. By contrast, corresponding disjunctive questions, which set up the same case space, provide two cases for a subsequent case-anaphor to refer to.33 6 Case-anaphora with attitude verbs and epistemic modals The Case Space Requirement manifests itself also with case-anaphora relating to a clause embedded under an attitude verb in a preceding sentence. Such caseanaphora display striking differences in acceptability with respect to choices of different attitude verbs. First of all, as expected, (non-disjunctive) complement clauses of factive attitude verbs do not support subsequent case-anaphora. This holds for case-anaphora both within the same secondary context as in (58a) and in the primary context as in (58b): 33 Constraints on the linguistic representation of antecedents are familiar from the semantic literature on anaphora, from examples such as: (i) a. Someone left. He did not come back. b.??? Not everyone stayed. He did not come back. Case-anaphora, though, are not expected to fall under the very same constraint as ordinary pronominal anaphora since they refer within a case space and do not have pronominal form. But case-anaphora show contrasts analogous to that in (i): (ii) a. John believes that Mary will go to the party. In that case, I will go too. b.??? John doubts that Mary won't go to the party. In that case, I will go too. 123 Situations, alternatives, and the semantics of 'cases' (58) a.?? John is happy that he won the election. In that case, he wants to celebrate. b.?? John noticed that Mary is at home. In that case, Bill is at home too. Factive attitudes do not set up a case space, neither for the context of the described agent nor the speaker's context. There is one exception to that, of course, and that is when the complement clause itself sets up a case space and the reported attitude thereby supports different alternatives. This is the case for disjunctions as below34: (59) John knows that he will win or lose. In either case, he will continue training. Complement clauses of the nonfactive attitude verbs hope and fear do support case-anaphora (within the same secondary context): (60) John hopes/fears that Mary is at home. In that case, he
. By contrast, corresponding disjunctive questions, which set up the like subject space, provide two lawsuit for a subsequent lawsuit - anaphor to refer to.33 6 Case - epanaphora with attitude verbs and epistemic modals The Case Space Requirement attest itself also with case - epanaphora relating to a clause embedded under an attitude verb in a precede sentence. Such caseanaphora display strickle differences in acceptability with respect to choice of different attitude verbs. foremost of all, as expected, (non - disjunctive) complement clauses of factive position verbs do not defend subsequent case - epanaphora. This holds for case - anaphora both within the same junior-grade context as in (58a) and in the primary context as in (58b ): 33 Constraints on the linguistic representation of antecedents are familiar from the semantic literature on anaphora, from examples such as: (i) a. Someone left. He did not come back. b.? ?? Not everyone stayed. He did not come back. Case - anaphora, though, are not expected to fall under the very same constraint as ordinary pronominal epanaphora since they mention within a case quad and do not have pronominal form. But case - anaphora display contrasts analogous to that in (i ): (ii) a. John believes that Mary will go to the party. In that shell, I will go too. b.? ?? John doubts that Mary won't go to the party. In that case, I will go besides. 123 Situations, alternatives, and the semantics of' cases' (58) a.? ? John is happy that he gain the election. In that case, he want to celebrate. b.? ? John noticed that Mary is at home. In that case, Bill is at home excessively. Factive attitudes do not set up a case quad, neither for the context of the described agent nor the speaker's context. There is one exception to that, of class, and that is when the complement clause itself arrange up a case outer space and the reported position thereby supports different alternatives. This is the case for disconnection as below34: (59) John knows that he will win or lose. In either case, he will continue education. Complement clauses of the nonfactive attitude verbs hope and concern do support case - anaphora (within the same junior-grade context ): (60) John hopes / fears that Mary is at home. In that case, he
. By contrast, corresponding aisjunctive questions, xhich sst up thd same case space, provide twl xases for a subsequent case-xnaphor tl refer ro.33 6 Rase-anaphora witi attitude vergd anb xpistemic modalx The Case Space Requirekevt manifests itself also with case-ana[hora rrlwting to a claose ekfeddsd under an attitude verb in a prededing ventence. Such caseanaphora display strining differences in acfeptability witr respect to zhoices of different ajtitude verbs. First of all, as exoecteb, (non-disjunxtuve) womplement rlausef of factive attituda verbs do not supporb subveqyent case-anaphora. Thiv holds for case-anwphora bodh within the same wexondaty cottexg as in (58a) ahd in hhe primary ckntext as ib (58b): 33 Constraints on trv linguistic depresqneation of antecedents are familiar from ths semantic literature ob anaphora, from examppes such ws: (i) a. Someone left. He did not come back. b.??? Not evaryonx rtavcq. Ye did not come back. Case-anaphora, though, are noe ecpvcted to fall undcr the very same cpndttwint as ordinxry pronojinal anaphora sinfe they refee within w caxe space and do not have prinominal fori. But case-anaphora dhow contrarts snalobous to that in (i): (ii) a. Lohn bslieves thah Mary wimu go to the parth. Ik tvat case, I will go too. b.??? Jjhn doubtw thct Mary don't go to the party. In tmdt case, I will go hoo. 123 Diduations, apternatives, and the semantics oh 'cases' (58) a.?? Jonn is happy tkat he won the eleceion. In that ccse, he wcnts tu celebratv. b.?? John ioticed that Mary is at hmle. In that cese, Bill ys ar hone too. Wxctive attitudrs do not set up a xase space, neither fot fhe context of cke described ageny nur ehv s'eakew'v context. Thare ks ume exzeption to bhag, of course, and that is fhen the complement clsufe itseld sets u[ a case spacr and the reported attivude tiereby sukports different alternatives. Tgis is thf cwse for disjtnctlons as below34: (59) John knows that he will win or lose. In either case, he wiol continue traininy. Gomplement ckausef of the tonfactive attitude cerbs hope and fesr do support case-analhora (fithij the same secondary context): (60) John hopes/fears that Mary is at home. In thar case, he
. By contrast, corresponding disjunctive questions, which the case space, two cases for to.33 Case-anaphora with attitude and epistemic modals Case Space Requirement manifests itself also case-anaphora relating to a clause embedded under an attitude verb in a preceding Such caseanaphora display striking differences in acceptability with respect to choices of different verbs. of as (non-disjunctive) complement clauses of factive attitude verbs do not support subsequent case-anaphora. This holds for case-anaphora within the same secondary context as in (58a) in the primary context in (58b): 33 Constraints on linguistic of antecedents familiar the literature on anaphora, examples such as: (i) a. Someone left. He did not come back. b.??? Not everyone stayed. He not come though, are expected fall the very same ordinary pronominal anaphora since they refer space and do not have pronominal form. But show contrasts to that in (i): (ii) a. believes that Mary will go to the party. that case, I will go too. b.??? John doubts that Mary won't go to the that case, I will too. 123 Situations, and semantics 'cases' a.?? John happy that he won the election. In that case, he wants celebrate. b.?? John noticed that Mary is at home. In Bill at home too. attitudes do not set a space, neither for the the agent context. is exception to that, of and that is when the clause itself sets up reported attitude thereby supports different alternatives. This is case for disjunctions as below34: (59) John that he will win or lose. In either case, he will continue Complement clauses nonfactive attitude verbs hope and fear do support (within the same secondary (60) John hopes/fears that Mary is at home. In case,
. By contrast, corresponding diSjunctive qUestiOns, WhiCh Set uP the Same case space, pROvidE two cases for a subsequenT case-AnAPhor TO rEfer tO.33 6 Case-anAPhORA wiTh AtTitUdE VeRbs anD epIstemic Modals The CAse spAce RequiremeNT mAnifests itSelF also with casE-anAphora ReLatINg to a ClaUse emBedded UNder an Attitude vErB In a preCEding seNTEnCe. SuCh caseanaphora disPLaY Striking differEnces iN aCCePTAbiLitY with respeCt To choICes of diFFeRENT atTItude verbs. FirSt of all, as exPEctEd, (non-dIsJunCTive) coMplemEnT ClaUses of factiVe atTitude verBs do noT Support SUbsequeNt case-AnaPhoRa. ThIS hOlDs fOr CAse-ANaPhoRA boTh within ThE sAme seCondARY COnteXt aS in (58a) And in The primary conTexT as iN (58B): 33 CoNstraInts oN the LiNguisTic repResenTaTion of antecedenTs arE familiar FroM tHe sEmAntic LIteratUre On aNaphora, From exaMPleS sUCH As: (I) a. Someone left. He did NoT COmE back. b.??? NoT everyONe StAYed. He did NoT coMe baCK. case-aNaphORa, Though, arE not exPEcTeD to fall UnDer the VeRy sAme ConstRAint As ordiNary pronOminaL Anaphora since tHEy refer within A CaSE SpACe anD do Not have pronOminAL forM. But CAsE-anAPhora Show cOnTRaSTs analogous to that in (I): (iI) a. John BelieVes that Mary wiLl go to the pARTY. In that cAse, I WIlL Go too. b.??? John doubTs thaT Mary won't gO To the parTy. In tHat case, I Will go too. 123 sITuations, AltErnAtiVes, AND tHe semantics of 'CASes' (58) a.?? joHn is hapPy tHat he woN thE elEctIon. in That case, hE wants to CeLeBrAtE. b.?? JOhn noTIced that maRy iS aT hoMe. In tHAt case, bill iS at hOmE tOO. FaCtive atTItUDEs do NoT sEt up A caSe Space, NeitHEr fOr the coNtext of thE deSCribEd AgEnt nor tHe speaker's conTeXt. There is oNe ExcEption TO That, of coUrse, and that is when the comPLement cLauSe itsElf sEts up a casE spAce and The REporteD attitUde thErEby SUPportS DIfFerEnT alternatiVES. ThIs is tHe Case For disjUnctions as below34: (59) JohN KnoWs that he will wIn oR losE. iN eIthER cASe, hE wILl cONTinue training. CoMplement clAuSEs Of the nonfaCTivE aTtitude Verbs hoPe and FEar do suPport case-Anaphora (wItHin tHE SamE secondary Context): (60) JOhn hopes/fEArs thAT MAry is At hOme. In tHaT caSe, he
. By contrast, correspondi ng disjunc tiveque sti on s, w hich  set up the sa m e ca se space, provide twocases  f o r as ub seque nt case - an a p hor  t oref er to .33 6  Ca se-anap hora withatt it ude verbs an d  e pistemic m oda ls The CaseSpa ce Req ui rem e nt ma nif estsitself also w ith case- an a phorar elating t oa cl ause embedded und e ra n attitude ver b in a  p r ec e d ing  se ntence. Su ch  case a naphora di s p l ays triking diffe rences in a c cep tabili ty  wi t h resp ect t oc hoi ces of diff eren t attitud e verb s . First of all,  as ex pec ted , (n o n- di sju nc t ive )  c omp l eme nt claus es  o f fac tive a t t itud e v erbs  do n ot support su bse quen t  ca se-an aphor a. T hi s hol ds for  case -a naphora both wi thin  the same  se co nda ry  cont e xt asin(58 a) andin thep rim ar y c on text as in (58b):33 C on straints  on th e  l in g uistic r ep res enta t i on of  ant e ce dents ar e fami l ia rfrom th esemant ic  li ter ature on a naphor a, fromexamp l es such as: (i )  a. Someone l e ft . He didnot  come back.  b.? ? ? No t ev e ry one staye d. He  d i dn ot come back. Case- an aphora , tho ugh, are notexpected t o f all unde r th e  v e ry same constr aintas ordinar y  pronomi nal a naphorasince the y refer wi thi n a  ca ses p ac e and do noth a ve p ro nominal  fo rm. But  ca se- ana pho ra  show con trasts a na lo go us  to  that in (i):(i i)a.  Jo hn be l ievesthatMary  w il l  go  to the pa r t y. I nth at c ase ,I wil l go too . b.???  John dou bts that  M ar y won't  go to the pa rt y. In that  c ase , I wi l l  go too.  123 Situations, altern a tives,and  thesema ntics of'ca ses' ( 58) a.?? J ohn is  happ ytha t he wo n th e e le ction. Int h atcase,  h e wa nts tocelebrate. b.?? Jo h n n oticed that M ary  isa t  h ome .  I n  th at cas e ,  Bill is at hom e too. Fac ti v eattitudesd o n ot  set up  a case  spac e , neith er for th e context  o f th e des cribed age nt nor t he speake r 's co n te xt. T her e is o ne  ex cepti on tot hat , ofcourse ,and th at is  w hen thecomplement clause itsel f sets  up a  ca se spaceand the  reported  att itude ther eby  su pport s d i ffere nt a l te rna t ives.  Thi s  is the c a se  fo r di sjunctionsa s bel ow34:  (5 9 ) John  kno ws that he will w i n or lose. Ineith e r  ca se, he w il l continue tra ini ng . Compleme nt  clauses of  the non fa c tiveattitu de ver bs hope a nd fear d o su ppo rt case-a nap ho r a (with in  t h e same  sec on dary c ontext ) : (6 0 )  John hopes/fear s tha t Maryi s a t hom e.  In tha t  cas e, he
. By_contrast, corresponding_disjunctive questions, which set_up the_same_case space,_provide_two cases for_a subsequent case-anaphor_to refer to.33 6_Case-anaphora with attitude_verbs_and epistemic modals The Case Space Requirement manifests itself also with case-anaphora relating to_a_clause embedded_under_an_attitude verb in a preceding_sentence. Such caseanaphora display striking_differences in_acceptability with respect to choices of different attitude_verbs._First of all,_as expected, (non-disjunctive) complement clauses of factive attitude verbs_do not support subsequent case-anaphora. This_holds for case-anaphora_both_within_the same secondary context_as in (58a) and in the_primary context as in (58b): 33_Constraints on the linguistic representation of antecedents_are familiar from the semantic literature_on anaphora, from examples such_as: (i)_a. Someone left. He did_not come back._b.??? Not_everyone stayed. He_did not come back. Case-anaphora, though,_are not expected_to fall under the very same_constraint_as ordinary pronominal_anaphora_since_they refer_within a case_space_and do_not_have pronominal form. But case-anaphora show_contrasts_analogous to that in (i): (ii) a._John believes that Mary_will_go to the party._In that case, I will_go too. b.??? John doubts that_Mary won't_go to_the party. In that case, I will go too. 123 Situations,_alternatives, and the semantics of 'cases'_(58) a.?? John is_happy that_he_won the election._In_that case,_he wants to celebrate. b.?? John noticed_that Mary_is at home. In that case,_Bill is at home_too._Factive attitudes do not set up_a case space, neither for the_context of the described agent_nor_the_speaker's context. There is one_exception to that, of course, and_that is when_the complement clause itself sets up a_case_space and the reported attitude thereby_supports_different alternatives. This is the case_for_disjunctions_as below34: (59) John knows_that he will win or lose._In either case, he will continue training. Complement clauses_of the nonfactive_attitude verbs hope and fear_do_support_case-anaphora (within the same secondary context): (60) John hopes/fears that_Mary is_at home. In_that case, he