Produced by David Edwards, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WALLACE. CONSTABLEâS MISCELLANY OF Original and Selected Publications IN THE VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS OF LITERATURE, SCIENCE, & THE ARTS. VOL. LIV. LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WALLACE, VOL. II. [Illustration: G. F. Sargent. W. Archibald Jun^r Page 18.] EDINBURGH: PRINTED FOR CONSTABLE & C^o. EDINBURGH. AND HURST, CHANCE, & C^o. LONDON. 1830. LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WALLACE, OF ELDERSLIE. BY JOHN D. CARRICK. THE BUGLE NEâER SUNG TO A BRAVER KNIGHT THAN WILLIAM OF ELDERSLIE. THOMAS CAMPBELL. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. EDINBURGH: PRINTED FOR CONSTABLE AND CO.; AND HURST, CHANCE, AND CO., LONDON. 1830. CONTENTS. Page CHAP. I. Wallace appointed Guardian of the Kingdom.--Invades England. --Inroad of De Clifford on the South of Scotland 9 CHAP. II. Wallace returns to Scotland.--Envied by the Nobility.--Edward lands in England.--Wallace meets his Army at Stanmore.--Battle of Blackironside.--Legality of Wallaceâs Regency.--Edward Invades Scotland.--Treachery of two Scottish Noblemen 22 CHAP. III. The English Army advance to Linlithgow.--Battle of Falkirk, from the Accounts given by English and Scottish Writers.-- Miscellaneous Transactions 36 CHAP. IV. Notices respecting Sir John Graham and Sir John Stewart.--Conduct of Cumyn.--Wallace resigns the Guardianship.--Edward returns home.--Triumphant Procession of the Londoners in honour of his Victory at Falkirk.--Review of the Campaign 61 CHAP. V. State of Scotland after the Return of Edward.--Opinion of an English Spy on the Strength of that Fortress.--Various Exploits of Wallace.--Edward sends Supplies to the Garrison of Stirling. --List of Articles sent.--Baliol delivered over to the Pope.-- The Scots besiege Stirling Castle.--Edward raises an Army for its Relief.--The English Barons Refuse to accompany him.-- Surrender of Stirling Castle.--Conduct of Cumyn 74 CHAP. VI. Edward again invades Scotland.--Siege of Carlaverock.-- Miscellaneous Occurrences during the Siege 85 CHAP. VII. Winchelsea, Archbishop of Canterbury, reads a Bull from the Pope, in the English Camp before Carlaverock.--Edwardâs Answer.--Earl Warren advances to Irvine.--Cruelty of the English at Lesmahago.--Edward agrees to a Truce.--Wallace visits France.--Captures a French Pirate.--Notices of Longueville 98 CHAP. VIII. Edward again Invades Scotland.--Sir Simon Frazer deserts the English, and joins his Countrymen.--Wallace returns to Scotland.--Battle of Roslin 112 CHAP. IX. Second Visit of Wallace to the French Court.--Encounters an English Pirate.--The English again enter Scotland.--Submission to the Nobles.--Wallace returns.--Conflicts with the English.-- Edward destroys and carries off the Records of the Monasteries. --Marches through the Country.--Wallace follows the Invaders 116 CHAP. X. Edwardâs Policy respecting the Settlement of Scotland.-- Endeavours to gain Wallace to his Interest.--Siege of Stirling. --It Surrenders.--Conduct of Edward towards the Prisoners.-- Haliburton undertakes to betray Wallace 132 CHAP. XI. State of the Country.--Bruce invited to take the Crown--Conduct of Cumyn towards Bruce.--Notice of Cumyn.--Tradition respecting the Clan Cumyn.--Notice of Kerle.--Wallace betrayed by Menteith 144 CHAP. XII. Trial, Execution, and Character of Wallace 156 CHAP. XIII. Conclusion 171 APPENDIX. A. Original Letter from Sir William Wallace and Sir Andrew Murray 191 B. Memoir of Patrick Earl of Dunbar 199 C. Charter of Protection Granted to the Prior and Convent of Hexceldsham 203 D. On the intention of Edward to curtail the power of his Barons 205 E. The Setons 206 F. Memoir of Fitz-Marmaduke 210 G. Memoir of Brian Fitz-Alan 213 H. Memoir of Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke 216 I. Memoir of Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln 227 K. Memoirs of Richard Siward and Walter de Huntercombe 235 L. Memoir of Sir Simon Fraser 242 M. Extracts from the Wardrobe Accounts 254 N. Trial of Wallace 258 O. On the Martyrdom of Wallace 259 P. On the Personal Appearance of Wallace 269 Q. Reminiscence of Wallace 272 R. Wallaceâs Descendants 277 S. On the Treachery of Menteith 280 T. Singular Legend 292 U. Verses on the Death of Wallace 294 LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM WALLACE. CHAPTER I. WALLACE APPOINTED GUARDIAN OF THE KINGDOM.--INVADES ENGLAND.--INROAD OF DE CLIFFORD ON THE SOUTH OF SCOTLAND. Stirling Castle capitulated immediately after the battle, and Sir Marmaduke Twenge,[1] who had taken shelter in it, was sent prisoner to Dumbarton. The surrender of the castle of Dundee followed; and, with the exception of the garrisons remaining in Roxburgh, Berwick, and Dunbar, Scotland was once more completely cleared of her invaders. These places, with the exception of the last, were also given up, as soon as they were summoned by the leaders of the Scottish army; and about this time, at a meeting held in the Forest-kirk, Selkirkshire, Wallace was elected, or declared Regent of Scotland, in the name of King John; the appointment being sanctioned by the presence of the Earl of Lennox, Sir William Douglas, and a number of the most powerful among the nobility. Thus armed with legitimate authority, the newly appointed Guardian began to exercise it in the manner that he conceived would be most conducive to the general interest and welfare of the country. He had often experienced the difficulties which feudal vassalage presented to his efforts in behalf of the national independence. The numerous serfs who were retained in bondage by the more powerful barons, could be either restrained from taking up arms, or withdrawn at the caprice of their masters, even when their services were of the greatest importance. A power so dangerous in the hands of a party comparatively small, had been productive of the most ruinous consequences. To reform a system pregnant with mischief, and one at the same time so much in favour with the prejudices of the age, required wisdom and energy, such as he possessed. Aware of the opposition which an open and declared attempt to emancipate the _adscripti glebÃ¦_ would create,--he attacked the system in the only part where it appeared to be vulnerable. Having divided the country into districts, he caused a muster-roll to be made out, containing the names of all who were capable of bearing arms between the age of sixteen and sixty. These he divided and subdivided in a manner peculiarly his own. Over every four men he appointed a fifth; over every nine, a tenth; over every nineteen, a twentieth; and thus continued the gradation of rank till it reached the chiliarch, or commander of a thousand.[2] In the different parishes, gibbets were also erected to enforce obedience to these regulations; and whoever refused to appear for the defence of his country when summoned, was hung up as an example to others. Those barons who interposed their authority to prevent their vassals from joining the ranks of the patriots, were either punished with imprisonment, or confiscation of property. Though the active and restless mind of Wallace may now seem to have had full employment in the various duties of his office,--yet, amidst the multiplicity of objects of internal policy which occupied his time, the resuscitation of the foreign trade of the kingdom appears to have had its proper share of his attention. The advantage which Scotland derived from her foreign commercial intercourse, as has been already stated, was too important to be soon forgotten; and the heroic and faithful conduct of the Flemings at the siege of Berwick, was too recent not to be dwelt on with grateful remembrance. In order, therefore, to renew the connection with those useful strangers, accredited persons appear to have been despatched with letters to the free towns of Hamburg and Lubeck.[3] Having provided for the necessary supplies of men, the Guardian determined on retaliating the injuries Scotland had sustained at the hands of her late oppressors. Meanwhile a famine,--the natural consequence of the neglect of agriculture during the unsettled state of the country, had begun to make its appearance; and was soon followed by a pestilence,--occasioned, doubtless, by the multitude of putrid carcasses which remained, partially at least, if not altogether, exposed after the recent carnage. To alleviate, as far as possible, the misery consequent on those dreaded calamities, he commanded all the standing crops to be carefully gathered in, and stored up in barns and yards under proper regulations, to meet the exigencies of the country during winter. In order, at the same time, to concentrate the strength and resources of the country, and establish that unanimity so necessary for its defence, he summoned all the vassals of the Scottish crown to meet him at Perth. From this parliament, which was pretty numerously attended, Patrick, Earl of Dunbar, thought proper to absent himself. The great power and military experience of this baron, joined to the circumstance of his occupying a fortress which was considered as the key of the _eastern_ part of the kingdom, made it an object of some importance that his allegiance should be unquestionable. An early partisan of Edward, he had as yet shown no disposition to relinquish his unnatural connection with the enemy. When the subject of his absence came, therefore, to be discussed before the Scottish Nobles, they unanimously resolved on proceeding against him without delay. Wallace, however, proposed the more gentle expedient of remonstrance, before having recourse to extremities; and a deputation was accordingly sent, to request his attendance as a Scottish Peer, in order to take part in the government of the country, and to aid, with his counsel and his arms, in the establishment of the national independence. Possessed of large dominions in England, as well as an extensive inheritance in Scotland, this Earl felt little inclination to incur the displeasure of his Lord Paramount in the South, by a too ready accession to the cause of liberty in the North; and he accordingly returned a haughty and scornful answer, no way calculated to allay the prejudice which his former contemptuous behaviour had excited against him. As soon, therefore, as the various objects which had engaged the attention of the parliament were disposed of, Wallace proceeded, with a select body of four hundred men, to reduce the turbulent chieftain. A little to the east of Dunbar, the Guardian found the Earl awaiting his approach at the head of nine hundred followers; and a desperate conflict immediately commenced, which ended in the flight of Patrick, who escaped to England.[4] The castle of Dunbar was in consequence surrendered to the victor, who gave it in charge to Sir Christopher Seton, with a competent garrison for its defence. 1297. Early in October a proclamation was issued for every one capable of bearing arms to appear on the moor of Roslin. An immense multitude attended. The most vigorous and the best equipped were then selected; and having thus embodied an efficient, numerous, and gallant army, Wallace excited their ardour by a short and animating address, in which he told them, that, united as they were, with only one glorious object in view, they had nothing but victory to expect,--their country had been stript of its wealth by their late oppressors, and it was now their duty and interest to recover it, and punish the aggressors. The army[5] then proceeded in high spirits towards the English frontier,--their leader rightly judging, that, by withdrawing so many men, a larger quantity of provisions would remain for those left behind; and by adopting this measure, his soldiers also, while they escaped from the contagion which had appeared in Scotland, would be moreover rewarded for their past labours, by the riches they would find in the more flourishing regions of the South; which, having enjoyed a long interval of peace, might be conceived to be overflowing with that description of wealth most desirable in the estimation of the needy adventurers of the North;--and the latter, no doubt, as they drove home their lowing and bleating prey from the rich pastures of Durham and the neighbouring counties, considered that they were merely removing their own property, of which they had been unjustly deprived by the tyranny of the English. In this expedition, Wallace divided the command of the army with Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell, the promising son of the brave Sir Andrew, who fell in the late engagement. This honour he may have thought due to the patriotic conduct of the father, in adhering to the fortunes of his country, amidst the general defection of the Scottish barons. And--as it might tend to give the _lie_ to those reports which began to be circulated of an intention to aggrandize himself at the expense of the aristocracy,--the appointment was evidently a measure of judicious and honourable policy. On the approach of the Scottish army, the inhabitants of Northumberland deserted their dwellings, and fled to Newcastle, carrying with them their wives and children, their cattle and household stuff. The Guardian, however, for a short time delayed his advance; and having received notice that several of the burgesses of Aberdeen, and others in that quarter, had disobeyed his summons to appear at Roslin, he hurried back to the North, where, on apprehending the parties, those whose excuses were inadmissible, he ordered for immediate execution. Hastily rejoining his forces, he crossed the Border, and succeeded in surprising the English, who, thinking the storm had blown over, were returned to their homes. The Scots now commenced their destructive reprisals, by wasting with fire and sword the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland. In this work of devastation they were assisted by Robert de Ros of Werk, a great northern baron, who, as we have already observed, had deserted the standard of Edward in 1295. It is presumed that the same influence which formerly seduced him from his loyalty, still existed; and it is a pity that the name of the lady who made so patriotic a use of her charms, has not been preserved by the historians of her country. The former inroads of the Scots were trifling, compared with the wide-spreading desolation which now marked their career. The havoc they made, and the spoils they collected, are feelingly dwelt on by the English writers of the day. Langtoft thus expresses himself:-- âTo werre than ros thei eft, tille God thei mad a vowe, That no thing suld be left, that myght to Inglond prowe, Mercy suld none haue, tille alle thei suld do wo, Kirke suld no man saue, bot brenne ther in & slo. In Northumberland ther first thei bigan, & alle that com tille hande, they slouh and ouer ran To Flandres tille Edward tithinges men him sent, That Scottis com in hard, the North is nere alle brent, & more salle zit be lorn, bot if we haf socoure. Nouht standes tham biforn, toun, castelle ne toure.â Vol. ii. p. 298, 299. Hemingford says, âAt this time the praise of God was not heard in any church or monastery through the whole country, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to the gates of Carlisle; for the monks and canons regular, and other priests who were ministers of the Lord, fled with the whole people from the face of the enemy; nor was there any to oppose them, except now and then a few English who belonged to the Castle of Alnwick, who ventured from their strongholds, and slew some stragglers. But these were but slight successes; and the Scots roved over the country[6] from the Feast of St Luke to St Martinâs day, inflicting on it all the miseries of rapine and bloodshed.â[7] The Guardian having summoned in all his plundering parties, and concentrated his army, directed his march towards Carlisle. The sack of this city would have been most desirable to the invaders, not only on account of its riches, but also as in some measure enabling them to avenge the injuries inflicted upon Berwick. The place, however, was strongly fortified; and the Scots not being provided with a battering train, they had to content themselves with sending a summons; which, being disregarded by the garrison, they passed on, and laid waste Cumberland and Allerdale, from Inglewood Forest to Derwentwater and Cockermouth. Winter now advanced:--the frost set in with uncommon severity,--and the Scots, who had created a desert around them, began also to dread the miseries of famine, as well as the inclemency of the season. Their encampments could now be traced by the frozen bodies of those who had perished during the night from the intensity of the cold. Under these circumstances, Wallace gave orders for their return to Scotland. On their reaching Hexceldsham,[8] the monastery of which had been plundered during their advance, the following singular scene is said by Hemmingford to have occurred. Three monks, all who had the courage to remain, were observed in a small chapel. Thinking that the danger was over, they had forsaken their concealments, and were endeavouring to repair the damages of the late visitation, when, in the midst of their labours, they discovered the Scottish army returning, and fled in dismay to the oratory. The soldiers, however, with their long spears, were soon among them; and brandishing their weapons, commanded them, at their peril, to give up the treasures of the monastery. âAlas!â said one of the monks, âit is but a short time since you yourselves have seized our whole property, and you know best where it now is.â At this juncture Wallace entered, and commanding his soldiers to be silent, requested one of the monks to perform mass: he obeyed, and the Guardian and his attendants heard the service with becoming reverence. When the elevation of the host was about to take place, Wallace retired for a moment to lay aside his helmet and arms. Instantly the avarice and ferocity of the soldiers broke out. They pressed upon the priest, snatched the cup from the high altar, tore away the ornaments and sacred vestments, and even stole the book which contained the ceremony. When their leader returned, he found the priest in fear and horror at the sacrilege. Wallace, indignant at such conduct, gave orders that the villains should be searched for, and put to death. In the mean time, he took the monks under his own special protection. As some atonement for the outrage committed, the Guardian granted to the monks of Hexceldsham a charter of protection for twelve months, from the 7th November 1297,[9] by which their lives and property were held sacred. âThe prohibition,â says Lord Hailes, âto slay any ecclesiastic of the monastery of Hexceldsham, shows that the Scots had been guilty of uncommon barbarities.â Had his Lordship said that the conduct of the Scots was merely an humble imitation of the example which the English had set them in their âGood Fridayâ _revelries_ at the sack of Berwick, he would have been nearer the truth. We find no such restraint put upon the English soldiery, who were allowed to murder their lay and clerical victims indiscriminately; not even excepting nuns, whose sex, independent of every other consideration, ought to have been their protection. If a shadow of humanity can be discovered in the mode of warfare carried on by the two nations, it certainly belongs of right to those who published a prohibition of such enormities. In the invasion by the Scots in 1296, there is no charge brought against them of killing priests. Langtoft says, vol. ii. p. 273, that in coming to Hexham and Leynertofte, they merely chased out the chanons, and took away their goods. Their subsequent severity must therefore have been forced upon them by their enemies. English writers have lamented, with eloquence and pathos, the cruelties exercised in this invasion; and from their silence respecting the atrocities of their own countrymen, have endeavoured to fix the stain of exclusive barbarity on the arms of Scotland. This is all natural enough, and quite consistent with that national prejudice by which the people of every country are more or less imbued; but it is painfully mortifying, when we find Scotchmen of acknowledged talent and penetration forgetting what is due to themselves and to their country; and from a weak fear of being thought illiberal, following humbly in the train of such authors, and echoing their reflections; or favouringly assenting to their _ex parte_ statements, in place of standing forward and showing the world, that their countrymen, in resorting to such severities, merely exercised a system of fair retaliation, for the purpose of repressing enormities of the deepest dye, committed in support of an aggression of the most unparalleled baseness. During the time the Scottish army was engaged in ravaging the northern counties of England, Robert de Clifford, at the head of one hundred men-at-arms, and twenty thousand foot, left Carlisle, and proceeded to plunder in Scotland. His success, however, was not great, having killed three hundred and eight Scots, burned two villages, and taken a few prisoners, with whom he returned home about Christmas. Whilst the Guardian was thus successfully prosecuting the cause of his countryâs independence, his efforts, at the same time, were becoming daily more beneficial to the real liberties of the very people to whom he was opposed. Elated, first by the conquest of Wales, and afterwards by that of Scotland, Edward had already begun to stretch forth the iron road of oppression over the legitimate subjects of his own native kingdom; and, trusting to the assistance he should receive from the barons of his newly acquired conquests, who, he might naturally suppose would not be found reluctant to act as instruments in holding their late conquerors in subjection, he assumed, towards the nobles of England, an air of haughty superiority that awakened their jealousy, and alarmed their fears. But as the investigation of this subject would interrupt the course of our narrative, we shall reserve it till the end of the volume.[10] CHAPTER II. WALLACE RETURNS TO SCOTLAND.--- ENVIED BY THE NOBILITY.--EDWARD LANDS IN ENGLAND.--WALLACE MEETS HIS ARMY AT STANMORE.--BATTLE OF BLACKIRONSIDE.--LEGALITY OF WALLACEâS REGENCY.--EDWARD INVADES SCOTLAND.--TREACHERY OF TWO SCOTTISH NOBLEMEN. During the time that Wallace remained in England, his army was occasionally renewed; for as soon as the quota of men belonging to one clan or parish had collected a sufficient share of booty, they were allowed to retire and secure it in the North, while their places were supplied by fresh hordes of not less hungry adventurers. By such means the spoil of England became pretty equally divided throughout the several districts of Scotland, and the inhabitants began to experience the benefits of returning plenty. Having, in this manner, enriched his own country at the expense of her enemies, the intrepid Guardian returned--poor it is true, in wealth, but rich in fame--to behold the prosperity he had so gallantly achieved.[11] This expedition, however, though it had increased his reputation among the common people, failed not to awaken the envy of the nobles, who could ill brook the popularity of one whose actions had thrown them so much into the shade; and his praise, which they heard on all sides, sounded in their ears like so many reproaches against themselves, who, possessing wealth and power, either could not, or from treachery would not, do what he, so much their inferior in wealth and influence, had taken in hand and finished, with glory to himself and honour to the country. Hence the private heart-burnings which arose among these noblemen, whose consciences whispered that they had been either traitors or sluggards when the liberty of their country was at stake. 1298. In the mean time, Edward having complied with the demands of his subjects, the Barons of England collected an army, and advanced towards the Border. On the 14th March, the King himself landed at Sandwich, and instantly summoned the Scottish barons to a Parliament at York. According to Abercrombie, he also addressed letters to the Guardian, and in a strain more impassioned than courteous, upbraided him for his audacity in disturbing the tranquillity of Scotland, and in presuming afterwards to invade England,--a line of conduct which, he observed, would not have been ventured upon, had he (Edward) been in the country; and concluded, by commanding Wallace to redeem his errors by an immediate submission to his authority. To these letters the Guardian replied, that in availing himself of the absence of Edward, in order to regain the liberty of his country, he had done no more than his duty, and that the baseness lay with the English monarch in taking advantage of the disunion of a free people to enslave them. As to invading England, he had done so in order to indemnify Scotland for the injuries she had so unjustly sustained; and in respect to submission, as he intended soon to be in England again, he would then give him his answer in person. The active and undaunted Guardian was instantly at the heels of his messenger, and on the 20th March came in sight of the English army at Stanmore. Scottish historians say, that Edwardâs force though much superior to that of Wallace, was composed chiefly of raw militia hastily raised, few or none of his veterans having been yet landed, and that the English monarch, struck with the appearance and admirable discipline of the Scots, and, unwilling to risk his fame in a conflict so doubtful,--when about five hundred paces from the enemy, turned his banners and marched off the field. Wallace, afraid of an ambush, restrained his soldiers from the pursuit, and repressed their ardour by telling them, that the victory they had already gained was the more glorious, as it was got without blood and against the first captain of the age, at the head of an army which, to all human appearance, was able, from its numbers, to have swallowed them up; concluding his address, by ordering thanksgivings to Heaven for so great an interposition in their favour. This account, however, is not corroborated by English historians. They allege that the King was not present; and in this they are certainly in the right. Edward, on his arrival in England, was detained by matters of importance, in such a manner as to render his presence at Stanmore on the 20th March utterly impossible. That the Scots may have come in sight of the English army on the borders, is not at all unlikely; or that the latter should decline risking a general engagement, after their late reverses, without the presence of their King, who was daily expected, is extremely probable. It may also be observed, that the charters of their rights, though granted at Ghent, had not as yet been confirmed in England. The conduct of the English leaders, under such circumstances, may be considered as highly prudent and judicious. But if the Scots were disappointed in _not_ coming to blows with their enemies at Stanmore, it was not long before they had an opportunity of trying the mettle of their swords. Aymer, or Aldomer de Vallance, son of the Earl Pembroke, a youth at that time of eighteen years, had raised himself high in the estimation of Edward, by the ready manner in which he accompanied him to Flanders. The abilities and discretion, which he soon displayed, obtained for him so much of the confidence of his master, that he was employed in various important matters of state. On the truce with France being concluded--for the furtherance of which he was appointed a commissioner--Edward, it appears, had ordered him to sail for Scotland with the force under his command, for the purpose of co-operating in the invasion which he meditated on his arrival in England. Various circumstances contributed to retard the projected attempt; and it was not till midsummer that Aldomer and Sir John Siward (a recreant Scot, son of the traitor of Dunbar) landed in Fife with a considerable body of troops, and began to lay waste the country. Their destructive operations, however, were soon interrupted by the arrival of Wallace and his Scots, who fell upon them in the extensive forest of Blackironside, and, after an obstinate conflict, the invaders were defeated with the loss of 1580 men. This engagement, which is sometimes called the Battle of Dillecarew, was fought on the 12th June. The loss of the Scots was comparatively trifling; and, with the exception of Sir Duncan Balfour, Sheriff of Fife, and according to some, Sir Christopher Seton,[12] few, if any, of note, were killed,--Sir John Graham being only wounded. Sir John Ramsay of Auchterhouse, with Squires Guthrie and Bisset[13] are particularly mentioned as having distinguished themselves in this brilliant rencounter. On his return to Scotland, after the affair at Stanmore, Wallace applied himself to rectify the abuses and disorders which had arisen from the disorganized state of the country. For this purpose, he seems to have made a tour through the kingdom, and on 29th March we find him presiding in an assembly of the Barons at Torphichen. At this assembly, which was most probably held in the preceptory of the Templars, various meritorious individuals were rewarded for their patriotic exertions in the cause of independence. Among those, Alexander Scrymgeour had the constabulary of Dundee conferred upon him _and his heirs, for his âfaithful aid in bearing the Royal Banner of Scotland, which service he actually performs_.â This document appears to have been made with the consent and approbation of the Scottish nobility, and is dated 29th March 1298.[14] Some authors assert, that the election of Wallace to the Guardianship took place after his return from the invasion of England. Lord Hailes says, he _assumed_ the title of Guardian subsequent to that event. This we consider extremely improbable; as the degree of popularity he had attained among his countrymen would have certainly anticipated any assumption on the part of their deliverer. Although Abercromby be not a first-rate authority, we conceive that he is right in placing the election before the advance of Wallace to the south. The immense preparations necessary for an invasion of England, required the sanction of something like legitimate authority to carry it into effect; and the measures which he resorted to for the good of the country, immediately posterior to the battle of Stirling, were not of a less decisive character than those which marked his policy on his return from England. Abercromby also states, that he held a commission of Regency under the seal of Baliol,[15] which was privately executed during the captivity of the latter in the Tower of London. To this statement, tradition unites her testimony, and adds, that Wallace likewise obtained a bond from the principal barons of Scotland, authorizing any measures he might adopt for the recovery of the kingdom. This bond, it is asserted, he held _in terrorem_ over the heads of the aristocracy, for the purpose of compelling them to their duty. The authority of Wallace, however, whether _conferred_ or _assumed_, unfortunately for his country, was not destined to be of long duration. Soon after the defeat of the Earl of Pembroke, Edward, now reconciled to his barons, entered Scotland by the eastern marches, with a formidable army, consisting, according to English writers, of 3000 horsemen, armed at all points, 4000 of a lighter description, called _hobelars_, and 80,000 foot. A further reinforcement overtook him on his march, which swelled his forces to upwards of 100,000 fighting men, a great proportion of whom were veterans, inured to arms in the French wars. To oppose a power so overwhelming in the open field, the Guardian well knew would be in vain; he, therefore, again resorted to those measures which had already been found so effective: the population retired with their cattle and provisions before the approaching enemy, after destroying whatever they conceived might be useful to the invaders. While the Scottish army kept far in the advance, a strict _surveillance_ was exercised over the motions of their adversaries, so that few of the English scouts were able to return with any satisfactory account of the position or numbers of their opponents; and though most of the fortified places made little or no resistance, yet the supplies the conquerors found in the garrisons, did little to relieve that scarcity which soon began to be severely felt among the multitudes who followed the banner of England. In the meantime, the fleet which Edward had ordered to attend him with provisions being detained by contrary winds, he was compelled to wait their arrival; and, for this purpose, he fixed his head-quarters in the preceptory of the Knights Templars at Torphichen;[16] while part of his army occupied Temple-liston, thus keeping open his communication with the sea. Edward, in his march, had met with little annoyance, except from the stronghold of Dirleton, and two other castles in his rear, the garrisons of which made frequent sorties, and cut off several of his foraging parties. The Bishop of Durham was therefore ordered to lay siege to these fortresses. His efforts, however, were at first unsuccessful; he was driven from the walls of Dirleton with considerable loss; and as the force under his command was in want of provisions, as well as of a sufficient battering train, he sent Sir John Fitz-Marmaduke to represent his situation at head-quarters. âGo back,â said Edward, âand tell Antony that he is right to be pacific when he is acting the Bishop, but that in his present business he must forget his calling: and as for you, Marmaduke,â addressing the messenger, âYou are a relentless soldier; I have often had to reprove you for too cruel exultation over the death of your enemies; but return now whence you came, and be as relentless as you choose, you will deserve my thanks, not my censure;--but look you do not see my face again till these three castles are razed to the ground.â[17] While lying inactive in the preceptory of the Templars, Edward appears to have amused himself, by raising a number of young squires to the rank of knighthood; and--a few ships, affording a temporary supply, having very opportunely arrived--a donation of wine was distributed on the occasion among the soldiers, the effects of which liberality soon became apparent. Intoxicated with their allowance, the national animosity of the English and Welsh troops broke out in a dangerous mutiny. The latter, inflamed by wine, and irritated by the privations they had already suffered, attacked the English in their quarters during the night, and murdered eighteen ecclesiastics; whereupon the English cavalry, in revenge, rode in upon the assailants, and slew eighty of their number. The Welsh, who amounted to 40,000, now withdrew from the English in high displeasure at the slaughter of their countrymen; and Edward, having at first made light of the affair, afterwards found it necessary to exert himself, in order to effect a reconciliation. Meantime, the scarcity continued to increase in his camp to such an extent, as induced him to issue his orders for a retreat. The Scottish army, by the prudence of its leader, had hitherto been kept as it were invisible from the enemy, who were only aware of its existence, by the desolation with which it surrounded them; and the excellent generalship of Wallace was now to all appearance about to be crowned with its usual success, when his plans were rendered abortive by the treachery of his pretended adherents. Two Scottish noblemen[18] found means to communicate to the Bishop of Durham the position of the Scottish army, and their intention to surprise the English by a night attack, and afterwards to hang upon their rear, and harass them in their retreat. Edward received this news with ecstasy. âThanks be to God!â he exclaimed, âwho hath hitherto extricated me from every danger. They shall not need to follow me, since I shall forthwith go and meet them;â and, instantly countermanding the orders for a retreat, he prepared to go in search of the Scottish army. Though the utmost diligence was used by Edward and his officers, morning was pretty far advanced before the immense concourse of warriors could be put in motion. The distant stations which an army so numerous must necessarily have occupied, rendered an instant removal altogether impossible; and a whole summerâs day was therefore consumed, in enabling them to reach an extensive heath to the east of Linlithgow; where, for that night, they rested in their armour. In the mid-watch, however, an alarm spread, that the enemy were at hand, and considerable confusion ensued. It originated in an uproar, occasioned by an accident which happened to the King:--His war-horse, which stood beside him, had it seems become restive, and trampled on him as he lay on the heath; and his domestics having raised the cry, that the King was wounded, every man grasped his weapon, and stood on his defence. Philip de Belvey, the Kingâs surgeon, however, soon quieted their apprehensions, and they again betook themselves to rest. CHAPTER III. THE ENGLISH ARMY ADVANCE TO LINLITHGOW.--BATTLE OF FALKIRK, FROM THE ACCOUNTS GIVEN BY ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH WRITERS.--MISCELLANEOUS TRANSACTIONS. Day broke on the army of England moving onward to Linlithgow in one long and variegated column. To those whom sanctity of character, or local situation, enabled to await its approach, the spectacle, which was now at hand, must have been fearfully interesting. Since the days of the Romans, the present army was perhaps the largest that had traversed the plains of Scotland. Many alterations had been introduced about this time into Europe by the crusaders; and Edward, who was no inapt scholar in the military art, had, during his residence in Palestine, and his expeditions to France, availed himself of every invention that came under his observation. His army, therefore, might justly be considered as the most perfect in discipline, equipment, and feudal splendour, that Christendom could boast of at the time. As it approached, it seemed to lengthen,--the interminable array issuing, as it were, from some inexhaustible source on the verge of the horizon: Its glittering mazes occasionally appearing and disappearing among the inequalities of the road, might be aptly compared to the undulating movements of one of those enormous serpents that figure in the pages of romance, some of whose coils are at times seen while its extremities are concealed amid the darkness of the den from whence it is represented as issuing forth. Most of the inhabitants fled before the unwelcome intruders, except a few Carmelite friars, who stopped to gaze on the warlike pageant. The confused hum of this living mass increased as it advanced, till the deserted walls of Linlithgow resounded to the braying of clarions, the thundering of kettle-drums, and the prancing of war-steeds in flowing caparisons, bestrode by warriors mailed to the teeth, having long two-handed swords depending from their girdles, while their right hands held lances, and their left supported triangular shields painted with the various devices of their families. Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln,[19] and Humphry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, and Constable of England, led the first division. The second was under the charge of Bishop Bek, who, having executed the commission Edward had sent him by John Fitz-Marmaduke, next appeared in this portentous march, attended by thirty-nine banners; for this proud ecclesiastic spared no expense to render his retinue as magnificent as possible. In the third division under the command of the King, besides the royal standard (_three leopards courant_), there waved, the sacred banner of St John of Beverley, that of St George (_white with a red cross_), that of St Edmond, King of the West-Saxons, (_blue with three gold crowns_), that of St Edward the Confessor, (_blue, with a cross fleury between five martlets, gold_), and also the ominous standard of Henry III., by the unfurling of which the army were apprised of the vicinity of the enemy, and the certainty of an approaching battle. This gorgeous emblem of war was never displayed, except to announce a positive intention to fight: it was formed of red satin, bearing a dragon embroidered in gold, having sapphire eyes, and the tongue ingeniously contrived to seem continually moving.[20] Amongst those who followed the royal banner, was Brian Fitz-Alan,[21] the late Governor of Scotland, attended by his vassals, and those Scots who still ventured to oppose the liberties of their country. Of the latter, we find Brian le Jay, preceptor of the Scottish Templars, who probably joined Edward at Torphichen. What number of knights accompanied him to the field in this formidable crusade against the freedom of that people who fostered them, cannot now be ascertained; we may, however, venture to include _John de Sautre, âMaister de la Chivalerie de Templi en Ecosse.â_ The immense multitude of Welsh collected by Edward, as being better acquainted with mountain warfare, were dispersed among the different divisions of the forces. Being mostly archers, and clothed in white tunics, they were easily distinguished from the other troops. Tradition asserts, that this grand army took a whole day to deploy through the town of Linlithgow. This perhaps may be true respecting the parties escorting the heavy war-engines, suttlers attending the camp, and other stragglers; but the advanced guard of the English came in sight of the Scottish outposts early in the day. The latter occupied the ridge of a hill; and as the English marched up to attack them, a thick mist intervened, and prevented the intended rencounter. When the day cleared up, the Scottish army was discovered in the distance, taking up their positions, and preparing for battle. Their numbers did not exceed 30,000--not a third part of the force opposed to them; and aware of the immense advantages which Edward possessed, and extremely averse to risk the safety of the country on the issue of a single battle, the Guardian would gladly have protracted the warfare, by retiring farther to the north. Divisions, however, prevailed among the leaders of the Scots; and, before they could agree on the measures necessary to be adopted, the near approach of the English, and the great superiority of the latter in cavalry, rendered retreat extremely hazardous. The Scottish army, which consisted principally of spearmen or lancers, was arranged in four divisions or schiltrons. Those in the centre held their long spears perpendicular, and stood ready to fill up a vacancy, while each intervening rank gradually sloped their weapons till they came to a level. The front rank kneeling, and the whole closely wedged together, presented to the enemy the appearance of four enormous, impenetrable porcupines, the space between each being filled up with archers. Edward, on seeing these dispositions for battle, hesitated to give orders for the attack, and proposed that his followers should pitch their tents, and allow the soldiers and horses time for rest and refreshment. This was opposed by his officers, as being unsafe in their present situation,--a small rivulet only intervening between the two armies. âWhat, then, would you advise?â exclaimed Edward. âAn immediate advance!â was the reply; âthe field and the victory will be ourâs.â--âIn Godâs name, then, let it be so!â said the King. The Earls of Lincoln and Hereford, accordingly, led the first squadron to the attack. Their progress, however, was retarded by an extensive morass, which covered the front of the Scots, and obliged their enemies to make a circuit to the west. While thus employed, the powerful squadron under the Bishop of Durham managed to get in front of the enemy. Bek, however, on observing the formidable appearance of his opponents, wished to delay the charge till supported by the column under the command of the King. âStick to thy mass, Bishop,â said Ralf Basset of Drayton, âand teach us not what to do in the face of an enemy.â--âOn, then,â said Bek, âSet on, in your own way; we are all soldiers to-day, and bound to do our duty.â Instantly they rushed forward, and soon became engaged with the first schiltron, which was almost simultaneously attacked on the opposite quarter by the first division which had cleared the morass. The cavalry of the Scots, and a large body of the vassals of John Cumyn, immediately wheeled about, and left the field without awaiting the attack. The schiltrons of spearmen, however, stood firm, and repulsed all the efforts of their numerous and heavy-armed assailants, who recoiled again and again from before the mass of spears which their enemies presented. Baffled in their attack, the cavalry of Edward charged upon the archers, who, less able to stand their ground against the weight of their mail-clad adversaries, gave way. In the confusion, Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, brother to the Steward of Scotland, was thrown to the ground, while attempting to rally his vassals, the archers of Selkirk; and though many of them rushed forward to his assistance, their exertions were in vain:--their gallant leader fell, surrounded by the bodies of his faithful tenantry. Though heavy squadrons of cavalry were continually pushed forward against the Scottish spearmen, still the latter maintained their ranks, and displayed such admirable discipline and stubborn resolution, that Edward, convinced of the inability of breaking their array, suspended the charges of his horsemen, and ordered all his archers and slingers to advance.[22] Langtoft thus describes the conduct and appearance of the Scottish infantry. âTher formast conrey, ther bakkis togidere sette, Ther speres poynt ouer poynt, so sare & o thikke & fast togidere joynt, to se it was ferlike. Als a castelle thei stode, that were walled with stone, Thei wende no man of blode thorgh tham suld haf gone Ther folk was so mykelle, so stalworth & so clene, Ther foyntes forward prikelle, nonhut wild thei wene, That if alle Inglond fro Berwik vnto Kent, The folk therin men fond had bien thider sent, Stength suld non haf had, to perte tham thorgh oute, So wer thei set sad with poyntes rounde aboute.â _Vol. ii. p. 304, 305._ The formation of these Scottish schiltrons was admirably adapted for defence; and had they been supplied with a sufficient body of cavalry to have protected them from the assaults of the archers, they might have kept their ground, in defiance of every effort of the enemy. But, deserted by their own cavalry, they now stood helplessly exposed to a storm of missiles which assailed them in all directions; for though those in the centre bravely pressed forward to fill up the chasms in front, cloud after cloud of arrows, mingled with stones, continued to descend among their ranks with increasing and deadly effect, till the ground was encumbered around them; while their former assailants sat with their horses on the rein, ready to burst in upon them at the first opening that would offer. The Scots at last became unsteady, under the incessant and murderous discharge of the English artillery. The cavalry then dashed forward, and breaking in upon their ranks, completed the confusion. Wallace now saw that retreat was the only expedient left by which he could save the remnant of his countrymen; and having, with incredible efforts, rallied a number of his most determined adherents, he attacked the foremost of the pursuers, and by that means covered the retreat of the fugitives. Amongst the slain, Brian le Jay[23] is particularly mentioned. The death of this Templar, which took place in Callender wood, damped the ardour of his companions, and enabled the Scots to make good their retreat. In this sanguinary conflict, 15,000 Scots are said to have been left on the field; the most distinguished of whom were Sir John Graham of Dundalk, Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, and MacDuff, grand-uncle to the Earl of Fife. The extent of the English loss, from the stubborn opposition of their enemies, must also have been considerable. After the battle, Wallace fell back on Stirling, which he burnt, in order to prevent it from falling into the hands of the English. Respecting this battle, Scottish authors give a very different account from the preceding, which is chiefly taken from the pages of English historians. According to the former, the envy of the nobles towards Wallace, and the dissensions incident thereto, were the chief, if not the sole occasion of the disaster. The Scottish army, say they, consisted of three divisions of ten thousand men each, under the command of Sir John Cumyn, Lord of Badenoch, chief of the powerful clan of that name; Sir John Stewart, brother to the Lord of Bute, who, in addition to his own tenantry, headed those of his absent brother; and Sir William Wallace,--three of the most powerful men in the country, the two former from their birth and influence, the latter from the great fame acquired by his military achievements. On the brink of the engagement, an imprudent and unfortunate disagreement arose among the leaders. Stewart insisted upon taking command of the army, being, as he conceived, entitled to that honour, as the representative of his brother, who was Lord High Steward of Scotland; Cumyn claiming it, in his own right, on account of high birth, and near relationship to the crown; and Wallace, as Guardian of the kingdom, refused to admit the pretensions of either to a command which he, as representative of their absent sovereign, conceived himself every way entitled to, even though he had not earned that honour by former services. Stewart, in the heat of the altercation, is said to have upbraided Wallace with the lowness of his birth, and charged him with encroaching on the rights of the nobility, which reminded him, he said, âof the owl in the fable, who, having
{'title': 'Life of Sir William Wallace of Elderslie, Vol. 2 (of 2) by John D. Carrick', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}