Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century Volume V, 1582-1583 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. CONTENTS OF VOLUME V Preface 9 Documents of 1582 Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; Manila, June 16 [1]Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. Miguel de Loarca; [Arevalo, June, 1582) Letter to Felipe II. Fray Domingo de Salazar; Manila, June 20 Letter to the viceroy. Juan Baptista Roman; Cabite, June 25 Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; Manila, July 1 Papal decrees regarding the Dominicans. Gregory XIII; Rome, September 15 and October 20 Report on the offices saleable in the Philippines. [Unsigned; 1582?] Documents of 1583 Complaints against Peñalosa. Gabriel de Ribera; [1583?] Affairs in the Philipinas Islands. Domingo de Salazar; [Manila, 1583] Instructions to commissary of the Inquisition. Pedro de los Rios, and others; Mexico, March 1 Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila (to be concluded). Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5 Bibliographical Data ILLUSTRATIONS Map of South America and Antilles, showing Strait of Magellan (original in colors), in _Beschryvinghe van de gantsche Custe_, by Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Amstelredam, M.D.XCVI); reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston Public Library Autograph signature of Domingo de Salazar, O.P., first bishop of Manila; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla PREFACE The period covered by this volume is short--only the years 1582-83, which close the second decade of Spanish occupation of the Philippine Islands; but in that time occur some events of great importance, and certain influences which deeply affect early Philippine history are revealed. The coming (in 1581) of the zealous and intrepid bishop, Domingo de Salazar, was a red-letter day for the natives of the islands. The Spanish conquerors are ruthlessly oppressing the Indians, caring but little for the opposition made by the friars; but Salazar exerts as far as possible his ecclesiastical authority, and, besides, vigorously urges the king to shield those unfortunate victims of Spanish rapacity. Various humane laws are accordingly enacted for the protection of the natives; but of course this interference by the bishop occasions a bitter hostility between the ecclesiastical and the secular powers--perhaps never to be quieted. With Salazar come Jesuit fathers, who establish in the islands the missionary work of that order. In 1582 Japanese pirates begin to threaten Luzón, but are defeated and held in check by the Spanish troops. In 1583 occur two most notable events: one of these is the appointment for the islands of a royal Audiencia, or high court of justice--especially ordered by the king to watch over and shield the Indians; the other is the opening there of a branch of the Inquisition or Holy Office. Fuller details of all these matters are herewith given in the usual synopsis of documents. In a letter dated June 16, 1582, Governor Peñalosa reports that the conversion of the natives is making good progress, but there are not enough missionaries. He recommends that a convent be established in every city and village; and that missionaries be sent directly from the mother-country, rather than from New Spain, as in the latter case they soon become discontented after coming to the Philippines. He complains because the Franciscans have gone to China; he renews the plea advanced by former officials for the conquest of that country, but regards the present Spanish force in the Philippines as inadequate for that purpose. Meanwhile, he is endeavoring to strengthen the colony, and has founded the town of Arévalo in Panay. Another new town is being established--Nueva Segovia, in Luzon. Peñalosa has sent an officer to Maluco, and the Jesuit Sanchéz to Macao, to pacify the Portuguese there when they shall learn of the change in their rulers--the dominion over Portugal having passed to the crown of Spain. He criticizes the administration of his predecessors, saying that they followed no plan or system in disbursements from the royal exchequer. The governor thinks that the customs duties heretofore levied in the islands--three per cent on both imports and exports--are too small; and he has decided to raise the rate to five per cent for merchants in the Philippines, and seven for those in Mexico. He is endeavoring to extend the commerce of the islands, and for this purpose is sending ships with goods to Panama and Peru. He has sent one piece of heavy artillery to the viceroy of Peru, who asks Peñalosa for more; this is for the defense of the Strait of Magellan. The commerce between the Philippines and New Spain is increasing. Peñalosa commends the Jesuit missionaries who have come to the islands, and advises that more of them be sent thither. He is building forts and ships for the defense of the islands. He remonstrates against the recent royal decree which ordered the liberation of all Indian slaves held by Spaniards in the Philippines; and closes by asking some personal favors. By the same mail which conveys the governor's letter is sent an account of the islands and their people, written by a soldier named Miguel de Loarca, Who was one of the earlier conquerors and settlers there. Beginning at Cebú, as the first settlement was made therein, he describes each island then known to the Spaniards in that group--noting its size, contour, and population; and enumerating the encomiendas assigned therein, the officials in the Spanish settlements, the products of the island, etc. With this information Loarca incorporates many interesting details regarding the social and economic condition of the natives. After this preliminary survey, he describes at some length the religious beliefs of the Pintados or Visayan Indians; these vary, as held by the coast dwellers and those of the mountains. He relates their notions about the creation of the world and the origin of man, the condition of departed souls, and the deities who control their destiny. Many of these beliefs are, of course, childish, crude, and superstitious; yet some indicate considerable imagination and poetic fancy. They have various deities, and their priests are usually women; their religious traditions are preserved in songs. Their mortuary and mourning customs are described. A chapter is devoted to the institution of slavery among these peoples--its nature and causes, and the value and status of the slave. Their marriage customs are described at length, with the status of women among them, the penalties for unfaithfulness, the causes for divorce, etc. There is considerable curious information regarding the fauna and flora of the islands. Loarca then proceeds to relate similar particulars about the Moros of Luzon; they adore a divinity called Bathala, "the lord of all," or Creator. His ministers, who are deities of rain, harvest, trees, the sea, etc., are called _anitos_, and worshiped and invoked accordingly; they intercede for the people with the great Bathala. These Moros are governed by chiefs, who enact and administer such laws as seem necessary for the preservation of good order--adultery, murder, and theft being the chief crimes, which are punished by a system of fines, or by the enslavement of those who are without means to pay them. The recently-arrived bishop, Domingo de Salazar, writes (June 20, 1582) to the king, imploring redress for the wrongs and sufferings endured by the Indians, who are continually oppressed by the Spanish officials placed over them. An affidavit made by some Indian chiefs relates their grievances. As a result of this ill-treatment, the native villages are rapidly being depopulated. A letter from the royal factor in the Philippines, Juan Baptista Roman (June 25, 1582), relates the encounter of the Spaniards with some Japanese pirates who have raided the province of Cagayan in Luzón, and implores speedy aid from Mexico against this enemy. A letter evidently written by Peñalosa, although unsigned (July 1, 1582), mentions the fight with the Japanese, and asks for reënforcements of troops. More funds are also needed for extra expenses incurred, and especially for emergencies which often arise in the islands. Two papal decrees (September 15 and October 20, 1582) found the Philippine province of the Dominican order, and grant indulgences to those who go thither as missionaries. An unsigned document (1582?) enumerates the "offices saleable" in the Philippine Islands; and recommends some changes in the methods of filling them, in view of the prevalent abuses. Captain Gabriel de Ribera addresses (1583?) to some high official a letter complaining that Peñalosa's administration is a bad one, and injurious to the welfare of the islands. In the same year Bishop Salazar writes a memorial regarding affairs in the islands, for the information of the king and his royal Council of the Indias. He begins by describing the present scarcity of food supplies in Luzón. This is the result of sending to work in the mines the Indians of Pampanga, which province has hitherto been the granary of the island. The Spaniards also compel the natives to work in the galleys, and at many other tasks, so that they have no opportunity to cultivate their fields, and are even deprived of suitable religious instruction. Greedy Spanish officials have monopolized all local traffic, and have set their own price on all provisions, from which some have made great profits. Salazar--who has with good reason been styled "the Las Casas of the Philippines"--enumerates a melancholy list of injuries and opressions inflicted upon the hapless natives by their conquerors, and urges in most forcible and eloquent language that they be protected from injustice and treated as human beings. He cites from the royal decrees the clauses which make such provisions in behalf of the Indians, and claims that most of these are continually disobeyed. The Indians held by the royal crown suffer even greater oppression than do those in private encomiendas. As a result of all these evil deeds on the part of the Spaniards, the Indians have come to abhor the Christian faith, and many remain pagans; while those who are nominally Christians are so through fear rather than choice. The preachers who are sent to them ought to go without military escort, and the ençomenderos should be compelled to fulfil their duties toward the Indians in their charge. The bishop then describes the status of the Chinese traders who come to the Philippine Islands. Vexatious dues have been levied upon the Chinese in Manila; they have been herded together in one dwelling, apart from the other residents of the city; and a special warden, with arbitrary power, has been placed over them. Besides, they have been compelled to sell their goods at much below their value, and have frequently been plundered; and reparation for their wrongs has been denied. As a consequence, Chinese goods have almost disappeared from the market, and the few articles seen are sold at exorbitant prices. Other traders who come to Manila are also burdened with numerous unjust and arbitrary exactions. Salazar complains that the Spaniards enslave the Indians, and, despite all remonstrances made by the priests and friars, refuse to liberate their slaves. The natives are oppressed by the officials, and are at the mercy of lawless, because unpaid, soldiers. The encomenderos refuse to pay tithes, and the royal officials say that they have no instructions to pay the bishop; he is thus greatly straitened in means, and can do but little to aid the unfortunate natives or the poor Spaniards. The governor proposes to levy an additional tribute on the Indians; the clergy and the friars hold a conference regarding this matter, and decide that it may reasonably be levied, in order to support the expenses of protecting the natives from their enemies, and of instructing them in the true religion. Nevertheless, the bishop advises that no additional tribute be imposed until the king shall have opportunity to examine the question, and order such action as he deems best. The soldiers in the Philippines have left behind them (in Spain, Mexico, and elsewhere) families whom they have practically abandoned for many years. Salazar desires the king to order that these men be sent back to their homes, or obliged to bring their families to the islands. Again he recurs to the wretched condition of the natives, and asks that suitable provision be made for an official "protector of the Indians;" and that to this post, now temporarily filled, the bishop may have the right of nomination. He also asks that to the city of Manila be granted an encomienda, to provide means for conducting municipal affairs and meeting necessary expenses. He recommends a reward for Ensign Francisco de Dueñas, who has just returned from an important mission to Ternate--whither he went with official announcement of the transfer of the Portuguese settlement there to the Spanish crown, which is peaceably accomplished. The Franciscan missionaries who went to China have been brought back to the islands by the governor, who forbids them to go away again without his permission. The bishop intercedes for them with Peñalosa, but in vain. This is but an instance of the frequent conflicts between the bishop and the civil authorities, who hinder rather than aid his efforts. Salazar closes his letter with advice to the king as to the officials who ought to be sent to these islands. A document of especial interest is that (dated March 1, 1583) which gives instructions for the commissary of the Inquisition who is to reside in the Philippines. Great care must be exercised in the choice of that official; he must be very discreet in his actions, and observe most strictly the rule of secrecy in all transactions connected with his office and proceedings. All cases of heresy are to be referred to the Holy Office; accordingly, no cognizance of such cases is to be taken by bishops or other ecclesiastical dignitaries. The commissary is warned to control his temper, to be careful and thorough in his investigations, and to report to the Holy Office any cases of disrespect or disobedience to his commands. Careful instructions are given for procedure in receiving denunciations against suspected persons, on which are placed various restrictions, as well as upon arrests made in consequence of such accusations. The commissary is expected to investigate various crimes, especially that of bigamy; but he should, when possible, leave its punishment to the regular courts. In case of any accusation for this or other crimes, he should send to the Inquisition at Mexico all available information regarding the accused; in certain cases the latter should be sent to Mexico. The royal officials of justice are required to assist the commissary on his demand, and the public prisons are at his disposal; but he may at his own discretion select a special and secret place of imprisonment for a person arrested by him. The prisoner is to be promptly despatched to Mexico, to be tried by the Inquisition there. The commissary is warned not to sequestrate the property of the accused, but to see that it be administered by some capable person. Funds to provide for the prisoner's journey and his food, clothing, and other necessary expenses are, however, to be taken from his property--enough of it for this purpose being sold at public auction. None of these procedures shall apply to the Indians, who shall be left under the jurisdiction of the ordinary ecclesiastical courts; but cases involving Spaniards, mestizos, and mulattoes shall be tried by the Inquisition. Its edicts against certain books shall be solemnly read in public, for which procedure instructions are given. The commissary must visit the ships arriving at the ports, and examine their officers according to his instructions; but this applies only to Spanish ships which come from Spanish possessions. The especial object of such visitation is to confiscate any books condemned by the Inquisition which may be conveyed by the ships. Doubtful cases are left to the commissary's discretion, since he is at so great a distance from Mexico. Another valuable document is the decree which provides (May 5, 1583) for the establishment and conduct of a royal Audiencia (high court of justice) in Manila. Provision is made for a house wherein this court shall sit, and for its powers and the scope of its jurisdiction; and instructions are given for its course of procedure in the various matters which shall come before it. Certain duties outside their judiciary functions are prescribed for its members; among these are the oversight of the royal exchequer, and inspection of inns, apothecary shops, and weights and measures. The Audiencia shall despatch to the home government information regarding the resources of the islands, the condition of the people, their attitude toward idolatry, the instruction bestowed upon Indian slaves, etc. It shall fix the prices to be asked by merchants for their wares; keep a list of all the Spanish citizens, with record of the services and rewards of each; audit the municipal accounts of the city where the court is established; and allot lands to those who settle new towns. Its powers in regard to ecclesiastical cases of various kinds are carefully defined. Felipe orders that the papal bulls be proclaimed only in those towns where Spaniards have settled, and then in the Spanish language; and that the Indians shall not be compelled to hear the preaching of them, or to receive them. Specific directions are given for the manner in which the Audiencia shall audit the accounts of the royal treasury, and it may not expend the moneys therein; it shall also audit the accounts of estates in probate. Its members must especially watch over the welfare of the conquered Indians--punishing those who oppress them, and seeing that the natives receive religious instruction, in which the Audiencia and the bishop shall cooperate; and various specific directions are given for the protection of the Indians and their interests. The duties of the officials subordinate to the Audiencia--fiscal attorney, alguazils, clerks, jail-wardens, and others--are carefully prescribed, as also are those of advocates. The remainder of this document will be presented in _Vol_. VI. _The Editors_ May, 1903. DOCUMENTS OF 1582 Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; June 16. [2]Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. Miguel de Loarca; [June]. Letter to Felipe II. Fray Domingo de Salazar; June 20. Letter to viceroy. Juan Baptista Roman; June 25. Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; July 1. Papal decrees regarding the Dominicans. Gregory XIII; September 15 and October 20. Report on the offices saleable in the Philippines. [Unsigned; 1582?]. _Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla--excepting the papal decrees, which are taken from Hernaez's _Colección de bulas_. _Translations_: The first and third documents are translated by José M. and Clara M. Asensio; the second, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University, and Emma Helen Blair; the fourth, by Arthur B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the fifth, by James A. Robertson; the sixth, by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the seventh, by Alfonso de Salvio. LETTER FROM PEÑALOSA TO FELIPE II Royal Catholic Majesty: There has now returned one of the ships by which I wrote in the year 80. Until now no word has been received of the other ship to Nueva España, in which I sent a duplicate report. Therefore in this letter I shall refer to some of the most essential points which I had written, and will give a report also of what is presented for the first time. This country is advancing rapidly in the conversion of the natives, and they are quick to embrace baptism and the knowledge of our holy faith. If the harvest is not greater, it is for lack of workers. However, the repartimientos held by the Spaniards contain but few persons and yield small income; and thus they cannot assist in supplying all the instruction necessary, because of the cost of maintaining the religious. In this ship sail two religious of the order of St. Augustine, in order to beseech your Majesty to grant them grace in several necessary points. One is father Fray Juan Pimentel, in whom are found many excellent qualities. Among the things that they desire, I consider it very important that your Majesty order convents to be built in all the villages and cities. There should be a convent of six religious in each of the villages, and one of twelve in the cities. May your Majesty see to it that these be provided, from the alms which are customarily given to those who serve in the instruction of your Majesty's towns. It is very inconvenient that for lack of the means of support, the priests who are sent here and are occupied in instructing the Indians, are not able to carry on their work. If there were convents, none but the most approved persons would be sent to occupy them, as is necessary for the result that they strive to attain by their doctrine, lives, and examples. It is very necessary that the friars who are sent to these islands come directly from España, and that they have not remained any length of time in Nueva España. As that land is so prosperous and wealthy, and the affairs and teaching of the Indians have attained such progress, they become much discouraged in this country, and try to return to New Spain or go elsewhere. As a result of this feeling, there set out in April of this year the custodian of the order of St. Francis, with seven other friars of this city. They sailed without my approbation in a fragata which had been secretly made ready; and went to Macau, a town in China which is inhabited by Portuguese. The ships from India belonging to Portugal stop there for trade, as well as those going to Japan. It seemed to me that God would not sanction their departure, nor would your Majesty be pleased to have them leave this country, where there are so many native Christians and where religious are so needed, since they had been sent hither at your Majesty's expense, to discharge the obligations of the royal conscience; but without my order, and at such a time, they set out. We even yet do not know the attitude taken by your Majesty in regard to the affairs of Portugal. I am determined to send after them, stop them, and prevent their voyage, although there have been and are now serious embarrassments in the way. If your Majesty does not approve of my plans, may it be commanded that everything be carefully weighed and considered. Three years ago four friars of the same order made that identical voyage without permission of the governor then here. It is not possible to check them if their superiors do not remedy the affair. If your Majesty should order that no Portuguese friars come hither, it would be best for your royal service. The royal estate has advanced, and is now progressing by the means which I have provided for its increase. Although the rents and profits have been doubled since I came, their sum is but little, and does not amount to thirty thousand pesos annually. This is not sufficient for the salaries and expenses of the fleets and artillery, and therefore the treasury remains in debt, although not to such an extent as formerly. Everything possible is done to cut down expenses for your Majesty, and thus a great reduction has been made therein. This has been done with many supplies which are usually provided from Nueva España, since I am informed that many articles which are brought thence at great cost can be supplied here. It is a mistake for your Majesty to think that these islands can serve the royal estate with a considerable sum of money, for I can say that that will not be for many years yet. But it is right that your Majesty should value this land highly, on account of its proximity to China. Without doubt that is the finest country in the world, since it has so many people and so great wealth. This island of Luçon is not a hundred leagues distant from China, and ought to profit much from the endeavors made there by the vassals of your Majesty. It is considered just that war should be made against them; and this and their conquest depends only on the way in which God inclines the heart of your Majesty. Until his divine Majesty is pleased to appoint that time, it would be a serious error to undertake a war with the people who could be sent from here. I have determined to occupy them in finishing the settlement of these islands. Accordingly, the village of Arevalo--on the island of Panay, fifty leagues from this district--has just been settled. The land is very fertile and the inhabitants are rich. They are almost all at peace, and the town is increasing in population because of the good and healthful character of that country. This year I have sent people to settle the city of Segovia in a province called Cagayan, in this island, a hundred leagues from this city. It is the frontier of China, and much benefit is expected from its settlement--for it is the best-situated port, with a harbor of greater depth, for the ships which sail in the line from Nueva España and Peru; and it is so near to China that one can cross thence in three days. For the sake of the future I consider it very important to have that frontier settled. I sent for the settlement thereof Captain Juan Pablos de Carrion, with about a hundred picked men. They go in good order, well provided with artillery, vessels, ammunition, and with the approbation and blessing of the church. God will be served through them, and your Majesty as well. In the years 80 and 81 there came to these islands some pirate ships from Japan, which is located about four hundred leagues from here. They did some injury to the natives. This year, as warning was received that ten ships were being prepared to come to these islands, I have sent a fleet to the place where they are accustomed to come. This fleet is composed of six vessels, among them a ship and a galley well supplied with guns. I will send later advices of the outcome. The Japanese are the most warlike people in this part of the world. They have artillery and many arquebuses and lances. They use defensive armor for the body, made of iron, which they have owing to the subtlety of the Portuguese, who have displayed that trait to the injury of their own souls. Although I have had no letter or advices of the state of affairs with Portugal, it seemed to me in the year 80, that we should live with great care and circumspection on account of what might happen, as the Portuguese are so quarrelsome, and especially if Don Antonio, the Prior of Crato, [3] should come here. In order to try to ascertain the state of affairs at Maluco and at Macau, the post held by the Portuguese in China, I have sent for this purpose to the islands of Maluco the sub-lieutenant Francisco de Dueñas with four companions. He is well-instructed as to what course to pursue. Likewise I sent to Macau Father Alonso Sanchez of the Society of the Name of Jesus, a person in whom are combined many admirable traits. [4] They are going to try to prepare and calm the people for the time when certain news will be had of the occurrences in Portugal. They will bring back a report of everything which has been learned there of affairs, even to the defeat of the Infante Don Antonio. I realize that it is necessary to be diligent in order to effect the desired ends, or that at least I shall be informed of the conditions there, and the forces with which the Portuguese are supplied. The governors who have been here have used no system in making disbursements from the royal exchequer. They have followed the plan of spending as they saw fit and convenient to your Majesty's royal service. I have continued in the same way because in no other manner would it be possible to support it or make advancement. The expenses here are for the most part extraordinary, and of small sums, as the royal exchequer cannot allow more owing to its limited resources, as I have already said. For expenses of considerable sums, as those incurred in despatching fleets for our settlements, against pirates, and in paying the salaries of corregidors and alcaldes-mayor, the officials ask me to request an order from your Majesty. I have no other way of complying with the obligations of your royal service. Will your Majesty please to have an order sent me, in order that when I consider it convenient for your royal service, I may make payments from the royal treasury? It is not possible otherwise to maintain your royal service. The total expenditure is but slight, and is watched and regulated with all care. There are several men, newly-arrived in this country, who are always writing advices and opinions in respect to the aforesaid matter and others. It would be best for the royal service that the decrees despatched therefor be sent submitted to the consideration of the governor. As we are so far away it is right, _ceteris paribus_, in order to insure progress, that confidence be placed in the governor. By other letters, I have already given advices of the imposition of three per cent as duties on both importations and exportations of the merchandise of both Spaniards and Chinese. A freight charge of twelve pesos per tonelada is also imposed. Considering their large profits, these duties are very moderate. For this reason, and because the instructions brought by the adelantado Legaspi decreed the collection of five per cent from the people of this country and seven from the merchants of Mexico, and as the collection at that rate cannot, in good conscience, be too long delayed, I have decided to enforce it. Your Majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure. In my opinion, the regulations made are moderate, just, and desirable for the royal service. I also gave information that I had sent a ship to Piru in the year 81. From all that I hear, it is important for the progress of this kingdom that it trade and have commerce with the others; therefore I am sending this year another ship, for private individuals, to Panama. Consequently, I shall have ships sent to the principal kingdoms held by your Majesty in the Indias and the Southern Sea. The ship for Peru carried some artillery to be delivered to the viceroy, among them a piece of eighty-five quintals. I decided to do this, knowing the need there for heavy artillery, as the strait had to be fortified. [5] I think that the artillery arrived at an opportune season, for I have had a letter from the viceroy, Don Martin Enriques, in which he begs me to let him know if I could supply him with heavy artillery. I am only waiting for [the return of] the ship which I sent a year ago, in order to furnish him with as much as I can, for I consider that your Majesty will be thereby served. The viceroy, Count de Coruña, [6] regrets that I despatched ships to a point outside of Nueva España. I can well believe that he has been persuaded to this view by the merchants interested in trade, as they do not wish the gains to be divided. Those who consider the subject without prejudice, however, will understand the great advantages which might follow thereby to this country, in that people will come hither and commerce be opened upon all sides. The affairs of this country are improving to such an extent that the cargo of this ship bound for Nueva España is worth four hundred thousand pesos. It carries two thousand marcos of gold without taking into account the large quantity of goods intended for Panama. In the past year, 81, there came from Nueva España three Theatins; and two priests, Father Antonio Sedeño [7] and Father Alonso Sanches, zealous servants of God and having great erudition. They are doing much good, and I consider them as excellent persons for this country, and think that it would be advantageous to send more. In some places which need defense I am having forts built, and for them artillery is constantly being cast--although there is a lack of competent workmen, nor are there any in Nueva España. It would be well to have master-founders of cannon sent from España. I am also having some galliots and fragatas built, so that I may be supplied with vessels for both present and future emergencies. This kingdom was thrown into great confusion by a decree in which your Majesty ordered the liberation of all Indian slaves held by Spaniards. This affair has caused me much anxiety; for, if it should be immediately complied with, and put into execution without allowing any term of grace, this kingdom would be placed in a sad state for many good and very forcible reasons. Of these, and of the measures which I took in regard to this, your Majesty will be informed at greater length. Accordingly, I refer you to that report, and beseech your Majesty that the decree be greatly amended, since this is a very important matter. By the death of Salvador de Aldave, who served as treasurer of your royal estate, in place of the master-of-camp, Guido de Laveçares (the proprietary holder, who died), I appointed to the said office Don Antonio Jufre, my step-son. He came with me to serve your Majesty in these islands, and I consider that he possesses the necessary qualifications for the requirements of the office. He has fulfilled its duties thus far; and now he has gone to the settlement of the city of Segovia, as treasurer and purveyor of the fleet. I beseech your Majesty to have the goodness to ratify his appointment to said office. In my instructions your Majesty granted me the favor and permission to obtain a repartimiento of Indians from each of the new settlements--to be in all three repartimientos. As, to enjoy this favor, I must live for a longer time than is assured by my poor state of health, I beg your Majesty kindly to allow me to take one of the repartimientos from one of the towns which is already discovered and settled, and which is at present unoccupied; this is only that I may serve your Majesty with more strength. May our Lord guard your Catholic royal Majesty with increase of kingdoms and seignories, as we your servants desire. Manila, June 16, 1582. Royal Catholic Majesty, the most humble servant of your Majesty, who kisses the royal feet and hands. _Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa_ RELACION DE LAS YSLAS FILIPINAS POR MIGUEL DE LOARCA _Tratado de las yslas Philipinas en qe_ se Contiene todas las yslas y poblaçones qe estan Reduçidas Al seruiçio de la magd Real del Rey Don phelippe nro señor y las poblaçones qe están fundadas de españoles y la manera del gouierno de Españoles y naturales con Algunas condiçiones de los yndios y moros destas yslas. Aunqe la prinçipal poblaçon de españoles, En estas yslas es la çiudad de manila y la ysla de luçon donde ella esta es la mejor y mas Rica de todo lo descubierto y por esta causa Ubieramos de tratar y començar a escrivir della pero por aver sido la de çubu la primera qe se pobló y que de Allí se a salido a conquistar todo lo demas y tambien por auerme Va Sa dado tam breue tiempo para haçer esta Relaçion y tenerla yo mas de la ysla de çubu y de las demas sus comarcanas que llaman de los pintados, començare della pa que se Prosiga despues mas largamte en lo que toca A esta ysla De luçon y sus comarcanas que por ser moros difieren algo en las condiçiones y viuienda y lengua.--No se puede negar a Ver faltado curiosidad en los que A esta tierra an pasado pues eclesiastico, ni secular an tomado la mano para contar lo que a acaeçido en la conquista desta tierra y Ansi aunque en mexico El padre fray Alonso de Buyça Diçen tiene hecho vn gran Volumen sobre ello tengolo por dudoso porqe yo e visto cartas suyas qe Vinieron el Año pasado en este navio sanct martin, por las quales enbia a pedir certidumbre de cosas acaeçidas de dies y seys Años a esta pte porqe esta dudoso de las Relaçiones que de Aca le an enbiado y si hubiera escrito alguno de los estantes en este Reyno, diera de todo Verdadera notiçia para los tiempos venideros y agora con muçha dificultad se podra poner en orden y sera menester muçho tiempo y por y esto y la breuedad no tratare deste particular sino cumpliendo lo que su magd mda a V. sa por su Real çedula añidiendo Algunas costumbres de los naturales pa que Pues son basallos de su magd sepa de la barbaridad de que los a sacado y la poliçia en qe agora Viuen con su buen gouierno.-- Capo Primo _De la Ysla de Çubu y de las qe_ estan en su Juridiçion _ysla de Çubu._ [8] La ysla De çubu ques la primera donde miguel lopes de l[eg]azpi poblo tiene de box y çircuyto casi çien leguas, y de longitud casi çinquenta porques muy angosta por las dos puntas tendrá por lo mas ancho Veynte leguas la vna caveça della que se llama burula qe esta a la uanda del norte la otra punta qe llamamos las Cabeças; que los naturales llaman sanbuan esta a la vanda del sur por que esta ysla corre casi norte sur esto se entiende, maren fuera porqe costa à costa ay ensenadas qe corren en diferentes Rumbos esto es por la banda, donde esta la poblaçon de çubu, por la otra vanda ques la vanda del hueste corre casi les nordeste sur sudueste, tiene toda esta ysla como tres mil y quinientos yndios en diferentes poblaçones por la mayor parte pequeñas, que por eso no pongo sino algunas qe son las principales qe las de mas son pequeñas de A oçho o a dies casas. _Jaro_. Jaro es de un encomendero qe tiene encomienda en otra parte tiene quios yndios-- _Daraguete_. Daraguete son demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-- _Peñol_. el peñol es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-- _Jaro_. Jaro es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios-- _temanduc_ temanduqe es demasia de encomienda, tiene quinientos yndios,-- _temanduc_. En la mesma prouinçia de temanduqe tiene otro encomendero setenta yndios, es demasia de encomiendas-- _barile_ El pueblo de barile es otra encomienda, tiene quatroçientos yndios, es demasia de encomienda.-- _burungan_ El pueblo de burungan terna setenta yndios, es demasia de encomienda-- _candaya_. La prouinçia de candaya tiene treçientos y çinquenta yndios, son de dos encomenderos, es demasia de encomienda.-- No tiene ninguna encomienda prinçipal en toda ella ningun español aunque son catorçe los que tienen parte en ella qe por ser veçinos de la Villa de çubu se les dió a cada Uno dos o tres puebleçuelos para seruiçio y gallinas y otras cosas de sustento, por tener las encomiendas prinçipales lejos a treynta, y a quarenta leguas, mas y menos tiene aliende de los diçhos naturales como dos tiros de Arcabuz De la uilla de los españoles qe se llama la villa del ssantisimo nombre de Jesus porqe alli se allo vn niño Jesus del tiempo de magallanes qe los yndios tenian en beneraçion, vn pueblo de los naturales ques de la Rel Corona qe tiene como oçhoçientos yndios los quales por el adelantado miguel lopes de legazpi fueron Reseruados de tributo por auer sido siempre en fauor de los españoles y auer ayudado a ganar pte de las otras yslas. _notables de la ysla de çubu_ auia en la poblaçon de los españoles treynta y tantos encomenderos. Ay de ordinario çinquenta o sesenta españoles con los Vecinos y soldados qe Acuden alli, _alld mayor en çubu_. Ay Vna leal de [ = Vn alcalde] mayor proveido por los gouernadores destas yslas con treçientos pesos de salario pagados de penas de Camara y no Alcançando en la Real haçienda el Alcalde mayor asta agora no a proueydo ningun theniente Ay seis Regidores los quales asta agora an sido cadañeros y Vn alguaçil mayor proveydo por los gouernadores que an sido y esta a beneplaçito del goueror quitarle y ponerle es ofiçio qe no tiene prouechos ninguno y asi se dá a un encomendero hombre prinçipal, ay dos Alcaldes hordinarios y Vn escriuano de cabildo y publico que si no fuesen encomenderos de los derechos, no podrian sustentarse por no auer en aquella villa ningun comerçio por estar a trasmano, tiene El mejor puesto qe se a allado en estas yslas y por esso poblo alli miguel lopes de legazpi el qual fundo la diçha villa año de sesenta y quatro podria ser qe con el trato del maluco fuese a mas porqe no siendo de aqui no tiene otra pte de donde le venga ninguna contrataçion porque su comarca es pobre porqe en todo su destricto aunqe es mucho no Ay minas de oro ni lauaderos sino es in la ysla de mindanao como se dira Adelante y eso es poco en esta ysla de çubu se coje poco aRoZ coje se Vorona y millo y tiene poco Algodon a casi ninguno porque la Ropa que vsan para su vestir. es sacada de vnos platanos y dello haçen vnas mantas como bocaçi de colores qe llaman los naturales medrinaqe y en estas yslas la que tiene aRoz y Algodon, es tierra Rica por lo que vale en la nueva españa el algodon y las mantas, la condiçion de la gte dire despues de todos los pintados en general porqe todos son de vna manera tienen tambien gallinas y puercos y algunas cabras frisoles y vnas Rayçes como batatas de sancto domingo qe llaman camotes en esta ysla y en todas las demas el prinçipal mantenimiento despues del aRoz es pescado porqe en todas lo Ay en abundançia y bueno--[En esta ysla de çubu aun qe en todas las yslas que se an descubierto en estas partes ay benados en esta no ay ninguno y si lo traen de fuera y lo hechan en ella se muere luego.] [9]-- _Ysla De matan_ Al sur de la poblaçon de çubu como dos tiros de arcabuz esta la ysla de matan, ques donde mataron a magallanes ques la que haçe el puerto de çubu, y tiene como quatro leguas de çircuyto y media legua de Ançho, ay en ella como treçientos yndios en quatro o çinco pueblos pequeños es proprios de la villa-- _ysla de Vohol_. dela Otra vanda desta ysla de matan mas al sur esta la ysla de Vohol como ocho leguas apartada de la poblaçon de çubu qe tiene como dos mil yndios es de encomienda los naturales desta ysla. son muy aparentados, con los çebuanes y son casi todos vnos, los naturales della, qe Viuen en las playas son por la mayor parte grandes pescadores, son grandes bogadores y ansi solian andar antes qe viniesen, los españoles a Robar en corço en sus nauios y son contratantes, solia auer en esta ysla Vna gran poblaçon poco tiempo antes qe viniesen a estas yslas los españoles--los malucos la saquearon, y toda la mayor pte de la gente se repartio por las demas yslas donde agora auitan las poblaçones de la sierra adentro son pequeñas y pobres y aun no del todo sujetos, ay en esta ysla muçha abundançia de caça de Venados y puercos, y en muchas ysletas qe tiene alderredor de si despobladas a donde ay tambien grandes pesquerias tendra de çircuyto como quarento leguas y oçho a diez de ançho-- _Yslas de negros_. Por la vanda del hueste de la ysla de çubu esta otra ysla que los españoles llaman ysla de negros porqe en las serranias ay algunos negros, los yndios la nombran por diferentes nombres como es nayon y ma maylan y otros nombres conforme a los pueblos qe tiene en cada pte della terna como seys o siete mil yndios. la cantidad de los negros no se sabe porqe no estan de paz, por la pte que esta hacia çubu es poco poblada, porqe solo tiene vna poblaçon, buena que es el Rio de tanay y la mitad de los yndios de Aquel Rio son los yndios qe fueron de bohol, por la vanda del sur qe confina con la ysla de panay y villa de Areualo es bien poblada porqe estan alli los Rios de ylo ynabagan bago y carobcop tecgaguan qe son fertiles de comida como es aRoz puercos y gallinas y muçho medrinaque aunqe no tienen algodon la pte qe confina con la ysla de çubu esta apartada de la diçha ysla como dos leguas y media y por la pte que confina, qe confina con la ysla de panay y villa de areualo tiene otro tanto porqe estas yslas haçe dos estreçhos el vno haçe con la ysla de zubu y el otro con la ysla de panay, la pte qe cae A la ysla de çubu ay tres encomenderos por la parte de la ysla de panay y villa de areualo ay otros oçho encomenderos que si no son los dos todos los demas tienen encomiendas en otra pte terna esta ysla nouenta leguas de box y de Ançho como doçe o treçe leguas no tiene su magd en esta ysla ningunos pueblos-- _ysla de fuegos_ Çerca del estreçho qe haçe la ysla de negros y la ysla de çubu esta vna ysla qe llamamos nosotros ysla de fuegos qe terna diez leguas de box terna como duçientos yndios esta es demasia de vn encomendero cojese en ella cantidad de çera _ysla de camotes_. Por la pte del leste de la ysla de çubu esten dos ysletas pequeñas qe ternan de box cada vna çinco leguas que llaman ysletas de camotes ternan entrambas como treçientos yndios son proprios de la çiudad de çubu es gte pobre aunqe tienen alguna çera, y muçho Pescado son las poblaçones pequeñas de siete y a ocho casas estan apartadas de la ysla de çubu como tres leguas y siete de la çiudad-- _ysla de baybay_ Corriendo mas haçia la buelta del leste como otras tres leguas esta la ysla qe llaman de baybay y por otro nombre leyte ques ysla grande y muy abundante de comida aunqe la Ropa es de medrinaqe es muy poblada terna como catorçe o quinçe mil yndios y de los diez mil dellos se cobran tributos porqe a sido gte mala de domeñar tiene doçe encomenderos no tiene su magd en ella ningunos yndios, terna esta ysla como oçhenta leguas de box y de Ançho quinçe o diez y seys, las Poblaçones y Rios prinçipales son los siguintes Vaybay, yodmuc, leyte, cauigava, barugo, maraguincay palos, abuyo, dulaque y longos, bito, cabalian, calamocan, Tugud no ay en esta ysla minas ni lauaderos ni se coje otra Ropa sino de medriñaque que como tengo diçho es como bocaçi qe se haçe de vnos platanos çimarrones-- _ysla de panaon_ Entre esta ysla y la ysla de mindanao qe corre la vna con la otra norte sur esta la ysla de panaon, terna oçho leguas De çircuyto y tres de ançho es gente pobre abra como çien hombres son de vn encomendero-- _ysla de siargao_--Mas adelante como doçe leguas de la ysla de panaon aRimada a la ysla de mindanao esta la ysla de siargao la qual terna como quinçe leguas de box y seys de ançho terna como quatroçientros hombres, las poblaçones están en vnas [10] [poblaçones: _crossed out in MS_.] esteros asperos y de mala condicion es de un encomendero, es gente pobre por ser aragana porqe tiene muçhas ysletas pequeñas aldeRedor de si en las quales ay muchos labaderos, De oro y minas, diçen qe no las labrauan porqe los cosarios qe sabiendo que estauan alli benefiçiandolas le venian alli a cautiuar, pero tanpoco lo haçen agora qe estan seguros por donde se puede ynferir que lo haçen de flojedad-- _ysla de maçagua_ A la vanda del hueste de la ysla de baybay esta vna ysleta pequeña que se llama maçagua de quien tantos milagros contaua el padre fray Andres de Urbaneta qe terna como quatro leguas de box y vna de ançho, tiene como sesenta
{'title': 'The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 05 of 55 by Bourne, Blair, and Robertson', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}