Produced by Paul Murray, Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) _THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND_ _Seventy-five years have passed since Lingard completed his_ HISTORY OF ENGLAND, _which ends with the Revolution of 1688. During that period historical study has made a great advance. Year after year the mass of materials for a new History of England has increased; new lights have been thrown on events and characters, and old errors have been corrected. Many notable works have been written on various periods of our history; some of them at such length as to appeal almost exclusively to professed historical students. It is believed that the time has come when the advance which has been made in the knowledge of English history as a whole should be laid before the public in a single work of fairly adequate size. Such a book should be founded on independent thought and research, but should at the same time be written with a full knowledge of the works of the best modern historians and with a desire to take advantage of their teaching wherever it appears sound._ _The vast number of authorities, printed and in manuscript, on which a History of England should be based, if it is to represent the existing state of knowledge, renders co-operation almost necessary and certainly advisable. The History, of which this volume is an instalment, is an attempt to set forth in a readable form the results at present attained by research. It will consist of twelve volumes by twelve different writers, each of them chosen as being specially capable of dealing with the period which he undertakes, and the editors, while leaving to each author as free a hand as possible, hope to insure a general similarity in method of treatment, so that the twelve volumes may in their contents, as well as in their outward appearance, form one History._ _As its title imports, this History will primarily deal with politics, with the History of England and, after the date of the union with Scotland, Great Britain, as a state or body politic; but as the life of a nation is complex, and its condition at any given time cannot be understood without taking into account the various forces acting upon it, notices of religious matters and of intellectual, social, and economic progress will also find place in these volumes. The footnotes will, so far as is possible, be confined to references to authorities, and references will not be appended to statements which appear to be matters of common knowledge and do not call for support. Each volume will have an Appendix giving some account of the chief authorities, original and secondary, which the author has used. This account will be compiled with a view of helping students rather than of making long lists of books without any notes as to their contents or value. That the History will have faults both of its own and such as will always in some measure attend co-operative work, must be expected, but no pains have been spared to make it, so far as may be, not wholly unworthy of the greatness of its subject._ _Each volume, while forming part of a complete History, will also in itself be a separate and complete book, will be sold separately, and will have its own index, and two or more maps._ The History is divided as follows:-- Vol. I. FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST (to 1066). By Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., Litt.D., Fellow of University College, London; Fellow of the British Academy. With 2 Maps. Vol. II. FROM THE NORMAN CONQUEST TO THE DEATH OF JOHN (1066-1216). By George Burton Adams, D.D., Litt.D., Professor of History in Yale University. With 2 Maps. Vol. III. FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY III. TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD III. (1216-1377). By T. F. Tout, M.A., Bishop Fraser Professor of Mediæval and Ecclesiastical History in the University of Manchester; formerly Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford. With 3 Maps. Vol. IV. FROM THE ACCESSION OF RICHARD II. TO THE DEATH OF RICHARD III. (1377-1485). By C. W. C. Oman, M.A., LL.D., M.P., Chichele Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford; Fellow of the British Academy. With 3 Maps. Vol. V. FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VII. TO THE DEATH OF HENRY VIII. (1485-1547). By the Right Hon. H. A. L. Fisher, M.A., M.P., President of the Board of Education; Fellow of the British Academy. With 2 Maps. Vol. VI. FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD VI. TO THE DEATH OF ELIZABETH (1547-1603). By A. F. Pollard, M.A., Litt.D., Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford, and Professor of English History in the University of London. With 2 Maps. Vol. VII. FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES I. TO THE RESTORATION (1603-1660). By F. C. Montague, M.A., Astor Professor of History in University College, London; formerly Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. With 3 Maps. Vol. VIII. FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM III. (1660-1702). By Sir Richard Lodge, M.A., LL.D., Litt.D., Professor of History in the University of Edinburgh; formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. With 2 Maps. Vol. IX. FROM THE ACCESSION OF ANNE TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE II. (1702-1760). By I. S. Leadam, M.A., formerly Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. With 8 Maps. Vol. X. FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. TO THE CLOSE OF PITT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION (1760-1801). By the Rev. William Hunt, M.A., D.Litt., Trinity College, Oxford. With 3 Maps. Vol. XI. FROM ADDINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION TO THE CLOSE OF WILLIAM IV.'S REIGN (1801-1837). By the Hon. George C. Brodrick, D.C.L., late Warden of Merton College, Oxford, and J. K. Fotheringham, M.A., D.Litt., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; Lecturer in Ancient History at King's College, London. With 3 Maps. Vol. XII. THE REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA (1837-1901). By Sir Sidney Low, M.A., Fellow of King's College, London; formerly Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford, and Lloyd C. Sanders, B.A. With 3 Maps. The Political History of England IN TWELVE VOLUMES EDITED BY WILLIAM HUNT, D.LITT., AND REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A. XI. THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM ADDINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION TO THE CLOSE OF WILLIAM IV.'S REIGN 1801-1837 BY THE HON. GEORGE C. BRODRICK, D.C.L. LATE WARDEN OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD COMPLETED AND REVISED BY J. K. FOTHERINGHAM, M.A., D.LITT. FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD; LECTURER IN ANCIENT HISTORY AT KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON _NEW IMPRESSION_ LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON FOURTH AVENUE & 30TH STREET, NEW YORK BOMBAY, CALCUTTA, AND MADRAS 1919 _NOTE._ _When the late Warden of Merton undertook the preparation of this volume he invited the assistance of Dr. Fotheringham in the portions dealing with foreign affairs. At the time of the late Warden's death in 1903 three chapters (x., xii. and xviii.) were unwritten, and one (xx.) was left incomplete. It was also found that the volume had to be recast in order to meet the plan of the series. The necessary alterations and additions have been made by Dr. Fotheringham, who has been scrupulous in retaining the expression of the late Warden's views, and, where possible, his words._ CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. ADDINGTON. PAGE Mar., 1801. The new ministry 1 Condition of Ireland 2 Expedition to Copenhagen 3 Sept. Egypt evacuated by the French 6 French diplomatic successes 6 Bonaparte's concordat with the pope 7 Peace negotiations with France 8 Cornwallis at Amiens 10 25 Mar., 1802. The treaty of Amiens 12 Parliamentary criticism of the treaty 14 July. General election 15 Nov. Colonel Despard's conspiracy 16 Further aggressions of Napoleon 17 His colonial policy 18 Negotiations between Whitworth and the French government 19 18 May, 1803. Renewal of the war with France 22 CHAPTER II. THE RETURN OF PITT. 23 July, 1803. Emmet's rebellion 23 Pitt's discontent with the ministry 24 Ministerial changes 27 Jan., 1804. The king's illness 29 April. Addington's resignation 31 The exclusion of Fox 32 18 May. Napoleon declared emperor 33 Pitt's ministry 34 The impeachment of Melville 36 July. The third coalition 37 Nelson's pursuit of Villeneuve 39 21 Oct., 1805. The battle of Trafalgar 40 Napoleon marches into Germany 41 Dec. Austerlitz: the peace of Pressburg 42 Collapse of the coalition 43 23 Jan., 1806. Death of Pitt 43 CHAPTER III. GRENVILLE AND PORTLAND. Feb., 1806. Formation of the Grenville ministry 45 13 Sept. Death of Fox 46 14 Oct. Jena and Auerstädt 47 General election 48 25 Mar., 1807. Abolition of the slave trade 48 Fall of the whig government 49 The Portland administration 50 General election 50 7 July. The treaty of Tilsit 52 Seizure of the Danish fleet 54 The "continental system" and orders in council 55 Fruitless expeditions 56 12 Oct. Conference of Erfurt 59 Army scandals 60 The Wagram campaign 63 July, 1809. The Walcheren expedition 64 21 Sept. Duel between Canning and Castlereagh 67 Oct. Perceval's administration 68 Capture of the Ionian Isles and Bourbon 69 25. Jubilee of George III. 69 CHAPTER IV. PERCEVAL AND LIVERPOOL. Jan., 1810. Debates on the Walcheren expedition 71 April. The arrest of Burdett 72 Appointment of the "Bullion committee" 73 The king's insanity: regency bill 74 11 May, 1812. Assassination of Perceval 76 1809-11. Social reforms in his ministry 77 July, 1810. Deposition of Louis Bonaparte 78 Opposition in Europe to the continental system 78 Alliances formed by Russia and France 81 Conquest of Java and Sumatra 81 June, 1812. The formation of Liverpool's cabinet 81 1811-12. Distress in town and country 83 Oct., 1812. General election 85 1813. Confirmation of the East India Company's charter 86 CHAPTER V. THE PENINSULAR WAR. 1807, 1808. The origin of the war 87 Charles IV. and Ferdinand VII. seek the protection of Napoleon 87 1808. Napoleon's plans for the conquest of Spain 88 24 July. Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Spain 89 13 Aug. Landing of Wellesley 90 21. Battle of Vimeiro 91 Oct., 1808.- Expedition of Sir John Moore 92 Jan., 1809. 16 Jan. Battle of Coruña 95 Wellesley returns to Portugal 97 27 July. Battle of Talavera 98 Sept., 1810. Bussaco: the lines of Torres Vedras 101 Struggle for the frontier fortresses 103 16 May, 1811. Battle of Albuera 103 Jan.-April, Sieges of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz 105 1812. 22 July. Battle of Salamanca 107 1812, 1813. Wellington reorganises the Spanish and Portuguese armies 109 21 June, 1813. Battle of Vitoria 110 Battle of the Pyrenees 113 Siege of St. Sebastian 113 8 Oct. Wellington crosses the Bidassoa 115 Battles round Bayonne 115 Feb., 1814. The investment of Bayonne 117 10 April. Battle of Toulouse 119 CHAPTER VI. THE DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON. 1812. French treaties with Prussia and Austria 122 Alliances made by Russia 123 June. Napoleon's advance into Russia 124 His retreat 125 War between England and the United States 126 Attacks on Canada 129 American successes at sea 131 Feb., 1813. Treaty of Kalisch 134 Austrian diplomacy 135 2, 21 May. Lützen and Bautzen 135 Aug., Oct. Dresden and Leipzig 137 France loses Saxony, Holland, and Switzerland 138 American war continued 138 1 June. Duel of the _Shannon_ and _Chesapeake_ 142 Jan.-Mar., Campaign in France 143 1814. April. Napoleon deposed: Louis XVIII. recalled 145 24 Dec. Treaty of Ghent 147 July. Visit of Alexander and Frederick William to England 148 CHAPTER VII. VIENNA AND WATERLOO. 30 May, 1814. The first treaty of Paris 149 English blockade of Norwegian ports 150 Union of Sweden and Norway 150 Restoration of Ferdinand VII. and Pius VII. 150 Attempts to abolish the slave trade 151 Sept., 1814- Congress of Vienna 152 June, 1815. 3 Jan., 1815. Secret treaty between England, France, and Austria 153 1 March. Napoleon's return from Elba 153 Flight of Louis XVIII.: the _Acte Additionnel_ 155 Plans of the allies 156 Defeat and death of Murat 157 June. Wellington at Brussels: his army 158 16. Ligny and Quatre Bras 159 18. Waterloo 160 July. Paris occupied by the allies 163 22 June. Second abdication of Napoleon 165 His surrender to England 165 Restoration of Louis XVIII.: treaty of Vienna 166 Resettlement of Europe 166 20 Nov. Second treaty of Paris: English gains 167 26 Sept. The Holy Alliance 168 Napoleon at St. Helena 169 CHAPTER VIII. THE FIRST YEARS OF PEACE. 1816. Depression and discontent 171 Vansittart's financial policy 173 Union of British and Irish exchequers 174 2 Dec., 1816. Spa Fields riot 175 Prosecution of Hone 177 1818. General election 178 16 Aug., 1819. The "Manchester massacre" 178 Dec. The six acts 180 1817, 1819. Institution of savings banks: currency reform 182 6 Nov., 1817. Death of Princess Charlotte 184 1818. Royal marriages 184 29 Jan., 1820. Death of George III. 185 Royalist reaction in Europe 187 1816. Expedition against the Barbary states 187 1819. Murder of Kotzebue 189 30 Sept., Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle 189 1818. Spain asks for assistance from the allies 190 The European alliance 190 CHAPTER IX. THE LAST YEARS OF LORD LIVERPOOL. 1820. The Cato Street conspiracy 192 Dissolution of parliament 193 The "queen's trial" 194 7 Aug., 1821. Her death 196 1822. Changes in the cabinet 199 12 Aug. Death of Castlereagh 199 Sept. Canning foreign secretary 200 Jan. Peel home secretary 201 1823. Reform of the navigation laws 202 Agricultural discontent 203 1825. Speculative frenzy and financial panic 205 1823-26. Robinson's finance 206 General election of 1826 207 Close of Liverpool's ministry 208 CHAPTER X. PROBLEMS IN SOUTHERN EUROPE. 1820. Revolution in Spain: policy of non-intervention 210 July, Aug. Revolutions in the Two Sicilies and Portugal 211 20 Oct. Congress of Troppau 211 Jan., 1821. Congress of Laibach 212 Mar., April. Revolution in Piedmont: Austrian intervention 213 Insurrections in the Morea and Central Greece 214 Aug. "Sanitary cordon" 215 Ultra-royalist parties in France and Spain 215 Loss of Spanish colonies in America 215 1822. Conference at Vienna 216 20 Oct. Congress of Verona 217 Offer of mediation declined 218 7 April, 1823. War between France and Spain 220 12 Oct., 1822. Independence of Brazil 221 July, 1825. Conference at London 222 2 Dec., 1823. The Monroe doctrine 223 1824-25. Conference at St. Petersburg 224 1 Dec., 1825. Death of the Tsar Alexander I. 225 CHAPTER XI. TORY DISSENSION AND CATHOLIC RELIEF. April, 1827. Formation of Canning's ministry 227 Additions to the ministry 228 8 Aug. Death of Canning 228 Sept. Goderich's cabinet 229 Dissensions: resignation of Goderich 230 9 Jan., 1828. Wellington accepts office 230 The Eastern question 232 20 Oct., 1827. Navarino 233 1828. Repeal of the test and corporation acts 235 May, June. Changes in the ministry 236 June, July. The Clare election 237 1821. Measures for catholic relief 239 1825. Further measures 241 George IV.'s opposition to catholic relief 244 1829. Wellington and Peel adopt catholic relief 245 Mar., April. Debates on the bill 246 13 April. The royal assent 249 21 Mar. Duel between Wellington and Winchilsea 250 Exclusion of O'Connell from Parliament 251 CHAPTER XII. PORTUGAL AND GREECE. 10 Mar., 1826. Death of John VI. of Portugal 253 2 May. Peter abdicates in favour of his daughter Maria 254 31 July. Miguel proclaimed king by the absolutists 254 Dec. England sends troops to help the Portuguese government 255 3 Mar., 1828. Peter appoints Miguel regent for Maria 258 Dec., 1827. The sultan defies Russia 260 26 April, Russia makes war on the Turks 263 1828. Negotiations for settlement of Greek question 264 Oct., Nov. French troops expel the Turks from the Morea 265 Terms of settlement agreed on at Poros and London 266 14 Sept., Peace of Adrianople 267 1829. 3 Feb., 1830. Greece independent: throne offered to Prince Leopold 268 France conquers Algiers 269 CHAPTER XIII. PRELUDE OF REFORM. 1830. Amalgamation of English and Welsh benches 271 Motions for reform 271 26 June. Death of George IV. 272 General election 274 15 Sept. Death of Huskisson 275 Wellington's opposition to reform 277 Fall of his ministry 278 Nov. Grey accepts office 278 His cabinet 279 The regency bill 281 Feb., 1831. Althorp's first budget 283 Public demand for reform 285 Draft of the first reform bill 287 System of representation in the unreformed house 288 Popular excitement: second reading of the bill 291 Dissolution of parliament 292 CHAPTER XIV. THE REFORM. 1831. General election 293 24 June. Second reform bill introduced 294 8 Oct. Rejection by the lords 296 Reform bill riots 296 Attempts at compromise in the lords 299 12 Dec. Final reform bill introduced 300 Gradual loss of the king's confidence in the ministry 302 9 May, 1832. Grey resigns 302 Wellington unable to form a ministry 303 The king recalls Grey 304 4 June. Third reading of the bill 304 Scotch and Irish reform bills carried 306 26 Oct. The cholera epidemic 309 1831. The census 311 State of Ireland 312 O'Connell's agitation 312 The "tithe-war" in Ireland 314 Legislation for Ireland 316 The Kildare Place Society 317 CHAPTER XV. FRUITS OF THE REFORM. 1832. General election 318 1833. Irish coercion bill 320 Irish Church temporalities bill 322 Ministerial changes 325 Abolition of colonial slavery 326 Factory acts 327 The East India Company act 328 Bank charter act 330 Formation of judicial committee of the privy council 332 Act for the abolition of fines and recoveries 333 1831, 1832, Althorp's budgets 334 1833. CHAPTER XVI. RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND POOR LAW REFORM. 1833. The Tractarian movement 336 1832. First meeting of the British Association 338 Foundation of the Catholic Apostolic Church 339 1834. The "new poor law" 340 Creation of a central poor law board 343 Ministerial discord 344 9 July. Grey's resignation 346 Formation of Melbourne's ministry 347 16 Oct. Destruction of the houses of parliament 349 14 Nov. Melbourne's resignation 350 Wellington's provisional government 351 Dec. Peel's cabinet 352 The Tamworth manifesto 353 CHAPTER XVII. PEEL AND MELBOURNE. Jan., 1835. General election 354 Feb. Abercromby elected speaker 354 The "Lichfield House compact" 356 April. Peel's resignation 356 Melbourne's second ministry 357 Exclusion of Brougham 357 Municipal corporations act 360 Jan., 1836. Cottenham lord chancellor 363 Conflict with the lords on Irish bills 365 Tithe commutation act (English) 365 Reformed marriage law 366 Registration system 366 1835, 1836. Crusade against Orange lodges 367 1836. The paper duties lowered 369 Committee on agricultural distress 370 1836, 1837. Agitation in Ireland 371 1837. Irish municipal bill 372 Church rates 373 Burdett secedes from the whig party 374 20 June. Death of William IV. 375 CHAPTER XVIII. FOREIGN RELATIONS UNDER WILLIAM IV. July, 1830. The revolution of July 376 Recognition of Louis Philippe by the Powers 377 Sept. Belgian provinces in revolt 379 20 Dec. Protocol of London 381 June, 1831. Election of Leopold as King of the Belgians 383 Aug. War between Belgium and Holland 384 French troops enter Belgium 384 Nov. British and French fleets blockade the Scheldt 386 Nov., 1833. Convention between Holland and Belgium 387 1830. Insurrections in Switzerland, Poland, Italy, etc. 387 1831, 1832. Capture of Warsaw; Polish constitution abolished 388 7 April, 1831. Peter leaves Brazil for Portugal 388 Carlist rebellion in Spain 389 22 April, The quadruple alliance 389 1834. 26 May. Miguel renounces his claims 390 9 Oct., 1831. Capodistrias (Greek president) assassinated 392 1832. Otto of Bavaria becomes King of Greece 392 1831. War between Ibrahim and the Sultan 393 1833. Treaties of Kiutayeh and Unkiar Skelessi 394 8 Sept. Secret convention at Münchengrätz 395 CHAPTER XIX. BRITISH INDIA. 1801. Annexation of the Karnátik 397 1803. Assaye and Argáum 399 1805. Resignation of Lord Wellesley 399 10 July, 1806. Mutiny at Vellore 400 Lord Minto's pacific policy 401 1801-10. Treaties with Persia 402 Elphinstone in Afghánistán 403 1813. Lord Moira appointed governor-general 404 The Pindárí war 405 1818. Subjugation of the Pindárís 407 First Burmese war 408 Abolition of satí 410 Extirpation of thagí 411 Defence of Herat 412 Communication with India 413 Burnes's mission to Kábul 413 CHAPTER XX. LITERATURE AND SOCIAL PROGRESS. The "Lake school" 416 Scott's novels 418 Minor poets: philosophical works 420 Newspapers and reviews 422 Essayists and historians 425 The arts: painting, sculpture 427 Scientific discoveries 428 University reform 429 Formation of London University 431 Improvements in agriculture 433 Steam navigation 434 The first railways 435 Geographical discovery 436 Philanthropy 436 Canada 437 South Africa 438 Convict settlements in Australia 438 Development of Australia 439 APPENDIX I. On Authorities 443 II. Administrations, 1801-37 451 MAPS. (AT THE END OF THE VOLUME.) 1. Great Britain, showing the parliamentary representation after the reform. 2. Spain and Portugal, illustrating the Peninsular war. 3. India. CHAPTER I. ADDINGTON. When, early in March, 1801, Pitt resigned office, he was succeeded by Henry Addington, who had been speaker of the house of commons for over eleven years, and who now received the seals of office as first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer on March 14, 1801. He was able to retain the services of the Duke of Portland as home secretary, of Lord Chatham as president of the council, and of Lord Westmorland as lord privy seal. For the rest, his colleagues were, like himself, new to cabinet rank. Lord Hawkesbury (afterwards the second Earl of Liverpool) became foreign secretary, and Lord Hobart, son of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, secretary for war. Loughborough reaped the due reward of his treachery by being excluded from the ministry altogether; with a curious obstinacy he persisted in attending cabinet councils, until a letter from Addington informed him that his presence was not desired. He received some small consolation, however, in his elevation to the Earldom of Rosslyn. Lord Eldon was the new chancellor and was destined to hold the office uninterruptedly, except for the brief ministry of Fox and Grenville, till 1827. Lord St. Vincent became first lord of the admiralty, and Lord Lewisham president of the board of control. Cornwallis had resigned with Pitt, but it was not till June 16 that a successor was found for him as master general of the ordnance. It was then arranged that Chatham should take this office. Portland succeeded Chatham as lord president, and Lord Pelham, whose father had just been created Earl of Chichester, became home secretary instead of Portland. An important change was introduced into the distribution of work between the different secretaries of state, the administration of colonial affairs being transferred from the home to the war office, so that Hobart and his successors down to 1854 were known as secretaries of state for war and the colonies. Soon afterwards Lewisham succeeded his father as Earl of Dartmouth. Though the Addington ministry has, not without justice, been derided for its weakness as compared with its immediate predecessor, it is interesting to observe that in it one of the greatest of English judges as well as a future premier, destined to display an unique power of holding his party together, first attained to cabinet rank; and in the following year it was reinforced by Castlereagh, who disputes with Canning the honour of being regarded as the ablest statesman of what was then the younger generation. The weakness of the ministry must therefore be attributed to a lack of experience rather than a lack of talent. It was unfortunate in succeeding a particularly strong administration, but is well able to bear comparison with most of the later ministries of George III. Addington himself was in more thorough sympathy with the king than any premier before or after. Conversation with Addington was, according to the king, like "thinking aloud"; and with a king who, like George III., still regarded himself as responsible for the national policy, hearty co-operation between king and premier was a matter of no slight importance. In the early days of the new administration Pitt loyally kept his promise of friendly support, and it is to be deplored that Grenville and Canning did not adopt the same course. While the issue of peace and war was pending, domestic legislation inevitably remained in abeyance. In Ireland serious disappointment had been caused by the abandonment of catholic emancipation; but the disappointment was borne quietly, and the Irish Roman catholics doubtless did not foresee to what a distance of time the removal of their disabilities had been postponed. The just and mild rule of the new lord lieutenant, Lord Hardwicke, contributed to the pacification of the country. But in reality the conduct of the movement for emancipation was only passing into new hands; when it reappeared it was no longer led by catholic lords and bishops, but was a peasant movement, headed by the unscrupulous demagogue O'Connell. In these circumstances it is to be regretted that the new administration neglected to carry that one of the half-promised concessions to the catholics which could not offend the king's conscience, namely, the commutation of tithe. Nothing in the protestant ascendency was so irritating to the catholic peasantry as the necessity of paying tithe to a protestant clergy, and its commutation, while benefiting the clergy themselves, would have removed the occasion of subsequent agitation. The spirit of disloyalty, however, was believed to be by no means extinct either in Ireland or in Great Britain, and two stringent acts were passed to repress it. The first, for the continuance of martial law in Ireland, was supported by almost all the Irish speakers in the house of commons, where it was carried without a division, and was adopted in the house of lords by an overwhelming majority, after an impressive speech from Lord Clare. The second, for the suspension of the _habeas corpus_ act in the whole United Kingdom was framed to remain in force "during the continuance of the war, and for one month after the signing of a definitive treaty of peace". [Pageheading: _THE HORNE TOOKE ACT._] The only other measure of permanent interest which became law in this session was the so-called "Horne Tooke act," occasioned by the return of Horne Tooke, who was in holy orders, for Old Sarum. Such a return was contrary to custom, but the precedents collected by a committee of the house of commons were inconclusive. It was accordingly enacted that in future clergymen of the established churches should be ineligible for seats in parliament, while Horne Tooke was deemed to have been validly elected, and retained his seat. The house of commons found time, however, for an important and well-sustained debate on India, in which among others Dundas, now no longer in office, showed a thorough knowledge of questions affecting Indian finance and trade. The naval expedition which had been prepared in the last days of Pitt's administration sailed for Copenhagen on March 12, 1801, under Sir Hyde Parker, with Nelson as second in command. The admiral in chief was of a cautious temper, but was wise enough to allow himself to be guided by Nelson's judgment when planning an engagement, though not as to the general course of the expedition. The fleet consisted of sixteen ships of the line and thirty-four smaller vessels; all these with the exception of one ship of the line reached the Skaw on the 18th. A frigate was sent in advance with instructions to Vansittart, the British envoy at Copenhagen, to present an ultimatum to the Danish government,[1] demanding a favourable answer to the British demands within forty-eight hours. For three days Parker waited at anchor eighteen miles from Elsinore, and it was only when Vansittart brought an unfavourable reply on the 23rd that he took Nelson into his counsels. He readily adopted Nelson's plan of ignoring the Danish batteries at Kronborg and making a circuit so as to attack Copenhagen at the weak southern end of its defences, but set aside his project of masking Copenhagen and making straight for a Russian squadron of twelve ships of the line which was lying icebound at Revel. The fair weather of the 26th was wasted in irresolution, and it was not till the 30th that the fleet was able to weigh anchor. It passed Kronborg in safety and anchored five miles north of Copenhagen. Parker placed under Nelson's immediate command twelve ships of the line and twenty-one smaller vessels, by far the greater part of the British fleet. With these he was to pass to the east of a shoal called the Middle Ground and attack the defences of Copenhagen from the south, while Parker with the remainder of the fleet was to make a demonstration against the more formidable northern defences. The wind could not of course favour both attacks simultaneously, and it was agreed that the attack should be made when the wind favoured Nelson. The nights of the 30th and 31st were spent in reconnoitring and laying buoys. On April 1 a north wind brought Nelson's squadron past the Middle Ground, and on the next day a south wind enabled him to attack the Danish fleet, if fleet it may be called. At the north end of the Danish position stood the only permanent battery, the Trekroner, with two hulks or blockships; the rest consisted of seven blockships and eleven floating batteries, drawn up along the shore. An attack on the south end of the line was also exposed to batteries on the island of Amager. Nelson's intention was to close with the whole Danish fleet, but three of his ships of the line were stranded and he was obliged to leave the assault on the northern end entirely to lighter vessels. [Pageheading: _BATTLE OF THE BALTIC._] The Danish batteries proved more powerful than had been anticipated, and as time went on and the Danish resistance did not appear to lose in strength, Parker grew doubtful of the result of the battle and gave the order to cease action. The order was apparently not intended to be imperative, but it had the effect of inducing Riou, who commanded the frigate squadron, to sail away to the north. For the rest of the fleet obedience was out of the question. Nelson acknowledged, but refused to repeat the order, and, jocularly placing his glass to his blind eye, declared that he could not see the signal. At length the British cannonade told. Fischer, the Danish commander, had had to shift his flag twice, at the second time to the Trekroner, and all the ships south of that battery had either ceased fire or were practically helpless. The Trekroner, however, was still unsubdued and rendered it impossible for Nelson's squadron to retire, in the only direction which the wind would allow, without severe loss. He accordingly sent a message to the Danish Prince Regent, declaring that he would be compelled to burn the batteries he had taken, without saving their crews, unless firing ceased. If a truce were arranged until he could take his prisoners out of the prizes, he was prepared to land the wounded Danes, and burn or remove the prizes. A truce for twenty-four hours was accordingly arranged, which Nelson employed to remove his own fleet unmolested. The destruction of the southern batteries left Copenhagen exposed to bombardment, and the Danes, unable to resist, yet afraid to offend the tsar by submission, prolonged the time from day to day till news arrived which removed all occasion for hostility. Unknown to either of the combatants, the Tsar Paul, the life and soul of the northern confederacy, had been murdered on the night of March 23, ten days before the battle, and with his death the league was practically dissolved. When Nelson advanced further into the Baltic, he found no hostile fleet awaiting him, and the new tsar, Alexander, adopting an opposite policy, entered into a compromise on the subject of maritime rights. The battle of the Baltic is considered by some to have been Nelson's masterpiece. It won for him the title of viscount and for his second in command, Rear-Admiral Graves, the gift of the ribbon of the Bath, but the admiralty, for official reasons, declined to confer any public reward or honour on the officers concerned in it. At the same time, the French occupation of Egypt was drawing towards its inevitable close. Kléber, who was left in command by Bonaparte, perished by the hand of an assassin, and Menou, who succeeded to the command, was not only a weak general, but was prevented from receiving any reinforcements by the naval supremacy of Great Britain in the Mediterranean. On March 21, 1801, the French army was defeated at the battle of Alexandria by the British force sent out under Sir Ralph Abercromby, who was himself mortally wounded on the field. His successor, General Hutchinson, completed his work by taking Cairo, before the arrival of General Baird, who had led a mixed body of British soldiers and sepoys from the Red Sea across the desert to the Nile. The capitulation of Alexandria soon followed. In September the French evacuated Egypt, the remains of their army were conveyed to France in English ships, and Bonaparte's long-cherished dreams of eastern conquest faded away for ever--not from his own imagination, but from the calculations of practical statesmanship. French arms, and French diplomacy supported by armed force, were more successful elsewhere. The treaty of Lunéville was only the first of a series of treaties, by which France secured to herself a political position commensurate with her military glory. By the treaty of Aranjuez between France and Spain, signed on March 21, Spain ceded Louisiana to France, reserving the right of pre-emption, and undertook to wage war on Portugal in order to detach it from the British alliance. Spain and Portugal were both lukewarm in this war, and on June 6 signed the treaty of Badajoz, by which Portugal agreed to close her ports to England, to pay an indemnity to Spain, and to cede the small district of Olivenza, south of Badajoz. Bonaparte was intensely irritated by this treaty, which deprived him of the hope of exchanging conquests in Portugal for British colonial conquests in any future negotiations; he declared that Spain would have to pay by the sacrifice of her colonies for the conquered French colonies which he still hoped to recover. A French army was despatched to Portugal and enabled Bonaparte to dictate the treaty of Madrid, signed on September 29, whereby Portugal ceded half Guiana to France and undertook, as at Badajoz, to close her ports against England. [Pageheading: _INFLUENCES MAKING FOR PEACE._] This last condition was equally imposed on the King of the Two Sicilies by the treaty of Florence, concluded on March 28, and before the end of the year France had established friendly relations with the Sultan of Turkey and the new Tsar of Russia. More important still, as consolidating Bonaparte's power at home, was the concordat signed by him and the pope on July 15 recognising Roman Catholicism as the religion of the majority of Frenchmen, and of the consuls, guaranteeing stipends, though on an abjectly mean scale, to the clergy, and placing the entire patronage of the French Church in the hands of the first consul. Never since the French revolution had the Church been thus acknowledged as the auxiliary, or rather as the handmaid, of the state, and probably no one but the first consul could have brought about the reconciliation. After such exertions, even he may have sincerely desired an honourable peace, as the crown of his victories, or at least as a breathing time, to enable him to mature his vast designs for reorganising France. Perhaps he did not yet fully recognise that war was a necessity of his political ascendency, no less than of his own personal character. The French people still clung to republican institutions; and the consulate was a nominal republic, with all effective power vested in the first consul. Time was to show how largely this unique position depended on his unique capacity of conducting wars glorious to French arms; for the present, France was satisfied, and longed for peace. The English ministry, too, was impelled by strong motives to enter upon the negotiations which resulted in the peace of Amiens. Not only was Great Britain crippled by the loss of nearly all her allies, but the high price of bread had roused grave disaffection,[2] and intensified among British merchants a desire for an unmolested extension of commerce; above all, English statesmen now recognised the consulate, under Bonaparte, as the first stable and non-revolutionary government since the fall of the French monarchy. Both countries, therefore, were predisposed to entertain pacific overtures, but the very fact that these were in contemplation stirred both sides to further endeavours in order to secure better terms of peace. A French squadron, commanded by Admiral Linois and containing three ships of the line besides smaller boats, was making a movement for the Straits of Gibraltar in order to strengthen the force at Cadiz. Sir James Saumarez with five ships of the line and two smaller vessels engaged Linois off Algeciras on July 5, but the French ships were supported by the land batteries, and one of the British ships, the _Hannibal_ (74), ran aground, and Saumarez was eventually compelled to leave her in the hands of the enemy. This victory was hailed with delight throughout France, but it was fully retrieved a week later. The French squadron had in the meantime been reinforced by one French and five Spanish ships of the line, and on the 12th it made a fresh attempt to reach Cadiz; it was, however, engaged in the Straits by Saumarez with five ships of the line. In the ensuing battle two Spanish ships blew up, and the French _Saint Antoine_ was captured. The remainder succeeded in reaching Cadiz, but Saumarez was able to resume the blockade a few weeks later. Meanwhile there was no relaxation of French preparations for an invasion of England, or of naval activity on the part of Great Britain. No sooner had Nelson returned from the Baltic than he was, on July 24, placed in command of a "squadron on a particular service," charged with the defence of the coast from Beachy Head to Orfordness. With this he not only blockaded the northern French ports, but assumed the aggressive, and bombarded the vessels therein collected. A more daring attempt to cut out the flotilla moored at Boulogne by a boat attack was repelled with some loss on the night of August 15. But couriers under flags of truce were already passing between London and Paris, and hostilities ceased in the autumn of the year 1801. [Pageheading: _THE QUESTION OF MALTA._] The history of the negotiations which ended in the peace of Amiens derives a special interest from the events which followed it. The earliest overtures for peace were made by Hawkesbury on March 21, 1801. At first Bonaparte refused to listen to them, but the destruction of the northern confederacy inclined him to more pacific counsels. On April 14 the British government stated its demands. They mark a distinct advance on those which had been made in vain at Lille in 1797. France was to evacuate Egypt, and Great Britain Minorca, but Great Britain claimed to retain Malta, Tobago, Martinique, Trinidad, Essequibo, Demerara, Berbice, and Ceylon. She was willing to surrender the Cape of Good Hope on condition that it became a free port, and stipulated that an indemnity should be provided for the Prince of Orange. At the outset, Bonaparte opposed all cessions by France and her allies, but the steady improvement in the fortunes of England in the north and in Egypt at last determined him to grant some of the British demands, and as the evacuation of Egypt became inevitable, he was resolved to gain something in exchange for it before it was too late. The preliminary treaty was accordingly signed by Bonaparte's agent Otto on behalf of France and Hawkesbury on behalf of Great Britain on October 1, the day before the news of the French capitulation in Egypt reached England. Great Britain had already consented to relinquish Malta, provided that it became independent. She now consented to relinquish all her conquests from France, and with the exception of Ceylon and Trinidad all her conquests from the French allies, requiring, however, that the Cape should be recognised as a free port. The French were to evacuate not only Egypt, but the Neapolitan and Roman States. Malta was to be restored to the knights of St. John under the guarantee of a third power. Prisoners of war were to be released on payment of their debts, and the question of the charge for their maintenance was to be settled by the definitive treaty in accordance with the law of nations and established usage. No mention was made of the Prince of Orange, but Otto gave a verbal assurance that provision would be made to satisfy his claims. He also gave the British government to understand that France would be willing to cede Tobago in consideration of the expenses incurred in the maintenance of French and Dutch prisoners. The omission of all reference to the continental relations of France is conspicuous. In France it was interpreted as indicating that Great Britain renounced her interest in continental politics. The Batavian, Helvetian, Cisalpine, and Ligurian republics, the kingdom of Etruria, and the whole east bank of the Rhine were, however, supposed to be already protected against French encroachment by the treaty of Lunéville, and Great Britain had no wish to impose terms involving a recognition of these new creations. Again, no mention was made of commercial relations apart from the Newfoundland and St. Lawrence fisheries, for Great Britain was too ready to believe that a separate commercial treaty would be practicable, and was naturally loth to delay the conclusion of peace by a difficult negotiation. Cornwallis was appointed to negotiate the definitive treaty, and had some hope that he might arrive at an informal understanding with Bonaparte at Paris before he proceeded to Amiens. But he was offended by Bonaparte's manner, and, dreading to be pitted against so subtle a diplomatist as Talleyrand, he left Paris before anything was accomplished, and arrived at Amiens on November 30. There France was represented by Joseph Bonaparte, the first consul's elder brother, and the negotiator of Lunéville. At Amiens, the position of the British government was compromised from the first by its renewed insistence on a point which had been omitted from the preliminary treaty, namely, the compensation of the Prince of Orange. This demand was accompanied by an endeavour to obtain compensation for the King of Sardinia. Joseph Bonaparte, on the other hand, entrenched himself behind the letter of the treaty, and acknowledged no further obligation. Any additional concession to Great Britain could only be purchased by British concessions to France. Other difficulties arose over the question of Malta, the payment for the maintenance of prisoners, and the inclusion of allies as parties to the treaty. [Pageheading: _CORNWALLIS AT AMIENS._] On the first of these questions the French would appear to have aimed throughout at reducing the knights to as impotent a position as possible. The British, on the other hand, ostensibly desiring to see the strength of the order maintained, were chiefly interested in securing its neutrality. At the time of the signature of the preliminary treaty, Russia was the power that seemed to Great Britain the fittest guarantor of the independence of the knights. On the refusal of Russia to accept this position, Naples appeared to be the next best alternative, but it was eventually agreed to substitute for the guarantee of a third power the obviously futile guarantee of all the powers. Neither party foresaw that the impossibility of obtaining such a guarantee was destined to leave the whole clause about Malta inoperative. After much dispute over the future constitution of the order, France proposed to obviate the chief source of difficulty by the demolition of the forts. This plan commended itself to Cornwallis, but was rejected by the British government. By the end of December it was agreed that a Neapolitan garrison was to occupy the islands provisionally, until the new organisation should be established. Great Britain proposed that this garrison should be maintained at the joint expense of Great Britain and France. It did not occur to the British government to propose any guarantee for the preservation of the property of the order, and this omission ultimately proved material. The question of including allies in the treaty was less complicated. France preferred a number of separate treaties so as to keep the British interest in Europe at a minimum. Great Britain, on the other hand, wished to make France a party to the cessions made by her allies, and successfully insisted on the negotiation of a single comprehensive treaty. Joseph Bonaparte granted this point on December 11, but, as he had not full powers to negotiate with any power except Great Britain, he continued to interpose delays till the end of the year. In the meantime France had failed in her attempts to meet the British claims on behalf of the Prince of Orange by demands for further privileges and territory in the oceans and colonies. On the whole, the first month's negotiations had contributed much to a settlement, without giving a decided advantage to either side. The lapse of time, however, turned the balance in favour of the negotiator who was the more independent of his country's desire for peace. On January 1, 1802, Hawkesbury wrote to Cornwallis, treating the acquisition of Tobago as unimportant; on the 2nd Addington expressed his readiness to accept a separate arrangement with the Batavian republic for the Prince of Orange. By the 16th Hawkesbury had yielded the claim of Portugal to be a party to the treaty. The refusal of the French to cede Tobago in lieu of payment for the French prisoners, and the difficulty of assessing the payment, opened a way to the evasion of compensation altogether. Cornwallis, preferring to sacrifice this claim rather than re-open the war, suggested to Joseph Bonaparte on the 22nd that the treaty should provide for commissioners to assess the payment, while it should be secretly provided that they should not be appointed. On the same day, Joseph Bonaparte communicated his brother's consent to a clause engaging France to find a suitable territorial possession in Germany for the Prince of Orange. If Hawkesbury and Cornwallis imagined that they had made sure of an early peace by these extensive concessions, they were greatly mistaken. Napoleon, flushed with this unexpected success, was encouraged to make further trial of the pliability of the British diplomatists. Two events occurred at this stage of the negotiations which tried the temper of both sides to the uttermost. On January 26, Bonaparte was elected president of the Cisalpine republic, to be styled henceforth the Italian republic. This event seems to have taken the British government by surprise; they thought it a distinct indication that he still contemplated further aggressions in spite of the series of treaties by which he appeared to be securing peace, and were therefore much less inclined than formerly to make concessions. About the same time Bonaparte was not unreasonably enraged at the outrageous attacks made on him in the press conducted in London by French exiles, especially by Jean Peltier, the editor of a paper called _L'Ambigu_, and he blamed the British government for permitting their publication. He therefore instructed his brother Joseph to raise further difficulties over the garrison and permanent organisation of Malta, as well as over the proposed accession of the sultan to the treaty. Vain attempts were also made by Joseph to retain Otranto for France till the British should have evacuated Malta, and to secure the inclusion of the Ligurian republic in the treaty. [Pageheading: _THE TREATY OF AMIENS._] At last on March 8 Napoleon agreed that no important difference remained, and urged his brother to conclude the treaty. A little more time was wasted in providing for a temporary occupation of Malta by Neapolitan troops, and a more marked division of opinion arose as to the compensation for the Prince of Orange. In spite of instructions to the contrary from Hawkesbury, Cornwallis accepted an engagement on the part of France to find a compensation, not defined, for the house of Nassau, instead of charging it on the Dutch government; and the treaty was finally concluded on March 25. It was signed by Great Britain, France, Spain, and the Batavian republic, while the Porte was admitted as an accessory power. It differed from the preliminary convention in no important respect, except in the illusory safeguards for the claims of the Prince of Orange, the secret arrangement for evading the cost of the French prisoners, and the provisions concerning Malta, pregnant with the seeds of future enmity. These provisions were as follows: Malta was to be restored to the knights of St. John, from whose order both French and British were hereafter to be excluded. The evacuation was to take place within three months of the ratification of the treaty, or sooner if possible. At that date Malta was to be given up, provided the grand master or commissaries of the order were present, and provided the Neapolitan garrison
{'title': 'The Political History of England - Vol XI by Brodrick and Fotheringham', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}