Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions. A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. IX. MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTS OF VOL. IX. PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED. CHAP. X. (_Continued_.) Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment of the East India Company SECT. XV. (_Continued_)--Eighth Voyage of the English East-India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris §5. Further Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan §6. Arrival at Brando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese §7. Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his Observations there and by the Way §8. Occurrences at Firando during the Absence of Captain Saris §9. Continuation of these Occurrences §10. Conclusion of these §11. Occurrences at Firando, after the return of Captain Saris §12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England §I3. Intelligence concerning Yedso or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there §14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan §15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the departure of Captain Saris SECT. XVI. Ninth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edward Marlow SECT. XVII. Tenth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, written by Mr Thomas Best, Chief Commander §1. Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat §2. Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory and Departure for Acheen §3. Occurrences at Acheen in Sumatra §4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England SECT. XVIII. Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant §1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage §2. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon §3. Extract from a Treatise by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures SECT. XIX. Eleventh Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, in the Salomon SECT. XX. Twelfth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1613, by Captain Christopher Newport §1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia §2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches §3. Arrival at Diul-ginde, and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence to England CHAP XI. Continuation of the Early Voyages of the English East India Company to India Introduction SECT. I. Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614 §1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of the Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English §2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed §3. Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English SECT. II. Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to preceding Voyage §1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington §2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope SECT. III. Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Agimere, in India, to Ispahan, in Persia, in the Years 1615, and 1616 SECT. IV. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615 §1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat §2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra. Miscarriage of the English Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India §3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and traded with, by the Portuguese, between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, in the Year 1616 SECT. V. Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from the Journal of Roger Hawes SECT. VI. Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from James I. to Shah Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan Introduction §1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country §2. Occurrences in June, July, and August, 1616, from which the Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed §3. Of the Celebration of the King's Birth-day, with other Occurrences, in September, 1616 §4. Broils about Abdala Khan, and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious Projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea-fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences §5. Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November, 1616 §6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King's Leskar, &c. §7. A New-year's Gift--Suspicion entertained of the English--Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador--English Ships of War in the Indian Seas §8 Asaph Khan and Noormahal protect the English from Hope of Gain.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private Trade--Stirs about a Fort SECT. VII. Relation of a Voyage to India in 1616, with Observations respecting the Dominions of the Great Mogul, by Mr Edward Terry §1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat §2. Description of the Mogul Empire §3. Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs §4. Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites Priests, &c. of the Hindoos; with other Observations SECT. VIII. Journey of Thomas Coryat by Land, from Jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogul §1. Letter from Agimere to Mr L. Whitaker, in 1615 §2. Do. from Agra to his Mother, in 1616 §3. Some Observations concerning India, by Coryat SECT. IX. Account of the Wrongs done to the English at Banda by the Dutch, in 1617 and 1618 SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the Joint-stock by the English East India Company, in 1617, under the Command of Captain Martin Pring §1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra §2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale §3. Departure for Coromandel, with Occurrences there, and Death of Sir Thomas Dale.--Capture of English Ships by the Dutch; and Occurrences at Tecoo §4. News of Peace between the English and Dutch §5. Voyage of Captain Pring from Bantam to Patania and Japan §6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England SECT. XI. Voyage of the Ann-royal, from Surat to Mokha, in 1618 SECT. XII. Journal of a Voyage to Surat and Jasques in 1620 §1. Voyage from England to Surat §2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques §3. Account of a Sea-fight with the Portuguese §4. Second Sea-fight with the Portuguese §5. Sequel of the Voyage SECT. XIII. Relation of the War of Ormus, and the Capture of that Place by the English and Persians, in 1622 SECT. XIV. Account of the Massacre of Amboina, in 1623 SECT. XV. Observations during a Residence in the Island of Chusan, in 1701, by Dr James Cunningham; with some early Notices respecting China §1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island §2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and coming of the English to reside there §3. Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan §4. Of the famous Medicinal Root called H-tchu-u §5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo-Condore, with an Account of the Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory §6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo-Laut, with the Overthrow of that Factory, and of the English Trade in Borneo * * * * * [Illustration: CHART OF NORTH EASTERN AFRICA] Published 1st July 1813 A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. * * * * * PART II. BOOK III. (CONTINUED.) * * * * * CHAPTER X.--_Continued_. EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. SECTION XV.--_Continued_. _Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris_. §5. _Farther Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan_. The 10th of April, 1613, the Spanish commandant sent me a message, requesting me to stop till the next morning, when he would visit me along with the sergeant-major of Ternate, who had arrived with a letter from Don Jeronimo de Sylva, allowing them to trade with me for different things of which they were in want, and to satisfy me in what I had requested; wherefore I resolved to stop a while longer, to see if we could do any good. Expecting Don Fernando next day, according to promise, and hearing nine guns from their fort, we supposed he was coming: But it proved to be for the arrival of the prince of Tidore from the wars, who was returned with the heads of 100 Ternatans. His force in the expedition in which he had been engaged, consisted of sixty men armed with matchlocks, two brass _bases_ and three or four _fowlers_. He had over-thrown _Key Chilly Sadang_, the son of the king of Ternate, whom the Dutch had brought over from Ternate to prevent the natives of Machian from supplying us with cloves. While on his return to Ternate after our departure, he was drawn into an ambush by the son of the king of Tidore, who lay in wait for the purpose, and slew him, together with 160 men who were along with him, not one of the whole being spared. The prince of Ternate brought home the head of Key Chilly Sadang to his wife, who was sister to the slain prince. Key Chilly Sadang in a great measure owed this discomfiture to a barrel of powder he had bought from us at Machian, as it exploded at the commencement of the rencounter, and threw his whole party into confusion. Along with the prince of Ternate, one of his younger brothers and the king of Gilolo were both slain. Towards evening, the sergeant-major of Ternate, who was also secretary of the government, came aboard, and made many compliments, requesting me to come to Ternate, where they would do for me every thing in their power. I consented to do this the more readily, as Ternate was in my way. I received a message on the 12th from the prince of Tidore, apologising for not having yet visited me, and saying that he had a quantity of cloves which I might have, for which I thanked him, and requested they might be sent soon. They promised to send the cloves before next morning; wherefore, to guard against treachery, I kept double watch, with match in cock, and every thing in readiness: For this prince of Tidore was a most resolute and valiant soldier, and had performed many desperate exploits against the Dutch, having shortly before surprised one of their ships of war when at anchor not far from where we then lay. Before day, a galley, which the Spaniards told us they expected, came over from _Batta China_, and were very near us in the dark before we were aware. On hailing, they answered us that they were Spaniards and our friends, and then made towards the shore in all haste. She was but small, having only fourteen oars of a side. We this day found our latitude to be 0° 50' N. We weighed on the 13th with the wind at N. and a current setting to the S. In passing the fort we saluted with five guns, which they returned. Several Spaniards came off with complimentary messages, and among these a messenger from the prince, saying we should have had plenty of cloves if we had waited twenty-four hours longer. But we rather suspected that some treachery was intended, by means of their gallies, frigates, and curracurras, which we thus avoided by our sudden departure. On rounding the western point of Tidore, we saw four Dutch ships at anchor before their fort of Marieca; one of which, on our appearance, fired a gun, which we supposed was to call their people aboard to follow us. We steered directly for the Spanish fort on Ternate, and shortened sail on coming near, and fired a gun without shot, which was immediately answered. They sent us off a soldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as those of Tidore had done. Having little wind, our ship sagged in, but we found no anchorage. Having a gale of wind at south in the evening, we stood out to sea, but lost as much ground by the current as we had gained by the wind. The 14th, with the wind at S.S.W. we steered N.N.W. being at noon directly under the equinoctial. We had sight of a galley this day, on which we put about to speak with her; but finding she went away from us, we shaped our course for Japan. Before leaving the Moluccas, it may be proper to acquaint the reader with some circumstances respecting the trade and state of these islands. Through the whole of the Moluccas, a _bahar_ of cloves consists of 200 _cattees_, the _cattee_ being three pounds five ounces _haberdepoiz_, so that the bahar is 662 pounds eight ounces English averdupois weight. For this bahar of cloves, the Dutch give fifty dollars, pursuant to what they term their perpetual contract; but, for the more readily obtaining some loading, I agreed to pay them sixty dollars. This increase of price made the natives very desirous of furnishing me, so that I certainly had procured a full lading in a month, had not the Dutch overawed the natives, imprisoning them, and threatening to put them to death, keeping strict guard on all the coasts. Most of these islands produce abundance of cloves; and those that are inhabited of any note, yield the following quantities, one year with another. Ternate 1000 bahars, Machian 1090, Tidore 900, Bachian 300, Moteer 600, Mean 50, Batta China 35; in all 3975 bahars, or 2,633,437 1/2 English pounds, being 1175 _tons_, twelve _cwts._ three _qrs._ and nine and a half _libs._ Every third year is far more fruitful than the two former, and is therefore termed the great monsoon. It is lamentable to see the destruction which has been brought upon these islands by civil wars, which, as I learnt while there, began and continued in the following manner: At the discovery of these islands by the Portuguese, they found fierce war subsisting between the kings of Ternate and Tidore, to which two all the other islands were either subjected, or were confederated, with one or other of them. The Portuguese, the better to establish themselves, took no part with either, but politically kept friends with both, and fortified themselves in the two principal islands of Ternate and Tidore, engrossing the whole trade of cloves into their own hands. In this way they domineered till the year 1605, when the Dutch dispossessed them by force, and took possession for themselves. Yet so weakly did they provide for defending the acquisition, that the Spaniards drove them out next year from both islands, by a force sent from the Philippine islands, took the king of Ternate prisoner, and sent him to the Philippines, and kept both Ternate and Tidore for some time in their hands. Since then the Dutch have recovered some footing in these, islands, and, at the time of my being there, were in possession of the following forts. On the island of Ternate they have a fort named: _Malayou_, having three bulwarks or bastions, _Tolouco_ having two bastions and a round tower, and _Tacome_ with four bastions. On Tidore they have a fort called _Marieka_, with four bastions. On Machian, _Tufasoa_, the chief town of the island, having four large bastions with sixteen pieces of cannon, and inhabited by about 1000 natives: At _Nofakia_, another town on that island, they have two forts or redoubts, and a third on the top of a high hill with five or six guns, which commands the road on the other side. Likewise at _Tabalola_, another town in Machian, they have two forts with eight cannons, this place being very strongly situated by nature. The natives of all these places are under their command. Those of _Nofakia_ are not esteemed good soldiers, and are said always to side with the strongest; but those of Tabalola, who formerly resided at _Cayoa_, are accounted the best soldiers in the Moluccas, being deadly enemies to the Portuguese and Spaniards, and as weary now of the Dutch dominion. In these fortified stations in Machian, when I was there, the Dutch had 120 European soldiers; of whom eighty were at _Tafasoa_, thirty at _Nofakia_, and ten at _Tabalola_. The isle of Machian is the richest in cloves of all the Molucca islands; and, according to report, yields 1800 bahars in the great monsoon. The Dutch have one large fort in the island of Bachian, and four redoubts in the isle of Moteer. The civil wars have so wasted the population of these islands, that vast quantities of cloves perish yearly for want of hands to gather them; neither is there any likelihood of peace till one party or the other be utterly extirpated. Leaving them to their wars, I now return to our traffic, and shall shew how we traded with the natives, which was mostly by exchanging or bartering the cotton cloths of Cambaya and Coromandel for cloves. The sorts in request and the prices we obtained being as follows: _Candakeens_ of Baroach six _cattees_ of cloves; candakeens of _Papang_, which are flat, three cattees; _Selas_, or small _bastas_, seven and eight cattees; _Patta chere Malayo_ sixteen cattees; five _cassas_ twelve cattees; coarse of that kind eight cattees; red _Batellias_, or _Tancoulas_, forty-four and forty-eight cattees; _Sarassas chere Malayo_ forty-eight and fifty cattees; _Sarampouri_ thirty cattees; _Chelles, Tapsiels_, and _Matafons_, twenty and twenty-four cattees; white _Cassas_, or _Tancoulos_, forty and forty-four cattees; the finest _Donjerijus_ twelve, and coarser eight and ten cattees; _Pouti Castella_ ten cattees; the finest _Ballachios_ thirty cattees; _Pata chere Malayo_ of two fathoms eight and ten cattees; great _Potas_, or long four fathoms, sixteen cattees; white _Parcallas_ twelve cattees; _Salalos Ytam_ twelve and fourteen cattees; _Turias_ and _Tape Turias_ one and two cattees; _Patola_ of two fathoms, fifty and sixty cattees; those of four fathoms and of one fathom at proportional prices; for twenty-eight pounds of rice, a dollar; _Sago_, which is a _root_ of which the natives make their bread, is sold in bunches, and was worth a quarter of a dollar the bunch; velvets, sattins, taffetics, and other silk goods of China were much in request. This may suffice for the trade of the Moluccas. Proceeding on our voyage, it was calm all day on the 16th of April, but we, had a good breeze at night from the west, when we steered N.N.W. In the morning of the 17th, we steered north, with the wind at E. by S. but it afterwards became very variable, shifting to all points of the compass, and towards night we had sight of land to the northwards. On the 18th we had calms, with much rain, and contrary winds at intervals, for which reason I resolved to go for the island of _Saiom_, which was to the westward, and to remain there and refresh the crew, till the change of the monsoon might permit me to proceed on my intended voyage. But almost immediately the wind came round to the west, and we stood N. and N. by E. On the 19th, with little wind at W. we continued our course N. by E. the weather being extremely hot, with much rain. It was quite calm in the morning of the 20th, but we had a constant current setting us to the eastwards, which indeed had been the case ever since we left Ternate. In the afternoon, the wind came round to the northward, a brisk gale, and we stood west to stem the current, bearing for a large island called _Doy_, where we proposed to rest and refresh. In the morning of the 21st, we were fairly before that island, near its northern extremity, which was a low point stretching southwards. We stood in E. by S. with the wind at N. by E. and at noon sent our skiff in search of a convenient place for anchoring; but the current set so strong to the eastwards, that we were unable to stem it, and could merely see at a distance a very large bay, having a great shoal off its northern point half a league out to sea, while we had sixty fathoms water off the shore upon a bottom of sand. As night approached, we stood off till morning; and next day, about sun-set, we came to anchor in the large bay, having on standing in fifty-six, thirty-five, twenty-six, and twenty-four fathoms water. I sent some people ashore in the skiff on the 23d, to look out for a convenient watering-place, and for a proper situation in which to set up a tent to defend our men from the rain when on shore. They accordingly found a fit place right over against the ship, and saw many tracks of deer and wild swine, but no appearance of any inhabitants. The country was full of trees, and, in particular, there were abundance of _cokers_,[1] _penang, serie_, and _palmitos_, among which were plenty of poultry, pheasants, and wood-cocks. I went ashore along with our merchants, and had a tent set up. Our carpenter made several very ingenious pitfalls for catching the wild-hogs. We took some fish among the rocks with much labour, and got one pheasant and two wood-Pigeons, which last were as large in the body as ordinary hens. Some of our company staid all night ashore to look for the wild-hogs coming into the traps, and some very large ones were seen on the 24th, but none were caught. This morning, about half past seven, the moon, being at the full, was eclipsed in a more extraordinary manner than any of us had ever seen, being three hours and a half obscured before she recovered her entire light, _which was very fearful_. [Footnote 1: Cocoa-nut trees.--E.] The 25th, our people searching about the woods, brought great store of _cokers_ to the ship, together with some fowls, and the heads of the palmito trees, which we boiled with our beef, and found them to eat like cabbages. The 28th, the company were busily employed in taking in wood and water. The skiff was sent out to sound the shoal, and found ten and twelve fathoms at the northern point of the bar, near the shoal. All this time we had prodigious rain both day and night. The 29th and 30th were employed in bringing wood aboard, which we found as good as our English billets. The skiff was sent on the 1st of May to sound the western point of the bay, where the water was found very deep. On landing at that part of the coast our people found the ruins of several huts, among which were some brass pans, which shewed the place had been lately inhabited, but, as we supposed, the inhabitants had been hunted from their houses by the wars. We set sail on the 12th May, 1613, from this island of _Doy_, being the north-eastmost island of _Batta-China_, or Gilolo, in the Moluccas, in latitude 2° 35' N.[2] The variation here was 5° 20' easterly. By noon of this day we were fourteen leagues N. by E. from the place where we had been at anchor for twenty days.[3] The 1st June, passed the tropic of Cancer. The 2d, being in lat 25° 44' N. we laid our account with seeing the islands of _Dos Reys Magos._[4] Accordingly, about four p.m. we had sight of a very low island, and soon afterwards of the high land over the low, there being many little islands, to the number of ten or eleven, connected by broken grounds and ledges, so that we could not discern any passage to the westward. At night we stood off and took in our top-sails, and lay close by in our courses till morning. The islands stretch from S.W. to N.E. The 3d, we stood in for the land, which appeared to us a most pleasant and fertile soil, as much so as any we had seen from leaving England, well peopled, and having great store of cattle. We proposed to have come to anchor about its north-east point, and on sounding, had sixty fathoms. We saw two boats coming off to us, and used every means to get speech of them, wishing for a pilot, and desiring to know the name of the island, but the wind was so strong that we could not get in, wherefore we stood away N.W. and had sight of another island bearing N.N.W. for which we steered, and thence descried another, N.E. half E. about seven or eight leagues off. Coming under the western island, we observed certain rocks about two miles offshore, one of which was above water, and the other, to the north, under water, a great way without the other, and the sea breaking on it. [Footnote 2: The latitude in the text, which we have reason to believe accurate, as Captain Saris was so long at this place, indicates the northern end of the island of _Morty_, east and a little northerly of the northern peninsula or leg of Gilolo.--E.] [Footnote 3: We have omitted in the text the naked journal of daily winds, courses, and distances, as tending to no useful information whatever.--E.] [Footnote 4: The indicated latitude, considering the direction of the voyage between Morty and Japan, nearly coincides with the small islands of Kumi and Matchi, west from the south end of the great Liqueo.--E.] On the 7th, we supposed ourselves about twenty-eight or thirty leagues from _Tonan_.[5] In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of a high round island, bearing E. six leagues off, with various other islands, in six or seven directions westwards, five or six leagues off.[6] In the morning of the 8th we had sight of land bearing N.N.E. and of six great islands in a row N.E. from the island we descried the preceding evening; and at the northern end of all were many small rocks and hummocks. In a bay to the eastwards of these, we saw a high land bearing E. and E. by S. and E.S.E. which is the island called _Xima_ in the charts, but named _Maihma_ by the natives, while the former island is called _Segue_, or _Amaxay_.[7] The 10th, four great fishing-boats came aboard, about five tons burden each, having one large sail, like that of a skiff. They had each four oars of a side, resting on pins fastened to the gunwales, the heads of the pins being let into the middle of the oars, so that they hung in just equipoise, saving much labour to the rowers. These people make much more speed in rowing than our men, and perform their work standing, by which they take up less room. They told us we were just before the entrance to _Nangasaki_, which bore N.N.E.; the straits of _Arima_ being N.E. by N. and that the high hill we saw yesterday was upon the island called _Uszideke_,[8] making the straits of _Arima_, at the north end of which is good anchorage, and at the south end is the entrance to _Cahinoch_.[9] We agreed with two of the masters of these fishing-boats for thirty dollars each, and rice for their food, to pilot us to _Firando_, on which agreement their people came aboard our ship, and voluntarily performed its duty as readily as any of our own mariners. We steered N. by W. the pilots reckoning that we were thirty leagues from Firando. One of the boats which came to us at this time belonged to the Portuguese who dwelt at Nangasaki, being Christian converts, and thought our ship had been the Portuguese ship from Makao; but, on finding we were not, made all haste back again to advise them, refusing every entreaty to remain with us. [Footnote 5: The island of Tanao-sima is probably here meant, being the most southerly of the Japanese islands. It may be proper to remark, that the termination _sima_, in the names of islands belonging to Japan, obviously means _island_, like the prefix _pula_ in the names of islands in the Malay Archipelago.--E.] [Footnote 6: There is a considerable cluster of small islands south from Tanaosima, between the latitudes of 29° 30' and 30° N.--E.] [Footnote 7: Xima, or sima, only means island. Perhaps Mashama may be that named Kaba-sima in modern maps, and Amaxay may possibly be Amacusa, these islands being in the way towards Nangasaki.--E.] [Footnote 8: This seems the same island called before Amaxay, or Amacusa.--E.] [Footnote 9: Cochinotzu is the name of a town on the south-west peninsula of the island of Kiusiu; but Cochinoch in the text seems the sound leading to Nangasaki, and the straits of Arima appear to be the passage between the north side of Amacusa and Kiusiu.--E.] §6. _Arrival at Firando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese_. We came to anchor about half a league short of Firando, about three p.m. of the 11th June, 1613, the tide being then so much spent that we could not get nearer. I was soon afterwards visited by _Foyne Sama_, the old king of Firando, accompanied by his nephew, _Tone Sama_, who governed the island under the old king.[10] They were attended by forty boats or gallies, some having ten, and others fifteen oars of a side. On coming near our ship, the king ordered all the boats to fall astern, except the two which carried him and his nephew, who only came on deck, both dressed in silk gowns, under which were linen shirts and breeches. Each of them wore two _cattans_, or Japanese swords, one of which was half a yard long in the blade, and the other only a quarter of a yard. They wore neither turbans nor hats, the fore part of their heads being shaven to the crowns, and the rest of their hair very long, and gathered into a knot behind. The king seemed about seventy-two years of age, and his nephew, or grandchild, twenty-two, who governed under him, and each was attended by an officer, who commanded over their slaves as they directed. [Footnote 10: As the Portuguese, who first visited Japan, chose to designate the sovereign of that country by the title of emperor, they denominated all its provinces kingdoms, and their governors kings.--E.] Their manner of salutation was thus: On coming into the presence of him they mean to salute, they put off their shoes, so that they are barefooted, for they wear no stockings. Then putting their right hand within the left, they hold them down to their knees, bending their bodies, then wag or swing their joined hands a little to and fro, making some small steps to one side from the person they salute, and say _augh! augh!_ I immediately led them into my cabin, where I had prepared a banquet for them, and entertained them with a good concert of music, to their great delight. I then delivered the letters from our king to the king of Firando, which he received very joyfully, saying he would not open it till _Ange_ came, who would interpret it. _Ange_, in their language, signifies a pilot, and by this name was meant one _William Adams_, an Englishman. He had come this way in a Dutch ship from the South Seas, about twelve years ago; and, in consequence of a mutiny among the people, the ship was seized by the emperor, and Adams had remained in the country ever since. After staying about an hour and a half, the king took his leave, bidding us welcome to the country, and promising me kind entertainment. He was no sooner ashore than all his nobility came to see the ship, attended by a vast number of soldiers, every person of any note bringing a present; some of venison, some of wild-fowl, and some of wild-boar, the largest and fattest we had ever seen, while others brought us fish, fruits, and various things. They greatly admired the ship, and seemed never to be satisfied with looking at her; and as we were much pestered by the number of these visitors, I sent to the king, requesting he would order them to remove, to prevent any inconveniences that might arise. The king immediately sent a principal officer of his guard, with orders to remain aboard, to see that no injury was done to us, and ordered a proclamation to that effect to be made in the town. The same night, Hendrik Brewer, who was chief of the Dutch factory at Firando, came to visit me, or rather to see what had passed between the king and us. I wrote this day to Mr Adams, who was then at _Jedo_,[11] nearly 300 leagues from Firando, to inform him of our arrival. King _Foyne_ sent my letter next day by his admiral, to _Osackay_ (_Osaka_,) the nearest port of importance on the principal island, whence it would go by post to Jedo, and he sent notice to the emperor by the same conveyance, of our arrival and purposes. [Footnote 11: Called _Edoo_, in Purchas.] In the morning of the 12th, we had fish brought to us in abundance, and as cheap as we could desire. We this day weighed to make sail for the road; and, on this occasion, the king sent at the least threescore large boats, or gallies, well manned, to tow us into the harbour. On seeing this multitude of boats, I was in some doubts of their intentions, and sent my skiff to warn them not to come near the ship. But the king was in the headmost boat, and observing my suspicions, waved his handkerchief for all the boats to wait, and came aboard himself, telling me that he had ordered all these boats to assist in bringing me round a point which was somewhat dangerous, on account of the strength of the tide, and could not be stemmed by even a good breeze of wind, and if the ship fell into the eddy, we should be driven upon the rocks. Having got this explanation, we sent our hawsers to the Japanese boats, on which they fell stiffly to work, and towed us into the harbour. In the mean time, the king breakfasted with me, and when I proposed rewarding his people for towing me in, after we were at anchor, he would not allow them to accept of any thing. We now anchored in five fathoms, on soft ooze, so near the shore that we could have talked with the people in their houses. We saluted the town with nine guns, but had no return, as there are no cannon at this place, neither any fortifications, except barricades for small arms. Several nobles came off to bid me welcome, two of whom were men of high rank, named _Nobusane_ and _Simmadone_. I entertained them well, and, at their departing, they used extraordinary state, one remaining on board till the other was landed, their children and chief followers using the like ceremony. There came continually such numbers of people on board, both men and women, that we were not able to go about the decks. The ship likewise was quite surrounded by boats full of people, greatly admiring her head and stern. I permitted several women of the better sort to come into my cabin, where the picture of Venus and Cupid was hung, rather wantonly executed. Some of these ladies, thinking it to be Our Lady and her blessed Son, fell down to worship with appearance of much devotion, whispering our men, so that their companions might not hear, that they were Christians, having been converted by the Portuguese jesuits. The king came aboard again, bringing four principal women along with him, who were attired in silken gowns, overlapped in front, and girt round them. Their legs were bare, except that they had half buskins bound about their insteps with silk ribbon. Their hair was very black and long, tied up in a knot on the crown, in a very comely manner, no part of their heads being shaven, like the men. They had comely faces, hands, and feet, with clear white complexions, but wanting colour, which they supplied by art. Their stature was low, but they were very fat, and their behaviour was very courteous, and not ignorant of the respect due according to their fashions. The king requested that no person might remain in the cabin except myself and my linguist, who was a native of Japan, brought along with me from Bantam. He was well skilled in the Malay language, in which he explained to me what was said by the king, in Japanese. The women were at first somewhat bashful, but the king desired them to be frolicsome. They sung several songs, and played on certain instruments, one of which resembled our lute, being bellied like it, but longer in the neck, and fretted like ours, but had only four gut strings. They fingered with their left hands, as is done with us, and very nimbly; but they struck the strings with a piece of ivory held in the right hand, as we are in use to play with a quill on the citern. They seemed to delight much in their music, beating time with their hands, and both playing and singing by book, prickt on lines and spaces much like our own. I feasted them, and gave them several English commodities, and after two hours stay, they returned on shore. At this interview I requested the king to let us have a house in the town, which he readily granted, taking two of my merchants ashore with him, to whom he pointed out three or four houses, desiring them to make their choice, paying the owners as we could agree. On the 13th I went ashore, attended by the merchants and principal officers, and delivered our presents to the king, to the value of about £140, which he received with great satisfaction, feasting me and my whole company with several kinds of _powdered_ wild-fowl and fruits. He called for a standing cup, which was one of the presents, and ordering it to be filled with their country wine, which is distilled from rice, and as strong as brandy, he told me he would drink it all off to the health of the king of England, which he did, though it held about a pint and a half, in which he was followed by myself and all his nobles. As only myself and the Cape merchant sat in the same room with the king, all the rest of my company being in another room, he commanded his secretary to go and see that they all pledged the health. The king and his nobles sat at meat cross-legged, on mats, after the fashion of the Turks, the mats being richly edged with cloths of gold, velvet, sattin, or damask. The 14th and 15th were spent in giving presents; and on the 16th I agreed with _Audassee_, captain of the Chinese quarter, for his house, paying ninety-five dollars for the monsoon of six months; he to put it into repair, and to furnish all the rooms conveniently with mats, according to the fashion of the country, and we to keep it in repair, with leave to alter as we thought fit. This day our ship was so pestered with numbers of people coming on board, that I had to send to the king for a guardian to clear them out, many things being stolen, though I more suspected my own people than the natives. There came this day a Dutchman in one of the country boats, who had been at the island of _Mashma_, where he sold good store of pepper, broad-cloth, and elephants teeth, though he would not acknowledge to us that he had sold any thing, or brought any thing back with him in the boat; but the Japanese boatmen told us he had sold a great quantity of goods at a mart in that place, and had brought his returns in bars of silver, which he kept very secret. The 21st the old king came aboard again, bringing with him several women to make a frolic. These women were actors of comedies, who go about from island to island, and from town, to town, to act plays, which are mostly about love and war, and have several shifts of apparel for the better grace of their interludes. These women were the slaves of a man who fixes a price that every man must pay who has to do with them. He must not take a higher price than that affixed, on pain of death, if complained against. At the first, he is allowed to fix upon each woman what price he pleases, which price he can never afterwards raise, but may lower it as he likes; neither doth the party bargain with the women for their favours, but with the master. Even the highest of the Japanese nobility, when travelling, hold it no disgrace to send for these panders to their inn, and bargain with them for their girls, either to fill out their drink for them at table, as is the custom with all men of rank, or for other uses. When any of these panders die, although in their life they were received into the best company, they are now held unworthy to rest among the worst. A straw rope is put round their neck, and they are dragged through the streets into the fields, and cast on a dung-hill to be devoured by dogs and fowls. The 23d, there arrived two Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with sugar. By them it was understood that the emperor of China had lately put, to death about 5000 persons for trading out of the country contrary to his edict. Yet the hope of profit had induced these men to hazard their lives and properties, having bribed the _Pungavas_, or officers of the sea-ports, who had succeeded those recently put to death for the same offence. The 29th, a _soma_, or junk, belonging to the Dutch, arrived at Nangasaki from Siam, laden with Brazil wood and skins of all kinds. On their arrival, they were said to be Englishmen, as, before our coming, the Dutch used generally to pass by the name of English, our nation being long known by report in Japan, but much scandalised by the Portuguese jesuits, who represent us as pirates and rovers on the sea. In consequence of this report, the Japanese have a song, which they call _English Crofonio_, shewing how the English take the Spanish and Portuguese ships, which, while singing, they act likewise with catans, and so scare their children, as the French used to do theirs with the name of Lord Talbot. The 1st July two of our company happened to quarrel, and had nearly gone out to the field to fight, which had greatly endangered us all, as it is the law here, that whoever draws a weapon in anger, although no harm be done, is presently cut in pieces; and if they do even but small hurt, not only they are so executed themselves, but all their relations are put to death. The 2d, I went ashore to keep house at Firando, my household consisting of twenty-six persons. At our first coming, we found that the Dutch sold broad-cloths of £15 or 16 a-cloth, for forty dollars, or £8 sterling the _mat_, which is a measure of two yards and a quarter. Being desirous to keep up the price of our cloth, and hearing that the Dutch had a great quantity, I had a conference with Brower, the chief of their factory, proposing that we should mutually fix prices upon such cloths as we both had, and neither of us, in any respect, sell below the prices agreed upon; for performance of which, I offered to enter into mutual bonds. In the morning, he seemed to approve of this proposal, but ere night he sent me word that he disliked it, alleging that he had no authority from his masters to make any such agreement. Next morning he shipped away a great store of cloth to different islands, rating them at low prices, as at twenty, eighteen, and sixteen dollars the _mat_, that he might the more speedily sell off his own, and glut the market before ours came forwards. Pepper, ungarbled, which cost 1 3/4 dollars at Bantam the sack, was worth at our coming ten _tayes_ the _pecul_, which is 100 _cattea_ of Japan, or 130 pounds English. A _taye_ is worth five shillings sterling. A rial of eight, or Spanish dollar, is worth there in ordinary payment only seven _mas_, or three shillings and sixpence sterling, one mas being equal to a single rial. The _pecul_ of tin was worth thirty _tayes_; the _pecul_ of elephants teeth eighty _tayes_: Cast iron six tayes the pecul: Gunpowder twenty-three tayes the pecul: Socotrine aloes the cattee, six _tayes_: Fowling-pieces twenty tayes each: Calicos and such little commodities, of Guzerat or Coromandel, were at various prices, according to their qualities. On the 7th of July the king of the Gotto islands, which are not far from Firando to the S.W. came upon a visit to king _Foyne_, saying he had heard of an excellent English ship being arrived in his dominions, which he greatly desired to go aboard of. King Foyne requested of me that this might be allowed, the king of Gotto being an especial friend of his; wherefore he was banqueted on board, and several cannon were fired at his departure, which he was much pleased with, and told me he would be glad to see some of our nation at his islands, where they should meet a hearty welcome. Three Japanese, two men and a woman, were put to death for the following cause: The woman, in the absence of her husband, had made separate assignations with both the men. He who was appointed latest, not knowing of the other, and weary of waiting, came too soon, and enraged at finding her engaged with another man, drew his _cattan_ and wounded both very severely, almost cutting the man's back in two. Yet the wounded man, getting hold of his _cattan_, wounded the aggressor. This fray alarming the street, word was sent to king Foyne and to know his pleasure, who accordingly gave orders to cut off all their heads. After their execution, all who thought proper, as many did, came to try the temper of their weapons upon the dead bodies, which they soon hewed in small pieces, which were left to be devoured by the ravens. The 10th three others were executed in the same way with the former, being beheaded and afterwards cut in pieces, for stealing a woman long since from Firando and selling her at Nangasaki. When any are to be executed, they are led out of town in the following manner: First there go two men, one having a mattock and the other a shovel, to dig the grave, if that be allowed to the criminal. Then a third person carrying a small table or board, on which is written the crime of the party, which is afterwards affixed to a post on the grave in which he is buried. Next comes the party to be executed, having his hands bound behind him by a silken cord, and having a small paper banner, much like one of our wind-vanes, on which the offence is written. The criminal is followed by the executioner, having his _cattan_ or Japanese sword by his side, and holding in his hand the cord with which the hands of the criminal are bound. On each hand of the executioner walks a soldier armed with a pike, the head of which rests on the criminal's shoulder, to intimidate him from attempting to escape. In this manner I saw one man led out to execution, who went forwards with a most wonderful resolution, and apparently without fear of death, such as I had never seen the like in Europe. He was condemned for
{'title': 'A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 09 by Robert Kerr', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}