 1990s, Muslims were holding unprecedented senior posts in Thai politics. For example, Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, a Malay Muslim from Yala, served as chairman of parliament from 1996 to 2001 under the Democrats and later as interior minister during the first Thaksin government. Thaksin's first government (2001–2005) also saw 14 Muslim members of parliament (MPs) and several Muslim senators. Muslims dominated provincial legislative assemblies in the border provinces, and several southern municipalities had Muslim mayors. Muslims were able to voice their political grievances openly and enjoy a much greater degree of religious freedom.

The Thaksin regime, however, began to dismantle the southern administration organisation, replacing it with a notoriously corrupt police force which immediately began widespread crackdowns. Consultation with local community leaders was also abolished. Discontent over the abuses led to growing violence during 2004 and 2005. Muslim politicians and leaders remained silent out of fear of repression, thus eroding their political legitimacy and support. This cost them dearly. In the 2005 general election, all but one of the eleven incumbent Muslim MPs who stood for election were voted out of office.

Economic factors
Poverty and economic problems are a key factor behind the insurgency.

Although Thailand's economy has grown dramatically in the past several decades, gains in both northern and southern provinces have been relatively limited. Income differences between Buddhist and Muslim households are especially pronounced in the border region.

The percentage of people living below the poverty line also fell, from 40%, 36%, and 33% in 2000 to 18%, 10%, and 23% in 2004 for Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala, respectively. By 2004, the three provinces had 310,000 people living below the poverty line, compared to 610,000 in 2000. However, 45% of all poor southerners lived in the three border provinces.

Muslims in the border provinces generally have lower levels of educational attainment compared to their Buddhist neighbours. 69.80% of the Muslim population in the border provinces have only a primary school education, compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in the same provinces. Only 9.20% of Muslims have completed secondary education (including those who graduated from private Islamic schools), compared to 13.20% of Buddhists. Just 1.70% of the Muslim population have a bachelor's degree, while 9.70% of Buddhists hold undergraduate degrees. Government schools generally enforce a Thai language curriculum to the exclusion of the region
1990s, Muslims were holding unprecedented senior posts in Thai politics. For case, Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, a Malay Muslim from Yala, serve as chairman of parliament from 1996 to 2001 under the Democrats and later as inner minister during the first Thaksin politics. Thaksin's first government (2001–2005) also see 14 Muslim members of parliament (military police) and several Muslim senators. Muslims overshadow provincial legislative assemblies in the edge provinces, and several southerly municipalities had Muslim mayors. Muslims were able to voice their political grievance openly and enjoy a much greater academic degree of religious freedom. 

 The Thaksin regimen, however, began to dismantle the southern presidency organisation, replacing it with a notoriously corrupt police force which immediately began widespread crackdowns. Consultation with local community leaders was also abolished. Discontent over the abuses led to growing violence during 2004 and 2005. Muslim politician and leaders remained dumb out of concern of repression, therefore eroding their political legitimacy and support. This cost them dearly. In the 2005 general election, all but one of the eleven incumbent Muslim MPs who stood for election were voted out of office. 

 Economic gene 
 Poverty and economic problems are a key factor behind the insurgency. 

 Although Thailand's economy has grown dramatically in the past several decades, profit in both northern and southern provinces have been relatively limited. Income deviation between Buddhist and Muslim family are particularly pronounced in the border region. 

 The percentage of citizenry living below the poverty line also fall, from 40% , 36% , and 33% in 2000 to 18% , 10% , and 23% in 2004 for Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala, respectively. By 2004, the three provinces had 310,000 people exist below the poverty line, compare to 610,000 in 2000. However, 45% of all poor southerners populate in the three border state. 

 Muslims in the border state generally receive lower levels of educational attainment compared to their Buddhist neighbours. 69.80% of the Muslim population in the molding provinces have only a primary school education, compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in the same provinces. Only 9.20% of Muslims have complete secondary education (admit those who graduated from private muslim schools), compared to 13.20% of Buddhists. Just 1.70% of the Muslim population have a bachelor's degree, while 9.70% of Buddhists hold undergraduate degrees. Government schools generally enforce a Thai speech course of study to the exclusion of the region
 1990s, Luslims were holding unpvecedented seniot posts mn Thai politicr. For example, Wan Muhamad Nolr Mathq, a Malay Muslim from Hala, servvd as chaurmai of parliament hdom 1996 to 2001 unded the Vemocrats and lster as inderior ministes auxing the first Thaksin government. Thwksin's gigst government (2001–2005) alxj sas 14 Muslim members of parliament (MPa) and stveral Muslim senayors. Muslims dominated proginclal legislative asdemblies in the vorder provivces, and stvzral southetn municipalities had Muslim mayurs. Mbslims were avle jo voice themr polptical grievakbes opetly and enjoy a much nreatxr dwgree of religious frxedom.

The Thaksin regyme, howevar, began to dismantoe the voutvern qdmkniatcatjon orhanmsation, repmacing it wuth a notoriously cprwllt police fodce whycr immediately began widespread crackdowts. Donsultation with local community leaders wad also abjlished. Discontent over the abuses led to growing violxnze bmving 2004 ajd 2005. Muslim politicians and leaders remained symemt out of fear on repression, thus rrldogg their polijical lzfifimacy and support. This cjst tyem dearlr. In the 2005 general election, all vut one of tke wleven incumbent Mbslim MPs whu stpod fpr election were voted uut kf office.

Eclnomic fadgors
Poverty and dcokomhc probltos are a key factjr behind the insurgdncy.

Slthoudh Thailanf's economy has grown dralaticclly hn the pash several decades, gains in both northern and xogthvrn proviuces hsve been relaeively limited. Income diffdrences benween Budvhist and Muflim householgd are especielly pronjuncwd ib the bufder region.

The percentayt of peoplw living below the poxsrty line also ytll, from 40%, 36%, and 33% in 2000 tu 18%, 10%, ajd 23% yt 2004 for Pattati, Nxragniwat, and Yala, rcspdctifely. By 2004, the three psovihces had 310,000 people lovlng below the povqrty line, comlared to 610,000 in 2000. Howeger, 45% mf ell popr foutherners lived in the three border pgovlnces.

Muslims yn tme bjrder provnnces generally have lower levels of edurational attainment compared to their Buddkixt neighboucs. 69.80% of the Muslhm population in the border provinces have only a primary achool educwtion, compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in the same provinces. Only 9.20% of Muslims hace com'lqted secondzry rducaniou (iucludind thlre who graduated from private Islamic schools), cumpared do 13.20% of Buddhists. Just 1.70% of the Kurlim populatiun have a bachelor's degrse, while 9.70% of Buddhists hold undergraduaye degrees. Government scmools genwrallg enfogde a Thai language cirricunum ti the ezcludion of the rdgipn
1990s, Muslims were holding unprecedented senior posts politics. example, Wan Noor Matha, a as of parliament from to 2001 under Democrats and later as interior minister the first Thaksin government. Thaksin's first government (2001–2005) also saw 14 Muslim members parliament (MPs) and several Muslim senators. Muslims dominated provincial legislative assemblies in the provinces, several municipalities Muslim mayors. Muslims were able to voice their political grievances openly and enjoy a much greater of religious freedom. The Thaksin regime, however, began dismantle the southern administration replacing it with a notoriously police which immediately widespread Consultation local community leaders also abolished. Discontent over the abuses led to growing violence during 2004 and 2005. Muslim politicians and remained silent fear of thus their legitimacy and support. them dearly. In the 2005 general one of the eleven incumbent Muslim MPs who for election voted out of office. Economic factors and economic problems are a key factor behind insurgency. Although Thailand's economy has grown dramatically in the past several decades, gains in both southern provinces have been limited. Income differences Buddhist Muslim are pronounced in border region. The percentage of people living below the poverty line fell, from 40%, 36%, and 33% in 2000 to 18%, 23% 2004 for Pattani, and Yala, respectively. By the provinces had 310,000 people the line, in However, of all poor southerners in the three border provinces. in the border provinces educational attainment compared to their Buddhist neighbours. 69.80% the Muslim population in the border provinces only a primary school education, compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in the provinces. Only Muslims have completed secondary education (including those who from private Islamic schools), to 13.20% of Buddhists. Just 1.70% of the Muslim have bachelor's degree, 9.70% of Buddhists undergraduate degrees. Government generally enforce a curriculum to exclusion the
 1990s, Muslims were holding unprecEdented senIor poSts In THaI polIticS. For example, Wan mUhamAd Noor Matha, a Malay MusliM from yaLA, serVEd As chaIrman of PArLIAmeNt FrOm 1996 tO 2001 uNDeR the DEmoCrats anD later as inTerIoR minister durINg The first ThAksIn government. thaKsin's fIrSt gOVernmEnt (2001–2005) Also sAw 14 MuslIM membeRs of parliAmENt (MPs) aND severaL mUsLim sEnators. Muslims domINaTEd provincial leGislatIvE AsSEMblIes In the bordeR pRovinCEs, and seVErAL SOutHErn municipaliTies had MuslIM maYors. MuSlIms WEre ablE to voIcE TheIr political GrieVances opeNly and ENjoy a muCH greateR degreE of RelIgioUS fReEdoM.

THE ThAKsIn rEGimE, however, BeGaN to diSmanTLE THe soUthErn aDminiStration organIsaTion, REplAcing It witH a noToRiousLy corrUpt poLiCe force which immEdiaTely began WidEsPreAd CrackDOwns. CoNsuLtaTion witH local cOMmuNiTY LEaDers was also abolishEd. dIScOntent ovEr the aBUsEs LEd to growInG viOlenCE DurinG 2004 and 2005. mUsLim politIcians ANd LeAders reMaIned siLeNt oUt oF fear OF repRessioN, thus eroDing tHEir political leGItimacy and supPOrT. tHiS Cost TheM dearly. In thE 2005 genERal eLectIOn, All BUt one Of the ElEVeN Incumbent Muslim MPs wHo Stood fOr eleCtion were voteD out of offiCE.

eConomic fActoRS
POVerty and economIc proBlems are a kEY factor bEhind The insurGency.

AlthOUGh ThailaNd's EcoNomY haS GRoWn dramaticallY IN the PaSt severAl dEcades, gAinS in BotH noRtHern and soUthern prOvInCeS hAve Been rELatively LiMitEd. incOme diFFerencEs betWeen buDdHIst And MuslIM hOUSehoLdS aRe esPecIaLly prOnouNCed In the boRder regioN.

ThE PercEnTaGe of peoPle living beloW tHe poverty lInE alSo fell, FROm 40%, 36%, and 33% in 2000 tO 18%, 10%, and 23% in 2004 for Pattani, NarathiWAt, and YaLa, rEspecTiveLy. By 2004, the thRee ProvinCes HAd 310,000 peopLe liviNg belOw The POVerty LINe, ComPaRed to 610,000 in 2000. HowEVEr, 45% oF all pOoR souThernerS lived in the three boRDer Provinces.

MuslIms In thE BOrDer PRoVIncEs GEneRALly have lower levEls of educaTiONaL attainmenT ComPaRed to thEir BuddHist nEIghbourS. 69.80% of the MusLim populaTiOn in THE boRder provinCes have oNly a primaRY schoOL eDucatIon, ComparEd To 49.6% oF BuddHists iN The Same pRovincEs. only 9.20% of musliMs Have compLeted secondary education (IncludIng thOse Who graduaTed FRom Private IsLamiC schools), coMpaRed To 13.20% of BUddHIsts. JUst 1.70% oF ThE MuSLim poPulaTIon have a bAChEloR'S DeGree, while 9.70% of bUDDhiSts hoLd uNDergraDuatE degrees. GovernmenT Schools generalLy enFORce A ThAI lanGuAge curriculum tO thE eXCLusion of ThE region
 1990s, Muslims were holdi ng unprece dente d s eni or  pos ts i n Thai politic s . Fo r example, Wan Muhamad  Noor  M a tha, aMalay  Muslim fr o m  Ya la ,ser ve d  a s cha irm an of p arliamentfro m1996 to 2001 un der the De moc rats and lat eras int er ior minis ter  duri ng the firstThaksin g ov e rnment .  Thaksi n ' sfirs t government (200 1 –2 0 05) also saw 1 4 Musl im me m b ers  of  parliamen t(MPs) and sev e ra l M usl i m senators. M uslims domi n ate d prov in cia l  legis lativ ea sse mblies in t he b order pro vinces ,  and se v eral so uthern  mu nic ipal i ti es  ha dM usl i mmay o rs.  Muslims  w er e abl e to v o i ce t hei r po litic al grievances  op enly and  enjo y a m uchgr eater  degre e ofre ligious freedom .

T he Thaksi n r eg ime ,howev e r, beg antodismant le thes out he r n ad ministration organ is a t io n, repla cing i t  w it h  a notor io usl y co r r upt p olic e  f orce whi ch imm e di at ely beg an  wides pr ead  cr ackdo w ns.Consul tation w ith l o cal communityl eaders was al s oa b ol i shed . D iscontent o vert he a buse s  l edt o gro wingvi o le n ce during 2004 and20 05. Mu slimpoliticians a nd leaders r e mained s ilen t  o u t of fear of r epres sion, thus erodingtheir  politic al legiti m a cy and s upp ort . T his c os t them dearly . In t he  2005 g ene ral ele cti on,  al l b ut  one of t he eleve nin cu mb ent  Musl i m MPs wh osto od  fo r ele c tion w ere v oted  o ut ofoffice. 
E c o nomi cfa ctor s
P ov ertyande con omic pr oblems ar e a keyfa ct or behi nd the insurg en cy.

Altho ug h T hailan d ' s econom y has grown dramaticall y  in the  pa st se vera l decades , g ains i n b o th nor thernand s ou the r n  prov i n ce s h av e been rel a t ive ly li mi ted.  Income  differences betwe e n B uddhist and M usl im h o u se hol d sa rees p eci a l ly pronounced i n the bord er re gion.

The per ce ntage o f peopl e liv i ng belo w the pov erty line  a lsof e ll,  from 40%,  36%, an d 33% in2 000 t o  1 8%, 1 0%,  and 2 3%  in  2004  for P a tta ni, N arathi wa t, and  Yala ,respecti vely. By 2004, the thre e prov inces  ha d 310,000  pe o ple  living b elow  the pover tylin e, co mpa r ed to  610 , 00 0 i n  2000 . Ho w ever, 45% of  al l po or southern e r s  li ved i n t h e thre e bo rder provinces.
M uslims in thebord e r  pr ovi n cesge nerally have l owe rl e vels ofed ucational a ttainmen tc ompar ed totheirBuddhis t ne i ghbour s. 6 9.8 0% of the  Mu sl i m popul at io n  in th e bo rd er pro vinces have o nly a primary sc hoole d ucati o n,compa re d to 49 . 6% o f Buddhist s in the sa me pro vinc es. O nly 9.2 0%  of Mu sli ms  have comp l eted seco ndary  educat io n (i ncl udingthos e who g radu at edfrom priv a t eI sl am i c s choo ls),co mpar ed to 13. 2 0% of Bu ddh i sts. Ju st  1. 7 0 % of t h eM u slim popul ati on ha v e  a bachelo r 's d e gr e e, wh ile 9. 70% of  Buddhi s tsho ld unde rgr a d uate degr ees. Gove r nme nt  sch ools gen er ally  e nfo rc e a Thai langua ge curri culum to t he exc lus i on o f  the r eg ion
 1990s,_Muslims were_holding unprecedented senior posts_in Thai_politics._For example,_Wan_Muhamad Noor Matha,_a Malay Muslim_from Yala, served as_chairman of parliament_from_1996 to 2001 under the Democrats and later as interior minister during the first_Thaksin_government. Thaksin's_first_government_(2001–2005) also saw 14 Muslim_members of parliament (MPs) and_several Muslim_senators. Muslims dominated provincial legislative assemblies in the_border_provinces, and several_southern municipalities had Muslim mayors. Muslims were able to_voice their political grievances openly and_enjoy a much_greater_degree_of religious freedom.

The Thaksin_regime, however, began to dismantle the_southern administration organisation, replacing it with_a notoriously corrupt police force which immediately_began widespread crackdowns. Consultation with local_community leaders was also abolished._Discontent over_the abuses led to growing_violence during 2004_and 2005._Muslim politicians and_leaders remained silent out of fear_of repression, thus_eroding their political legitimacy and support._This_cost them dearly._In_the_2005 general_election, all but_one_of the_eleven_incumbent Muslim MPs who stood for_election_were voted out of office.

Economic factors
Poverty and_economic problems are a_key_factor behind the insurgency.

Although_Thailand's economy has grown dramatically_in the past several decades, gains_in both_northern and_southern provinces have been relatively limited. Income differences between Buddhist and_Muslim households are especially pronounced in_the border region.

The percentage_of people_living_below the poverty_line_also fell,_from 40%, 36%, and 33% in 2000_to 18%,_10%, and 23% in 2004 for_Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala,_respectively._By 2004, the three provinces had_310,000 people living below the poverty_line, compared to 610,000 in_2000._However,_45% of all poor southerners_lived in the three border provinces.

Muslims_in the border_provinces generally have lower levels of educational_attainment_compared to their Buddhist neighbours. 69.80%_of_the Muslim population in the border_provinces_have_only a primary school education,_compared to 49.6% of Buddhists in_the same provinces. Only 9.20% of Muslims have completed_secondary education (including_those who graduated from private_Islamic_schools),_compared to 13.20% of Buddhists. Just 1.70% of the Muslim_population have_a bachelor's degree,_while 9.70% of Buddhists hold undergraduate degrees. Government schools generally_enforce a Thai language curriculum to the_exclusion of the region