( CNN ) -- An alleged letter from President Barack Obama to Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has prompted consternation not just in Washington , but also Tel Aviv and Riyadh . According to the Wall Street Journal , Obama pointed out some common American and Iranian interests in defeating the extremist ISIS -- which calls itself the Islamic State -- and reportedly also suggested that a nuclear accord between Iran and the P5+1 ( United States , United Kingdom , France , Russia , China and Germany ) could result in cooperation on regional issues between Washington and Tehran . But the move has , according to one Republican source quoted by CNN , sent `` shock waves '' through Washington . Why ? The alleged letter comes despite a consistent message from the White House and America 's top nuclear negotiators that nuclear talks would not be linked to larger regional issues on which Iran may possess greater leverage . And while it is not surprising the letter has upset domestic critics of the negotiations , the alleged correspondence has also unsettled Israel and Saudi Arabia , which fear a `` bad '' deal with Iran and even secret collusion between Washington and Tehran . But such concerns seem unfounded . For a start , Washington has plenty of leverage to negotiate a good deal with Iran that constrains its nuclear program . Just as important , though , is that the United States has an opportunity not only to resolve the nuclear issue , but also to defuse tensions with Iran while maintaining America 's bonds with its traditional partners . The reality is that the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the United States are not the result of a newfound friendship . Instead , the international sanctions regime against Iran has given it an incentive to compromise on its nuclear program . And although the election of Hassan Rouhani as president has also helped , it 's not clear that Rouhani 's presidency without sanctions pressure would have gotten the negotiations as far as they have come . Of course , even after a deal , Washington and Tehran will face real differences over their respective policies in the Middle East ; a return of the kind of U.S.-Iran alliance that was seen under the former Shah is highly unlikely . Yet the United States does n't have to like or agree with the Iranian regime 's policies in order to have some sort of relationship with it . After all , despite increasing tensions on a range of issues , Washington still maintains diplomatic ties to Moscow and Beijing . And while Iran is not a great power , it does play a major role in nearly all the conflicts roiling the Middle East , contributing to instability in the region . So , can the United States provide enough inducements for Iran to change its ways in the region ? Perhaps . Although Iran has given the world plenty of reason to believe that it will simply go about its business as usual after a possible nuclear deal , it seems more likely that the combination of a deal , Rouhani 's presidency , and public demand in Iran for real change would offer Washington an opportunity to exact real changes from the regime . Such optimism might not be shared by Iran 's regional neighbors -- especially Israel and Saudi Arabia . Israeli officials especially these days tend to portray the Iranian regime in the starkest terms possible . But both countries will sooner or later have to accept that Iran as a country is not going to go anywhere , and so crafting policies that encourage its evolution into a more open , tolerant and cooperative country is in the long-term interests not just of the United States , but the Middle East as well . True , there are no guarantees that such an Iran will ever emerge . The government exercises tight control over the country , and in many ways Rouhani , while more pragmatic than other clerics , is still not as open and reform-minded as the West would like . Yet anyone who visits Iran these days will surely see a country that is very different from the images that have been etched into the American psyche . Scenes like the burning of U.S. flags do occur . But Iran is much bigger and more complex than the black-and-white presentations of it by much of the media . CNN host Anthony Bourdain 's recent culinary trip in `` Parts Unknown '' was a great example of this . Communicating with one 's adversaries is n't a sign of weakness ; in order to compel certain behavior , one has to communicate what that desired behavior is . But even if Iran does not accept a compromise by the November 24 deadline for the talks , America will still have greater leverage over Tehran than it has ever had , and will be able to portray Iran as the intransigent party to the international community . All this suggests that the United States has a real opportunity not only to put the brakes on Iran 's nuclear pursuits , but also to bolster larger American goals . And the problem lies not in Obama 's letter to Khamenei , but the fearful reaction it has produced ; it is time to take a deep breath and consider the success that has been achieved so far in bringing Iran to the table on the nuclear issue . Khamenei might claim the letter is a sign of strength to his followers . But in reality he has been pushed into a corner .
Alleged Obama letter to Iran 's Supreme Leader sparks controversy . Critics of correspondence missing the point , Alireza Nader says . U.S. has tried to gain influence on Iran , Nader says .