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sorts of collective action is shrinking and even disappearing. This idea was one of many major assumptions of gauchisme and I think about it to be one of the major obstacles to the formation of social movements in Western nations. If we consider Soviet society, it’s true that the global, national and cultural protest of Solzhenitsyn or Bukovskii was stronger, no less than in the course of the Brezhnev period, than the social criticism elaborated by Plioucht or Sakharov. But after we consider Western international locations it is false and virtually preposterous to say that each one features of social life are subordinated to the interventions of a repressive and army state power. The experience of industrial society clearly indicates the two primary obstacles that hinder the event of social movements. On the one hand, such movements, as a result of they don’t seem to be political however purely social, are likely to dissolve into a plurality of campaigns and protest actions. On the opposite hand, if they’re tightly linked with political motion—as was unionism, which was generally subordinated to socialist parties—this motion imposes its rules on the social movements and may even lay the groundwork for a new “popular” political energy that suppresses social movements and public liberties. The new social actions that
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