waiting for the command to fire; husbanding their failing ammunition, the enemy were permitted to come within close range, showing a good front, before the order to fire was given. Meanwhile the enemy had gained possession of the wooded hill to the east of the fort, and their sharp-shooters from the tree-tops had the range of every part of the fort, except immediately under the east parapet. The artillerymen suffered severely and the brave men of the 9th were falling along the lines. The enemy's artillery raked the works from every direction with great destruction. From every point except the north, where the ground rose gently across the creek into an open plain, the rebels were in heavy force and poured into and against the fort an incessant fire. Eleven o'clock came, and then, in the lulls of the artillery, the gallant defenders of the old flag were gladdened by the sounds that told them that reinforcements were engaging the enemy to the north toward Elk River bridge, but the sounds grew fainter and died in the distance and they knew that from that quarter no help would come. Still they hoped for relief and still held the fort. Suddenly across the open ground to the north appeared a heavy line of the enemy. Major Lilly sent two messengers, one after another, across the fort to warn the officer in command of the colored troops and to inspire his men with coolness and firmness to meet the impending assault. Both messengers, in making the perilous journey, were killed. Lieut. Jones, of Company M, then volunteered to go, and in making the attempt was wounded. Placing Captain Nation, of Company G, in command of the battalion, Major Lilly went himself across the bloody space in safety. The rebel line halted out of range; within the fort the ground was strewn with the dead and wounded. The men of the 9th Cavalry were out of ammunition; for two hours they had been whitling Springfield musket balls to fit their carbines. The Tennesseeans were out of ammunition; thus two-thirds of the line was left without defense. Twelve o'clock came, and along the rebel line the bugle sounded "cease firing," and from the north across the open plain was borne a flag of truce. It is likely that not a member of the 9th had ever seen one before; it is more than probable that it was now looked upon with satisfaction. Every man had done his whole duty; they had fought like heroes; they had held a brave army under a skillful and fighting general in check for a day, thus giving Gen. Rosseau time to concentrate at Pulaski, and had literally at a great cost, "held the fort at all hazards, and to the last extremity." Major Lilly answered the flag of truce, taking with him the Adjutant of the 3d Tennessee, and, meeting Major Strange, Adjutant General of Forrest's staff, after the formal salutations, Major Strange handed Major Lilly a paper, which read: "General Forrest demands the immediate and unconditional surrender of the United States forces, with all materials and munitions of war, at Sulphur Branch Trestle. In case this demand is not instantly complied with, General Forrest can not be held responsible for the conduct of his men." After reading this paper Major Lilly said to Major Strange, that Sulphur Branch Trestle would never surrender under a threat; that it was a humiliation his command would not bear and one that should never be asked by a soldier; that it was true his forces had suffered heavily, but they had undoubtedly inflicted greater damage upon the enemy; that they were still capable of inflicting greater damage; that notwithstanding this he felt that they had done their whole duty, and on honorable terms he would counsel a surrender. Major Lilly then rode back toward the fort, but had not reached it when he was halted by Major Strange, who galloped after him, saying that General Forrest wanted an interview. He returned and met Generals Forrest and Buford. He then repeated to General Forrest what he had said to Major Strange, and added, that he did not believe that General Forrest could not control his men, and if he did not he would be held responsible. In reply to this General Forrest handed him a paper, which read in substance: "General Forrest demands the immediate surrender of the United States forces and materials of war at Sulphur Branch Trestle. All United States officers and soldiers will be treated as prisoners of war. "All officers and soldiers shall retain and be protected in the possession of personal property. "Officers to retain their horses, if personal property, and also to retain their side-arms. "All officers and soldiers to be taken to some point in the States of Mississippi or Alabama, and there held for exchange and parole so soon as communication can be had with General Washburne at Memphis." Major Lilly then demanded one hour before giving an answer, meanwhile the troops on both sides to remain status quo. The hour was given, and he returned to the fort. Colonel Minnis had by this time recovered sufficiently to resume command, and a counsel of war was held. The counsel was a unit, with the exception of Colonel Minnis, in favor of surrender. While the subject was being considered it was reported that the enemy were moving troops, and our white flag was immediately taken down and firing was reopened; there was a slight reply from the enemy, the troops moved back, the bugles on the other side sounded "cease firing," and the truce was resumed. Colonel Minnis, on being fully informed of the condition of things in the fort, and especially of the insufficient supply of ammunition, yielded to the opinion of the majority. Major Lilly then returned to the post of the rebel flag of truce, accepted the terms offered, and the surrender was made complete. The remnants of companies were ordered into line, then stacked arms, and, after preparing for the burial of the dead comrades, and the care of those who were wounded, marched sadly away. About twenty-four hours after the surrender the captured troops crossed the Tennessee River at Mussel Shoals, some four miles above Florence, Ala. The first rations issued to them were issued on the night of September 27th, and consisted of old corn on the cob. This was burnt or roasted over fire and eaten by those whose appetites were sufficiently keen. On the 28th of September the C. S. A. issued rations to the prisoners the second time--this was at Okolona, Mississippi, and consisted of a small quantity of flour and an abundance of good water. On the evening of that day Capt. Buchanan, of the 15th Tennessee Cavalry, C. S. A., furnished Lieut. Harrod, of Company B, with stationery and kindly offered to send a letter through the lines for him. Acting upon the generous offer, the Lieutenant wrote to his wife. Written under such circumstances, and while the disaster to our regiment was so fresh, the letter is certain to be interesting to the 9th. It reached its destination after some delay, is still preserved by the wife of the general as a precious memento of the war, and is as follows: OKOLONA, Miss., Sept. 28, 1864. _Dear Wife_--I address you this note as a prisoner of war. One hundred and eighty-seven men of the 9th Indiana Cavalry and three hundred mostly 3d Tennessee Cavalry, were sent to Sulphur Branch September 24th. Gen. Forrest attacked the place the 25th with about 12,000 men. We were about 500. The engagement lasted about four hours after we were surrounded. Our loss was heavy. I had with me twenty-seven of Company B. I am wounded in right leg. I will get over it in a few weeks. The killed are: Wm. Harvey and Joseph Hutton; mortally wounded: Corporal Kirkhoff; severe: Sergeant M. B. Walker and Private James Hook; slightly: J. J. Winn and G. S. Bailey. Prisoners and well are: Orderly J. V. Hinchman, Sergeant Wm. Foster, Sergeant A. E. Anderson, Corporal Blessinger, Privates C. H. Sears, W. V. Robinson, John Stewart, J. Craining (blacksmith), W. C. Warner, R. Scott, J. Holloway, W. Parman, Joseph Grey, B. F. Waller, G. B. Wilson, W. P. Read, M. Chauncy and J. Mooney Church; and no man of Company B failed to do first-class work. In our capitulation it was agreed that we should all be paroled soon. I have no money with me and have on my old uniform. It is reported in camp to-night that General Forrest has taken Pulaski with 2,000 or 3,000 prisoners. If true, all the 9th has gone up. We have eighteen miles to go yet to the railroad--Cherokee Station. Then it is said we go to Meridian, Miss. You will probably not hear from me again until paroled. It may be some weeks, and it may be months. I send this by the kindness of Capt. Buchanan, 15th Tennessee Confederate Cavalry. J. B. HARROD, Lt. Company B. Although by the terms of the capitulation, the officers were allowed to retain their horses and side-arms, the real advantage of this arrangement was practically not very great. Every night some horses were missing, and when Cherokee Station (on the railroad) was reached, there were few, if any, officers who knew where their horses were. The day after leaving Okolona it rained heavily, and the troops encamped for the afternoon and night in the open field. Here was issued a little fresh beef without salt. The boys, from the three issues--first of corn, then of flour, then of beef,--by this time realized that the commissary of the C. S. A. was not liberally supplied, or that those who controlled it were illiberal in distribution. They reached Cherokee Station the next day (29th of September), remaining there about thirty hours. At this point all officers and soldiers captured at Sulphur Branch Trestle and at Athens, Alabama, on the day before, were placed on board two trains of box cars, to be taken to Meridian, Lauderdale County, Mississippi. The 9th Indiana and 3d Tennessee were loaded on the last train, which was some hours behind the first. To each train a guard of about 150 men were detailed. When not far from Iuka, the track being wet and the grade heavy, the locomotive not of sufficient power to pull the train up, a stop was made to allow the track to dry. The officers in charge put out guards and had fires made on both sides of the track. The guards were tired and soon became sleepy, and there was but one at each fire. Major Lilly conceived the idea of capturing the guard, taking possession of and running the train to Corinth, and then marching the guards to Memphis under a flag of truce as prisoners. The officers of the 9th Indiana and 3d Tennessee entered cordially into the plan and were willing to take the boys' places at the guns. The major then going to the officers of the colored troops, awakened up their officers and explained his plan to them. They were afraid to engage in the enterprise, for lack of confidence in their colored troops. Without their co-operation the result seemed too doubtful to justify the attempt, and it was not made. The next day raw "sow-belly" was issued to the boys on the train. At the stations sometimes small purchases were made of something to eat. Lieut. Harrod remembers buying a piece (3 × 4 inches) of wheat bread of a variety he had not seen before, heavy and solid, for which he paid $5 Confederate money. Arriving at Meridian, they were placed in a small stockade, where they remained for a week, from which place the officers were moved to Enterprise, Clark County, Miss., and the enlisted men and non-commissioned officers to Cahaba, Dallas County, Ala. The rations at Enterprise consisted of one pint of coarse corn meal to each man daily, without salt, and a small piece of "sow-belly." Each mess of eight was furnished a skillet and lid to bake bread in. As a rule each mess baked twice a day, those of the mess who were well taking their turn for a day as cook. It was a part of the duties of the cook to divide the bread, taking the last piece for himself. The preparation of this bread did not require any special skill nor long experience. The art was soon acquired. It was only necessary to mix the water and corn meal thoroughly and to grease the skillet with small bits of meat, that the bread might be got out without being broken too much. In October permission was given to buy such eatables as were wanted, but not many of the officers could avail themselves of the liberty for want of money. Salt was bought for $3 a pound; coffee, $24 a pound; molasses, $10 a quart--Confederate money. In the stores, calico sold for $12 and $15 a yard; muslin, $15; good boots, $500 a pair; paper of pins, $6. These goods had been brought into Mobile through the blockade. During the latter part of their imprisonment, after the guards had been taken off, an invalid Confederate soldier came into the camp with a jug of what he called "pine top whisky," and a tin cup. He offered the whisky at 50 cents a pint. There was only one colonel in the camp. He was an Ohio man. He bought a pint and drank it. He soon passed into an unconscious state, in which he remained for forty hours. The "pine top" could be depended upon. Some of the boys bought a sample pint, but finding it to be so much inferior to the apple jack of Tennessee, promptly discarded it. The prisoners received some courtesies from Major Ward, Commander of the Post, and his Adjutant. Upon one occasion, in the absence of the Major, his Adjutant felt called upon to show some of the officers of the regiment special attention. He invited them to headquarters, extended to them the freedom of the establishment, which they accepted with such good will that the fun soon become fast and furious. The Adjutant set the pace, after a number of healths had been pledged on the absent Major's whisky, by breaking a camp stool. This example was followed by the invited guests, who joined in demolishing every article of furniture in sight. The Adjutant was not in a condition to escort his guests back to their camp, but they found their way without difficulty and knew the reason for the issuing of an order, which was read to them next morning, to the effect that no prisoner should visit headquarters without permission of the Major in command. The monotony and weariness of confinement was sometimes relieved by the drollery of those whose love of fun could not easily be suppressed. The prisoners were often indebted for a good laugh to Captain Nation, of Company G, and Lieut. J. M. Jones, of Company M. A small boy rode into the camp the smallest mule our men had ever seen under saddle. Captain N.. who was about six feet tall, expressed a desire to ride the "critter." The boy dismounted, and the captain, letting out the stirrups to their full length, got into the saddle, his feet almost touching the ground. After putting the mule through the various paces he announced his intention of recruiting a "critter gang" for the Confederacy. Those who heard the captain's speech on the occasion will not soon forget its general tenor and the impression it made upon them. The speech was made from the back of the mule to the Union prisoners, Confederate guards and soldiers, citizens and negroes, who were attracted to the place by the captain's voice. It is greatly to be regretted that no phonographer was present to have taken it down literally as it came from the lips of the Hoosier orator, that it might be incorporated in this true history. He called for volunteers to uphold the flag of the Confederacy. He said he was going to raise a "critter gang company." No one would be required to walk and only to ride when it suited him; that the pay would not be any object; that each private would be furnished with a "critter" in size and color like the one he then rode, and should have a nigger to feed and care for him; that this variety was superior to all others and had been bred especially for the Confederate service, easy to mount and not dangerous to fall from; that only a limited number of volunteers would be received, and that now was the time to subscribe. The captain held the undivided attention of his audience, surprising and entertaining them with his wit and humor for a half hour, and dismounted and retired amid great applause. While at Enterprise our men were almost entirely shut out from the world. The Mobile Register, costing 50 cents a copy, was occasionally to be had, and, unrelished and unsatisfactory as it was, yet was sought and read with great eagerness. The privates and non-commissioned officers were marched from Meridian, Miss., to Cahaba, Ala. This was a violation of the spirit if not the letter of the terms of the surrender. On the march some ten days were consumed. They were placed in a pen or stockade and were subjected to the usual process of searching, and anything of any value found on their persons appropriated by their captors. They were not the first occupants of the pen. It already contained Union prisoners, literally half-clothed, some having only a shirt, some pantaloons without shirt, and some only a part of pantaloons, and all alive with grey-backs. The rations issued were substantially the same as those issued to the officers, consisting of one pint of corn meal a day and a piece of fresh pork, one inch square every other day, although some times the authorities forgot or failed to issue the rations for a day or two, very much to the disgust of the boys. If the prisoners had been fastidious or over-particular they might have complained of the custom to the prison authorities, which cut up the meats for distribution on the same log on which the dead soldiers were placed before burial. A Dutch skillet was allowed to each mess of ten men, as the only cooking utensil. During the time of their imprisonment the rains were frequent and heavy, and the cooking being done out of doors, our men were obliged often to partially shelter the fire with their bent bodies while cooking, to prevent the fires from being put out. The wood used for fuel was green white pine. The Alabama River overflowed its banks and for two weeks the pen was flooded, the water standing from two to four feet in depth. Cord-wood was floated in, out of which scaffolding was constructed by the prisoners to keep themselves out of the water. During this time the rations were eaten raw. It is needless to say that under such conditions, without shelter, exposed to the rain, but poorly fed, men died every day from exposure and want, and that those who survived were weak as children. Their imprisonment which seemed so long to them, at last was ended. The officers were sent North on parole December 10, 1864, but the enlisted men not until April, 1865, at which date they were started North, and in their enfeebled condition, although buoyed up by the hope of meeting friends and seeing home, it took them five days to march from Jackson to Black River bridge, a distance of forty miles, and when they came into the camp of their old regiment these brave fellows looked so gaunt, famished and woe-begone that they were but counterfeits of their former selves. The terms of the surrender may be said to have been fairly observed, except that the colored soldiers were sent to Mobile to labor at the salt-works. Their officers shared the fortunes of the officers of the white troops. Most of the prisoners of this expedition took passage soon after their arrival at Vicksburg on the steamer Sultana, an account of the wreck of which is given hereafter. During their imprisonment, the officers were treated fairly well. They were kept in prison at Meridian, Miss., about a week. The prison was a stockade made of poles with the ends in the ground and a scaffolding around the outside, near the top, on which the vigilant Johnny sentinel paced his beat. There was a dead line within the stockade, to which our boys paid marked respect. There were two log cabins in the centre of the stockade, entirely destitute of furniture, paved with sand and the steady companion of the boys--the gray-back. There were probably more gray-backs than grains of sand. They kept the boys employed when otherwise time would have lagged most slowly. The boys were not without money (I speak of the officers). They had dead loads of Confederate New Issue. They sold their horses for $600 to $1,000 a piece. It was a poor scrub that would not bring $600 in the market of Meridian. Watches brought from $500 to $1,500; knives and cork-screws from $50 to $100, and other articles in proportion. The people had the money and wanted to get rid of it. They were permitted to buy what the town afforded--not furnished in their rations, which were liberal in bacon, corn meal, and salt. After a week at Meridian, they were sent to Enterprise, a village fifteen miles below Meridian. When unguarded, they were put on their parole of honor not to leave the limits of the town. They took possession of a big tobacco warehouse, converting it into a dormitory and headquarters, but took their meals at the houses of the citizens in town, they being glad to take the rations of the boys, with what else they could buy, and a consideration in New Issue, in exchange for table board. Early in December they marched from Enterprise to Memphis. There they were ordered to report at Camp Chase, Columbus, Ohio, where they were exchanged and reported to the regiment at Gravelly Springs, Ala., late in January, 1865. The following officers of the regiment were in the action of Sulphur Branch Trestle: Major Eli Lilly. Captain Nation. Lieutenant Harrod. Lieutenant J. W. Watts. Lieutenant Dunlevy. Lieutenant Canfield. Lieutenant Leisure. Lieutenant Riley. Lieutenant Jones. Acting Adjutant Geo. Armstrong. Assistant Surgeon E. W. Magann. Lieutenant Leisure, wounded, but not taken prisoner. Surgeon Magann was left to care for the wounded. They were not made prisoners, the enemy leaving them behind in their march. Lieut. Jones was slightly wounded by concussion of a shell, being insensible for a portion of the battle, but recovered before it ended. The following is a list of those who were either killed or mortally wounded: Chauncey Kimball, Co. A. William Harvey, Co. B. Joseph Hutton, Co. B. Charles A. Kirkhoff, Co. B. Andrew J. McGahey, Co. B. Charles Beckly, Co. H. Cassander T. Houston, Co. B. Stephen A. Woodruff, Co. B. Henry Dorman, Co. K. Abram S. Foreman, Co. K. Curtis W. Hancock, Co. K. George Myers, Co. K. Josiah Saucer, Co. K. William Torney, Co. L. William S. Peckham, Co. L. John J. Maple, Co. M. Levi Maple, Co. M. George H. McGee, Co. M. Lewis Pickering, Co. M. Sergeant Peckham, Co. M, killed. Henry G. Hiatt, Co. G, killed. The following are the names of those who were made prisoners and died in rebel prisons: Henry A. Rariden, Co. A, starvation. John Robert, Co. A, starvation. Clay Trahune, Co. A, exposure and starvation. W. J. Foster, Co. B, exposure and starvation. George O. Houston, Co. D. Kelita Mendenhall, Co. E, exposure and starvation. Lewis Jones, Co. G, exposure and starvation. George W. Bowers, Co. G, exposure and starvation. John R. Williams, Co. H, exposure and starvation. Henry Brown, Co. M, exposure and starvation. Columbus Jessup, Co. M, exposure and starvation. The following were made prisoners at Sulphur Branch Trestle and lost by the explosion and burning of the steamer Sultana, on the Mississippi River, a few miles above Memphis, on the morning of April 27th, 1865: Daniel Curtis, Co. A. Patrick Day, Co. A. Frederick Blessinger, Co. B. Charles E. Church, Co. B. Ephraim Parman, Co. B. John Stenarl, Co. B. John M. Englehart, Co. C. Warren A. Huckens, Co. C. Wm. H. H. Wood, Co. D. John Bonner, Co. F. Charles W. Clevenger, Co. G. Jonathan R. Downing, Co. G. George Downing, Co. G. William H. Graves, Co. G. William C. Hooper, Co. G. Charles W. M. King, Co. G. John M. Maynard, Co. G. Enoch T. Nation, Co. G. James C. Olon, Co. G. Martin V. Rodeporch, Co. G. John R. Reasoner, Co. G. Nathan Thornburg, Co. G. Franklin Ballenger, Co. H. James Bell, Co. H. Alonzo Dunham, Co. H. George W. Delano, Co. H. Josiah Pratt, Co. H. John W. Shull, Co. H. Hiram Bailey, Co. K. John W. Emmons, Co. K. George S. Fisher, Co. K. Jacob Hurald, Co. K. Henry Newton, Co. K. William F. Rea, Co. K. Joseph Survaul, Co. K. George H. Shockley, Co. K. Darius Stevens, Co. K. Matthew Zix, Co. K. James N. Christian, Co. L. Robert A. Morehouse, Co. L. Leander McCartney, Co. L. John M. Armstrong, Co. M. Joseph D. Alexander, Co. M. William Brigg, Co. M. George W. Blake, Co. M. Nathan E. Gruell, Co. M. Enos Halloway, Co. M. William H. Huffman, Co. M. James M. Isentrager, Co. M. Samuel King, Co. M. Franklin Ridley, Co. M. Total killed at Sulphur Branch Trestle, 21 Died in prison, 11 Lost on the Sultana, 51 -- 83 NOTE.--The last dispatch sent out of the fort the day of the surrender was carried by John McCorkle, of Company B, and a member of the 3d Tennessee Cavalry. They left the fort about 7 o'clock A. M., and accomplished the feat by their coolness and "bold riding." SULPHUR BRANCH TRESTLE. BY CORPORAL J. A. BROWN, CO. L. On Sunday, the 25th day of September, 1864, the mounted portion of the 9th Indiana Cavalry, about two hundred in number, were called to do battle at Sulphur Branch Trestle, Alabama. Firing began on the skirmish lines at 5 o'clock in the morning, and was kept up at a lively rate until about 8 o'clock, when the battle began in earnest. There were with us about one hundred of the Third Tennessee Cavalry, and there were also about three hundred colored troops that were stationed in the fort. We were ordered to dismount and corral our horses and climb the hill and enter the fort, except myself and ten men, who were ordered to guard the horses, until the battle became so hot that it was considered unsafe to remain outside of the fort. We remained with the horses until a cannon-ball or slug or something of the kind--anyhow, it was something from a rebel gun--landed in about fifteen feet of us. It tore a hole in the ground large enough to bury a small-sized cow, and threw dirt all over us. We then thought it was time to desert the horses and let them take care of themselves, and climb the hill and get into the fort as soon as we could conveniently without hurting ourselves, and up the hill we went, and when we arrived at the entrance to the fort we asked where the 9th Indiana Cavalry was stationed. We were told that they were on the opposite side of the fort. So we had to go through the center of the fort to get to where our boys were stationed. That was the most dangerous trip I ever experienced in my life. There were a lot of barracks in the fort and the rebel cannon were playing on them and knocking them all to pieces, and throwing the loose boards in every direction. It made the hair raise on our heads as we went dodging through the barracks among the flying boards and shell and cannon ball, but we finally got to our men in safety. The colonel commanding the fort was killed in the beginning of the battle, and Major Lilly, of our regiment, took command, and, by the way, Major Lilly was a hustler. He was one of the bravest officers that ever went to the front. During the hottest of the battle one of our men got scared so badly that he wanted to surrender. So he pulled off his shirt and placed it upon the end of his bayonet and held it up as a flag of truce. That got the enemy excited and they went for us hotter than ever. They made charge after charge, but some of our boys pulled that old dirty shirt down and made the fellow put it on again. We kept the rebs at bay as long as we had ammunition, but at 1 o'clock we were out of ammunition, and there we were about 800 strong, with no ammunition and surrounded by ten thousand rebels. So we surrendered. We were then conducted out of the fort and taken to the woods and a rebel guard placed around us until they got ready to start to Dixie with us. While we were waiting there a rebel captain that some of our boys had shot in the heel in the fight rode around among us and cussed us for an hour. He swore that if he knew which one of us damned Yanks it was that shot him in the heel he would shoot his heart out. But we did not tell who it was, and I don't think he has found out to this day. Well, along towards night the rebs got ready to start with us for Dixie. Then fun began; we marched nearly all night through the mud and under rebel guard. Sometime after midnight we were halted and allowed to lie down in the woods on the ground without undressing, but before daylight we were rousted out and on the go again. This kind of business was kept up for three long days, until we had marched something over one hundred miles, with about enough to eat to make one good square meal. With the Alabama red mud enough sticking to each foot to make about three brick we finally arrived at Tuscumbia, Ala., where the rebs were operating a kind of a one-horse railroad. There they piled us into a couple of freight trains and we were hauled around over half of the State of Mississippi and back again into Alabama, and were finally landed at Cahaba, Ala., at the end of ten days from the time we were made prisoners. We were then stripped and examined, and robbed of everything that we possessed that was of any value. We were then marched into the prison pen. The prison pen was a large cotton warehouse, surrounded by a stockade with an elevated walk around the outside of the building. On this walk the rebel guards were stationed about every forty feet with loaded guns ready and anxious to kill any poor Yankee who might see fit to set a foot across the dead line. There was also a walk on the inside of the building around next to the wall, and a rebel guard was stationed there about forty feet apart. The dead line was a mark they made about eight feet from the inside wall, all around the inside of the building, and no prisoner was allowed to step across that line. If he did the orders were to shoot him on the spot, and the order was obeyed to the letter, but we were generally careful to keep off of that dead line. I shall never forget the morning that we were first marched inside of that prison. The old prisoners that were there before us on seeing us march in all seemed glad to see us, and yelled at the top of their voices, "Fresh fish! fresh fish! Hands on your pocket-books," just as if we had not already been robbed of everything we had by the rebs. But we soon got used to that for we had not been there long until we yelled "fresh fish" to other new prisoners that kept coming in every few days. There were on an average about three thousand of us there during the six months that we were there. Sometimes there were as many as thirty-five hundred of us. When there was that many we could not all lie down at one time inside of the prison. There was a cook yard in front of the prison about seventy-five feet square, enclosed with a stockade. We were allowed to pass out into the cook yard during the day so that we could cook the little grub that was allowed us. Our rations consisted of one pint of corn meal per day and a piece of fresh pork, about one inch square, every other day, but that was not issued to us very regular. Sometimes they would forget to issue rations to us for a day or so at a time. It did not seem to disturb the rebels in the least to forget to issue rations to us. We were divided into messes consisting of ten men to the mess, and every ten men were allowed one old-fashioned Dutch skillet and lid. In this we did the entire cooking for the ten men or mess. So we were engaged in cooking all day, if we happened to have enough to cook to keep the skillet going. It rained nearly the entire time we were there. It seemed to us that it rained at least forty days in each month, consequently we had to do the most of our cooking in the rain. I have stood in a stooping position over the skillet for hours at a time to keep the rain from drowning out the fire while cooking. Our wood that we used for cooking with was generally green white pine, nearly as hard to burn as green buckeye. We were allowed to go outside of the prison to carry the wood in. They would let five of us out to the wood-pile at a time; we would rush out and chop a load of wood and then carry it in. We would form what we called the wood line, and go out as our turns would come. I have stood in the wood line many times for a half day at a time in the rain, and then perhaps I would not get to go out after wood. We would do this work by turns and when we were not busy in this way were busy fighting "gray-backs." That part of the business we had to attend to whether we got dinner or not, for if we had neglected to kill off the "gray-backs" once a day at least we were in danger of being eaten up alive. We had a regular police force of our own men. It consisted of about thirty men. It was their duty to keep order in the prison and to punish any one who did not conduct himself in a proper manner. If any two got into a fight the police would at once form a ring and let them fight it out. They would make it their business to see fair play. There were three or four fights in the prison every day. That was a natural consequence where there were so many men huddled in together that it was almost impossible for them all to lie down at one time, and half-starved, it was natural for some of them to get cross and be ready to get up and fight at a moment's notice; but they were so weak and in such a famished condition that they seldom ever hurt one another in a fight. We also had a few dishonest men in the prison; they would steal anything they could get their hands upon. The police would sometimes punish them very severely for their misdemeanors--such as stealing, but there was no punishment for a fair fist fight. We undertook to break out of the prison one morning about 4 o'clock, and captured all the rebel guards inside the prison. We took their guns from them and put them in the privy and placed a guard over them and kept them there nearly an hour, but the rebels on the outside got wind of it a little too soon for us, and there happened to be more rebel soldiers there at that time than they usually kept at that point; they rolled a big cannon up to the door of the prison and scared us out of the notion of breaking out at that time. The rebs called that a mutiny and issued an order that we should have nothing to eat until we delivered up the leaders of the mutiny. Then we thought that starvation stared us in the face sure, for we had no idea that there was one among our number that would give away the leaders; but alas! the leaders were sadly disappointed, for after three days of starvation, some one--I never could find out who he was--got so hungry that he gave the plot away and informed on about twenty of the leaders. The rebs took the informer out of the prison at once and gave him his freedom for his information. If they had not taken him out of the prison he would have fared badly among the prisoners for being a traitor. They took the leaders of the mutiny out and punished them in various ways. Some they put in dungeons, some in chains, and one fellow was sentenced to be put in a four-foot square box for one hundred days. Some of them were never heard of by us after they were taken out. We supposed that they were killed. We were always scheming for some place to get out. So the next thing we were up to was tunneling out. We had a tunnel dug about fifty feet, and in a few more days our tunnel would have let us out on the bank of the river, when the river raised and filled our tunnel full of water, so that was all work for nothing. I had two special friends as fellow prisoners--George W. Addington and William Collins. We three stuck together like brothers. One day the rebs took Addington out. Myself and Collins did not know what had become of him. We thought that, perhaps, they had killed him for some imaginary offence. Well, things went on as usual for about a week when a reb came in and took Collins out, and no explanation was given, so we thought that he was gone up also, but in another week the same reb came in and called for me. That scared me nearly out of my boots, for I thought my time had come sure, but to my surprise he took me to the hospital where I found my friends Addington and Collins busily engaged in washing clothes for the hospital. I will say now before I go further that the hospital was for Federal prisoners only, and they required prisoners to do all the work about the hospital. Addington had managed in some way to get the job of washing for the hospital, and as soon as he could make an excuse for calling in help he sent for Collins and myself. We got that washing business down to a regular system. We would wash sheets and pillow-slips on Monday, shirts and drawers on Tuesday, colored clothes on Wednesday, odds and ends on Thursday, and on Friday we would boil "gray-backs," that is, we would wash the clothes of prisoners that came out to the hospital sick. When a prisoner was brought out of the prison sick they would take him to an out house, strip him of his prison clothes, and take him to another room and put hospital clothes on him, and every Friday we had to boil and wash all clothes that accumulated in that way. Sometimes it would be a sickening job, but it was far better than lying in prison. We three had to work about four hours each day. This gave us about half work and we received about half enough to eat at the hospital, except occasionally we got something extra. We got it in this way: The managers of the hospital were all rebs and aristocrats, and they had negro women to carry their meals to their private rooms. Of course they got plenty to eat and sometimes there was something left. This the waiters always saved for us, and about two or three times a week, after dark, our door would be pushed open and we would see a tin pan slip in and it always had something in it good to eat, such as cold biscuits and cold beef-steak, and it was always good, and we felt very thankful to the colored people that run such risk in furnishing it to us, for if they had been caught at it they would have been punished severely for it. We were not allowed to speak to any of the colored attendants about the hospital, but we often talked to them when there were no rebs in sight. I once saw a
{'title': 'Ninth Cavalry: One Hundred and Twenty-first Regiment Indiana Volunteers by Comstock', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}