Explanations of vote Oral explanations of vote Toomas Savi Mr President, I welcome the appointment of Baroness Ashton as a member of the Commission, and I would like to point out that the very fact that she has been awarded a life peerage speaks for her excellent work for the United Kingdom. I have a firm belief that she will be as worthy a Commissioner as another peer before her. Lord Cockfield was appointed as the United Kingdom Commissioner in 1984 by Margaret Thatcher's government. He had a distinguished career in Brussels, laying the foundation for the single market. Baroness Ashton would guarantee a place for herself in the history of the European Union by giving momentum to the Doha negotiations. It is a great challenge, but the successful finalisation of the negotiations would help the developing countries immensely. Jim Allister Mr President, I voted against the joint motion on the European Council summit because of its duplicity over the Irish referendum and its foolish clinging to economically damaging climate-change targets. The communiqué makes a hypocritical affirmation of respect for the Irish rejection of Lisbon, and then immediately sets about insisting, through the coded language of these documents, that the Irish fall into line. The so-called respect for the democratic decision of the voters is patently false. Now here we all are facing a deep economic crisis, the worst most of us can remember, and the EU is worried about keeping the deck chairs of climate targets in place. Industry and our economies cannot now afford this ever-higher green taxation burden. All we will succeed in doing is expelling more and more of our manufacturing industry to the Far East. Marian Harkin Mr President, I want to mention Amendment 3, where we criticised a number of Commissioners for having downplayed long-standing requests by the European Parliament to propose legislation for better supervision of the financial market. This is the reality of the situation, but I think it is important also to state that Member States must take their share of the blame. Even if the Commission had tried to move I think it would have met with a great deal of resistance. Still, the Commission has a responsibility, and while we have principles-based regulation as opposed to rules-based, it still needs to be rigorous, and light-touch regulation has not worked. I also want to mention paragraph 20, where Parliament reiterates its respect for the result of the Irish referendum and for the results of the ratification procedures in the other Member States. During the debate on the Irish referendum, it was claimed time and time again that Parliament would not respect the result. Apart from anything else, Parliament has no competence here, and no power to act one way or the other. Still, I welcome the statement, unlike my colleague Mr Allister. Finally in paragraph 20 I think it is possible to meet the concerns of the Irish people before the European election, but we should not underestimate what is needed here. It also states that Parliament stands ready to offer assistance to forge a broader, more informed consensus. I believe this really should be worded 'to forge a better-informed consensus'. Daniel Hannan Mr President, the most dangerous phrase in contemporary politics is 'something must be done'. Politicians have an unreasonable and disproportionate fear of appearing inactive and what that 'something' is, is secondary, as we have seen during the financial crisis. It does not matter what the 'something' is - GBP 500 billion in Britain, EUR 500 billion in Europe, USD 850 billion in the US - alright, that is 'something', let us do it. Never mind what its practical consequences are. The truth is that you cannot legislate against recessions, any more than you can legislate to order the course of the sun or the moon. What we are seeing now is an inexorable correction to the years of easy credit created by these same governments which kept interest rates too low for too long. That was a political decision and not a market one, and the air that was puffed into the balloon is now rushing out. The only practical change being made by the nationalisation of our banks and by these huge bail-outs is that, instead of cutting taxes to help people through the tough times, we are loading an enormous new additional burden on them. Our taxpayers will pay a heavy price for our conceit. Eija-Riitta Korhola Mr President, concerning Amendment 9, which my group voted against, it was crucial for the PPE-DE Group that the democratic process should be completed without any short cuts that create a democratic deficit, especially now that, in the case of emission trading, the parliamentary process cannot be described in a flattering manner. We have seen misleading tricks, manipulation and, finally, the rapporteur ignoring the political will of her own group. This has become even more relevant given the deadlock in the Council last week. The PPE-DE Group has offered a solution to the problem of damaging industry whilst advancing the climate change mitigation. Therefore, not only EU industry but also the trade unions are supporting our benchmarking proposal to replace the costly auctioning system. We are all united in the attempt to reduce harmful emissions. There is no doubt about that. The question is how to do it. Our first concern must be our planet, but I contend that the measures needed to stop climate change will not be helped by the economic decline of the leading climate-friendly economies leading to unemployment in the EU. Peter Skinner Mr President, the EPLP welcomes the content of this joint resolution and motion regarding the financial climate and the broader economy. As to what we might do next, it is true that Parliament has set out a series of demands - which have been a kind of a wish list, to some degree - and also concrete proposals about what needs to be done. At times we have gone further than the Commission. Indeed, at times - maybe for national reasons or for political interests - we have seen Parliament both water down text and propose good text. But those calls are quite relevant today and are germane to the condition that we are in. Supervisory structures need, more than ever, to be strengthened, but at the global level, not just at a European level. We have to look outside the European Union. For that, we also need to consider what is happening in terms of development aid around the world. We need to deepen our reserves in terms of dealing with development issues, not walk away from them, and it is hoped that, by doing this, we will reach the kinds of economic equilibrium that is needed around the world. It is our role to draw attention to these issues. It is also our role to do something more about this, and I will submit more on this issue in writing. Ivo Strejček Mr President, I should like to summarise the reasons why I voted against the resolution. First, strengthening the state's role is the wrong answer in looking for a way out from the financial turmoil. Second, higher regulation and the creation of a new pan-European supervisory authority without clarification of competences are not a remedy to the crisis. Third, having been rejected by the people of Ireland, the Lisbon Treaty cannot enter into force. That is why the European Council should respect the outcome of the Irish referendum. Fourth, the European Council is not willing to go back on its own unrealistic and extremely expensive targets concerning climate change. This will ultimately harm the living standards of ordinary people. Gay Mitchell Mr President, let me begin by saying that it is correct to say that the Lisbon Treaty cannot enter into force until all 27 Member States approve it, but that does not mean that Europe cannot move ahead, and I, for one, do not want to see Europe moving ahead without Ireland. As the Director of Elections for Fine Gael in the recent referendum campaign, I want to make it absolutely clear that the Irish position is, and should be, that we want to be at the centre of Europe. We no longer want to be an island behind an island, dominated by British interests. We respect Britain for having its interests - it is entitled to have them. Our interests lie elsewhere and I do not want any British Member of Parliament standing up here and speaking for my constituents or for Irish interests. I wish to say that the Fine Gael MEPs in the PPE-DE Group support the general thrust of the report on the European Council meeting, but do not accept that Parliament should consider 'that it is possible to meet the concerns that have been expressed by the Irish people in order to secure a solution acceptable to all before the European elections', as this is a matter for the Irish people to consider, at their discretion and timing. That is the point we need to put on the record. Zuzana Roithová (CS) I am not very pleased with the content of our joint resolution, nor am I very pleased with the performance of Council President Sarkozy. Despite this, I consider an agreement or at least the ability to agree on some sort of joint approach as a highly important step, since the worst message we could communicate to the people of Europe would be that we are incapable of agreeing on anything. Nevertheless, I would also like to call for a bit of common sense. There are three factors here. One is the financial crisis, of course, the second is the recession and the third applies in essence to the influence of globalisation on our internal market. I have been talking about this for many, many months and even for a number of years. We seem unable to halt the rate of growth in the demands that are made on European industry and we are not even capable of discussing this growth at a WTO level. This incompatibility is a major problem for us. Hubert Pirker (DE) Mr President, as we all know, temporary agency work in the European Union is undergoing an enormous increase. This is a good thing on the one hand, as it creates many jobs, but the widely varying national rules have meant that, as a rule, the effects to date have tended to be negative, especially on workers, as it leads to wage dumping as a result of low wages, and thus also to the displacement of local workers. Ultimately, it also leads to distortions of competition, particularly for small and medium-sized enterprises, and has advantages for those taking on as many temporary workers as possible on the cheap. Therefore, our aim with the directives must be to regulate temporary agency work for the European Union as a whole, and particularly to stipulate that temporary workers be treated as equal to the employees of the user undertakings in terms of working and employment conditions. This would be in the interests of Europe as a business location, and particularly of workers, and would prevent distortion of competition for undertakings. Ewa Tomaszewska (PL) Mr President, any amendment to this directive, no matter how relevant, would mean significantly protracting the legislative process, and leave temporary workers without legal protection for a considerable period more. This is a directive which is many years overdue. It is also an expression of the agreements between the social partners. That was why I voted to reject any amendments. Neena Gill Mr President, I voted for this report because the safety of children who are online is a real concern for me. It is also an issue that is raised by many of my West Midlands constituents. I know that many parents and teachers are increasingly anxious about children accessing material which is inappropriate and potentially dangerous. The growth of the internet into a powerful worldwide medium has increased the dangers to youngsters throughout the world. Recent research in the UK has revealed that as many as 1 in 10 children who use computer chatrooms have been approached over the internet by paedophiles. In acknowledging that the internet offers a world of entertainment, opportunity and knowledge to children, we must, however, also put in place measures to keep them safe on the internet. I believe it is our responsibility to protect children from harmful material and some of those who conduct online lines. The European Parliament has a vital role to play in reducing the availability of inappropriate and illegal materials and increasing public awareness of online dangers. I therefore welcome this report and EU efforts to safeguard our children. Children should be able to benefit from all the opportunities this technology offers without fear of those who would cause them harm. Hubert Pirker (DE) Mr President, in itself, the Internet is a very positive invention, but it is increasingly being used by criminals, and this has led to an exponential increase in one of the most abominable crimes of all, the trade in child pornography. If you imagine that last year alone saw a 16% increase in dealing in such material via the Internet - and add to this the fact that over 20 000 children are abused for this purpose, to produce these pictures, in a single year - you have an idea of the dimensions. Our aims must be as follows: zero tolerance in cases of child abuse, tough penalties for the culprits, and maximum protection for children using the Internet. I welcome the package of measures supported by the European Parliament, which ranges from hotlines to the installation of blocking systems and education to police reinforcement and traceability of financial movements. This European Parliament report is very important as it sends a very strong signal concerning the protection of the weakest members of our society, our children. Zita Pleštinská (SK) The internet is a great help but, at the same time, a great danger, especially for children. Children are much more computer-savvy than their parents and therefore adults are often unaware of the huge number of snares which children in particular may encounter in several hours of surfing the internet. I welcome this report and I have voted in favour of it. I believe that the safe internet programme will help to eliminate the enormous generation gap which exists in respect of internet awareness. We need an information campaign aimed at parents and teachers. I support the establishment of contact points in the individual EU countries, where it will be possible to report illegal activities relating to internet safety. Matti Juhani Saari in Finland placed on the internet, including the YouTube website, videos which showed him shooting a pistol on a firing range. Ten young people were later murdered by this gun-toting lunatic in a school in the Finnish town of Kauhajoki. Ladies and gentlemen, I believe that through this programme, we will manage to reduce risk levels and to ensure that young people will not have access to such videos on the internet. Jan Březina (CS) I have supported the Angelilli report because I believe that it will help in the fight against child abuse on the internet. I would like the emphasis to be placed on improving the instruments that are available to police forces. In specific terms, this involves the creation of a European database on child pornography combined with the announcement of the crisis lines which should be available to police forces. This will be a very useful instrument for cases involving the purchase of images through peer-to-peer group communications, as it will allow verification of whether or not a given image has already appeared on the internet and whether investigations have already been carried out in respect of that image, thereby avoiding unnecessary duplications of investigative efforts. One effective measure would also be to monitor traces of payments made on websites containing child pornography, while fully complying with rules on the protection of privacy and banking secrecy. Experience to date shows that the safety of children on the internet can only be ensured on the basis of a multi-layered approach which includes the involvement of children, families, schools, all telecommunications operators, internet service providers and government bodies. There is a need to raise levels of awareness and prevention which, from a technical standpoint, would assist and facilitate the reporting of cases and would improve the chances of their being investigated by police forces. I firmly believe that the programme on internet safety can contribute towards this. Zuzana Roithová (CS) Allow me to add to Monday's debate on protecting children using the Internet and other communication technologies. I backed the report, of course, and I warmly welcome it. Nevertheless, in the programme which we approved, there is no emphasis on the standardisation of terminology in relation to dangerous content. The Member States also vary in their views as to what is merely not permitted and what has already been criminalised. This obviously hampers the fight against internet crime, which does not recognise the borders either of states or of continents. For the sake of our children, harmonisation in this area should be our priority, whether we like it or not. Koenraad Dillen (NL) Mr President, I emphatically voted in favour of this report. It is to be welcomed that Europe wishes to do something to safeguard children from the many dangers which the Internet poses these days. Young people become familiar with the Internet from a very young age, but are also, of course, faced with its dangers. It is estimated that 9 out of 10 children between the ages of 8 and 16 come into contact with pornographic material on the Internet. Online traders in porn are becoming ever more reckless. Quite apart from the risk of Internet paedophiles and porn traders, there are also online casinos with their aggressive marketing techniques. Particularly young children are not always aware of the dangers involved. It is therefore up to the parents, schools and teachers, but also politicians, to protect children from all this. They need to both monitor and raise awareness, especially among the youngest members of society, because they are the most impressionable and vulnerable. Marusya Ivanova Lyubcheva (BG) Thank you, Mr President. I voted for the report because I believe it to be exceptionally important. Resolving the wide variety of problems that arise when children use communications technologies in a single document is difficult. This programme is necessary on organisational grounds, however. When debating the impact of the new technologies, we tend to speak of the social, educational, cultural and other benefits and only become aware of the negative effects too late in the day. The existing mechanisms for restricting products which have a negative influence are very important in minimising the risk, but we need to have preventive programmes running alongside these. The point, now that we have a common European Programme, is for each Member State to have its own national programme in this regard. We need to increase society's awareness of the problem, and teach children to use ICT intelligently. Another thing we need to address is the danger of "computer dependence”. Integrated efforts are needed, and that is another role that national governments have to play. Milan Gaľa (SK) Mr President, I would like to thank you for giving me the floor and I would also like to thank Mrs Grossetête for the report on the proposed directive, which deals with variations to the terms of marketing authorisations for medicinal products. I supported it in the vote. It represents progress in the harmonisation of laws and in consumer protection, reducing bureaucracy, increasing flexibility and bringing benefits in terms of the safety and awareness of patients. At the same time, it simplifies operations and reduces costs for medium-sized pharmaceutical firms. I appreciate the clear stand taken by Commissioner Verheugen over counterfeit drugs, low-quality generic drugs that often have no more effect than a placebo and illicit drugs and vaccines, which find their way to European citizens via the black market. Such activities are criminal. In the near future, the Commission will draw up measures to strengthen existing laws in this area so that none of these drugs may be distributed. It will also introduce sanctions against persons operating in this area. The Commissioner has also ensured that effective drugs must be produced on the basis of recognised European standards and manufacturing processes. Zuzana Roithová (CS) I must respond to today's debate, in which I stated, naturally, that I warmly welcome this report. A requirement was included, however, for all drugs containing the same active ingredient to bear the same company name, in order to avoid patients becoming confused and taking excessively high doses. This may sound sensible to non-specialists, but drugs are constantly being innovated and, moreover, drugs which share the same or similar active ingredients may differ in a range of other constituents. To reproach the Commission for not ordering a standardisation of company names would be absurd, suggesting a failure to understand how the system works, regardless of what powers the European Union may have in general. Neena Gill Mr President, I am really pleased that the gaps in the 1994 Timeshare Directive are finally being addressed by this Parliament so that consumers can look forward to better protection for their investments. It will also, in the long run, protect up to 40 000 European jobs. I have taken a particular interest in this report as it covers an issue that directly affects many of my constituents. We have more timeshare owners in the UK than any other European country. Therefore, this will reassure many of them that Europe is acting to protect them from scam traders. The UK timeshare industry is worth approximately EUR 157 million per year, and this directive constitutes an important move forward in eliminating unscrupulous agents who cause problems for consumers and bring legitimate operators into disrepute. These new simplified rules will ensure that consumers are equally well protected across the EU, while creating a level playing field in the market for timeshare and other popular holiday-related products. Zuzana Roithová (CS) I am delighted that, despite the spectre of politics, agreement has been reached on the harmonisation of legislation protecting all Europeans who are planning a holiday abroad and who wish to rent accommodation abroad without risk. The revision of the timeshare directive excludes the registration of unreliable service providers and thereby increases the chances that people will not fall victim to fraud as is all too often the case today. Consumers will also have a fourteen day time period in which to withdraw from contracts without having to make any down payments in advance and they will even get contracts in a language they can understand, which is good news for Czech citizens as well. Gary Titley Mr President, I share in the delight of my friend and colleague, Ms Gill, that we are closing loopholes in this directive. Timeshare is a big industry, but it also can be a big scam. For example, I have been dealing with a company called the European Timeshare Owners Organisation, which operates in Spain - but conveniently from an address in Gibraltar - and constituents have told me that they were approached by this company which offered to resell their timeshare. When they went to Spain at great expense, they found there was nobody to buy their timeshare, but this company wanting to sell them other timeshares. I have been trying to get in touch with this company for several weeks and only finally this week managed to do so, because, miraculously, the phone numbers they give do not have people at the other end to answer - and they do not seem to respond to letters either. I hope that we will start now to crack down on organisations like the European Timeshare Owners Organisation, because they give timeshare a bad name and, frankly, they damage the image of the Spanish holiday industry, which I know you care so much about. Zuzana Roithová (CS) I was unable to vote for the Andersson report. I do not like the fact that those who were not satisfied with the judgement from the Court of Justice are today attempting through this report to undermine the verdict of the court in the case of Laval in Sweden. The free movement of services is one of the benefits of the European Union and Member States must pay rather more attention to ensuring that both employees and entrepreneurs are better informed concerning the principles of the posted workers directive as it exists today. That is the right way to confront illegal employment and also dumping on the EU labour market, and not by undermining jurisdictions. In democratic societies, rights must be clamoured for unstintingly and not undermined. Marian Harkin Mr President, the first part of Amendment 24 acknowledges that social dumping was a contributory factor in the Irish 'no' to Lisbon. I agree with that and also with the phrase that asks the Council to take action to ensure equal pay for equal work. The amendment calls for all Member States to respect the result of the referendum in Ireland. That goes without saying, apart from which this is a legal imperative on all Member States anyway. However, juxtaposed with all of that is a demand that we must embark on a profound revision of the existing Treaties in order to open the road towards a social Europe. Talk about using a sledgehammer to crack a nut! A 'profound revision of the existing Treaties' sounds like tearing up the rule book to me. We already have very positive legislation on anti-discrimination and we are currently improving that legislation. We have reached a common position on the Temporary Agency Workers Directive. This will underpin the rights of workers and shows that the social heart of Europe is still beating. Amendment 16 calls on Member States to challenge the judgments of the European Court of Justice. That is not the way to do business. We do need to examine the Posting of Workers Directive and ensure its correct transposition in all Member States and, if it needs to be changed, then we must do so, but a profound revision of the Treaties is not necessary. Mairead McGuinness Mr President, on the vote, I would like to say that the Fine Gael Members, of whom I am one, voted in favour of the Andersson report because it addresses the important issues raised in the Court of Justice judgments in the Viking, Laval and Rüffert cases, enshrining the fundamental principle of equal treatment and equal pay for equal work. The report is very clear in stating that the legislation is not sufficient and we need to provide better balance between the rights of workers and the freedom to provide services, but the answer is not a profound revision of existing EU Treaties, as was called for in Amendment 24. The answer is to improve the legislation, which is why we voted against Amendment 24 and Amendment 16, which was both unhelpful and unnecessary because it does not deal with the legislative imperative. Philip Claeys (NL) Mr President, I voted against the Andersson report, not only because the text pertains to labour law - which falls within the remit of the Member States - but also because it makes reference to the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the Treaty of Lisbon again and again. It is, of course, not the first report to commit this crime, but it shows a deep contempt for the Irish voters who have nullified the Treaty and, in fact, for all voters in Europe who have not had the opportunity to express their views about the Treaty of Lisbon in a democratic way. Time and time again, it is promised that Europe will take the will of the people into consideration, that something will be done to remove the democratic deficit and, time and time again, it transpires here in Parliament that Europe fails to deliver. The European Union has a problem of credibility that is at least as big as the problem of the democratic deficit. Ewa Tomaszewska (PL) Mr President, I worked with Mr Andersson as shadow rapporteur for the Union for Europe of the Nations Group, fully aware of the importance of the issues covered by the report for my own trade union, Solidarity, and other trade unions, as well as for my political group, which is sensitive to social issues. I have in my hand the letter from Janusz Śniadek, the head of the Solidarity Trade Union, on this. The report focuses attention on the need to respect trade union rights and the importance of dialogue between the social partners, the results of such dialogue, in particular collective agreements, and respecting the principle of 'equal work for equal pay'. That is why I voted in favour of this report, even though, as some colleagues said earlier in this House, the references to the Lisbon Treaty are, at the moment, unjustified. Katrin Saks (ET) I would like to explain why I did not vote in favour of Mr Andersson's report. Although this report is now much more balanced than the original version, I and many of the members of my group from Eastern Europe have abstained. Of course we support the principle of equal treatment, but we perceived the danger that this slogan would be used to attempt to prevent the implementation of one of the fundamental freedoms of the European Union - the free movement of labour. This is especially important for Eastern Europe: our labour wants to obtain access to the Western European labour market, even if temporarily, in order to earn more, but I think that this is also important for the economic development of the European Union as a whole. It is my opinion that instead of changing the regulation at the European Union level, as has been requested, more attention should be devoted to the implementation of the directive and to regulations in Member States. Written explanations of vote Jean-Pierre Audy in writing. - (FR) I voted in favour of the legislative resolution approving, subject to amendments, the proposal for a Council regulation amending the regulation of 2003 as regards jurisdiction and introducing rules concerning applicable law in matrimonial matters, based on the report by my German fellow Member, Mrs Gebhardt. In view of the heightened mobility of citizens within the European Union which has led to an increased number of 'international' couples, in other words couples where the spouses are of different nationalities or reside in different Member States or in a Member State of which at least one spouse is not a national, and owing to the high divorce rate in the European Union, it was essential to regulate the applicable law and jurisdiction in matrimonial matters which affects a growing number of citizens each year. We should constantly point out that the treaties lay down the progressive establishment of a common area of freedom, security and justice, with measures seeking to promote 'the compatibility of the rules applicable in the Member States concerning the conflict of laws and of jurisdiction'. David Martin in writing. - I support Catherine Ashton as the new Trade Commissioner. I am very pleased that we have finally got a female Trade Commissioner and the first female British Commissioner. I believe that she will be a very receptive and open Commissioner who will work closely with Parliament. Colm Burke, Avril Doyle, Jim Higgins and Mairead McGuinness in writing. - We wish to say that the Fine Gael MEPs in the PPE-DE Group support the general thrust of the report on the European Council meeting, but do not accept that Parliament should consider 'that it is possible to meet the concerns that have been expressed by the Irish people in order to secure a solution acceptable to all before the European elections', as this is a matter for the Irish people at their discretion and timing to consider. Philip Bushill-Matthews in writing. - I and my British Conservative colleagues support the elements of this resolution dealing with co-operation between countries on the current financial crisis, and the expression of support for SMEs in this context. We also support the EU maintaining its commitments regarding climate change. We welcome the strong support for Georgia in this resolution, following the recent Russian intervention in that country. However, as we oppose the Treaty of Lisbon strongly, we cannot support the text on this matter. Also, we oppose an EU Common Immigration policy. For these reasons, we have abstained on the final vote. Sylwester Chruszcz Today I voted against the resolution of the Council of Europe meeting in Brussels, because I do not agree with the position of the majority of Members on at least two of the issues discussed at the EU Summit. In my opinion, the process of ratifying the Lisbon Treaty was definitively ended with the results of the Irish referendum That means that any attempts to press on with the constitutional process in the European Union are futile. I also disagree with the position held by the majority on energy and climate change. I would like to point out that forced solutions are a threat to industries and consumers in many countries, including Poland. Avril Doyle in writing. - I and all my colleagues in the Irish political party to which we belong, Fine Gael, voted for and want, as soon as possible, a clear, unambiguous ratification of the Lisbon Treaty by the Irish Government. However, we treat the Irish electorate as lemmings at our peril. Clear blue political water is needed between the outcome of the vote of 12 June and any decision on a second attempt at ratification. We will get to that point quicker, with an increased chance of success, without any perceived diktats from colleagues on the timing of our ratification process, viz. 'before the European election', as in paragraph 20, against which I voted today. Edite Estrela in writing. - (PT) I voted in favour of the joint motion for a resolution on the conclusions of the European Council (15 and 16 October 2008) because I agree with the decision to intervene in the financial markets. This was understandable due to the urgent need to respond to the fears of European citizens and to provide the market with liquidity and certainty, with all the corresponding benefits for families and SMEs. However, it must not be forgotten that this resolution also advocates adopting fundamental measures aimed at restructuring the international financial system, particularly by strengthening cooperation and coordination among regulators at Community level and providing the European Union with a fair and effective system of supervision. More regulation of the financial market is essential, but we firstly need better regulation. This resolution is heading in that direction. Patrick Gaubert in writing. - (FR) I am delighted by Parliament's support for the European Pact on Immigration and Asylum in the context of the vote on the resolution on the European Council of 15-16 October 2008, for which I voted in favour. The Members have welcomed this initiative of the French Presidency of the EU which proposes a coherent and balanced approach to immigration and which reaffirms the responsible decision of the European Union to promote legal immigration and to seriously combat illegal immigration. This success regarding the global framework for action has been consolidated by the efforts of the French Presidency with a view to the rapid adoption of the proposals for directives currently being negotiated, thereby translating these ambitious statements into tangible actions. In particular, there is the directive on the single procedure and common set of rights, the so-called 'blue card' directive on the conditions of entry for highly qualified nationals, and the directive on sanctions against employers of illegally residing nationals. This pact forms an integral part of the path towards a true common immigration and asylum policy which upholds fundamental rights and human dignity, as defended by the European Parliament. Hélène Goudin and Nils Lundgren in writing. - (SV) With regard to Amendment 7, tabled by the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance, we wish to point out that we want Member States to be able to pursue their own approach in the work on reforming the Bretton Woods institutions. Since the documents concerning the compromise resolution and the amendments to this arrived late, we abstained from participating in the votes as from point 19; (however, none of these were roll-call votes). Pedro Guerreiro in writing. - (PT) The PPE/PSE/ALDE/UEN resolution reveals the limits and real objectives of the measures adopted to date by the EU. By ignoring the real causes of the current financial crisis - which lie in the increasing accumulation and concentration of capital, in the financialisation of the economy, and in speculation and the free and easy movement of capital, and by reducing these to a 'lack of transparency' and 'deficient supervision' of financial markets, the majority of this House is seeking to square the circle. In other words, they want to rescue the system from a crisis which is intrinsic to it, by (momentarily) restoring 'confidence to the markets' and injecting public funds without any genuine safeguards, as is the case in Portugal where a truly 'blank cheque' has just been written for an amount equivalent to all the structural funds that the country can use in the current Community financial framework. However, all these measures that Parliament so values are simply a way of avoiding acting on the fundamental elements, such as creating a strong, effective public bank in each country to serve its development needs, putting an end to 'tax havens', imposing conditions on the movement of capital and ending financial speculation, altering the EU's monetary policy and the Stability Pact, ending privatisation and the liberalisation of the economy, and so on. Instead, the majority of this House wants to reaffirm its neoliberal agenda. Ona Juknevičien in writing. - The resolution on the European Council held on 15-16 October 2008 addresses a number of important issues, such as the impact of the global financial crisis on the economic exit strategy from the financial crisis, the improvement of regulations to strengthen the EU regulatory and supervisory framework, energy and climate change and energy security issues. However, I believe that we failed to comprehensively address energy security issues in the light of the latest commitments made by the Commission and the conclusions of the French Presidency. The European Commission has undertaken to elaborate the Baltic Interconnection Plan and to present it to the EU energy ministers in December. The Council considers it a priority to connect Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the wider European electricity grid and to diversify gas sources to reduce dependency on Russian gas. I proposed incorporating those suggestions into the resolution, but they were not taken on board during negotiations between political groups, and neither was my oral amendment. I believe that the European Parliament has failed to demonstrate solidarity with the Baltic States, which are already the most isolated energy islands in the Community and are at the mercy of Russia in terms of gas. For the reasons stated above, I abstained in the vote on the joint resolution. Andreas Mölzer in writing. - (DE) The EU has taken Priština's side on Kosovo whilst insisting on Georgia's territorial integrity in the conflict in the Caucasus. Brussels must clarify once and for all whether it is for or against the right of peoples to self-determination. If the EU is serious about the lofty aims it is always upholding, it must stop applying double standards and, instead of always representing only the interests of the United States, should assume a neutral mediation role. The financial crisis also calls the EU's understanding of itself into question, however. After all, in past decades, the Union has shown itself to be the tool of unbridled liberalism. It is not citizens but the merciless implementation of a neoliberal viewpoint that have been central. Now, not only must strict minimum standards apply throughout the EU in the field of financial market supervision, but also a solidarity contribution must be demanded from the beneficiaries of the international financial system. This could feed into a security fund, for example, to support banks in times of crisis. Athanasios Pafilis While the centre right and centre left governments of its Member States refuse to satisfy even the smallest wage or other claims of workers on the grounds that the economy cannot support them, the European Council is insultingly funding the banks and monopolies to the tune of trillions of euros, again forcing workers to bear the cost of the crisis. Faster capitalist restructurings, the dismantling of industrial relations, the demolition of social protection and insurance systems, productivity-based wages and unemployment are at the heart of the new storm signalled by the decisions taken at the EU Summit. This savage attack is complemented by the European agreement on immigration and asylum which raises inhumane barriers to immigrants in the EU while, at the same time, ensuring monopolies can meet their need for cheap manpower. At the same time, Council decisions conceal the EU's hypocritical interest in the climate, given that the cost of energy is now to be based on the vagaries of the stock exchange, regardless of production costs, thereby increasing the profits of the monopolies at the expense of the environment. There can be no solutions which benefit people within the framework of competitiveness and the deregulated action of capital, which the EU and the governments are strengthening even further with measures to provide state support for monopolies, while stepping up their anti-grassroots attack to get the capitalist system out of its crisis. Luís Queiró in writing. - (PT) The European Council on 15 and 16 October was notable for its response to the financial crisis. Although other issues deserve attention and could be discussed, it is the financial crisis on which our attention is necessarily focused. Faced with the emergence of a financial crisis in which the lack of credit, in the truest etymological sense of the word, resulted in new problems and new threats day after day, the European response was effective in restoring the necessary confidence to the markets. Regardless of what you might think about the origins of the crisis and the best possible responses, the facts confirm this interpretation. In this sense, the reaction of the European institutions should be welcomed. In analysing the European response, there is one fact which stands out. The decisive meetings to re-establish market confidence are not provided for in the current Treaties or in the Treaty of Lisbon. This proves that, as the union of States that it now is and hopefully will continue to be in the future, Europe needs institutional flexibility and, above all, strong and determined political leadership. That was what we had and that fact has clearly done more for bringing Europeans closer to the EU than any public relations strategy or institutional debate. Catherine Stihler in writing. - The rejection of Amendment 4 is a disappointment. The financial crisis should not mean that we abandon our international obligations to tackle climate change and fight poverty. Alessandro Battilocchio I welcome the report by Mr Désir of the Socialist Group in the European Parliament, which has enabled Parliament to adopt a directive that protects temporary workers by confirming their right to enjoy working conditions identical to those of full employees. Member States must now adopt the necessary legislative, regulatory and administrative provisions to comply with the directive within three years of its publication in the Official Journal of the European Union. The directive is also aimed at establishing a suitable framework for the use of temporary agency work with a view to contributing effectively to the creation of jobs and to the development of flexible forms of working, which I believe to be a particularly important solution in this time of crisis. Richard Corbett in writing. - I welcome the adoption of the Temporary Agency Workers Directive that will, finally, give equal treatment at work to some of our most vulnerable workers. This directive has been a long time coming. It has been six years since the Commission first brought forward proposals for a temporary agency workers directive, during which time the number of temporary agency workers in the public and private sectors of the labour market has greatly increased. Temporary agency work contributes to a dynamic and flexible modern economy and can often be a bridge for the long-term unemployed to get back in the labour market. But agency workers should not be treated as second-class workers, and agencies should not be able to distort the labour market by undercutting the wages and conditions of other workers. I am therefore delighted that Parliament, in accepting the compromise deal reached among European employment ministers in the Council of Ministers in June, has now ensured that this directive will enter into law. This is great news for the estimated 1.3 million British workers who will be protected by this legislation and serves as an excellent demonstration that our European common market is a social market that combines protection of workers' rights with flexible labour markets. Proinsias De Rossa in writing. - I warmly welcome today's European Parliament vote to approve the Temporary Agency Workers Directive which enacts the principle of equal pay for equal work, thus protecting the pay and conditions of both agency and full time permanent workers. The Irish and UK governments have, for many years, stymied progress on European wide protection for temporary agency workers who have suffered discrimination in their working conditions and their right to belong to a trade union. Today's European Parliament vote for the final stage of a new directive is a major battle won in the fight against the race to the bottom. Agencies have been allowed to undercut the pay and conditions of full time permanent workers for far too long, to the detriment of all workers. In order to expedite enactment of the legislation, this report adopts the common position of the Council without amendments. Indeed, the Council had returned the proposed directive to Parliament for second reading having adopted Parliament's first reading amendments. Tabling amendments at this stage of the process is simply the irresponsible mischief making of those who rather play party politics than win improved working and living conditions for our citizens. Ilda Figueiredo in writing. - (PT) We recognise that the adoption of the Council common position on temporary work and temporary employment agencies holds some importance for workers in the various EU countries where legislation is very fragile and where the biggest and most serious abuses occur in the use of this type of work. It is therefore vital that equal treatment is recognised for workers placed by temporary employment agencies, even in terms of wages, in the user undertaking. It is also vital that this equality is recognised from day one and that any exceptions to this principle can only be agreed by the social partners, through collective bargaining or agreements concluded between the partners at national level. However, it would have been preferable to avoid such exceptions, as we proposed. It would also have been useful to better clarify the concept of temporary work in order to limit its use solely to exceptional cases or, in other words, to very busy times and periods when the permanent worker is temporarily unable to work. We regret that the majority, including the PSE Group, rejected our proposals. Hélène Goudin and Nils Lundgren in writing. - (SV) Many of the amendments on which the European Parliament is adopting positions in this report have much to commend them. The amendments relate, however, to issues that should be dealt with at national level and not by the EU institutions. We have therefore voted against these amendments. Małgorzata Handzlik After six years of negotiations, the European Parliament has finally approved the directive on temporary agency workers. Today there are wide discrepancies between national legislation on temporary work in Member States. However, temporary work is playing a growing role in all countries of the European Union, and the labour market is developing dynamically. It is estimated that throughout the European Union, some three million people work as temporary workers for some 20 000 enterprises. For this reason, we need a more precise definition of the scope of this form of employment. These regulations are particularly important for the workers themselves. Temporary workers will now have guarantees that when they are working for an employer, the conditions that employer will provide will be the same as the employer would give to temporary workers it employs directly. Furthermore, these conditions will have to be provided from the very first day of temporary employment. Moreover, the temporary work agencies themselves benefit from the regulation of temporary workers. Temporary work also allows enterprises to manage their staff flexibly, particularly in seasonal situations, where an
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