Economic Partnership Agreement between the EC and Cariforum - Stepping-stone Agreement towards an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EC and Côte d'Ivoire - EC-Cariforum States Partnership Agreement - EC-Côte d'Ivoire Stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement - Stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Ghana, of the other part - Interim Partnership Agreement between the Pacific States, on the one part, and the European Community, on the other part - EC-SADC EPA States Interim Economic Partnership Agreement - Economic Partnership Agreement between EC and Eastern and Southern African States - Economic Partnership Agreement between the EC and the East African Community Partner States - Stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Central Africa, of the other part (debate) President The next item is the joint debate on Partnership Agreements: the recommendation by Mr Martin, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion of an Economic Partnership Agreement between the Cariforum States, of the one part, and the European Community and its Member States, of the other part (05211/2009 -C6-0054/2009 -, and the recommendation by Mrs Mann, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the proposal for a Council decision concluding the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between Côte d'Ivoire, of the one part, and the European Community and its Member States, of the other part (05535/2009 - C6-0064/2009 - 2008/0136 (AVC)), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Martin, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Economic Partnership Agreement between the Cariforum States, of the one part, and the European Community and its Member States, of the other part - B6-0203/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Martin, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Economic Partnership Agreement between the Cariforum States, of the one part, and the European Community and its Member States, of the other part - B6-0204/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mrs Mann, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Côte d'Ivoire, of the other part - B6-0217/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mrs Mann, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Côte d'Ivoire, of the other part - B6-0218/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Fjellner, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Ghana, of the other part - B6-0205/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Fjellner, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community, of the one part, and Ghana, of the other part - B6-0206/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Ford, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Interim Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Community, of the one part, and the Pacific States, of the other part - B6-0207/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Ford, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Interim Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Community, of the one part, and the Pacific States, of the other part - B6-0208/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Sturdy, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Interim Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the SADC EPA States, of the other part - B6-0209/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Sturdy, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the Interim Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the SADC EPA States, of the other part - B6-0210/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Caspary, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the interim agreement establishing a framework for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the Eastern and Southern African States, of the one part, and the European Union and its Member States, of the other part - B6-0211/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Caspary, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the interim agreement establishing a framework for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the Eastern and Southern African States, of the one part, and the European Union and its Member States, of the other part - B6-0212/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the agreement establishing a framework for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the East African Community Partner States, of the other part - B6-0213/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the agreement establishing a framework for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the East African Community Partner States, of the other part - B6-0214/2009), the oral question to the Council by Mr Markov and Mr Arif, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Central Africa, of the other part - B6-0215/2009), the oral question to the Commission by Mr Markov and Mr Arif, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the stepping-stone Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and Central Africa, of the other part - B6-0216/2009). David Martin rapporteur. - Mr President, when we are directly involved we always tend to overstate the importance of an issue, but on this particular issue I do not think we can overstate its importance. We are dealing with a series of agreements here tonight that have the ability to affect the lives, the quality of the lives and the health of literally millions of people in the developing world. Before turning to the substance of my report, I want to pay tribute to my colleague, Glenys Kinnock, who, as Co-President of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, has been at the forefront of making concerns about economic partnership agreements (EPAs) and the development impact of EPAs heard, not just in this Parliament but giving a voice to ACP concerns throughout the world. As many of you know, Glenys is giving up at the end of this Parliament, and I think we will very much miss the work that she has done in relation to the ACP, and EPAs in particular. EPAs have a difficult history in this Parliament. There has been real tension between trade and development objectives. Some of that could have been avoided, but some of it is, frankly, intrinsic in the nature of the agreements. Firstly, they were forced on us by a WTO ruling, and one-way liberalisation, which is essentially what EPAs required, is not easy to negotiate. Secondly, the artificial deadline that was set for completing the full and interim EPAs meant that negotiations, which should have been between equals, were in fact not between equals, because the ACP side had something to lose if the deadlines were not met. Finally - and this is not a criticism of them but of the reality of the negotiations - our negotiations were carried out by trade experts. Trade experts by their nature aim to get the best possible deal for the European Union. They did not necessarily aim to get the best development outcome. I repeat: that is not a criticism; that is what they are trained to do. But that is the reality of the negotiations. We have, as a Parliament, since the conclusion of the negotiations been trying to square the circle between trade and development. I want to concentrate my remarks as rapporteur for the Cariforum EPA, which of course, at the moment, is the only full Economic Partnership Agreement. As this EPA has been signed, we cannot amend the text, we only have an opportunity to say 'yes' or 'no' to it. I believe that, if the Commission and the Commissioner are able to give us certain assurances and certain interpretations of the text, we could be in a position this week to give our assent to the Cariforum EPA. Lewis Carroll, the author, had one of his characters, Humpty Dumpty, say in a scornful tone: 'When I use a word, it means just what I choose it to mean, neither more nor less'. Frankly, until recently, trying to understand some of the words in the Cariforum EPA has been a bit like that: trying to get clarity as to what the text actually means has not always been easy. I would like to hear the Commissioner today reassure us on a number of points. Firstly, that the review clause in the agreement is a genuine review clause and will be taken seriously by the Commission: that we will look at development priorities, such as the alleviation of poverty, sustainable development, economic diversification and the contribution to achieving the Millennium Development Goals at the five-year point to ensure that EPAs are working in the interests of all these things, not against their interests. Secondly, I would like to hear the Commissioner reassure us on the finance for EPAs. Calculations suggest that roughly EUR 580 million are available for the Cariforum countries over the existing EDF and other financial framework periods up to 2013. In my opinion - but of course I am no expert on this - this should be enough to meet the demands of the EPAs if they are properly programmed, if the money is all spent, if the Caribbean countries' priorities are met in terms of where the money should be spent. Furthermore, we have to make sure that the Member States deliver their part of the EUR 2 billion that has been promised for 'aid for trade' across the developing world. We also have to look at the post-2013 position; we cannot get any assurances from the Commission on that, because that is for Parliament and the Council, but we have to be aware that the money runs out, the commitments run out in 2013. The third assurance I want is on the most-favoured-nation (MFN) status. I have said to the Commissioner before that I entirely understand that the European Union should insist on exactly the same terms and conditions that the Caribbean countries give to the United States or another major developed power. But we should not be invoking the MFN clause if the Caribbean countries do a favourable deal with, say, a group of African countries. Fourthly - and I am coming to a conclusion here - on access to medicines, we need assurance that nothing in the Cariforum Agreement threatens the use of the TRIPS mechanism - the mechanism should be put in no doubt. I want to hear these assurances from the Commissioner but, even in advance of hearing them, I want to conclude by saying that I firmly believe the Commissioner has changed the tone and the nature of the discussion on EPAs, and I pay tribute to her for the work she has already done in this area. Erika Mann rapporteur. - (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the agreement with Côte d'Ivoire is one which we now have to vote to accept. We only have the choice of voting yes or no. I hope that, one day, this will change and that Parliament will also be able to participate in the mandate negotiations. That makes it a little more difficult. There are two differences with respect to the Cariforum agreement. First of all, we are dealing with a government that was not democratically elected. Secondly, we are dealing with a provisional agreement, which is initially only to ensure that the old preferences are maintained. The final Agreement will not be negotiated for some time. What I would like to hear from Commissioner Cathy Ashton are assurances on a number of matters which I know will be extremely important for the Côte d'Ivoire. Last weekend, I was again involved in talks from which it became very clear that assurances from the Commission must be forthcoming, which is entirely in agreement with the assurances which the Commissioner provided in the case of the SADC. Please allow me therefore to name some of the most important points. The first point relates to significant flexibility. This flexibility must encompass the following points. Firstly, the inclusion of a review clause, which is also flexible, so that it provides not for a five-year timeframe, but one which can be constantly re-assessed at relatively short notice. Secondly, sensitive matters should be discussed only when the country expressly wishes to do so. In particular, this refers to the Singapore topics, but naturally also to the question of how to integrate TRIPS, as well as similar issues. Thirdly, there is the issue of accepting regional differences when further negotiations take place towards a regional agreement. The Côte d'Ivoire faces a particular problem owing to the fact that the agreement is currently being negotiated and will be signed in isolation, while the aim in the future is to negotiate a regional agreement. Fourthly, it would be important that at any stage during new negotiations it is possible to raise issues that have yet to be addressed at the current stage and that these topics are approved by the Commission. In this context, Commissioner, you only really need to extend the concessions that you already made in the case of SADC to the Côte d'Ivoire. Doing so would increase the likelihood of a corresponding positive response from Parliament. We are simply very concerned, and it is a concern that has been voiced by many non-governmental organisations, that especially in the case of the Côte d'Ivoire the Commission initially appeared to show relatively little flexibility and this was the reason why the aforementioned issues were not taken into account during the transition from the provisional to the full agreement. A concession would therefore prove exceptionally helpful and would enable us to approve the agreement. Moreover, during my discussions with the representatives of the Côte d'Ivoire I understood that they are very concerned that the technical aid will not flow rapidly enough and that here too not all of their concerns have been taken into account. As I understand they are especially interested in the Commission and the international organisations that are providing them with help giving them SME market access so that they can actually make use of the access to the European market. They are exceptionally cautious when negotiations touch on these Singapore topics, when they even discuss them, and are anxious for us to help them develop an understanding of how public goods can be used for society. In addition, they are especially interested in us providing them with help in matters associated with technical standards because for them they often represent real barriers to trade. My final comment refers to the point concerning Parliament. As I mentioned previously, we only have the possibility of saying yes or no, and that obviously imposes relatively significant limitations on the extent to which Parliament is able to collaborate in shaping the vote. I wish to expressly remind you, and you will also find this reflected in our texts, that a possible approval of the provisional agreement does not necessarily mean that we will also automatically vote in favour of the full agreement. In fact, within the framework of the monitoring procedure, we expressly wish to be included in the continuing negotiations so that to a certain extent, in so far as it is within our power, we can follow up on the points that I have just raised. Finally, I would like to ask you to say a few words to tell us to what extent the failed Doha Agreement will have an especially negative impact on the Côte d'Ivoire, especially as far as bananas are concerned. Helmuth Markov Mr President, Commissioner, Mr Solana, in this debate we are not simply discussing a package of sixteen oral questions to the Council and the Commission, eight resolutions and two reports under the codecision procedure, but also 79 developing countries, with which the EU is renewing its trade relations and mutual cooperation. Trade and cooperation are important tools in the fight against poverty, as well as for building more economically and socially stable national economies. Above all, this process involves providing support for the creation of infrastructure, for healthcare, food sovereignty, a functioning social system, education and cultural exchange. In the past, our trade relations with the ACP countries were based on a system of non-reciprocal trade preferences, which allowed most of the products made in the ACP States duty free access to the common market. In 2000, it was agreed that a new partnership agreement would be drawn up by the end of 2007. Under this new agreement, unilateral trade preferences were to be replaced by WTO-compatible agreements, which aimed to reduce and, ultimately, eliminate poverty, as well as fostering sustainable development, regional integration, economic cooperation and good governance, helping ACP countries to develop their economic potential and gradually integrating them into the global economy. In addition to this, the production capacity of these countries was to be expanded, and measures were to be taken in order to facilitate private enterprise and investment. The Economic Agreements before us, especially the so-called Interim EPA or Goods-only-Agreement, are primarily trade agreements, as 90% or more of what they address are issues related to market access and other areas of trade. The aim is the step-by-step liberalisation of trade between the EU and the partner regions or individual states. What kind of problems have come to our attention during the course of the negotiations? First of all, it seems rather questionable as to whether the timeframe was sufficient. Of course, the Commission is in a good position. It was able to lead the negotiations, call a vote and involve the Member States. However, imagine that you had been one of the negotiating partners on the other side. Were the negotiations really always held in parallel, so that the corresponding consultations could be conducted between civil society and Parliament in those countries? There was a lot of criticism regarding the contents. First of all, although there were other expert opinions, the Commission understood WTO-compatibility to mean 80% reductions in customs duties within the next 15 years. Even if the liberalisation commitments are initially asymmetrical, in terms of steps taken towards liberalisation, the outcome will be open markets on both sides, something that the EU can easily afford. Exports from the ACP countries will only make up a small percentage of its imports. For the ACP States, the abolition of customs duties results in lost earnings from these duties, and a loss of funding needed for urgent public investment in infrastructure, the social sphere, support for economic development and improvement of administrative capacity. Moreover, it means the slowing of the growth of the national economy and, therefore, continued dependence on exports from industrialised countries. This affects foodstuffs just as much as industrial goods and, ultimately, creates a vicious cycle. The increasing food prices in the ACP countries are the undeniable proof of this effect. I have often asked the following question: if 50 years of non-reciprocal trade relations have not fostered any even remotely adequate development, how could this be achieved with the mutual opening up of markets? A further serious problem, which will be exacerbated by the proposed agreement, is the relationship between the partner regions and countries. Within the East African community, and I am personally responsible for the relevant motion for a resolution, the problem of internal tariffs may be less significant, as a customs union exists, but the trade relations between neighbouring states may become more difficult as a result of the different degrees of liberalisation. In this case, there are, of course, many problems that are linked to the country of origin regulations. There are serious fears in relation to the negotiations on comprehensive EPAs. They reflect certain conflicts within the blocked Doha development round. Many states do not think that they are in a position to deregulate their service, investment and public procurement markets and open them up to global competition. This is not even fully manageable, or even desirable, within the European Community itself. In terms of the lack of control mechanisms for financial markets, we do not need to go into greater detail here. Serious criticisms were, and are being, expressed concerning the transparency of the negotiations themselves, that is, the extent to which Parliaments and civil society have been involved in the process. Finally, there are also questions regarding Mode 4. If goods are to move freely, should people not be allowed to do so, too? In this context, our Committee has formulated questions which, irrespective of the background they come from, always touch upon the same issues. What financial, technical and administrative support measures are foreseen within the framework of re-establishing trade and development partnerships? Will the Commission, during the continuing negotiations, be flexible and take the needs of the partner regions into account, in particular in terms of facilitating export duties for development purposes, protecting fledgling industries, ensuring the freedom of movement of employees and special protection for the public procurement system? In addition to this, is the Commission ready to rethink its position on protecting intellectual property rights, in terms of ensuring that biological diversity and the transfer of knowledge are preserved, and that medical care at a reasonable price will be guaranteed in poorer countries? Are the Council and the Commission prepared to provide Parliament and civil society with adequate information concerning participation opportunities? Finally, is there the readiness to revise the negotiated agreement if it should turn out that certain points have a negative influence on development in the ACP States? Let me finally make a brief, personal comment. I have now been chairman of the Committee for International Trade for two and a half years. As I am not standing for that post again, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my Secretariat, Mr Rodas and especially Mrs Pribaz, very, very much for their great support, and also to thank my colleagues. The collaboration was successful and I think we have achieved a great deal. It would be wonderful if we could achieve success with the EPA as well. I would like to wish all those who remain here all the best for the next parliamentary term. I am actually very hopeful that trade will begin to play a larger role in this Parliament. Thank you very much. Christofer Fjellner author. - (SV) Mr President, I am very pleased that we are able to have this debate today. At this time of increased protectionism and with poverty spreading instead of decreasing, it is particularly important for us to keep trade open between Europe and some of the world's poorest countries. This is essentially what the interim agreements are all about. The Economic Partnership Agreements seek to guarantee continued trade and development in some of the world's poorest countries. These countries are at risk of being the hardest hit as the global recession surges forward and the protectionist arms race looks set to intensify. I cannot, therefore, understand some of the criticism that has been expressed. Some people claim that these agreements go too far and are too comprehensive. Some critics would rather talk of lost customs revenue than of the potential for new trade. I think, on the contrary, that we should be pleased that we have achieved so much. I do not believe that there is an inherent conflict between trade and development as some speakers claim. Quite the contrary: trade leads to development, duties lead to poverty. I was responsible for the interim agreement with Ghana. I acknowledge, first of all, that it contains a few flaws, such as the continued imposition of EU duties on rice and sugar for a transitional period, but it is, essentially, a very good agreement. It is therefore important for us to ensure that it is signed as soon as possible. The presidential election in Ghana previously presented an obstacle, but now I would like to urge the country's new President, John Atta Mills, to sign the interim agreement. I also hope that we in the EU will be sure to sign the agreement that we have negotiated. It is unacceptable for it to take so long, and it is particularly unacceptable for it to take so long due to the failure of the translation service in the Council to function adequately. I would like to take this opportunity to urge you all to support the agreement. In these times of uncertainty, the world needs more trade, not less. Daniel Caspary Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, from where I stand, the agreements signed between the economic partners are vital in terms of securing trade relations with African, Caribbean and Pacific states. Cooperation is in the interest both of the European Union and of these countries. We need urgently to avoid supplying the African countries with development aid, as we have done for the last fifty or sixty years. We have to finally let these countries be free mentally too, so that they will be able to take their future in their own hands and so that they can build wealth for themselves, just as other regions of the world have done over the course of the last few decades. Trade can provide an excellent contribution in this case. I am thinking, on the one hand, of trade between the European Union and these countries, but I am also mainly thinking of trade between these countries themselves, namely with other developing countries. I am quite sure that we might well have to put a certain amount of pressure on governments and states to remove their extremely high customs tariffs in many areas in order to create the necessary conditions for economic growth in this region. Why do we have to do this? These states urgently need framework conditions that will allow people to create their own wealth. During my discussions with representatives from these countries, I often had the impression that people were grateful that we, as the European Union, exert pressure in a number of areas, and that they were thankful that we make demands in many areas and force national governments to make a little progress in terms of economic policy. I would be happy if we did not lose sight of this point of view during the coming weeks and months, and especially during the negotiations, so that not just the legitimate wishes of the governments are addressed, but also, at one point or another, our legitimate demands are upheld, and that we represent the legitimate demands of the people from these countries. In this regard, I hope that our negotiations will be fruitful. Kader Arif author. - (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, in this lengthy debate here today, I should like to take a few moments, if you would allow me, to reflect on the road we have travelled until now. Let us remember the initial positions of some Members of this Parliament in the face of increasing concern in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, in the face of demonstrations against the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), in the face of warning signals from NGOs from the North as well as the South, when we were demanding that the priority in these agreements should be development, something that seems obvious today, as the Commission is constantly repeating it. Mr Mandelson, however, at the time, scarcely dared to answer us because, for him, it was primarily a matter of stimulating trade, as if simply removing customs barriers would somehow miraculously bring about development. People called us idealists, manipulated by the NGOs, and were offended by our demands for instruments for protection, regulation and intervention by public authorities, but what happened? It appeared that we were not being irresponsible. No, the governments of the ACP countries did not accept continuing negotiations under pressure or threats. No, the risks involved in opening up trade are not an attitude of mind, they are real and will have real and immediate consequences: state budgets will be reduced through loss of customs revenues, new industries in the agricultural sector will be weakened and the food security of their people put at risk. We were expressing these fears a long time ago, before the hunger riots or the financial crisis. So, what is to be said about the situation today? The International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations recognise that developing countries, contrary to what was said at the outset, will be seriously affected by the global recession. Jacques Diouf, Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organisation, emphasised this recently, asking whether we would dare to say to those we call partners that we are prepared to spend billions to save the global banking system but not to save their people who are dying of hunger. I want to be completely honest, Commissioner, and I wish this to be quite clear. If you do not make a strong and precise commitment on behalf of the Commission to give us a guarantee that the EPAs will be genuinely pro-development, I will not vote for assent. Words will not be enough and nor will declarations of intent, we have heard too much of those. We want specific commitments and I would like to list them one by one. The EPAs will not be satisfactory agreements unless they promote regional integration and contribute to development in the ACP countries and to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. When we call for the promotion of regional integration, that needs to be translated into practical terms. For example, in Central Africa, Cameroon has been criticised, not to say strongly condemned, by its neighbours, for having signed this interim agreement with the European Union. Out of the eight countries in the region, I note that five are Least Developed Countries, that is, countries that, automatically and fully in accordance with the rules of the World Trade Organisation, have free access to the European market for exports without any requirements for trade concessions in return. I can quite understand their concerns when the Commission asks them to open up to 80 % of European exports. Therefore, if the Commissioner makes a commitment to promoting regional integration, if she makes a commitment to greater flexibility so as to take into account the different levels of development of our partners, perhaps she can tell us why she does not accept the offer of 71 % liberalisation proposed by Central Africa? The second fundamental subject for which we are awaiting a response concerns the Singapore Issues. These cannot be imposed in the negotiations against the wishes of the partner countries. On this point, I want particularly to emphasise public procurement. Of course, there must be transparency - I shall always defend that - but can we deprive our ACP partners of an essential instrument of their sovereignty in supporting their industry and their local services by imposing liberalisation of public procurement? The third point is services. In our discussions about EPAs with Cameroon, the Commission stressed time and again that our partners wanted to negotiate about services. That may be true, but, nonetheless, beware of those who would use this argument to impose liberalisation of services on all regions and all countries, and especially to justify liberalisation of public services. Commissioner, I expect a firm commitment from you that public services will remain outside the scope of the negotiations, in all regions. We know that the loss of customs revenue will cause a reduction in the budgets of our partners. If revenues are reduced, the first sectors to suffer will be sectors such as education, health or research. It would, therefore, be unacceptable for the ACP governments in this context to lose control of their public services and I call upon the Commissioner to give us her firm assurance on these issues. The fourth point, and this has already been mentioned, is that food security must be protected. This involves not only putting in place adequate safeguards, but also allowing our partners to sustain their exports in order to remain competitive in global markets. I know that there have been some positive developments in this direction in the Southern African Development Community region. Is the Commission prepared to propose similar measures in other regions? The last point is that we know that upgrading the economies of ACP States will require a huge financial commitment from the European Union both to protect infant industries from the negative effects of liberalisation and to develop the competitiveness of our partners' economies. Unfortunately, contrary to the repeated recommendations of our political group, it is the European Development Fund that is to be used as the primary source of funding for the EPAs. We know that in the past the Commission has not been outstanding in the way it makes use of these funds, and I must, therefore, stress how important it is for these funds to be used quickly and according to the priorities of our partners. Finally, Commissioner, these agreements are the image that the European Union will give to the rest of the world, the image that the European Union will give to the poorest countries in the world. Glyn Ford author. - Madam President, firstly can I apologise to the Commissioner and to my fellow rapporteurs for missing the debate until about five minutes ago? I have been delayed getting here and have managed to arrive at the last minute. I hope that I will not be repeating what other people have said, or at least not too much, and can I ask them to bear in mind my apology for that? I am actually speaking on two issues: I am speaking as the rapporteur on the Interim Economic Partnership Agreement with the Pacific and as the shadow rapporteur on behalf of the Socialist Group on behalf of the Interim Economic Partnership with Eastern and Southern Africa. The whole debate that we are having this evening was not triggered by any decision of the European Commission or the European Union that we wanted a new trade relationship with the countries of the African, Caribbean and Pacific, but by a decision - a decade or more or so now - of the World Trade Organisation that we were unfairly discriminating in favour of some developing countries at the expense of others. Some people have said that this should be just about development - I am very much in favour of that - but we have to bear in mind that one of the underlying requirements is that it is actually about making our agreements with these countries WTO-compatible. So we have to do that; that it is the first thing. On top of WTO compatibility, we must do whatever we can to try and improve the situation of these various regional blocks and to try and deal with the particular situations that actually face them. With respect to the Pacific, for which I am the rapporteur, we have a collection of 14 - plus one if you include East Timor - very small nation-states. One, in fact, is the smallest country in the world, with a population that is exactly one million times less than that of China - Nauru. But even the biggest ones are actually comparatively small, and we need to take that into account in what requirements and demands we put on them. We need to make sure that there are adequate transition periods for small and medium-sized enterprises because, quite frankly, apart from some mining enterprises in Papua New Guinea, they are all small and medium-sized enterprises. We need to do what we can about regional trade and in particular to take into account the special relationship that countries of the Pacific have with Australia and with New Zealand. Only two of the 14 have actually signed up for the Interim Agreement. However, I know from my visit to Port Moresby at the last ACP meeting that there are other Pacific countries that would like to sign a final agreement provided it meets their requirements, which is why, in my case, I am actually in favour of the interim agreement. That is the message I got, both from the governments of Papua New Guinea and Fiji. Not that they are entirely happy - there are issues that they would like to renegotiate - but they see the answer as being signing up and accepting an interim agreement which would lead towards a final agreement which will be more development friendly and will enable more of the Pacific countries to actually engage. We also need to look at a number of specific issues that apply in particular in Papua New Guinea and Fiji and elsewhere in the Pacific, but may apply to some other of these agreements. We need to look at intellectual property right negotiations that cover not only Western technological artefacts but traditional knowledge; we need to make sure that there is a transparency of government procurement with openness to European contracts triggered at a point appropriate to the needs of the Pacific nation-states; we need to look in the case of the Pacific particularly at working visas to be made available in the European Union to Pacific island nationals for periods of at least 24 months for them to be able to work - not in the higher professions but probably working as carers and in similar occupations. Can I say, with respect to eastern and southern Africa, that many of these points would apply there? I particularly would like to thank Mr Caspary for working together with me on this and, on the Pacific, let me say the work of Mr Audy. But with respect to the ESA we need to look at good-governance issues in particular. This includes Zimbabwe. I do not have a problem with an interim agreement but I think a final agreement would be difficult for Parliament to accept unless there was a clear road map in the case of Zimbabwe to see an establishment of a properly democratic regime there and one that could find some way out of the difficulties it is in at the moment. The last point I would like to make in relation to ESA, apart from to endorse the report of Mr Caspary - with some of the amendments which have been tabled - is to mention the situation of the Chagos Archipelago. It is in there because I tabled an amendment, which was accepted. Normally in these kinds of agreements we actually consult with neighbouring countries and neighbouring territories. The Chagos Archipelago is in the middle of part of this region: Seychelles-Mauritius-Madagascar. These people are currently refugees in Seychelles, and I hope that we will consult with them between now and any final agreement being made as to what the impact might be on them and on their territory should they get the right to return. Jan Kohout Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin first by thanking Parliament for allowing me at this key moment to address this sitting with a matter as unquestionably sensitive as the Economic Partnership Agreements. I would also like to express my appreciation for the very positive role which Parliament has played in the course of these negotiations through the political debates. I would particularly like to applaud the Committee on International Trade and the Committee on Development for their tireless work and to thank them for their unflagging interest in the discussions. EPAs have always been a high priority for development ministries at their meetings within the framework of the Council for General Affairs and External Relations. In recent years almost all of these meetings have included discussions with the Commission on the implementation of the Council mandate concerning EPAs, which have often resulted in the adoption of conclusions. When the Czech Presidency presented its programme to this Parliament in January, we said that this was a key period and we promised to put maximum efforts into ensuring further progress. We took the opportunity to respond to many different questions and we have devoted considerable efforts to a range of topics. We continue to regard cooperation and constructive discussion between the institutions as the best way to create and develop the right policies. Developed and developing countries are facing an unprecedented financial and economic crisis which has gripped the entire world. If asked how the crisis is affecting their economies, developing countries reply that it has brought a downturn in trade leading to lower economic growth, restrictions on output and higher levels of unemployment. The trade downturn and loss of export markets established after many years of effort are very painful for developing economies and for the living conditions and well-being of their inhabitants. Under these circumstances we must exploit every opportunity within the context of our response to the global economic crisis to make trade the driving force for sustainable development. The EPAs serve this end. Through gradual regional integration they provide an opportunity for regional trade and the expansion of duty-free and quota-free access to our extensive market, enabling a higher volume of trade with the EU. The EPAs thus operate in a way which conforms to WTO rules. This factor constitutes an important legal aspect distinguishing the EPAs from the previous commercial preferences which were implemented under the Cotonou Convention and which were detrimental to trade between the ACP countries and the EU and caused considerable uncertainty. Uncertainty is the opposite of trust. Uncertainty scares off investment whereas trust attracts it. We all know that developing countries have seen a dramatic decline in investment since the beginning of the current crisis. In today's uncertain world the EPAs can provide a measure of legal certainty and trust that will assist economic renewal. These agreements are not a panacea but they do represent a positive instrument which can be combined with other instruments. A series of binding reports have been published in recent months describing how the economic crisis may block progress towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals in many regions. We should be very uneasy about this. The EPAs make use of all the flexibility allowed under WTO rules in order to assist development. They ensure for our partners from ACP countries the immediate and asymmetric opening up of markets with long transitional periods, exemptions and regular monitoring, and they also set out commitments to political reforms. The EU has at the same time undertaken that it will not leave its partners to face this challenge on their own. For the operation of these agreements we are also providing specially adapted financial support. I am delighted that there has recently been a revival of interest in greater dialogue over EPAs on the part of both EU and ACP countries. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Commissioner Ashton for her efforts and for the importance she has attached to listening to the views of our partners from the ACP countries. Following the outline of her approach on EPAs to Parliament in October last year and to the Council in November, there was a strengthening of contacts with our political counterparts in the various ACP regions. Significant progress is now being made in negotiations with various regions. Each region has its own characteristics and is proceeding at its own rate. In the months ahead, we should get a clearer picture based on all of these negotiations. I believe that the European Parliament will support the EPAs with the Cariforum States and the interim EPA with Côte d'Ivoire. This will send an encouraging signal to all ACP countries. It will be proof for them that patience in negotiations brings results that are acceptable and beneficial to both sides. It will also show that the ACP-EU partnership is capable of reacting to new challenges, whether of a legal, economic or political nature. At this time of unease every new international agreement represents a stronger partnership and a new hope for the future. The signing of the agreements would send a worthwhile political message which will perhaps contribute something to the forthcoming meeting of the two joint bodies of the ACP-EU: the Joint Parliamentary Assembly taking place at the beginning of April in Prague and the Joint Council of Ministers at the end of May in Brussels. The EU must continue to support its partners, and this means not only the Cariforum region which has shown the way to others by signing the first comprehensive EPA, but also those countries and regions that have taken the first steps and must be encouraged to go further. Among these is Côte d'Ivoire, whose interim EPA also awaits the approval of this Parliament. Further EPAs are being prepared. The Commission is working hard to create conditions for partner countries which will enable them to come together and to plot a course towards comprehensive regional agreements. The Council always emphasises to the Commission and the partners that these agreements are a development instrument and that the advantages for development can be exploited to the full only through comprehensive regional agreements. The overall political and economic context within which Parliament has been invited to approve the Cariforum EPAs and the interim EPA with Côte d'Ivoire is important, but Parliament has nevertheless asked the Council and the Commission for a number of concrete explanations. This step is an essential and legitimate part of the process and I am trying to make the fullest possible response to questions that fall within my area of responsibility. I am aware that other questions have been raised which Commissioner Ashton is ready to answer. I would like to begin by addressing some of the topics that have been mentioned. One of the issues you raised concerned the question of whether, when and to what extent reviews would be conducted into EPAs with Cariforum States. Both the Council and the ACP group fully share the concerns relating to this question. I can confirm that comprehensive reviews of EPAs will be conducted no later than five years from the date on which they were signed, which was in October last year. The reviews will of course be supplementary to the routine monitoring of the fulfilment of these agreements, as set out in Article 5. These reviews are mandatory under the terms of the agreements and they are one of the tasks of the joint bodies, including the parliamentary and advisory committees. Impact assessments will be carried out within the framework of the reviews and these will include the costs and consequences of operating the agreements. If an EPA is amended in any way or if there are changes to the way they are implemented the involvement of the parliaments is guaranteed, either under the laws of the signatories to the EPA or within the framework of the parliamentary committees set up on the basis of the EPA. The second question that Parliament is interested in concerns the accompanying financial measures requested by the ACP regions and especially our undertakings to support trade. As you are aware, in October 2007, both the European Community and its Member States committed to increase assistance in the area of trade to EUR 1 billion by 2010 within the framework of the EU Strategy on trade assistance. Almost 50 % of this increased amount will be available for needs prioritised by the ACP countries themselves, including needs arising from the operation of the EPAs. All Member State commitments to support trade are supplementary to assistance from the European Development Fund and all our commitments are firm. Thirdly I would like to reassure Parliament concerning the important matter of access to medicines. In this case I can announce very clearly that none of the articles of the agreements can weaken the ability of the Cariforum States to support access to medicines. We cannot conduct a detailed legal analysis here but from a political standpoint I can assure you again that these agreements do not include any such intention. With regard to the advancing integration process in the Cariforum States it was natural that you
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