Produced by Mark C. Orton, Paul Marshall and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net [Transcriber's Note: The "^" character is used to denote superscripted letters, e.g. "p^r." means "p" with a superscripted "r."] _SALONA_ _FAIRFAX COUNTY VIRGINIA_ by Ellen Anderson Fairfax County Office of Comprehensive Planning February 1979 Other Fairfax County Office of Comprehensive Planning historical publications are available from: Fairfax County Publications Center Massey Building, First Floor 4100 Chain Bridge Road Fairfax, Virginia 22030 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 79-84335 CONTENTS Illustrations v Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 I. Langley and the Lees 5 II. Salona and the Maffitts 11 III. Salona for Sale 25 IV. Salona and the Smoots 28 V. Salona and the DuVals 41 VI. Salona: The House and Outbuildings 45 VII. Preservation by Easement 53 Chapter Notes 55 Appendixes A. Chain of Title, 1719-1974 71 B. Maffitt Inventory, 1828 77 C. Maffitt Slave Schedule 81 D. DuVal Deed of Easement 84 List of Sources 95 ILLUSTRATIONS Salona location 2 Thomas Lee's 1719 grant, "Langley" 7 Advertisement, land later called "Salona" 9 The Reverend William Maffitt 13 William Maffitt, Jr. 25 The Reverend William Maffitt's tombstone 27 Civil War troops at Salona 29 McDowell's 1862 Civil War map 30 Wartime memorandum 32 Smoot family portraits 34 Jacob Gilliam Smoot and some family heirlooms 35 G. M. Hopkins _Atlas_ map, 1879 36 The Salona Farm, 1890 and 1900 37 Rambler photo of Salona, 1914 38 Division of Smoot property, 1947 40 DuVal family portrait, 1957 42 Salona first and second floor plans 46 Salona attic floor plan 47 West wall 49 Entrance hall 49 Old stone house 50 Springhouse 50 Rear views of Salona mansion 51 Smokehouse 51 Stone barn ruins 51 Outdoor kitchen 52 Old brick privy 52 Permanent and temporary easement plat 54 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people have helped materially with the story of Salona. Peter Maffitt, descendant of the Rev. William Maffitt, and Douglass and Henry Mackall, descendants of one of Maffitt's sisters, generously shared information on the Maffitt family and gave William Maffitt a three-dimensional shape. John D. K. Smoot, Jane Smoot Wilson and William Smoot, descendants of Jacob Smoot, recalled many stories of their family and of Salona. Clive and Susan DuVal, present owners of Salona, endured hours of interviews, photographing, and measuring of the house and outbuildings. Valuable assistance has also been given by Mike Rierson, Fairfax County Park Authority, and W. Brown Morton, III, National Park Service, who contributed useful information on the architectural features and possible age of Salona; and William Elkjer measured and drew up floor plans of Salona. The Rev. William Sengel of the Old Presbyterian Meeting House, Jean Elliot, Frank Gapp, John Gott, Winslow Hatch, Beth Mitchell, and Donie Rieger also contributed information. Librarians who have provided information and encouragement are Harva Sheeler, Dot de Wilde, and Eric Grundset, Virginia Room, Fairfax County Public Library; Mathilde Williams, Peabody Collection, Georgetown Public Library; the helpful staff at the Archives Division, Virginia State Library; and Ruth B. Lee, Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Church, Montreat, North Carolina. Introduction At the edge of the busy commercial area of the community of McLean, hidden from the heavy traffic on Dolley Madison Boulevard by a natural screen of trees and shrubs, stands the substantial brick dwelling known as Salona. Only a portion of the original 466 acres surrounds the house; the rest of the land has been converted into church properties, shopping centers, residential subdivisions, and other appurtenances of development. Originally, the land was part of a large grant of 2,630 acres taken out by Thomas Lee in 1719 from the Northern Neck proprietor, and later named "Langley," a name which persists in the area to the present day. The Reverend William Maffitt of Maryland purchased the 466-acre parcel in 1812, and he may have been the builder of the brick house at Salona to which President James Madison fled when the British burned the capital in August, 1814. After the death of Maffitt, the property went through the hands of several northerners who were part of the influx of Yankees just prior to the outbreak of the Civil War. The parcel was divided into several pieces. Jacob G. Smoot of Georgetown, D.C., purchased 208 acres, including the house, in 1853. He and his descendants owned Salona for almost 100 years--through the Civil War when Camp Griffin troops were temporary residents in tent villages on Salona and surrounding property and in the extended period of rebuilding during the agricultural era following. They witnessed and were part of the subdivision of lands for suburban tract housing. As a reflection of changes experienced in the Washington metropolitan area following World War II, Clive DuVal, a veteran, came from New York to accept employment with the federal government. He and his wife Susan purchased Salona with the idea of restoring it and using it for a family residence. [Illustration] The DuVals entered into a period of community participation which repeatedly involved the house as a center for meetings, tours and entertainment. Because it was a sound, comfortable, gracious old house with historical associations and community significance, they decided to grant a permanent historic and scenic easement to Fairfax County in 1971, preserving the house, its brick outbuildings and eight acres of land surrounding them in perpetuity. A temporary easement for 44 additional acres of the Salona property was granted at the same time, fitting in with the county's stated purpose to shape the character, direction and timing of community development through the preservation of open space land. Because of its historical associations, the house was placed on the Virginia State Landmarks Register and on the National Register of Historic Places in 1973. I LANGLEY AND THE LEES The brick house known as Salona stands solidly on a portion of the original grant known as "Langley," a tract named by Thomas Lee for ancestral Lee lands in Shropshire, England. Thomas Lee was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, in 1690, the fifth son of Richard Lee, II, a member of the King's Council and Naval Officer and Receiver of Customs for the Potomac. When Richard died in 1714, young Thomas succeeded his father as Naval Officer for the Potomac. Three years earlier, in 1711, he had been appointed resident agent along with his uncle, Edmund Jenings, for Lady Catherine Fairfax. She was proprietor of the Northern Neck grant of over 5,000,000 acres of land originally made by Charles II in exile to seven loyal followers, in 1649. She had become dissatisfied with the management of her agents Micajah Perry and Robert Carter. While his uncle was in England, Thomas Lee kept the books for the proprietary and visited most of the farflung Fairfax property. After his uncle returned to Virginia and took over the books, Lee used the knowledge gained from his work with the Fairfax estate to acquire grants of his own, among them, in 1719, the Langley tract of 2,862 acres on the Potomac River between Great Falls and Little Falls. Because of the strategic location of this tract, he hoped to benefit from the economic development of the western lands. While he never realized this dream, he did become president of the King's Council and, in 1749, acting governor of the Colony.[1] After Thomas Lee's death in 1750, the Langley property went to his eldest son, Philip Ludwell Lee, who also was a member of the King's Council. A Royalist by preference he did not share the revolutionary enthusiasms of his younger brothers, Richard Henry Lee, and Francis Lightfoot Lee, signers of the Declaration of Independence. Moreover, Philip Ludwell Lee, as administrator of his father's estate, was responsible for paying their legacies to the younger children. These legacies were never paid in full, an omission which further widened the gap between him and his siblings.[2] In the tradition of his father who had envisioned development of the upper Potomac, Philip Ludwell Lee established the Town of Philee on 100 acres at the Little Falls of the Potomac. Although he actually built warehouses there, the town was doomed to failure.[3] Philip Ludwell Lee died in 1775, and the Langley tract was divided between his two daughters: Matilda, who married Henry (Light Horse Harry) Lee, and Flora, who married Ludwell Lee of Belmont in Loudoun County. Matilda inherited the portion on which Salona was built. If any buildings existed on the tract at that time, it seems probable that Matilda, as the elder daughter, would have been given the section on which they were located.[4] By an ironic twist of fate, in 1782, Matilda Lee, daughter of die-hard Royalist Philip Ludwell Lee, married Henry Lee, a dashing young officer in the American forces, whose brilliant military exploits at Brandywine, Monmouth, and Paulus Hook (now Jersey City) won him the esteem of General George Washington, the soubriquet of "Light Horse Harry," and, in 1780, promotion to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. "Harry" Lee was the son of Henry Lee of Leesylvania, in Prince William County, and Lucy Grymes Lee. His father was a member of the House of Burgesses for many years and when the war with England began, was in charge of recruiting and equipping troops for Washington's army. After serving as a delegate to the Continental Congress of 1785-88 and the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1788, he was elected to the Virginia Legislature where he served until 1791. His wife, Matilda, died in 1790, leaving him a son, Henry. Matilda left the Langley tract to her son, with a life interest to her husband.[5] To assuage his grief, Harry Lee plunged deeper into politics and in 1791 was elected Governor of Virginia. Two years later he married again, this time to Anne Hill Carter of Shirley. One of their sons was Robert E. Lee, later commander-in-chief of the Armies of the Confederacy. After a two-year term in Congress, Harry Lee's star began to wane. His attempt to establish a town, Matildaville, at the Great Falls of the Potomac, had failed, and his other land speculations had gone sour. Eventually he spent two years in debtor's prison in Westmoreland County, where he had once sat as a justice. In 1810, he moved his family to Alexandria, and in 1812, was given a permanent commission as a major-general in the United States Army, but his failing health made it impossible for him to take part in the war against England. He spent his last days in the West Indies, in a vain attempt to recover his health. He died in 1818.[6] [Illustration: _Thomas Lee's 1719 grant, adjoining Turberville, showing the future 208-acre Smoot property at Salona._] Harry's brother, Richard Bland Lee, did all he could to keep economic ruin from devastating the former war hero, but managed only to get himself deeper in debt. In 1808, during the period of financial disaster, Harry Lee and his son sold the Langley tract to Richard Bland Lee for $25,000. William Maffitt was a witness.[7] No records or correspondence have yet appeared to indicate that any of the Lees built a dwelling on the Langley tract. Thomas Lee had the money, but architectural historians do not believe the house was constructed during his lifetime. Philip Ludwell Lee could have built on the tract, especially because of his town, Philee, on the Potomac, but again the house does not appear to be old enough to have been built during his lifetime. Light Horse Harry Lee might have built the house when he was involved with the development of Matildaville; estimated dates for the construction range from 1790 to 1810. But after 1803 both Harry Lee and his brother Richard Bland Lee were facing financial difficulties and probably would not have built a large brick house on the Langley tract at that time. During Richard Bland Lee's ownership of Langley, the land was rented to tenants.[8] A Lee descendant wrote in 1969 that "no Lee ever resided at 'Langley.' During the Lee tenure, 1719-1839, the place was always rented out."[9] So far, no listing of these tenants has been discovered. The only person mentioned as a tenant is J. C. Scott.[10] Scott has not been satisfactorily identified, although he may have been John Caile Scott, grandson of Alexander Scott, owner of Strawberry Vale.[11] He could have leased a portion of Langley and even built a house on the property. That this was customary in those days is shown by the terms of a lease agreement between Richard Bland Lee and Henson Lewis, which reveals that Lewis leased 130 acres of Lee's Cub Run tract on which he consented to pay taxes, plant and maintain an apple orchard, and construct a brick or stone framed dwelling at least 16 feet square and a brick or stone framed barn. This lease clearly indicates that a tenant on the Langley tract might have built Salona under the terms of a similar contract.[12] [Illustration: _Advertisement for Salona_, Alexandria Gazette, _November 18, 1811._] A bible entry cited by Melvin Steadman in his book on Falls Church reports that Thomas Sandford Wren "was born at Salona" on May 19, 1808, to Richard and Susannah (Adams) Wren.[13] According to Steadman, Thomas Wren is buried in the El Nido Cemetery, but all of the tombstones, with one exception, have been destroyed.[14] Because the name "Salona" appears on a legal document for the first time in 1823, the reported entry seems still more curious. It is possible that Salona may have been built or at least designed by one of the Wren family. Susannah Adams Wren, Richard's wife, was a descendant of the Adams family which had a mill adjacent to the Salona tract, another tie to the area.[15] Fairfax County tax records provide no clue to a possible date of construction. In 1790, the Langley tract was carried on the rolls as the property of the Ludwell Lee heirs and was so listed for more than 20 years. Only two significant changes appeared: one in 1792 when more than 500 acres were sold, and again in 1811 after the sale of a 466-acre tract to Herbert. When William Maffitt first appeared on the tax rolls as a landowner in 1813, the 466-acre tract was assessed at $880 and his smaller tract at $79.[16] William Herbert, who took over the 466 acres in payment of judgments against Richard Bland Lee, had no apparent intention of living on the property or of keeping it. A house must have existed on the property when he bought it because when he advertised the property for sale in the _Alexandria Gazette_ in November 1811, the copy mentioned "a comfortable dwelling house, and out houses, a young thriving orchard of the choicest fruit, a good garden paled in, and a spring of fine water that has never been known to fail in the driest season, near the house." There is no indication that the acreage was under cultivation at that time.[17] On March 10, 1812, the Reverend William Maffitt bought the 466-acre tract from William Herbert. It was probably Maffitt who named the estate "Salona." Chapter I Notes Langley and the Lees [1] Fairfax Harrison, _Landmarks of Old Prince William_ (Berryville, Va.: Reprint, Chesapeake Book Company, 1964), pp. 146-149. [2] Gardner Cazenove Lee, Jr., _Lee Chronicle_ (New York: New York University Press, 1957), pp. 5-6, 55-68; Beth Mitchell, _Beginning at a White Oak: Patents and Northern Neck Grants of Fairfax County_ (Fairfax, Va.: Office of Comprehensive Planning, 1977), pp. 202-203. [3] Harrison, _Landmarks_, p. 149. [4] Lee, _Chronicle_, pp. 86-92; Edmund Jennings Lee, _Lee of Virginia, 1642-1892_ (Philadelphia: By the author, 1895), pp. 165-167; April 19, 1782, Report of Appraisement and Division of Philip Ludwell Lee's Estate, Westmoreland, Va. [5] Trevor N. Dupuy and Gay M. Hammerman, _People and Events of the American Revolution_ (New York: R. R. Bowker Co., 1974), p. 359; Virginia Dabney, _Virginia, The New Dominion_ (New York: Doubleday, 1971), pp. 170-71. [6] Lee, _Chronicle_, pp. 86-92. [7] Fairfax County, Virginia, Deed Book, J-2, p. 84. [8] Ibid., J-2, p. 245. [9] Ludwell Lee Montague letter to Eleanor Lee Templeman, May 4, 1969. No documentation was given for this statement. Copy in working papers, Virginia Room, Fairfax County Central Library. [10] Diane Rafuse, _Maplewood_ (Fairfax, Va.: Office of Planning, 1970), Appendix D. [11] Rafuse, _Maplewood_, pp. 56-62. [12] Robert S. Gamble, _Sully: The Biography of a House_ (Chantilly, Va.: The Sully Foundation, Ltd., 1973), p. 21. [13] Melvin Steadman, _Falls Church by Fence and Fireside_ (Falls Church, Va.: Falls Church Public Library, 1964), p. 509. [14] Author's visit to El Nido Cemetery, off Old Dominion Drive, near McLean. [15] Janice G. Artemel, A Preliminary Survey of the Literature on James Wren. Unpublished study. Falls Church, Va. [16] Fairfax County real property tax books, 1790-1813. Virginia State Library, Archives Division. [17] _Alexandria Gazette_, November 11, 18, 1811. II SALONA AND THE MAFFITTS The first occupant of record of the house at Salona, William Maffitt, is surrounded by legends. Supposedly, Maffitt built Salona in 1801. Maffitt was from South Carolina. Maffitt went to Princeton. Maffitt preached the funeral sermon for George Washington. Maffitt had a boys' school at Salona. Maffitt lived at Salona with his wife Harriotte Lee Turberville Maffitt, who deserted her three children by her first marriage. Dolley Madison spent the night with the Maffitts at Salona when she fled from the White House during the English invasion of Washington. The available documents give a different picture. William Maffitt was born in Cecil County, Maryland, in 1769, eldest son of Samuel and Ann Strawbridge Maffitt.[18] His father was a justice of the peace, elder in the Presbyterian Church, owner of a flourishing farm and a mill, and was a major under George Washington during the American Revolution. The Rev. Mr. John H. Johns made his contribution to the Maffitt legends: The Rev. William Maffit [sic] was a son of Samuel Maffit, an elder of this church. Having been licensed October 9th, 1794, by New Castle Presbytery, he went, April 1st, 1795, to Alexandria, Va., in Baltimore Presbytery. He had delicate health, and was pastor there for only a brief period, when he went to Salina [sic] six miles from Washington, and there became principal of a school, which he continued to teach for many years. He married twice, each time to a widow Lee, of the noted Lee family of Virginia. He died in 1828.[19] Although many young men of Cecil County attended Princeton, the University does not have Maffitt recorded as a student, and his name does not appear in the official list of early Princeton graduates.[20] He probably attended some theological school because on October 9, 1794, the New Castle Presbytery appointed him to supply various New Castle Presbytery congregations.[21] At that time, he seems to have been teaching at the Wilmington Academy.[22] On April 7, 1795, he was transferred to the Baltimore Presbytery, with residence in Alexandria.[23] On April 14, 1795, he was hired by the Alexandria Academy to teach Latin and English to 35 students for the sum of 200 pounds a year.[24] In 1798, George Washington wrote regarding the education of Martha Washington's grandson, George Washington Parke Custis: If he (Custis) was to go to Alexandria, his Studies must be conducted at the Academy or in his own chamber. The first, after coming from a large and celebrated College, he would consider as degrading, and in the other case (being left alone) he would attend very little to them while Mr. Moffet was discharging the trust reposed in him at the Academy.[25] An Alexandria historian, Mary Powell, wrote that: "The school was attended by the best classes of Alexandria boys and able instruction was given in the classics, history, and elocution." She also observed: "The Rev. McWhirr and the Rev. Mr. Moffat were both Presbyterian clergymen who taught during the lifetime of General Washington. Mr. Leary succeeded Mr. Moffat ..."[26] In 1801 the _Alexandria Gazette_ reported that the trustees of the Alexandria Academy: express their satisfaction at the progress of every branch taught in the academy ... reading and spelling; the accurate and extensive knowledge of English grammar and of the Latin classics, reflect the highest honor on the capacity and diligence of Mr. Maffitt, the teacher.[27] Maffitt remained at the Academy until 1804 when he notified the board of trustees that he intended to "relinquish his situation as principal" on June 8. No hint of his future plans was given.[28] At least as early as 1799, Maffitt became a member of Masonic Lodge 22[29] and took part in other community activities befitting a schoolmaster and minister. On December 24, 1799, the _Alexandria Gazette_ reported: Friday next being St. John's Day, Brother Maffitt, at the request of Lodges 22 and 47, will deliver a Charity Sermon at the Presbyterian Meeting house at which all the brethren are requested to attend. N.B. it is expected that every brother will appear with his badge of mourning--and those of Lodge 22 in full mourning.[30] [Illustration: _A physiognotrace of "William Maffett, chaplain." Courtesy of Alexandria-Washington Lodge No. 22, A. F. & A. M., Alexandria, Virginia._] George Washington, a member of Lodge 22, had died on December 14, 1799, and the call was to a memorial service. Maffitt did not, as legend claims, preach the funeral sermon, although he did march with the clergy in the lodge's funeral procession from Alexandria to Mount Vernon to attend the ceremony.[31] Earlier in 1799, the minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church show that Rev. William Maffitt was assigned to Bladensburg.[32] There is no record of his actual presence there and he was not re-assigned.[33] For the rest of his life, his listings in the minutes show him "without charge." Although Maffitt was a licensed minister, there is some doubt that he was ever ordained.[34] On January 14, 1800, the subscribers to the establishment of a Washington Society met at Gadsby's Tavern and William Maffitt was named to the committee to form the constitution and by-laws.[35] On January 28, Maffitt was appointed chaplain of the society,[36] a post which he held at least through 1803. On February 23, 1800, the society was called to meet at Gadsby's at 10 a.m. "to move in procession to the Presbyterian Meeting House where an oration will be delivered by the Rev. Mr. Maffitt, commemorative of the distinguished merits of the Illustrious Washington."[37] Again, on February 22, 1803, the Washington Society called on Maffitt to deliver a memorial sermon on the first president "at the Presbyterian Church at 12 o'clock. There will be instrumental and vocal music and the day will be announced by a discharge of 16 rounds from the Market Square."[38] On February 18, 1801, the Rev. Mr. Maffitt was elected a director of the Alexandria Library Co., and was re-elected to this post in 1802, 1803, and 1804.[39] On May 5, 1803, the Rev. Dr. Muir, pastor of the Presbyterian Meeting House, married the Rev. William Maffitt to Mrs. Harriotte Turberville.[40] Harriotte (or Henrietta) was the daughter of Richard Henry Lee, a brother of Philip Ludwell Lee, and his second wife, Anne Gaskins Pinckard, widow of Thomas Pinckard. Harriotte was born December 10, 1773 at Chantilly, the Richard Henry Lee estate in Westmoreland County.[41] Her siblings included a younger sister Sarah who married another cousin, Edmund Jennings Lee, and the youngest son, Francis Lightfoot Lee.[42] Her first marriage in December, 1794, was to Richard Lee Turberville, a cousin and neighbor, who died in 1799,[43] leaving his widow with their three children: Cornelia, Richard, and George. Richard and Harriotte Turberville had settled at Chantilly in Fairfax County and Richard apparently died there.[44] When Harriotte and William Maffitt were married, he was still principal of the Alexandria Academy, living in Alexandria, and active in community affairs. But between June 8, 1804, the date of Maffitt's resignation from the Academy, and early 1805, he moved to Chantilly with his wife, their first child, and the three children of Harriotte's first marriage. It is probable that the move took place in 1804, soon after his resignation. Legal guardian of the three Turberville children was Thomas Lee, Harriotte's oldest brother.[45] After his death in 1805, William Maffitt was named guardian.[46] In this capacity he had to keep accurate accounts of his expenditures on behalf of the children and of income received on their property, all of which were matters of court record. These records indicate that Maffitt was living at Chantilly at that time. William and Harriotte had two daughters, both christened in the Presbyterian Meeting House: Ann Lee, born March 23, 1804, and christened on April 20, and Harriotte, born March 16, 1805, and christened on April 17, 1805.[47] Harriotte died right after the birth of the second daughter, probably on April 11 or 12, 1805, because on April 12, Maffitt began paying rent to the three Turberville heirs for the use of their property. This was recorded for the first time in his accounts for 1805.[48] That he had a school on the Chantilly estate seems highly probable, because starting in 1805, he charged the two Turberville boys for board and tuition, but not for transportation.[49] In 1805, Maffitt was listed for the first time on the Fairfax County personal property tax rolls.[50] In 1810, the county census listed him as having under his roof two males under 10, five males between 10 and 16, one male between 26 and 45, five females under 10, and one female between 26 and 45.[51] The guardian accounts give some interesting insights into day-by-day activities. Buying new shoes and mending old ones for the two boys were constant expenses. Regular sums of money were sent to Mrs. Lee, Harriotte's sister Sally, to pay for Cornelia Turberville's board, education, and small purchases. Books and supplies were bought for the boys. A large portion of the estate was rented out, and so were some of the slaves. The chimney and cellar were repaired; a new barn was built.[52] The accounts also show that Cornelia Turberville was married to Charles C. Stuart in 1817, rather than 1814, as some sources report. Up to the time of the marriage, Maffitt referred to Cornelia as "C. Turberville"; afterwards he formally termed her "Mistress Stuart." He also listed money given George Turberville to buy articles to attend his sister's wedding.[53] Historians credit Cornelia and her husband with building a house named "Chantilly" in honor of the estate of her grandfather, Richard Henry Lee, in Westmoreland County.[54] Yet the Maffitt accounts specifically refer to "my rent of Chantilly" in 1814,[55] three years before the Turberville-Stuart marriage. Moreover, a public sale was held "at Chantilly" in 1817,[56] with cash paid to C. C. Stuart from its proceeds.[57] Curiously, the accounts show that Maffitt continued to pay rent to the Turberville heirs through 1814, the year when, for the first time, we definitely know he was living at Salona. Does this mean that Maffitt himself built Salona between 1812, when he purchased the property, and 1814, or that the house already existed and was rented to a tenant through the first part of 1814? That Maffitt was there in August 1814 is proven by the documented fact that President Madison stayed at Salona overnight with Mr. Maffitt. Robert Gamble, in his volume on Sully, quotes a letter which states that Richard Bland Lee, Jr., was under the tutelage of the Reverend Mr. Maffitt at some time preceding 1805.[58] This again would suggest that Maffitt had a school at Chantilly, close to Richard Bland Lee's home at Sully. Another biographer mentions that Edmund Jennings (Lee) was born at Alexandria, then in the District of Columbia, on the 3rd of May, 1797.... Mr. Lee received his earliest educational training at the school of the Rev. Mr. Maffitt in Fairfax, a school of high repute at that day.[59] Unfortunately no dates or locations are given by the letter-writer or the biographer. In his history of the Old Presbyterian Meeting House, William B. McGroarty described Maffitt in a footnote as "a Presbyterian minister who conducted a school for boys in Fairfax County near Alexandria."[60] Neither Chantilly nor Salona was very close to Alexandria. A letter from A. C. Stuart to Elizabeth Collins Lee in 1805 states that: Mr. Maffitt intended to leave the place where he now resides and purchase a small farm, that he, Frank (Francis Lightfoot Lee, Harriotte's youngest brother) intended to do the same, that they were to spend their time in the pursuit of agriculture, botany, and philosophy.[61] Was this wish expressed because Chantilly was not Maffitt's property but that of his stepchildren, because Maffitt was lonely without Harriotte, or because he wanted to give up teaching for farming? Somehow, from the guardianship accounts, it seems likely that Maffitt did not farm the Turberville acres, but rented out whatever he could, while he busied himself otherwise. Usually the _Alexandria Gazette_ carried announcements of the openings of new schools, but no announcement of Maffitt's school ever seems to have appeared. Because Maffitt performed the marriage of _Gazette_ publisher Samuel Snowden to Mary Longden on January 8, 1802,[62] such an announcement might have been expected. Neither did the _Gazette_ report Maffitt's departure from the Alexandria area. Probably Maffitt was still living at Chantilly when he married for the second time between 1807 and 1811 before William Maffitt, Jr., was born. His second wife was Ann Beale Carter Carter (1767-1852),[63] widow of Charles B. Carter. Ann, also known as Nancy, was the daughter of Robert Wormely Carter of Sabine Hall in Richmond County, and Winifred Beale.[64] William, Jr., the only child of this marriage, was born in November, 1811, and christened in the Presbyterian Meeting House in February 1812.[65] In August 1812, Maffitt was appointed a trustee of an academy to be established in Haymarket. Among those serving with him were Ludwell Lee of Belmont, Francis Lightfoot Lee, then living at Sully, and William Fitzhugh of Ravensworth.[66] Meanwhile, in 1809, James Madison, Secretary of State under Thomas Jefferson, had been elected President. On June 18, 1812, Madison signed a declaration of war against England. The causes of the war, sometimes called the Second War of Independence, were basically several aspects of nationalism. Some resentment against the British still smouldered, fanned by British contempt and condescension toward her former colonists. Because many English sailors deserted their ships to sail under American colors, British ships intercepted American vessels and "impressed" their seamen. Furthermore, many American politicians wanted to annex Canada. Neither the war nor the President was popular with the people, who thought the President weak and called the conflict "Mr. Madison's War." Attempted American invasion of Canada was a fiasco and by August 23, 1814, the British forces were so close to Washington that the clear and present danger of an actual invasion of the American capital seemed imminent. John Graham, Chief Clerk in the Department of State, and two other clerks, Stephen Pleasanton and Josiah King, packed the valuable public records of the State Department in coarse linen bags which Pleasanton had purchased earlier. These included the original Declaration of Independence, articles of confederation, federal constitution, treaties and laws and many other papers. Stephen Pleasanton found conveyances, loaded the bags into them and took them to a mill 3 miles beyond Georgetown, where they were concealed. Pleasanton spent the night of August 23, 1814, at Salona with the Rev. Mr. Maffitt. The next day, fearing that the mill might be too accessible to the British, who were fast approaching Washington, Pleasanton took the state papers to Leesburg for safety.[67] Dolley Madison, the President's popular wife, could hear in the President's House the sounds of cannon "from a skirmish at Bladensburg." The President had gone to meet Gen. William H. Winder, commander of the military district, and had left his wife instructions to "take care of my self, and of the cabinet paper, public and private."[68] Writing to her sister, Lucy Todd, Dolley cooly reported that her husband desires that I should be ready at a moment's warning to enter my carriage and leave the city.... I am accordingly ready; I have pressed as many cabinet papers into trunks to fill one carriage; our private property must be sacrificed, as it is impossible to procure wagons for its transportation.[69] She continued the letter on Wednesday, August 24: Two messengers, covered with dust, come to bid me fly.... At this late hour, a wagon has been procured; I have had it filled with the plate and most valuable articles belonging to the house.... Our kind friend, Mr. Carroll, has come to hasten my departure, and is in a very mad humor because I insist on waiting until the large picture of Gen. Washington is secured, and it requires to be unscrewed from the wall. The process was found too tedious for these perilous moments; I have ordered the frame to be broken, and the canvas taken out; it is done--and the precious portrait placed in the hands of two gentlemen of New York, for safekeeping.... When I shall again write to you, or where I shall be tomorrow, I cannot tell!![70] Apparently Dolley spent the night of August 24 in a tent in the American encampment at Tennallytown, and the next day crossed over into Virginia where she spent the night of August 25 with Matilda Lee Love at Rokeby. The roads were crowded with refugees and the exodus was slow. As the Loves had often been guests at the President's House, Dolley did not have to spend night with strangers. In her reminiscences, Matilda Love wrote: In the following spring of 1814, it (the war) came more home to us, as the British got into our southern waters, and in August came up to Washington and burnt all the public buildings.... As I lived about ten miles from Washington, Mrs. Madison and a number of city people took refuge at my home the night the British took Washington.... They watched the flames of the burning capital from Rokeby that night.[71] Irving Brant, definitive biographer of Madison, writes of the departure of the Madisons from the capital: The travels of President and Mrs. Madison after the battle have long been involved in obscurity and contradiction owing to the meagerness of early records (Dolley's letters about it were eaten by mice), uncertain memories and the derogatory stories circulated by political detractors. The facts bear little resemblance to the popular stories in which the Jones and Carroll families are nonexistent, Dolley wanders forlornly from house to house, while Madison, split in person rather than personality, simultaneously hides in a miserable hovel in the Virginia woods and flees in terror into the distant hills of Maryland. Actually, a clear record was left by participants and observers. The original plan was for Madison to join Secretary Jones and their families at Bellevue and proceed by way of the Little Falls bridge to Wiley's Tavern on Difficult Run near the Great Falls. From there the President and cabinet members would cross the Potomac and join the army. Time growing short, Madison changed the rendezvous to Foxall's Foundry. With that route from the White House clogged by the militia's flight, he sent Tench Ringgold to the foundry with word that he was crossing at Mason's Ferry and would meet his wife and party at Salona, the home of the Reverend John [sic] Maffitt, three miles above the Little Falls bridge....[72] Madison, Rush and Mason rode to Wren's Tavern at Falls Church. Monroe and Ringgold took the Leesburg road, stopped briefly at Rokeby, the home of Richard Henry Love, two miles above Little Falls, and went on to Wiley's Tavern. From Wren's Tavern the President went to the Minor home and from there to Salona, where he spent the night with the Maffitts. But Mrs. Madison failed to come. She and her party had stopped only a mile away at Rokeby, with her young friend Matilda Lee Love, an occasional overnight guest at the White House.... The next morning, Madison went back to Wren's Tavern--looking for his wife, he told Colonel George Graham, who gave him a guard of two dragoons. Returning to Salona, the President learned that Mrs. Madison and the Jones and Carroll families had gone by on their way to Wiley's Tavern. He and Rush followed along the Old Dominion Road (Mason being detained for a time) and took refuge from the hurricane in a house at "The Crossroads" five miles from the Little Falls bridge.[73] At midnight, the President went to the new Conn's Ferry above Great Falls, and at daybreak he crossed the river into Montgomery County, Maryland. Mrs. Madison stayed at Wiley's Tavern until the President sent her word that Washington was clear of the enemy.[74] A more romantic but apocryphal story of the Madison's flight from Washington was written in 1914 by a columnist known as "The Rambler" for the _Washington Star_.[75] In this version, Dolley crossed the Potomac on "the Causeway Ferry," then passed Nelson's mill, went on to Falls Church, and finally drove up "to Salona Hall, the home of Parson Maffitt, and was welcomed by Mrs. Maffitt." He further recounts that Mrs. Madison was refused shelter at two country places before she reached Salona, though this did not seem reasonable.[76] The oft-told story of Dolley Madison's having been refused sanctuary on her way to Salona by several households is not borne out by all published accounts. Apparently, the account which does have most corroboration is that regarding the day following the night she and her party stayed at Rokeby. Mrs. Madison went on the next morning, August 25, to meet her husband at a tavern near Great Falls, probably Wiley's on Difficult Run. This had been prearranged, and on arrival she went upstairs to wait for Mr. Madison. Shortly, the lady of the establishment called out to her in rage, saying, "Miss Madison! If that's you, come down and go out! Your husband has got mine out fighting, and d---- you, you shan't stay in my house; so get out!" Other refugees joined in the outburst, even those who had once been guests of the Madisons at the President's mansion, and agreed she should be expelled from all doors. Nearby, there was another tavern, and Mrs. Madison and her party gained admittance there to wait for her husband's arrival later that evening.[77] After the excitement of Madison's visit was over, Salona must have reverted to its normal calm. At last Maffitt had realized his dream of farming; the personal property tax records and inventory of his estate clearly define Salona as a working farm. But his fortunes declined, if we can judge by his personal property tax assessments. Maffitt was assessed for 18 horses and mules and 21 black slaves in 1812; in 1814, when a very detailed account was rendered by the county, Maffitt was shown to have 19 slaves, 12 horses and mules and a coache (4-wheeled carriage) valued at $450. In all of Fairfax County that year, only Thomas Fairfax, William Robinson and Bushrod Washington had coaches of higher value than his and their vehicles were evaluated at $500 each. By the year of his death, 1828, only 13 slaves and 3 horses were listed, and the total evaluation of his personal property was listed at $150. The inventory of William Maffitt's estate did show that he had 116 head of livestock on the place including horses, oxen, sheep, hogs and cattle. He was growing turnips, corn, rye, oats, hay and orchard grass. The long list of household furnishings included three desks and two bookcases of high evaluation, indicating there were books in them. (See appendix for full inventory.) The fortunes of his widow, Ann Carter Maffitt, declined further, until by 1835, she was dropped off the county's personal property tax rolls.[78] For many years, William Maffitt had continued to serve as guardian to his first wife's Turberville children. Although Cornelia Turberville continued to live with her aunt in Alexandria until her marriage in 1817, her two brothers seem to have lived at Salona. In June 1815, Richard Turberville drowned in the Potomac while visiting his cousin Matilda Lee Love at nearby Rokeby.[79] Maffitt's accounts for June 23, 1815, report the expenditure of $37.50 for Richard's coffin. He may have been buried in the graveyard on the Salona property.[80] The other brother, George Turberville, at some time in childhood became a deaf mute as the result of typhoid fever. Maffitt's accounts do not reveal the date of the onset of this affliction, but they do show that in April 1818 George entered "The Asylum" in Hartford, Connecticut. At that time, Maffitt advanced George $100 for board and tuition and $100 for travel.[81] George still returned to Salona for vacations, because in July 1819, Harriotte Maffitt wrote to him: It is now my time to write to you my Dear Brother. We are glad the time is so near when we expect you. When you come home we will go to George Town to meet you. Dr. Muir has been here and he preached here. Aunt Whann and Aunt Sally Maffitt have been here. Uncle Whann has gone to travel. I hope you will be well acquainted with the History of the Bible and particularly the life and miracles of our Blessed Saviour. We have not heard from Chantilly for some time, I hope we will go up soon. Cousin Sally Lee is there. We expect Aunt Edmund Lee will come here very soon. Sister Cornelia expects Mrs. Mary Tollaver, your Cousin up to see her this summer. Do you know Mr. Harrison of Alexandria? He is coming here to preach for us in August. Do you love me? I pray to God to bless and preserve you. Old Mrs. Randle is very well we went to see her yesterday. When you come home you must go to see her with us. I saw Miss Betty Jones last Sabbathe. She asked me when I had heard from you answer my letter very soon if you please. Tell me how the deaf and dumb are and if they improve. You must love and obey your teachers. Papa Mama and all the girls send their affectionate love to you. I am your affectionate sister. Harriotte Maffitt.[82] P.S. All the Boys send their respects to you. Another letter, this one from William C. Woodbridge to the Reverend William Maffitt from "Asylum," was dated February 21, 1820, and referred to a fight between George Turberville and another student. Woodbridge wrote: It seems he was ridiculed & resented it & was then challenged. He says he was wounded in the knee & his antagonist the same. We learned it from his boasting of it to our pupils. He now expresses entire disapprobation. He made the question to you by my request. Woodbridge refers to George's independence and pride which must be checked. Obviously, this letter was one of many exchanged between Woodbridge and Maffitt regarding George's progress[83] and is evidence that George wrote home to his stepfather as well as to his sisters. Although William Maffitt died before the Lewinsville Presbyterian Church was founded, church historians claim him as a founding father, saying that he was appointed by the Washington Presbytery to preach and set up a mission near Langley.[84] Harriotte's letter may lend credence to this, although there is no report of such an assignment in the Minutes which list Maffitt only as "without charge" after 1800.[85] One reason for this belief may have arisen because of a bequest in the will of Elizabeth Lee Jones, the "Miss Betty Jones" of Harriotte's letter. Daughter of Lettice Corbin Turberville and Catesby Jones of Westmoreland County, Miss Betty lived at "Sharon" on part of the George Turberville grant. Her will, dated April 16, 1822, left four acres of her property "as a site for a church and churchyard ... dedicated to the uses and purposes of divine worship in such manner and subject to such rules as shall ... be prescribed by the Rev'd William Maffitt" and eight other ministers: -- Carnahan, Wells Andrews, William Hill, John Mathews, J. B. Hoge, William C. Walton, M. Baker, and Samuel D. Hoge, all representatives of the Presbyterian Church. William Maffitt was a witness to this will. Apparently, this was Maffitt's primary connection with the establishment of the Presbyterian Church at Lewinsville.[86] Chapter II Notes Salona and the Maffitts [18] Handwritten family tree, source unknown, in possession of Henry Mackall, Fairfax, Virginia; interviews with Peter Maffitt, direct descendant of William Maffitt, by the author. [19] John H. Johns, _History of the Rock Presbyterian Church of Cecil County, Md._ (Oxford, Pa.: Oxford Press, 1872) p. 20; interviews with Peter Maffitt by the author. [20] Princeton University, _General Catalogue, 1767-1845_. Peter Maffitt also investigated and reported that William had not attended the university. Founded in 1746 as the College of New Jersey, Princeton did not have a theological school, as such, until 1812. Because a persistent legend links Maffitt with South Carolina, the author checked his possible attendance at the College of Charleston, S.C. Surviving enrollment records beginning in 1790 (the college was founded in 1770) show no William Maffitt. Both the College of William and Mary and the University of Delaware reported no William Maffitt listed in any surviving records. [21] An unsigned note from the Presbyterian Historical Society, 425 Lombard St., Philadelphia, Pa., to the author, dated December 30, 1976, states: A check of the Presbytery of New Castle Minutes for the dates you cited, revealed mention of Maffitt's name but presented no biographical data. The 7 April 1795 minute referred only to his transfer from New Castle to Baltimore Presbytery and that he would reside in Alexandria. [22] Letter from the University of Delaware to the author, April 4, 1977. Working papers, Virginia Room, Fairfax County Central Library. [23] Note to the author from the Presbyterian Historical Society, December 30, 1976. [24] Board of Trustees, Alexandria Academy, Minutes, April, 1795. [25] Letter dated February 26, 1798, from George Washington to Dr. David Stuart. George Washington, _The Writings of George Washington, 1749-1799_, John C. Fitzpatrick, ed. (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1941), Vol. 36, p. 170. [26] Mary G. Powell, _History of Old Alexandria, Va._ (Richmond, Va.: William Byrd Press, 1928), p. 155. According to A. J. Morrison in _The Beginnings of Public Education in Virginia, 1776-1860_ (Richmond, Va.: Virginia State Board of Education, 1917), while the Alexandria Academy was incorporated in 1786 with George Washington as one of the trustees, the school seemingly predated its incorporation. [27] _Alexandria Gazette_, November 4, 1801. [28] Board of Trustees, Alexandria Academy, Minutes, March, 1804. [29] This is evident only through announcements in the _Alexandria Gazette_, and not in lodge records, although Maffitt's likeness, a Raphael Peale physiognotrace, is displayed in the Lodge 22 headquarters now located in the George Washington Masonic Memorial in Alexandria and is reproduced in this monograph. Lodge records list Maffitt in 1804 as chaplain, but no other records show even the dates of his initiation or transfer affiliation. F. L. Brockett, _The Lodge of Washington_ (Alexandria, Va.: George E. French, c. 1875) wrote profiles of 34 members of the lodge as of 1814, but these do not include Maffitt. However, Brockett reported that in 1799 Maffitt's charity sermon brought in a collection of $74.52, and his sermon of 1805, $91.67. "Charity sermons were preached on St. John's Day, December 27, and the collection was used to assist the poor." [30] _Alexandria Gazette_, December 24, 1799. [31] The Reverend Thomas Davis, Rector of Christ Church, Alexandria, preached the funeral sermon at Mount Vernon. The Reverend James Muir, pastor of the Presbyterian Church of Alexandria, and Dr. Addison, an Episcopal clergyman from Maryland, also attended the service. Charles W. Stetson, _Washington and His Neighbors_ (Richmond, Va.: Garrett & Massie, Inc., 1956), p. 298, quoting Tobias Lear. [32] Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, Minutes of the General Assembly, 1798, p. 141. The preceding year, Maffitt was listed simply as "licentiate." [33] Ibid., Minutes, 1800, p. 192. This year, and in succeeding years, Maffitt is listed as "without charge." He did, however, carry out various pastoral duties. In 1802, at the ordination of James Inglis in the Presbyterian Meeting House, Maffitt "concluded the services, after having exhorted the newly ordained pastor and the people of his charge, in a short but impressive address," according to the _Alexandria Gazette_ of April 30, 1802. In May, 1808, Maffitt was a commissioner to the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church at its meeting in Baltimore, along with Reverend James Inglis. He was late in arriving and "took his seat the 4th day of the sessions." The minutes of May 23 (p. 399) report that The Reverend William Maffitt, of the Presbytery of Baltimore, appeared in the Assembly and stated that he had neglected to bring his commission. Two commissioners from the same Presbytery certified that Mr. Maffitt had been appointed by the Presbytery as commissioner to this Assembly. On motion: _Resolved_, that Mr. Maffitt be received as a member. And he accordingly took his seat. [34] Letter to the
{'title': 'Salona, Fairfax County, Virginia by Ellen L. Anderson', 'source': 'Project Gutenberg', 'lang': 'en'}