Today's juveniles are the heroes who will take charge of future of our nation and society. Then, how their political attitude forms can be said to be very important not only to themselves but to their nation and society. In this point of view, it will be very meaningful to find right direction of political socialization and political education whose factors is to form democratic political attitude and hand it over to the youth, at the present moment that desire for political development, that is democratization is rising sharply among public. Therefore the guiding purpose of this study is to suggest necessity to improve political education of juvenile for our nation's democratic political development by inspecting and analyzing the situation of political attitude formation of iuveniles now attending in middle and highschool. In view with performing the purpose, I inspected and analyzed actual state of political attitude formation of juveniles attended in middle and high schools of Seoul. Positive inspecting method was taken for it. The object was total 466 of boys and girls studying at 6 school in Seoul, and questionnaire was used for the inspection. The data from it was treated stastically at Institution of Electronic Calculation of Ewha Womans University. That is, each political attitude was examined according to the object's school-grade, sex, socio-economic background and some variations of school, then figured out its Sum, Mean, and SD, and compared them with each other. Lastly t-test and f-test were carried out for inspecting differences of the stastical figures. The results are summarized as follows: First, when observed the whole parttern of political attitude formation of the middle and high school students, citizenship duty and political efficacy appeared as comparatively high, while political participation and political trust extremely low, and national identity middle. In other words, the highest was citizenship duty, and the lowest political trust. Second, in case of differences between political attitudes by each school-grade, as the grade of students was higher, national identity, citizenship duty, political efficacy, and political participation were also higher, and political trust lower. Of those attitudes, only national identity and political trust were represented with significance. Third, as far as political attitude by sex differences concerned, it was found that boy students had more national identity, political trust and participation than girls. While girls had more citizenship duty and political efficacy than boys, and citizenship duty and political efficacy were singificant among them. Fourth, when observed socio-economic background, the differences of political attitudes by the factor are as follows. 1. By fathers' occupation-there was not any significant difference in it. 2. By fathers' educational background-the higher educational grade was, the higher national identity, political efficacy, political participating were and the lower political trust was, of which just political participation was found to be most significant. 3. By mothers' educational background-when it was presented as higher, all political attitudes also as higher. And only national identity and political trust were considered as significant. 4 . By their standard of living-as it revealed more highly, all political attitudes were found to be higher. And citizenship duty and political efficacy had significance of these attitudes. Fifth, the differences shown in political attitudes in accordance with some variations of school are described below. 1. As the students marked better record, they had higher national identity, citizenship duty, political efficacy and political participation, and lower political trust. Citizenship duty, political efficacy and political trust were meaningful. 2. Observing the admiring degree to their teachers, as the degree appeared as higher, so did all political attitudes. Among all attitudes, national identity, citizenship duty, political trust and political efficacy were described as having significance. 3. Let me observed by their thought about political education When their thought was affirmative, national identity, citizenship duty, political trust and political participation were the highest, of which national identity appeared most significantly. 4. Finally observing the attitudes regarding to school environment, the more the environment was democratic, the higher all political attitudes but political participation were. National identity, political trust, citizenship duty of them were presented meaningfully. Judging from these results, it can be found that middle and high school students' political attitude formation did not reach to our expectation. Especially in case of political trust, they showed extremely negative tendency. In addition, it can be also found that several factors such as grade, sex, socio-economic background as well as some variations of school influenced on making political attitude form variously. The results can be believed taht they mean political socialization and education against the students have not performed efficiently. Consequently, this study described some suggestion for forming desirable political attitude of middle and high school students at the end.;오늘의 청소년들은 장래 國家·社會의 운명을 책임질 主人公들이다. 그러므로 이들의 政治態度가 어떻게 형성되느냐 하는 문제는 그들 個人뿐만 아니라 國家的, 社會的 측면에서도 중요하다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 政治發展, 즉 民主化에 대한 열망이 國民間에 고조되어가는 현 시점에서, 청소년들에게 民主的 政治態度를 형성·전수시키는 기능을 갖는 政治社會化, 政治敎育의 올바른 방향을 모색해본다는 것은 매우 의미있는 일이라고 하겠다. 그러므로, 本 硏究는 현재 中·高等學校에 재학중인 청소년들의 政治態度形成의 實態를 조사·분석함으로써 우리나라 民主政治發展을 위한 청소년 政治敎育의 개선에 시사점을 주고자 함을 그 目的으로 하였다. 이러한 目的을 수행하기 위하여 本 硏究는 실증적인 調査方法을 채택하였는데, 調査對象은 서울市內 6개 中·高等學校의 男·女學生 466명이었으며 調査道具는 질문지였다. 여기서 수집된 자료는 이화여자대학교 전자계산연구소에서 통계처리되었다. 즉 각 政治態度의 점수를 學年別, 性別, 社會經濟的 背景別, 學校의 諸變因別로 총점, 평균치, 표준편차를 산출하여 비교하고, 이들 통계치에 대한 差異檢證으로 T檢證과 F檢證을 하였다. 本 硏究의 調査結果를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 中·高等學生들의 政治態度形成의 전반적인 樣相을 보면 市民義務感과 政治效能感은 비교적 높게 나타난 반면, 政治參與感과 政治信賴感은 대단히 낮게 나타났으며 國民的一體感은 중간 수준이었다. 즉 市民義務感이 가장 높게, 政治信賴感이 가장 낮게 나타났다. 둘째, 學年에 따른 政治態度의 차이를 보면 學年이 올라감에 따라 國民的一體感, 市民義務感, 政治效能感, 政治參與感은 높아지고 있고 政治信賴感은 낮아지고 있으며, 이 중 國民的-體感과 政治信賴感만이 의의있게 나타났다.  넷째, 社會經濟的 背景에 따른 政治態度의 차이를 보면 다음과 같다. 父의 職業別로는 어떤 政治態度에서도 의의있는 차이를 나타내지 않고 있다. 父의 學歷別로는 父의 學歷이 높아짐에 따라 國民的一體感, 市民義務感, 政治效能感, 政治參與感은 높아지고 있고 政治信賴感은 낮아지고 있으며, 이 중 政治參與感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 母의 學歷別로는 母의 學歷이 높아짐에 따라 모든 政治態度가 높게 나타났으며, 이 중 國民的一體感과 政治信賴感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 가정의 生活水準別로는 가정의 生活水準이 높아짐에 따라 모든 政治態度가 높게 나타났으며, 이 중 市民義務感과 政治效能感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 다섯째, 學校의 諸變因에 따른 政治態度의 차이를 보면 다음과 같다. 學業成績別로는 學業成績이 높아짐에 따라 國民的一體感, 市民義務感, 政治效能感, 政治參與感은 높아지고 있고 政治信賴感은 낮아지고 있으며 이 중 市民義務感, 政治效能感, 政治信賴感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 敎師의 존경정도別로는 敎師의 존경정도가 높아짐에 따라 모든 政治態度가 높게 나타났으며, 이 중 國民的一體感, 市民義務感, 政治信賴感, 政治效能感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 政治敎育觀別로 보면 國民的一體感, 市民義務感, 政浩信賴感, 政治參輿感은 政治敎育觀이 긍정적일 때 가장 높게 나타났고 政治效能感은 政治敎育觀이 중도적일 때 가장 높게 나타났으며, 이 중 國民的一體感만이 의의 있게 나타났다. 學校環境別로 보면 學校環境이 민주적일수록 政治參與感을 제외한 모든 政治態度가 높게 나타났으며, 이 중 國民的一體感, 政治信賴感, 市民義務感만이 의의있게 나타났다. 이와 같은 調査結果에서 볼 때, 中·高等學生들의 政治態度形成은 전반적으로 기대수준에 미치지 못하고 있으며 특히 政治信賴感은 매우 부정적인 성향을 보이고 있다고 할 수 있다. 또한 이들의 政治態度가 學年, 性, 社會經濟的 背景 및 學校의 諸變因 등 여러 영향요인에 의해 다양하게 형성되고 있음을 알 수 있다. 그것은 일면, 中·高等學生들에 대한 政治社會化, 政治敎育이 제대로 수행되지 못하고 있다는 의미를 함축하고 있다고도 할 수 있을 것이다. 따라서 本 硏究는 끝으로 中·高等學生들의 바람직한 政治態度形成을 위한 몇가지 提言을 하였다.
