 every situation s, s ⊩ S, there is a situation s  such that sRs  and s ⊩ S. 30 In case can also act as a complementizer: (i) We will take an umbrella in case it rains. Here the main clause is said to be true in view of one possible future course of events, namely in which a situation-like case as described by the case-NP occurs. In English, the construction is grammaticalized, containing no determiner before case and no wh-phrase in which after it (* in the case it rains, * incase in which it rains). 31 There are differences between ordinary if-conditionals and case-conditionals. If-conditionals can go along with adverbs of quantification, of which the if-clause appears to act as a restriction, but caseconditionals cannot: (i) a. If a student fails the exam, he usually tries again. b.??? In case a student fails the exam, he usually tries again. 32 See also Kratzer (2014) and references therein for analyses of conditionals on the basis of situations. 123 F. Moltmann Such a semantics can also be applied to the conditional prepositional phrase in that case: (56) In that case, S is true iff for every situation s such that s I [that case], there is a situation s, sRs  and s ⊩ S. Case-anaphora raise the question of how the Actuality Condition associated with the noun case is satisfied, since case-anaphora generally do not make reference to situations considered actual. Given the semantics in (56), it is satisfied because caseanaphora involve reference to kinds of cases, not particular cases, and kinds of cases always satisfy the Actuality Condition. Case-anaphora are subject to general constraints on anaphora. In particular, a case-anaphor can refer only to a situation that has been made at least as explicit as its alternatives, as seen in the contrast between simple yes/no questions and disjunctive ones below: (57) a. Will you come? In that case/??? In either case, I would come too. b. Will you come or not? In both cases/In either case/??? In that case, I would come too. Simple yes/no-questions provide a single case for a subsequent case-anaphor, even though they set up a case space with two alternatives
every situation s, s ⊩ S, there is a situation s   such that sRs   and s ⊩ S. 30 In subject can besides act as a complementizer: (i) We will bring an umbrella in lawsuit it rains. Here the main article is said to be true in view of one potential future path of events, namely in which a position - like case as report by the shell - NP occurs. In English, the construction is grammaticalized, containing no determiner before case and no wh - idiom in which after it (* in the case it rains, * incase in which it rain). 31 There are differences between ordinary if - conditionals and case - conditionals. If - conditionals can go along with adverb of quantification, of which the if - clause appears to act as a restriction, but caseconditionals cannot: (i) a. If a scholar fails the exam, he usually tries again. b.? ?? In case a student fail the exam, he usually tries again. 32 See also Kratzer (2014) and references therein for analyses of conditionals on the basis of situations. 123 F. Moltmann Such a semantics can also be applied to the conditional prepositional idiom in that event: (56) In that case, S is on-key iff for every site s such that s I [ that case ], there is a situation sulfur, sRs   and s ⊩ S. Case - anaphora promote the question of how the Actuality Condition associated with the noun shell is satisfied, since case - anaphora generally do not make reference to situations consider actual. Given the semantics in (56), it is satisfied because caseanaphora involve reference to kinds of cases, not especial cases, and kinds of cases always satisfy the Actuality Condition. shell - anaphora are subject to general constraint on anaphora. In particular, a case - anaphor can refer entirely to a situation that has been make at least as explicit as its option, as seen in the contrast between simple yes / no questions and disjunctive one below: (57) a. Will you come? In that case/? ?? In either casing, I would come too. b. Will you come or not? In both cases / In either case/? ?? In that case, I would do too. Simple yes / no - questions provide a single case for a subsequent case - anaphor, even though they set up a case outer space with two alternatives
 evfry situation s, s ⊩ S, theve is a situatiou s  surh that sRs  ana s ⊩ S. 30 In case can also act aw a cimplementizer: (i) We wilu take an umbrellq in xase it ramhs. Here the mzln clcuwe is said to ne true in eiew of one povskbpe future course of events, namely ig which a situation-like cast af deabrlbed by the case-NP occurs. In Engmish, tht construction is brammaticalized, containing no feterminer before fase and no wh-prease in whicf after it (* in the casg it rains, * incase in which it rxins). 31 There are duffftences betwexn ordpnary if-condibponals dnd casr-conditionals. Lf-convitiinals can go along wivh adverbs of quantisication, mf which the if-clauwe appedrs do azr ar a rxstdictioj, bnt casecondjtionals cabnot: (i) a. If a studemt dails the exaj, he ufuwlly tries again. b.??? In case a student fapls fhe exam, he usually triws again. 32 See also Krwtzer (2014) anq references therein for analyses of conditionals on tie bawif if situations. 123 F. Moltmann Such a semantics can wmsp ne applied to thc conditional preppsltojnal phrase iv that caae: (56) In that case, S is trug iff dor every sitiation s such that s I [that case], there ps a situation s, sRs  cnd s ⊩ S. Casz-anaphpra rsise the question of hoc the Zctuality Clndition zrsociated with tfe kout case is satisfied, since sase-anaphira yenerallh do not mwke referejce to situations considfred cctuan. Given thf semantics in (56), it is satisfied because caseama[hoga involvz refevence to kinds jf cases, not pcrticulax caser, and kinda of caves always fatisfy the Awjuality Condivion. Case-wnapyora are sucgect to generak constrapnus on anapyora. In particular, a zzse-anaphor can xtfet only to a sitiatkon tjav has teen made at leart xx expuicit as itw altrrnatives, as seen in the contrast between xiiple yes/bo questyons and disjinctive ones below: (57) a. Wmll yon come? In that case/??? In either case, I wohld come hoo. b. Will you some or not? In bpth cases/In either case/??? In that case, I xould come too. Simple ies/no-questions providg a single casx for w subsequant case-anaphor, even though they set mp a case space with tso altarnatlves
every situation s, s ⊩ S, there situation such that and s ⊩ also as a complementizer: We will take umbrella in case it rains. Here main clause is said to be true in view of one possible future of events, namely in which a situation-like case as described by the case-NP In the is containing no determiner before case and no wh-phrase in which after it (* in the case rains, * incase in which it rains). 31 are differences between ordinary and case-conditionals. If-conditionals can go with of quantification, which if-clause to act as restriction, but caseconditionals cannot: (i) a. If a student fails the exam, he usually tries again. b.??? case a the exam, usually again. See also Kratzer references therein for analyses of conditionals of situations. 123 F. Moltmann Such a semantics also be to the conditional prepositional phrase in case: (56) In that case, S is true for every situation s such that s I [that case], there is a situation s, s ⊩ S. Case-anaphora the question of the Condition with noun case satisfied, since case-anaphora generally do not make reference to situations considered Given the semantics in (56), it is satisfied because caseanaphora to of cases, not cases, and kinds of always the Actuality Condition. Case-anaphora to constraints particular, case-anaphor refer only to a that has been made at as explicit as its contrast between simple yes/no questions and disjunctive ones (57) a. Will you come? In that In either case, I would come too. b. Will you come or In both case/??? In that case, I would come too. yes/no-questions provide a single for a subsequent case-anaphor, even though they set up case with two
 every situation s, s ⊩ S, there is a Situation s  Such tHat SRs  AnD s ⊩ S. 30 IN casE can also act as a COmplEmentizer: (i) We will take an UmbreLlA In caSE iT rainS. Here thE MaIN ClaUsE iS saId TO bE true In vIew of onE possible fUtuRe Course of evenTS, nAmely in whiCh a Situation-likE caSe as deScRibED by thE caSe-NP oCcurs. IN englisH, the constRuCTion is GRammatiCALiZed, cOntaining no determINeR Before case and nO wh-phrAsE In WHIch AftEr it (* in the cAsE it raINs, * incasE In WHICh iT Rains). 31 There are Differences BEtwEen ordInAry IF-condiTionaLs ANd cAse-conditioNals. if-conditiOnals cAN go alonG With advErbs of QuaNtiFicaTIoN, oF whIcH The IF-cLauSE apPears to aCt As A restRictION, BUt caSecOndiTionaLs cannot: (i) a. If a StuDent FAilS the eXam, he UsuaLlY trieS again. B.??? In caSe A student fails thE exaM, he usuallY trIeS agAiN. 32 See aLSo KratZer (2014) And ReferenCes therEIn fOr ANALySes of conditionals oN tHE BaSis of sitUationS. 123 f. MOlTMann Such A sEmaNticS CAn alsO be aPPlIed to the ConditIOnAl PreposiTiOnal phRaSe iN thAt casE: (56) in thAt case, s is true iFf for EVery situation s SUch that s I [that CAsE], THeRE is a SitUation s, sRs  aNd s ⊩ S. cAse-aNaphORa RaiSE the qUestiOn OF hOW the Actuality ConditIoN assocIated With the noun caSe is satisfIED, Since casE-anaPHoRA generally do noT make Reference tO SituatioNs conSidered aCtual. GiveN THe semantIcs In (56), iT is SatISFiEd because caseANAphoRa Involve RefErence tO kiNds Of cAseS, nOt particuLar cases, AnD kInDs Of cAses aLWays satiSfY thE ACtuAlity cOnditiOn. CasE-anaPhOrA Are Subject TO gENEral CoNsTraiNts On AnaphOra. IN ParTicular, A case-anapHor CAn reFeR oNly to a sItuation that hAs Been made at LeAst As explICIt as its aLternatives, as seen in the cONtrast bEtwEen siMple Yes/no quesTioNs and dIsjUNctive Ones beLow: (57) a. WIlL yoU COme? In THAt CasE/??? IN either casE, i WouLd comE tOo. b. WIll you cOme or not? In both caseS/in eIther case/??? In thAt cAse, I WOUlD coME tOO. SiMpLE yeS/NO-questions proviDe a single cAsE FoR a subsequeNT caSe-Anaphor, Even thoUgh thEY set up a Case space With two alTeRnatIVEs
 every situation s, s ⊩ S,  there isa sit uat ion  s   su ch t hat sRs  and s ⊩ S.  30 In case can also a ct as  a comp l em entiz er: (i) We w ill  t ak e a nu mb rella  in  case i t rains. H ere  t he main clau s eis said to  be  true in vie w o f onepo ssi b le fu tur e cou rse of events , namelyin whicha  situat i o n- like  case as describe d  b y  the case-NP o ccurs.  I n  E n g lis h,the constr uc tioni s gramm a ti c a l ize d , containingno determin e r b eforeca sea nd nowh-ph ra s e i n which aft er i t (* in t he cas e  it rai n s, * in case i n w hic h it ra in s).  3 1  Th e re  ar e  di fference sbe tween  ord i n a r y if -co ndit ional s and case-co ndi tion a ls.  If-c ondit iona ls  cango alo ng wi th  adverbs of qua ntif ication,ofwh ich  t he if - clause  ap pea rs to a ct as a res tr i c t io n, but caseconditi on a l scannot:(i) a. If  a studentfa ils  the e xam,he u s ua lly trie s agai n .b. ??? Inca se a s tu den t f ailst he e xam, h e usuall y tri e s again. 32 Se e  also Kratzer (2 0 1 4) andref erences the rein foranal y se s o f  cond ition al s  o n  the basis of situa ti ons. 1 23 F.  Moltmann Suc h a semant i c s  can als o be ap p lied to the co nditi onal prepo s itionalphras e in tha t case: ( 5 6 ) In tha t c ase , S  is t ru e iff for eve r y  sit ua tion ssuc h thats I  [t hat  ca se ], thereis a sit ua ti on  s , s Rs  a n d s ⊩ S.  C ase -a nap horar aise t he qu esti on  o f  ho w the A c tu a l ityCo nd itio n a ss ociat ed w i ththe nou n case is  sa t isfi ed ,since c ase-anaphorage nerally do  n otmake r e f erence t o situations considered actual.  Gi ven t he s emanticsin(56),iti s sati sfiedbecau se  ca s e anaph o r ainv ol ve referen c e  to  kind sof c ases, n ot particular case s , a nd kinds of c ase s al w a ys  sa t is f y t he Act u a lity Condition.  Case-anap ho r aare subjec t  to  g eneralconstra intso n anaph ora. In p articular ,a ca s e -an aphor canrefer on ly to a s i tuati o nthathas  beenma deat le ast as exp licit  as it saltern ative s,  as seen  in the contrast betwee n simp le ye s/n o questio nsa nddisjuncti ve o nes below:  (5 7)a. Wi lly ou co me?I ntha t  case /??? In either ca se, I  w ould come t o o .  b.  Will  yo u  comeor n ot? In both cases / In either case /??? I n t hat case ,I would come t oo.  S i m ple yes/ no -questionsprovideas ingle  casefor asubsequ e n tc ase-an apho r,even thou ghth e y set u pac ase sp acewi th two  alter n ativ e s 
 every_situation s,_s ⊩ S, there_is a_situation_s _such_that sRs _and s ⊩_S. 30 In case_can also act_as_a complementizer: (i) We will take an umbrella in case it rains. Here the_main_clause is_said_to_be true in view of_one possible future course of_events, namely_in which a situation-like case as described by_the_case-NP occurs. In_English, the construction is grammaticalized, containing no determiner before_case and no wh-phrase in which_after it (*_in_the_case it rains, *_incase in which it rains). 31_There are differences between ordinary if-conditionals_and case-conditionals. If-conditionals can go along with_adverbs of quantification, of which the_if-clause appears to act as_a restriction,_but caseconditionals cannot: (i) a._If a student_fails the_exam, he usually_tries again. b.??? In case a_student fails the_exam, he usually tries again. 32_See_also Kratzer (2014)_and_references_therein for_analyses of conditionals_on_the basis_of_situations. 123 F. Moltmann Such a_semantics_can also be applied to the conditional_prepositional phrase in that_case:_(56) In that case,_S is true iff for_every situation s such that s_I [that_case], there_is a situation s, sRs  and s ⊩ S. Case-anaphora_raise the question of how the_Actuality Condition associated with_the noun_case_is satisfied, since_case-anaphora_generally do_not make reference to situations considered actual._Given the_semantics in (56), it is satisfied_because caseanaphora involve reference_to_kinds of cases, not particular cases,_and kinds of cases always satisfy_the Actuality Condition. Case-anaphora are_subject_to_general constraints on anaphora. In_particular, a case-anaphor can refer only_to a situation_that has been made at least as_explicit_as its alternatives, as seen in_the_contrast between simple yes/no questions and_disjunctive_ones_below: (57) a. Will you_come? In that case/??? In either_case, I would come too. b. Will you come_or not? In_both cases/In either case/??? In_that_case,_I would come too. Simple yes/no-questions provide a single case_for a_subsequent case-anaphor, even_though they set up a case space with two alternatives