Cairo ( CNN ) -- In Cairo , where huge protests are now in their fourth day , the angry protesters in Tahrir Square are reclaiming the pro-democracy revolution they started January 25 . Since it took control of the management of the transitional process , the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces -- appointed by the former president , Hosni Mubarak -- has been following a three-sided strategy to contain and even frustrate the persistent demands for handing over power to a civilian authority and establishing an effective democratic system . The military council is breaking the revolutionary will of the protesters by arresting many and putting them in military courts ( 12,000 civilians so far ) ; deliberately humiliating them ( torturing many and exposing female protesters to virginity tests ) ; making ordinary people feel disillusioned and even hate the revolution by failing to take tough measures against anarchy and restore law and order ; and finally , encouraging fragmentation and discord among the country 's political actors . Like Mubarak , the military council has adopted the policy of `` me or anarchy . '' Over the past few months , Egyptians have used enormous demonstrations to press their demands , starting with insisting on dismissing the government that Mubarak had appointed before he was ousted , purging the security forces and cleaning the Ministry of Interior , trying Mubarak and those responsible for the death of more than 800 peaceful protesters and the injury of thousands , and setting a clear and specific timetable for handing over power to civilians . The military council has been reluctant to respond , and when it has , it has completely emptied these demands of any meaningful effect . Indeed , it appointed a new Cabinet in March but deprived it of any effective authority . It changed the name of the state security force while maintaining its old structure and savage practices , and it reluctantly put Mubarak and some of his aides before trial , but none has been indicted , and the process has been incredibly slow . With parliamentary elections set to begin on November 28 , the military council wanted to secure its position in the transitional process and threw a wrench in the form of a draft of supra-constitutional principles that , if it were to be agreed upon by the major political forces , would grant the military council a special status in the new political process . It would make the council sovereign above all other state institutions , including the parliament . The proposed principles would prevent civilian control or overseeing powers over any of the military 's affairs , grant the military veto powers over the laws and strip the elected parliament of some of its authority . The document revealed the military council 's insecurity about the results of the coming elections and the fear that Islamists might win a majority . It also engendered a deep state of polarization among the country 's political forces . Many liberals and secularists supported the document , while Islamic parties and youth movements rejected it and organized a massive demonstration Friday under the name `` The Friday of Protecting Democracy . '' Several youth and grass-roots movements joined the demonstrations and continued with sit-ins , insisting on a specific timeframe for transitioning authority . The security forces brutally cracked down on the protesters , igniting further clashes over the past few days . To many protesters , what Egypt is witnessing is `` phase two '' of the January revolution . One can not ignore the striking similarities between the two phases , particularly the snail-paced responses of the military council and Mubarak and the unjustifiable use of force against unarmed civilians . I was in Tahrir Square on Saturday when army soldiers clamped down on thousands of peaceful protesters , killing two in their initial thrust and savagely beating many of them . This excessive use of force was a major factor contributing to the fall of Mubarak . The military council also repeats another fatal mistake by responding too late with too little , leading protesters to raise the ceiling of their demands . What started as protests calling for protecting democracy and a timetable for transferring power under the management of the military council has become firm demands for ending the rule of the council and the military generals . Despite this revolutionary situation , and perhaps because of it , Egypt has great hopes in transitioning to democracy . Several steps need to be taken . The military council needs to bring to justice those responsible for the death and injury of peaceful protesters , including the immediate dismissal of the minister of interior and his aides . A new national salvation government has to be formed of credible public figures to manage the transitional process -- writing a new constitution , restoring order and reviving the country 's economy . Finally , sticking to a clear road map that allows timely legislative elections to be held under the immediate supervision of the newly formed government , followed by presidential elections , would position Egypt on a stable path toward democratic transition . The military council might try to exploit this precarious situation to impose martial law and postpone or even cancel the parliamentary elections . This will prove counterproductive and , in fact , disastrous because Egyptians will then have nothing to lose and will continue with their revolution to end military rule and earn their democracy . The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Emad El-Din Shahin .
Emad Shahin : Military government in Egypt has been blocking transition to civilian rule . He says the armed forces are getting in the way of change . Protesters had to return to the streets to start the revolution , he says . Shahin : Military using violence , arrests and torture to repress those seeking change .