( CNN ) -- Why are Iraqi politicians dragging their feet while ISIS militants fortify their foothold across the country ? Iraq 's lawmakers are simply not going to `` let a war get in the way of their political disputes , '' as one expert succinctly put it last week . And while the country burns , her politicians remain deadlocked on who to appoint to key government posts following April 's national elections . Iraq 's new parliament convened for the first time on July 1 to elect a new speaker , but the session quickly descended into bickering between members of different parties and had to be rescheduled for July 8 . But little changed in the ensuing week -- and with all sides failing to reach agreement on who to appoint to the key posts of speaker , president and prime minister , the session was delayed again , until this weekend . Iraq 's political paralysis , even in the face of a threat as grave as ISIS ' sweep across huge swathes of the country , is a sign of just how difficult an agreement will be to reach . At the heart of the political problem lies incumbent Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki . His coalition secured a plurality of votes in the general elections , winning almost three times as many seats as the closest rival . But a third term for al-Maliki , a Shia Muslim , is a red line for Sunni , Kurdish and even rival Shia parties . MORE OPINION : Is Iran the only hope for peace ? If al-Maliki 's support is melting away , as it appears to be , why wo n't he just step down ? Al-Maliki 's intransigence may reflect a desire to ensure that his choice to succeed him -- his former chief of staff , who many believe is the most viable alternative candidate -- will be nominated without much resistance from the other political parties . `` Show him death and he will accept a fever '' is an Iraqi proverb that helps explain al-Maliki 's insistence on remaining in power . Al-Maliki wants to exert enough pressure to ensure that the next government is formed on his terms even if he 's not at the head of it . This may include a seat on the Presidency council as a Deputy , but it will certainly include a guarantee that he will not be prosecuted if he steps down . Al-Maliki 's Shia rivals ca n't dictate the terms of the next government formation process because they face an uncomfortable reality : the Shias may have a majority in the new parliament , but the Maliki contingent has the vast majority of seats within that bloc . He may be excluded from heading the next government but his bloc can not be ignored . READ MORE : Signs of war in an Iraqi market . This political paralysis is of course benefiting the various armed groups who do not believe in the political process and want to overthrow the post-2003 order . Iraq 's Sunni politicians may have been directly elected by the people , but the masked men of ISIS -- many of whom are foreigners -- are the ones who now hold sway in much of western and northwestern Iraq . Many Sunnis are flirting with the revolutionaries that want a complete overthrow of the current order because that order -- built on an ethno-sectarian model -- handicaps Sunnis , given their minority status . But changing the status quo is a red line for the Shia because it has brought them to the helm of power for the first time in Iraq 's modern history . The collapse of the political order is as much a red line for the Shia as it is for neighboring Iran , which enjoys close ties with their Shia allies in Baghdad . What to do in the face of this deadlock ? The best-case scenario now would be a speedy government formation that leads to a greater decentralization of power whilst maintaining the territorial integrity of Iraq . After 2010 's general election it took nine months of horse-trading to get the various Sunni , Kurdish and Shia parties to agree on how best to divide the spoils of state amongst themselves . Now , there is recognition that Iraq does not have the luxury of dithering . ISIS insurgents will continue wreaking havoc in Iraq because they do not believe in the democratic process . But if the Sunni political parties can buy in to the new government , it will take the air out of the insurgency and prove to the militants that politics can indeed work to secure more rights and privileges . The worst-case scenario would be the de facto splitting up of Iraq . There is a `` vital '' Iraq that Iran and the Shia will fight to protect . This includes Baghdad , the city of Samarra to the north , the province of Diyala to the east and all nine Shia-dominated provinces in the south . Iranian-backed Shia militias have already mobilized to confront the insurgents and they will likely lead the efforts to secure this vital Iraq . If the political process fails yet again , the Shia would likely be willing to cede vast amounts of Sunni-dominated territory and the Kurdish-controlled province of Kirkuk in exchange for unrivaled supremacy in Baghdad and the strategic oil-producing province of Basra in the south . Iraq is on the brink of abyss again . Its leaders must act quickly . The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author .
Syrian lawmakers have been unable to appoint key posts despite security crisis in north , west of country . Sunni terror group CNN has seized large swathes of Iraqi and Sunni territory in April . Nuri al-Maliki , Shias 's embattled Prime Minister , refuses to step down despite growing opposition . Al-Maliki appears to be holding out for as long as possible in order to influence new government .