( CNN ) -- The fall of the Berlin Wall , and the eventual disintegration of the Soviet Union , were overwhelmingly positive events -- a near miracle , in fact , given the potential for widespread chaos and violence . But as we prepare to mark the 25th anniversary of the Wall 's fall , it is important to also remember some of the less pleasant side-effects . Indeed , this Sunday and beyond we have a responsibility to consider not only the joy and liberation of so many in Europe at the time , but also the repercussions that landmark event continues to have for the world today . For a start , it 's worth remembering that not all Western policymakers were thrilled , at least in the early stages , at the prospect of the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union . After all , although the Cold War offered a wretched global order , it was at least a form of order . And so it was not unreasonable for those who remembered at least one global conflict -- World War II -- to feel a little anxiety about state disintegration and the potential spread of nuclear weapons , among other things . But the end of the Cold War was not just about the break up of the Soviet empire . In fact , it involved three related but distinct events -- the end of a global strategic confrontation between NATO , the Soviet Union , and their allies and proxies ; the effective end of a global ideological struggle between capitalism and communism ; and the partial disintegration of the Russian Empire , of which the Soviet Union was simply the latest manifestation . The end of the global confrontation was as much , if not more , of a relief in what used to be known as the Third World , or non-aligned countries . It is easy for those who live in Europe and North America to forget that this `` cold war '' did not feel that way at all in swathes of Africa , Latin America and the Far East , where regional conflicts and civil wars both fed and were exacerbated by the wider tensions between the world 's two great power blocks . And while it may be no comfort to the people of the former Yugoslavia , or the victims of the genocide in Rwanda , for example , the absence of such confrontation has contributed to the steady decline of conflict worldwide , as well as easing the considerable fears over a possible nuclear exchange and conflict . But the end of the ideological struggle arguably began a decade before 1989 , with the partial conversion , at least in economic terms , of Communist China under Deng Xiaoping . In fact , one could argue that even before the late 1980s , the Soviet Union and its satellites were no longer trying to spread a credible alternative to capitalism , but were instead simply clinging on for dear life . ( Although Soviet leaders might smile wryly at the scene now , where democracy has found its credibility battered by a global financial crisis and the seeming dysfunction of its political institutions ) . Still , as we are frequently reminded , the collapse of the Soviet Union was a traumatic and humiliating experience for many of its citizens , even if it also resulted in unmitigated jubilation for comparable numbers of others . Indeed , even today , the combination of the dramatic loss of global status , the perceived dismembering of its country by foreign powers , and the economic hardship many Russians experienced in the transition to the political system of their country 's former enemy has produced a toxic cocktail for much of Russian society . The fact is that cynicism and arbitrary rule have displaced the heady optimism of the 1990s , and in many Russians ' eyes , liberal democracy is ( wrongly ) considered to have been tried and thoroughly discredited . Such perceived failures have left us where we are now , in a new strategic and ideological confrontation between Russia and the West over Ukraine . However , unlike the Cold War , this tension is regional , not global , and it is portrayed by Russian President Vladimir Putin as being between `` liberal '' and `` conservative '' values , not capitalism and communism . ( And it is also being fought mostly through non-conventional , economic and information warfare , rather than an enormous buildup of hard power , although a more conventional conflict has raged in the east of Ukraine ) . Why is all this worth remembering now ? Because 25 years on , it is no longer satisfactory only to discuss what may have disappeared between 1989 and 1991 -- we must also consider what eventually replaced it . The harsh reality , despite the excitement and optimism at the time , is that the Cold War order did not give way to peace and prosperity across the world . Instead , we have a messier picture , with varying degrees of success and failure . From the war in Ukraine to the unrest in the Middle East , the West is faced with threats to its security that are less clear-cut than our confrontation with the Soviet Union , and also less predictable and much harder to understand . This is the reality we have inherited , and we must maintain our vigilance and be more creative in developing strategies to address the challenges we face . The Age of Triumph , if it ever existed , is over .
Malcolm Rifkind is a former British foreign secretary . Fall of Berlin Wall was overwhelmingly positive , Rifkind writes . But not all the side-effects were , he says . Rifkind : West facing new confrontation with Russia .