 prepared. 28 Thanks to a referee for pointing out the source of the potential unacceptability of (50b). 29 Note that the presence of either in (52a) and three in (52b) shows the exclusive semantics of disjunctions just as in the case of case-NPs with disjunctive case-clauses: situations in which John and Mary will interview could not constitute a third case, and similarly for situations, for example, in which the exam is about both Goethe and Schiller. 123 Situations, alternatives, and the semantics of 'cases' b. The exam will be about Goethe, Schiller, or Kleist. In all three cases, the same sorts of questions will be asked. Finally, conditionals support case-anaphora: (53) a. If it rains, we won't go. b. In that case/In such a case, we will stay home. c. Let's better not think about that case. That case in (53b) and (53c) refers to the kind of situation that is an exact truthmaker of the antecedent of the conditional. The attitude associated with the antecedent of a conditional is that of hypothetical acceptance, not that of belief (Stalnaker 1984). Being a state of hypothetical acceptance permits it to set up a case space, consisting of the kind of situation satisfying the antecedent, but also an alternative kind of situation falsifying the antecedent. In that case itself forms the antecedent of a conditional, involving reference to the situations that are truthmakers of the antecedent of that case. Note that the noun case can also serve to form non-anaphoric conditionals, as in English in (54a) and the German translation with im Fall in (54b):30,31 (54) a. In a case in which it rains, we will have to cancel the garden party. b. Im Fall, dass es regnet, werden wir das Gartenfest absagen. There are reasons independent of the occurrence of the noun case for taking truthmaking to be involved in the semantics of conditionals. Thus Fine (2012, 2014) argues for a truthmaker-based (as opposed to a possible worlds-based) semantics of counterfactual conditionals. A truthmaker-based account of conditionals in general would be based on the schema below, for a suitable relation R between antecedent and consequent situations32: (55) If S, then S  is true iff for
prepared. 28 Thanks to a referee for pointing out the source of the likely unacceptability of (50b). 29 bill that the presence of either in (52a) and three in (52b) shows the single semantics of disjunctions precisely as in the case of font - NPs with disjunctive case - clause: situations in which John and Mary will interview could not constitute a third character, and similarly for situations, for example, in which the examination is about both Goethe and Schiller. 123 Situations, alternatives, and the semantics of' cases' b. The exam will be about Goethe, Schiller, or Kleist. In all three cases, the same sorts of question will be asked. Finally, conditionals support character - anaphora: (53) a. If it rains, we won't go. b. In that case / In such a event, we will stay home. c. Let's better not think about that case. That shell in (53b) and (53c) refers to the kind of situation that is an exact truthmaker of the antecedent of the conditional. The attitude associated with the antecedent of a conditional is that of hypothetical acceptance, not that of belief (Stalnaker 1984). Being a state of hypothetical acceptance permits it to set up a case space, dwell of the kind of situation satisfying the ancestor, but besides an alternative kind of situation falsifying the antecedent. In that shell itself forms the antecedent of a conditional, involving reference to the position that are truthmakers of the antecedent of that case. Note that the noun case can besides serve to form non - anaphoric conditionals, as in English in (54a) and the German translation with i m Fall in (54b):30,31 (54) a. In a case in which it rains, we will have to delete the garden party. b. I m Fall, dass einsteinium regnet, werden wir das Gartenfest absagen. There are reasons independent of the occurrence of the noun case for taking truthmaking to be involved in the semantics of conditionals. therefore Fine (2012, 2014) argues for a truthmaker - base (as opposed to a possible earth - based) semantics of counterfactual conditionals. A truthmaker - base account of conditionals in general would be establish on the schema below, for a desirable relation R between antecedent and consequent situations32: (55) If S, then S   is on-key iff for
 prfpared. 28 Thanks to a refevee for pointing out thx sourcs of the potential unacceptability oh (50b). 29 Note that the presence of dither in (52a) and tyree un (52b) shows the exclusive demautmcs of disjunctlons just av in the case mf ccse-NPs with disjunctive case-clauses: fituatipnd in which Johg anc Marg will interview could not constithte a tiird case, and somilarly for situations, fog exwmple, in which the exam is abiut fith Goethe avd Schilleg. 123 Situatiohs, alternatives, and the semantizs of 'cases' b. Tye exwk will be auout Gjethe, Schillcg, or Klaist. In all three cascs, thx sane sorts of questions will be asked. Finwlly, condhtnonals support case-anqpyora: (53) a. Ix it eaivs, se wkn't go. b. Mn that cass/In such a xase, we will stay hpmq. c. Let's betted not ehynk about that case. That case in (53b) and (53b) rerers to the kind of sityation that is an exaft truthmwker of the antecedent of the conditional. The atthtude xssiclatea wlth the antecedent of a conditional is that os huppthetical acceitance, not that of bflogf (Stalnaker 1984). Ceing c sfate of hypotheticwl accektance permits yt tp set up a case space, consiwting of the jind of situation datisfying che anjecedemt, but also an alternatnve kihd of situahion falsjwying the anteceaenn. In that case itself forms thq antecedxnt oy a condktiomal, indolving reverenga to the situationd thaj are druthmakerd of the antecedent of that casx. Note that tne noln case ccn alsp serve to fowm non-anaphorie conditnonals, as in Engmish in (54a) and the Derman transldjion with im Hall in (54b):30,31 (54) a. Un a case iv which it rainx, we will have to cqncel the garden perty. g. Im Fall, dass zr regnet, werden eir daf Hactenfqvt absagen. Tvere ard reasuns indt'enbevt og the occurrence of dhe houn case for takimg truthmajing to fe involved im the semantics of condmtionaus. This Sine (2012, 2014) argues for a truthmaker-gased (as lppjsed to a pofsiboe worlds-baszd) semantics of counterfactual conditionels. A truthmaker-based axcount of conditionclx in generak woujd be basad on the schema beliw, for a suitable relation R between ahtecedant ajd consequent situations32: (55) If S, then S  is true iff for
prepared. 28 Thanks to a referee for the of the unacceptability of (50b). of in (52a) and in (52b) shows exclusive semantics of disjunctions just as the case of case-NPs with disjunctive case-clauses: situations in which John and Mary interview could not constitute a third case, and similarly for situations, for example, which exam about Goethe and Schiller. 123 Situations, alternatives, and the semantics of 'cases' b. The exam will be Goethe, Schiller, or Kleist. In all three cases, same sorts of questions be asked. Finally, conditionals support (53) If it we go. In that case/In a case, we will stay home. c. Let's better not think about that case. That case in and (53c) the kind situation is exact truthmaker of of the conditional. The attitude associated of a conditional is that of hypothetical acceptance, that of (Stalnaker 1984). Being a state of acceptance permits it to set up a case consisting of the kind of situation satisfying the antecedent, but also an alternative kind of the antecedent. In that itself forms the of conditional, reference the situations are truthmakers of the antecedent of that case. Note that the case can also serve to form non-anaphoric conditionals, as in (54a) the German translation im Fall in (54b):30,31 a. a case in which we have garden b. Fall, dass es regnet, wir das Gartenfest absagen. There reasons independent of the for taking truthmaking to be involved in the of conditionals. Thus Fine (2012, 2014) argues a truthmaker-based (as opposed to a possible worlds-based) semantics of counterfactual conditionals. truthmaker-based account in general would be based on the schema for a suitable relation between antecedent and consequent situations32: (55) If S, then is iff for
 prepared. 28 Thanks to a referee fOr pointing Out thE soUrcE oF the PoteNtial unacceptaBIlitY of (50b). 29 Note that the presencE of eiThER in (52a) ANd Three In (52b) showS ThE EXclUsIvE seMaNTiCs of dIsjUnctionS just as in tHe cAsE of case-NPs wiTH dIsjunctive CasE-clauses: situAtiOns in wHiCh JOHn and marY will IntervIEw coulD not constItUTe a thiRD case, anD SImIlarLy for situations, foR ExAMple, in which the Exam is AbOUt BOTh GOetHe and SchilLeR. 123 SituATions, alTErNATIveS, And the semantiCs of 'cases' b. THE exAm will Be AboUT GoethE, SchiLlER, or kleist. In all ThreE cases, the Same soRTs of queSTions wiLl be asKed. finAlly, COnDiTioNaLS suPPoRt cASe-aNaphora: (53) a. if It Rains, We woN'T GO. B. In tHat Case/in sucH a case, we will sTay Home. C. let'S bettEr not ThinK aBout tHat casE. That CaSe in (53b) and (53c) refers To thE kind of siTuaTiOn tHaT is an EXact trUthMakEr of the AntecedENt oF tHE COnDitional. The attitudE aSSOcIated witH the anTEcEdENt of a conDiTioNal iS THat of HypoTHeTical accEptancE, NoT tHat of beLiEf (StalNaKer 1984). beiNg a stATe of HypothEtical acCeptaNCe permits it to sET up a case space, COnSIStINg of The Kind of situaTion SAtisFyinG ThE anTEcedeNt, but AlSO aN Alternative kind of siTuAtion fAlsifYing the anteceDent. In that CASE itself fOrms THe ANtecedent of a coNditiOnal, involvINg refereNce to The situaTions that ARE truthmaKerS of The AntECEdEnt of that case. nOTe thAt The noun CasE can alsO seRve To fOrm NoN-anaphoriC conditiOnAlS, aS iN EnGlish IN (54a) and the geRmaN tRanSlatiON with iM Fall In (54b):30,31 (54) a. in A cASe iN which iT RaINS, we wIlL hAve tO caNcEl the GardEN paRty. b. Im FAll, dass es RegNEt, weRdEn Wir das GArtenfest absaGeN. There are rEaSonS indepENDent of thE occurrence of the noun casE For takiNg tRuthmAkinG to be invoLveD in the SemANtics oF condiTionaLs. thuS fIne (2012, 2014) arGUEs For A tRuthmaker-bASEd (aS oppoSeD to a PossiblE worlds-based) semantICs oF counterfactuAl cOndiTIOnAls. a TrUThmAkER-baSED account of condiTionals in gEnERaL would be baSEd oN tHe schemA below, fOr a suITable reLation R beTween anteCeDent AND coNsequent siTuations32: (55) if S, then S  iS True iFF fOr
 prepared. 28 Thanks to areferee fo r poi nti ngou t th e so urce of the po t enti al unacceptability of(50b) .2 9 No t ethatthe pre s en c e  of  e it her  i n  ( 52a)and  threein (52b) s how sthe exclusiv e  s emantics o f d isjunctionsjus t as i nthe caseofcase- NPs wi t h disj unctive c as e -claus e s: situ a t io ns i n which John andM ar y  will intervie w coul dn ot c ons tit ute a thir dcase, and sim i la r l y  fo r  situations,for example ,  in  which  t hee xam is  abou tb oth  Goethe and  Sch iller. 12 3 Situ a tions,a lternat ives,and  th e se m an ti csof 'ca s es ' b .  Th e exam w il lbe ab outG o e t he,Sch ille r, or  Kleist. In a llthre e  ca ses,the s ameso rts o f ques tions  w ill be asked. F inal ly, condi tio na lssu pport case-a nap hor a: (53)  a. Ifi t r ai n s ,  w e won't go. b. Inth a t  c ase/In s uch ac as e, we willst ayhome . c. Le t'sb et ter notthinka bo ut  that c as e. Tha tcas e i n (53 b ) an d (53c ) refers  to t h e kind of situ a tion that isa ne x ac t  tru thm aker of the  ant e cede nt o f  t hec ondit ional .T he attitude associated  w ith th e ant ecedent of aconditiona l i s that o f hy p ot h etical accepta nce,not that o f  belief(Stal naker 19 84). Bein g a stateofhyp oth eti c a lacceptance pe r m itsit  to set  up  a case  sp ace , c ons is ting of t he kindof  s it ua tio n sat i sfying t he  an te ced ent,b ut als o analte rn at i vekind of si t u atio nfa lsif yin gthe a ntec e den t. In t hat caseits e lf f or ms  the an tecedent of a  c onditional ,inv olving r eference  to the situations that are tru thm akers  ofthe antec ede nt oftha t  case.  Notethatth e n o u n cas e ca n a ls o serve to f orm  non- an apho ric con ditionals, as in E n gli sh in (54a) a ndtheG e rm ant ra n sla ti o n w i t h im Fall in (5 4b):30,31(5 4 )a. In a ca s e i nwhich i t rains , wew ill hav e to canc el the ga rd en p a r ty.  b. Im Fal l, dasses regnet ,  werd e nwir d asGarten fe stabsag en. Th e reare r easons  i ndepen dentof  the occ urrence of the noun cas e fortakin g t ruthmakin g t o  be  involved  inthe semant ics  of  cond iti o nals.  Thu s  F ine (2012 , 20 1 4) argues fo r a t ru thmaker-bas e d (as  oppo sed to a p ossi ble worlds-based) semantics of c ount e r fac tua l  con di tionals. A tru thm ak e r -based a cc ount of con ditional si n gen eral w ould b e based o nt he sch emabel ow, for a  su it a ble rel at io n  R bet ween  a nteced ent an d  con s e quent situations 32: ( 5 5 ) IfS , t hen S  is true ifffor
 prepared._28 Thanks_to a referee for_pointing out_the_source of_the_potential unacceptability of_(50b). 29 Note_that the presence of_either in (52a)_and_three in (52b) shows the exclusive semantics of disjunctions just as in the case_of_case-NPs with_disjunctive_case-clauses:_situations in which John and_Mary will interview could not_constitute a_third case, and similarly for situations, for example,_in_which the exam_is about both Goethe and Schiller. 123 Situations, alternatives,_and the semantics of 'cases' b._The exam will_be_about_Goethe, Schiller, or Kleist._In all three cases, the same_sorts of questions will be asked._Finally, conditionals support case-anaphora: (53) a. If_it rains, we won't go. b._In that case/In such a_case, we_will stay home. c. Let's_better not think_about that_case. That case_in (53b) and (53c) refers to_the kind of_situation that is an exact truthmaker_of_the antecedent of_the_conditional._The attitude_associated with the_antecedent_of a_conditional_is that of hypothetical acceptance, not_that_of belief (Stalnaker 1984). Being a state_of hypothetical acceptance permits_it_to set up a_case space, consisting of the_kind of situation satisfying the antecedent,_but also_an alternative_kind of situation falsifying the antecedent. In that case itself forms_the antecedent of a conditional, involving_reference to the situations_that are_truthmakers_of the antecedent_of_that case._Note that the noun case can also_serve to_form non-anaphoric conditionals, as in English_in (54a) and the_German_translation with im Fall in (54b):30,31_(54) a. In a case in_which it rains, we will_have_to_cancel the garden party. b._Im Fall, dass es regnet, werden_wir das Gartenfest_absagen. There are reasons independent of the_occurrence_of the noun case for taking_truthmaking_to be involved in the semantics_of_conditionals._Thus Fine (2012, 2014) argues_for a truthmaker-based (as opposed to_a possible worlds-based) semantics of counterfactual conditionals. A truthmaker-based_account of conditionals_in general would be based_on_the_schema below, for a suitable relation R between antecedent and_consequent situations32:_(55) If S,_then S  is true iff for