Hong Kong is in the midst of a passionate debate about our constitutional development . It 's a debate we must have . But it 's a debate that must be tempered with reason . Raw emotion -- for or against the proposed political reform -- will get us nowhere . It must also be a discussion based on the constitutional framework that provides for a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region ( HKSAR ) within China . Much discussion has centered around the recent decision of the Standing Committee of the National People 's Congress ( NPCSC ) of China on the parameters for electing the chief executive ( CE ) by one-person , one-vote in 2017 . Critics say the nominating framework is too restrictive and that only candidates favored by Beijing will eventually appear on the ballot . Such claims are unfounded as we have not even started to discuss the detailed but crucial aspects of the nominating process for potential chief executive candidates . This will be the subject of a public consultation to be launched soon and which will eventually lead to the enabling legislation on changes to the electoral method for the 2017 election . Election method . On the question of electing the chief executive , the Basic Law , Hong Kong 's `` mini-constitution , '' provides that `` the ultimate aim is the selection of the chief executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures . '' To change over to this new election method , the Basic Law requires the endorsement of a two-thirds majority of all ( currently 70 ) members of the Legislative Council , the consent of the CE , and be reported to the NPCSC of China for approval . Basically , we have two choices : retain the current system by which the CE is elected by a 1,200-person election committee ; or , adopt an enhanced system , the one recently announced by the NPCSC , that will see two to three candidates in a full-fledged election at which Hong Kong 's five million eligible voters will exercise this right for the first time . Historic step . I sincerely hope that legislators will take the historic step forward to achieve universal suffrage for the election in 2017 as scheduled . So far the debate has focused on the system per se . But the chief executive 's unique constitutional position within China also needs to be understood more clearly in order to fully appreciate the basis for the electoral process . Unlike other cities or provinces in China , or for that matter , those in other countries , the HKSAR enjoys a far higher degree of autonomy in many areas including our legal system , legislature , internal security , immigration , customs , economy , finances , trade , industry , commerce , shipping , aviation , education , sport , religion and external affairs . All these are enshrined in our Basic Law . These additional powers are devolved from the Central People 's Government . This is why the central government has the power to appoint the chief executive as well as principal officials . This is also why the central government has a constitutional role in approving any changes to the electoral method for the chief executive . Hong Kong is society with a deep respect for the rule of law . It is the pillar of our success . Our common law system and an independent judiciary are protected by the Basic Law which I , as the chief executive , have pledged to uphold and protect . It is my fundamental and constitutional duty to work towards the goal of electing the chief executive by universal suffrage within that legal framework .
Hong Kong is in the midst of a passionate debate about its constitutional development . City should seize opportunity to have ` ` full - fledged election '' for first time , Hong Kong 's leader writes . Critics says it will allow only candidates favored by Beijing . Such claims are unfounded as details are not available , C.Y . Leung adds .