( CNN ) -- Location , location , location : It matters greatly to the success of democracy . Last week , for the second time in a decade , a popular uprising in Ukraine chased away a corrupt , authoritarian leader . ( The same leader both times , as it happens . ) The Orange Revolution of 2005 ended badly -- and the same adverse conditions overshadow Ukraine 's hopes today . Yet in Ukraine , neighbors Poland and Germany have supported and defended that nation 's dissidents and democrats . But Ukraine is not the only authoritarian regime facing protests . And it 's not the only nation where democratic neighbors could make a positive difference . Unfortunately , in the other case -- Venezuela -- too many of those neighbors are silent . Except only for brief punctuations by rebellions and invasions , Russia ruled Ukraine as a province from the late 17th century until 1991 . Vladimir Putin seems to regard the state of affairs since 1991 as merely another of those punctuations . Under Putin , Russia has subverted Ukrainian institutions and manipulated the Ukrainian economy . The goal has been to subordinate Ukraine as a dependent , compliant and nondemocratic subject state . Putin succeeded in that goal after 2005 . He 'll surely try again after 2014 . Whether he succeeds again or is thwarted will depend greatly on the efforts of Poland and Germany above all . Those neighbors exemplify the transition to democracy and a normally functioning economy . The Polish foreign minister was in Kiev during the crucial hours before the flight of President Viktor Yanukovych . Germany has offered aid to cover Ukraine 's energy debt to Russia and has warned Russia against any tampering with Ukraine 's territorial integrity . In Venezuela , at least eight people are dead and dozens wounded in protests . Many of the casualties have been inflicted by semicriminal motorcycle gangs known as colectivos , loyal to the Bolivarian regime , so-called because Hugo Chavez helped change the official name of the country to Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela . The Internet has been turned off in cities sympathetic to the opposition , both to stop information arriving -- and , maybe even more , to prevent photos and videos of regime brutality from exiting . Colombia 's cable news network has been dropped from Venezuelan cable systems . CNN has been threatened with the same fate unless it alters its coverage more to the authorities ' liking . CNN has not complied , and thus far the Venezuelan government has not executed its threat . Cuba has sent troops to reinforce the government . In this dangerous situation , the presidents of Chile and Colombia have urged the Venezuelan government to permit peaceful protest and eschew violence . These statements carry impressive moral weight . Chile is South America 's outstanding democratic paragon . Since the end of the dictatorship in 1989 , power has alternated from democratic right to democratic left and back again . Outstanding economic management has led Chile to the highest per-capita income in South America , catching up to Estonia and Lithuania , and ahead of Poland . Colombia has made impressive progress subduing a decades-long insurgency and inviting former rebels to join the political progress under the new and more liberal constitution of 1990 . It has suppressed drug trafficking : Aerial surveys indicate Colombia 's coca acreage has been reduced by three-fourths since 2000 . President Barack Obama has hailed Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos as `` bold and brave '' in his work for peace and security inside Colombia -- a task made more complex and difficult by the late Hugo Chavez 's military and financial support for the drug-trafficking remnants of the Colombian insurgency . Because the presidents of Chile and Colombia are identified with the political right , however , their condemnation is easier for the Venezuelan government to shrug off than would be condemnations from democratic presidents associated with Latin America 's democratic left . Brazil 's Dilma Rousseff could play an especially important part here . Herself once a left-wing guerrilla against Brazil 's former military regime , Rousseff embraced democratic politics in the 1970s and 1980s and was chief of staff to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva , a former trade unionist and Brazil 's first president of working-class origins . Lula da Silva was everything that Chavez pretended to be , a leader who promoted social welfare policies while also respecting basic freedoms and civil rights . Unlike Chavez , who started his political career with a failed coup , Lula da Silva always followed constitutional rules . Again , unlike Chavez who repeatedly rewrote Venezuela 's laws to extend his hold on power , he left by the constitutional timetable . As Lula da Silva 's successor , Rousseff inherits much of his prestige . Yet that moral voice keeps silent as Venezuela 's goon government exerts ever more censorship , corruption and violence to extend its grip on power . The authoritarian governments of Latin America -- not only Venezuela but also Cuba , Ecuador , and Nicaragua -- form almost a trade union of shared ugly interests . Where is the unity of the continent 's democracies ? For very understandable historical reasons , Latin American governments worry about overbearing American action . Yet many wo n't act , even when their most important interests and most cherished values come under violent attack . The leaders of Germany and Poland have learned from history that embattled democrats , when left alone , may die alone . The lessons apply as well in the Western Hemisphere as in the East -- the lessons and the responsibility . The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of David Frum .
Ukraine and Venezuela experience deadly uprisings against authoritarian regimes . David Frum : Ukraine 's people support the activists , but many of Venezuela 's do n't . Venezuela and Colombia support regime , he says , but they 're right wing and thus suspect . Frum : Ukraine should play a big role in supporting democratic change in Venezuela .