( CNN ) -- The impeachment of Iranian science minister Reza Faraji-Dana last month was just the latest episode in an ongoing struggle between so-called moderates and hard-liners that has been going on in the country since the 1979 revolution . It 's a bad sign for those pinning their hopes on the ability of President Hassan Rouhani to bring about change in Iran . Tensions between reformists and conservatives have never quite brought the Islamic Republic to a breaking point , but they have been the source of economic malaise and internal instability . Unfortunately , as tempting as it has been to view Rouhani 's election last year as a solution to Iran 's endemic political battles , his presidency is actually likely to perpetuate -- if not increase -- the dysfunction within the Iranian regime . Indeed , even a possible nuclear deal -- which itself is far from certain at this point -- is unlikely to be enough to provide Rouhani with a decisive political victory . Instead , it might simply dredge up the angst and anxiety that culminated in the Green Movement in 2009 . Hard-line parliamentarians managed to muster the numbers to impeach Faraji-Dana for his supposedly `` un-revolutionary '' educational policies , specifically his welcoming back of students and faculty associated with what hardline conservatives deem to be the `` seditious '' Green uprising . The previous government , under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad , had purged the universities of reformist elements and introduced an atmosphere into academia reminiscent of the early revolutionary years , and while Rouhani has n't enacted any major reforms since his election , higher education reform was seen as a first move in delivering on his campaign promises . Hard-liners have generally been critical of Rouhani 's nuclear negotiations , but are believed to have been restrained in their attacks on the urging of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei -- while conservatives do n't wish to empower Rouhani , they are also conscious of Iran 's precarious economic situation and are therefore reluctant to block Rouhani 's diplomatic efforts , for now at least . But they are loathe to give Rouhani freedom of movement on domestic issues . For them , the `` sedition '' of 2009 was a direct challenge to the Islamic Republic as a whole . And while Rouhani condemned the 2009 uprising , he has nevertheless maintained working relations with key reformist figures such as former President Mohammad Khatami . Yet , although a large constituency for change exists throughout Iranian society , represented by regime reformists and centrists like Rouhani as well as secular , nationalist and leftist opposition groups vigorously oppressed by the regime , it is still unclear what could actually prompt change in Iran . After all , Iranians are well aware of the Middle East burning before them . But their country , while divided and dysfunctional , is at least relatively secure and stable . And while Rouhani suggests the possibility of political evolution , the failure of the reform/centrist movement in achieving meaningful change is also obvious . The reality for Iran is that neither revolution nor evolution might be feasible for Iran . So what is left ? The eventual passing of Khamenei might one day provide an opportunity for change , but even then , the chances of a succession remaining cordial or even peaceful are hardly guaranteed , especially given the current environment of political animosity . Iran 's competing factions see an uncertain future as they seek to position themselves for the post-Khamenei era , including Rouhani 's ally and patron , former President Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani , who is reportedly keen to reclaim the chairmanship of the Assembly of Experts , a clerical body with the power to appoint the next supreme leader . However , it is difficult to imagine conservatives accepting Rafsanjani or Rouhani being left in a position to shape the succession to Khamanei , as this could open the door to meaningful reforms -- and ( at least as far as conservatives are concerned ) the end of the Islamic Republic in its current form . All this suggests that Faraji-Dana 's impeachment is very likely a sign of some troubling times to come . And even though Rouhani offers the West 's best hope of the nuclear issue being addressed , a deal could very well energize the President 's rivals in their bid to stave off change .
Reza Faraji-Dana , former Iranian science minister , was impeached last month . Move was latest sign of internal power struggle in Iran , says Alireza Nader . He argues Iran 's conservatives are unlikely to give ground on domestic issues . Score: 6