Arriving with the Iranian supreme leader 's blessing to show `` heroic flexibility '' in global diplomacy , and having built up to his U.N. General Assembly appearance with weeks of conciliatory gestures , tweets and media engagement , Iranian President Hassan Rouhani carried the prospect of a sudden breakthrough in the 34-year U.S.-Iran impasse in his right hand . But despite fevered global attention , no dramatic handshake with President Obama ever happened . Reportedly , the Iranian U.N. delegation told its American counterparts that the handshake was `` too complicated back home '' just now . When it will not be too complicated back home is a good question . If recent history is any guide , things may remain complicated for some time . In 1998 , then-Iranian President Mohammad Khatami came to the U.N. General Assembly after a landslide election victory and an even stronger voter mandate than Rouhani . President Bill Clinton addressed the assembly the same day as Khatami , and media outlets speculated on the prospect of a `` chance '' meeting between presidents . Clinton and Khatami earnestly wished to meet , but the word came from Tehran forbidding the encounter . Even then , it was `` too complicated '' back in the corridors of power in Tehran . Also in parallel , then-Secretary of State Madeline Albright and Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi met within the contact group working on Afghanistan , just as Secretary of State John Kerry and Foreign Minister Javad Zarif are set to meet Thursday within the context of the P5+1 -- countries involved in diplomacy with Iran over its nuclear program -- and possibly one-on-one . No presidential meeting ever happened at either General Assembly gathering . Nonetheless , after the 1998 assembly , positive U.S.-Iran diplomatic engagement on Afghanistan did foster the removal of the Taliban and a successful Bonn Agreement establishing a democratically elected Afghan government . This limited but important diplomatic progress continued , despite some setbacks , until President George W. Bush ranked Iran among the `` axis of evil '' in his first State of the Union address after September 11 . Things had become pretty complicated in Washington . At the presidential level , either the U.S. side or the Iranian side can always -- and credibly -- point to domestic political factors making any bold conciliatory gesture too complicated . Deeply rooted policy instruments , skepticism , alliance structures and political careers have grown up around three decades of estrangement in both capitals . Given these longstanding issues , it is not surprising that the adversarial framework still guides virtually all interaction and that breakthroughs -- even as simple as those afforded by a handshake -- are fraught with peril . Indeed , even the Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was obliged to qualify his recent call for `` heroic flexibility '' after hardliners objected . But while the U.S.-Iran relationship might continue within this adversarial framework for the time being , with complex domestic considerations affecting every step , there is still some reason for measured optimism . Coming out of their General Assembly appearances , both presidents seemed to agree on four key points : . First , that the nuclear issue is a primary obstacle to progress on other areas of dispute , and resolving this issue must be a top priority . Second , that the diplomatic arena , rather than the superheated spotlight of head of state politics , may hold the key to real progress . Third , that discussions aimed at resolving the nuclear dispute must take place within an atmosphere of `` mutual respect . '' Fourth , that any reduction of economic sanctions will require concrete , verifiable progress on the nuclear issue . No less important than this consensus on foreign policy , both understand that antagonizing important domestic constituencies in each others ' capitals only makes diplomatic progress harder . President Rohani 's acknowledging the Holocaust during his interview with CNN 's Christiane Amanpour on Tuesday , and thereby distancing himself from his bellicose predecessor , was a welcome case in point . To advance these priorities , both the United States and Iran have entrusted progress on the nuclear issue to their diplomats . On the U.S. side , Obama announced during his U.N. speech that Kerry would assume the lead on the nuclear issue . Within Iran 's system , Iran 's Foreign Ministry took over the nuclear file from the Supreme National Security Council after the appointment of Zarif . Zarif 's credentials and track record offer the promise of a credible and professional partner , as does the clear mandate of Iran 's recent elections that brought Rouhani to power with the promise of ending Iran 's international isolation . So the spotlight shifts to diplomacy , and both sides agree that tangible , timely results are a must . Kerry now must be empowered to employ all the tools in America 's diplomatic arsenal to achieve progress in tandem with U.S. allies on the Iran nuclear issue . The best intelligence and analysis support , upgraded Persian-language media outreach and information programming , and expanded academic and cultural exchanges with the Iranian people will bolster State 's efforts greatly . Of course , U.S. allies as well as Congress -- justifiably skeptical after so many years -- must be kept informed of progress . It will take hard work and time , but for the first time in decades , empowered bilateral diplomacy has a chance . Perhaps at some point along the long road ahead , ideally after a peaceful resolution to the nuclear dispute opens the way to broader bilateral dialogue , we may even witness the long-awaited presidential handshake .
Ramin Asgard : an Obama - Rouhani handshake turned out to be ` ` too complicated '' Asgard : Near - U.S.-Iran presidential handshake in 1998 , but it was different then . But diplomatic ##ally hopeful , he says , and Obama and Rouhani agreed on key principles . Obama : For the first time in decades , real bilateral diplomacy has a chance .