 that is, that it provided a set of deterministic economic laws surrounded by the same scientific aura that radiated from Bentham's science of morals and legislation. In fact, Ricardo, like several other 'friends of mankind', was just a fellow traveller of the philosophical radicals: his moral and epistemological ideas were different from Bentham's programme of reduction of ethics and politics to calculus, and his approach to political economy was inspired by intellectual modesty, i.e. awareness of ubiquitous multi-causality and the consequent limits of theories in terms of explanatory power (Cremaschi 2004), an attitude quite different to Mill's search for iron laws. The latter's shocked reaction to the third edition of Ricardo's Principia, with its well-known chapter on machinery that questioned the benefits of technical innovation for the working class, is proof of the distance of his views from those of Ricardo. Political economy among the'sciences morales' The physiocratic tradition did not survive the shock of the French Revolution. In the two following decades Smith's work was introduced to France and what was believed to be Smith's labour-value theory was received with particular enthusiasm. His approach was thought to present a view of political economy as a'moral science', unlike the physiocratic view of it as a 'natural science' because of the central role assigned by the latter to land. At the time it was said, 'once we look at it from Smith's point of view, this science is classified among the other moral sciences, whose aim is to improve their subject matter and bring it to the highest degree of perfection to which it may be brought' (Garnier 1802, xviii–xix). Thus, Smith's lesson was interpreted as a decisive argument against physiocracy and favouring a return to Turgot's utility-based value theory, in turn grounded in'sensism', the theory of knowledge whose main proponent was Étienne Bonnot de Condillac. Jean-Baptiste Say and Antoine-Louis-Claude Destutt de Tracy are the two best-known figures among the new economists giving birth to what is generally classified as the French classical political economy, which amounted to a body of Smithian doctrines combined with Turgot's ideas. A somewhat odd example is the notion of law, a term Smith was careful to avoid, preferring to stick to the Newtonian term 'principle'. However, the term is given pride of place by the French economists, who believe
that is, that it provided a set of deterministic economic laws surrounded by the like scientific air that diversify from Bentham's science of ethical motive and legislation. In fact, Ricardo, like respective other' friends of mankind', was merely a fellow traveller of the philosophical group: his moral and epistemological ideas were unlike from Bentham's programme of reduction of ethics and politics to calculus, and his overture to political economy was inspired by intellectual modesty, i.e. awareness of ubiquitous multi - causality and the consequent limits of theory in terms of explanatory power (Cremaschi 2004), an attitude quite unlike to Mill's search for iron laws. The latter's aghast reaction to the third version of Ricardo's Principia, with its well - known chapter on machinery that questioned the benefits of technical innovation for the working class, is validation of the distance of his views from those of Ricardo. Political economy among the'sciences morales' The physiocratic tradition did not survive the shock of the French Revolution. In the two following decade Smith's work was introduced to France and what was believed to be Smith's labour - value theory was received with particular enthusiasm. His approach was thought to present a position of political economy as a'moral science', unlike the physiocratic view of it as a' lifelike skill' because of the central role assigned by the latter to land. At the meter it was said,' once we look at it from Smith's point of view, this skill is classified among the other moral sciences, whose aim is to improve their subject matter and bring it to the highest degree of perfection to which it may be brought' (Garnier 1802, xviii – xix). therefore, Smith's lesson was represent as a critical controversy against physiocracy and favouring a return to Turgot's utility - free-base value theory, in turn grounded in'sensism', the hypothesis of knowledge whose independent proponent was Étienne Bonnot de Condillac. Jean - Baptiste Say and Antoine - Louis - Claude Destutt de Tracy are the two best - know figures among the new economists giving birth to what is by and large classified as the French authoritative political economy, which amounted to a body of Smithian doctrine combined with Turgot's ideas. A somewhat odd example is the impression of law, a term Smith was careful to avoid, choose to stick to the Newtonian term' principle'. However, the term is given pride of topographic point by the French economists, who believe
 thwt is, that it provided a set of determiuustic xconomid laws sjrrounded by the same scientmfic aura that radiated from Bevtham's scpence of noraow and legislation. Lu facf, Riccrvo, like several other 'friands of manking', dad just a fellow traveller of the phylosophocwl radicals: hif mogaj ans epistemological ideas were diffedent frmm Bentham's ptogramme of reduction of ehhicd and politics to falculus, ane hif approach to political economy was inspired by intellectual modesgy, i.e. awareness od uhhquitous muoti-calsality and tmv consexuent lomits of theorles ii teems of explanatory poxer (Cremaschi 2004), an atjitude quide different to Milo's searwh fmr ifin uawa. Vhe latteg's ahocked rezction to tye third edition of Rybsrdo's Princilia, wieh its well-known chapter on machinery thau queationed the benefits of technical innovation for the rorking class, is proof of the distance of his viefs frko tkise ow Rlcardo. Political economy among the'sciences mowzlts' Nhe physiocratic bradition did not xugvode the shock uf the Frsnch Revolution. In the twj foloowing desadex Smith's work was introducee to France cnd what was believed to be Smitk's labpur-vakue theory was received witg particulag enthusizrm. His approach das tvought to present a view os politicel ecpnomy ar a'mpral ssience', unllke tma physiocratic viea of nt as a 'natural science' because of the central role assigned bf tve lattex to lsnd. At the tiie it was said, 'once wz look at it froj Smith'v point of diew, this sciajce is classmfied amogg tye orher mofxl sciences, whpse aim is to improce their subject mettet znd bring it to tht yighest degree of pewfvctmon tj which it maf be bruight' (Earnier 1802, xvlii–bix). Yhus, Smith's lesson wds ihterpreted as a devifive argoment agaynst physiocrscy and favouring w retnrn to Turgpt's utility-based value theory, in furn groujdeq in'sensism', ehe bheoty of knowlzdge whose main proponent was Étienne Boniot de Condillac. Jean-Baptiste Say and Antonnt-Louis-Claude Vestute de Tracf are the two best-kniwn figures among the new economists gjving tirth to what is generally classified as the French classical political economt, whici wmounted to a bpdy ox Fkithiag dortcines combined winh Turgot's ideas. A somewhat odd xxample is tke notion of law, a term Smith wxs careful to avoid, preferring to stidk to thr Newtonian term 'principle'. Howefer, the term is given prlde of plqce bg the Frenrh economists, who bekieve
that is, that it provided a set economic surrounded by same scientific aura of and legislation. In Ricardo, like several 'friends of mankind', was just a traveller of the philosophical radicals: his moral and epistemological ideas were different from programme of reduction of ethics and politics to calculus, and his approach to economy inspired intellectual i.e. awareness of ubiquitous multi-causality and the consequent limits of theories in terms of explanatory power 2004), an attitude quite different to Mill's search iron laws. The latter's reaction to the third edition Ricardo's with its chapter machinery questioned the benefits technical innovation for the working class, is proof of the distance of his views from those of Political economy morales' The tradition not the shock of Revolution. In the two following decades introduced to France and what was believed to Smith's labour-value was received with particular enthusiasm. His was thought to present a view of political as a'moral science', unlike the physiocratic view of it as a 'natural science' because of role assigned by the to land. At time was 'once look at from Smith's point of view, this science is classified among the moral sciences, whose aim is to improve their subject matter it the highest degree perfection to which it be (Garnier 1802, xviii–xix). Thus, was as against and a return to Turgot's value theory, in turn grounded the theory of knowledge Bonnot de Condillac. Jean-Baptiste Say and Antoine-Louis-Claude Destutt Tracy are the two best-known figures among new economists giving birth to what is generally classified as the French political economy, to a body of Smithian doctrines combined with ideas. A somewhat odd is the notion of law, a term Smith was to preferring to to the Newtonian 'principle'. However, the is given pride by the economists, believe
 that is, that it provided a set oF determiniStic eConOmiC lAws sUrroUnded by the same SCienTific aura that radiated fRom BeNtHAm's sCIeNce of Morals aND lEGIslAtIoN. In FaCT, RIcardO, liKe severAl other 'friEndS oF mankind', was jUSt A fellow traVelLer of the philOsoPhical RaDicALs: his MorAl and EpisteMOlogicAl ideas weRe DIffereNT from BeNTHaM's prOgramme of reductioN Of EThics and politiCs to caLcULuS, ANd hIs aPproach to pOlIticaL Economy WAs INSPirED by intellectuAl modesty, i.e. AWarEness oF uBiqUItous mUlti-cAuSAliTy and the conSequEnt limits Of theoRIes in teRMs of expLanatoRy pOweR (CreMAsChI 2004), an AtTItuDE qUitE DifFerent to miLl'S searCh foR IRON lawS. ThE latTer's sHocked reactioN to The tHIrd EditiOn of RIcarDo'S PrinCipia, wIth itS wEll-known chapter On maChinery thAt qUeStiOnEd the BEnefitS of TecHnical iNnovatiON foR tHE WOrKing class, is proof of ThE DIsTance of hIs viewS FrOm THose of RiCaRdo. poliTICal ecOnomY AmOng the'scIences MOrAlEs' The phYsIocratIc TraDitIon diD Not sUrvive The shock Of the fRench RevolutioN. in the two folloWInG DEcADes SMitH's work was inTrodUCed tO FraNCe And WHat waS beliEvED tO Be Smith's labour-value ThEory waS receIved with partiCular enthuSIASm. His appRoacH WaS Thought to preseNt a viEw of politiCAl economY as a'mOral scieNce', unlike THE physiocRatIc vIew Of iT AS a 'Natural sciencE' BEcauSe Of the ceNtrAl role aSsiGneD by The LaTter to lanD. At the tiMe It WaS sAid, 'Once wE Look at it FrOm SMiTh's Point OF view, tHis scIencE iS cLAssIfied amONg THE othEr MoRal sCieNcEs, whoSe aiM Is tO improvE their subJecT MattEr AnD bring iT to the highest DeGree of perfEcTioN to whiCH It may be bRought' (Garnier 1802, xviii–xix). ThUS, Smith's LesSon waS intErpreted aS a dEcisivE arGUment aGainst PhysiOcRacY ANd favOURiNg a ReTurn to TurgOT'S utIlity-BaSed vAlue theOry, in turn grounded iN'SenSism', the theory Of kNowlEDGe WhoSE mAIn pRoPOneNT Was Étienne BonnoT de CondillAc. jEaN-Baptiste SAY anD ANtoine-LOuis-ClaUde DeSTutt de TRacy are thE two best-kNoWn fiGURes Among the neW economiSts giving BIrth tO WhAt is gEneRally cLaSsiFied aS the FrENch ClassIcal poLiTical eConomY, wHich amouNted to a body of Smithian doCtrineS combIneD with TurgOt's IDeaS. A somewhaT odd Example is tHe nOtiOn of lAw, a TErm SmIth wAS cAreFUl to aVoid, PReferring TO sTicK TO tHe Newtonian TERM 'prIncipLe'. HOWever, tHe teRm is given pride of pLAce by the French EconOMIstS, whO BeliEvE
 that is, that it provided  a set ofdeter min ist ic  eco nomi c laws surroun d ed b y the same scientificaurath a t ra d ia ted f rom Ben t ha m ' s s ci en ceof mo ralsand  legisl ation. Infac t,  Ricardo, li k eseveral ot her  'friends of  ma nkind' ,was justa f ellow  trave l ler of  the phil os o phical radical s :  h is m oral and epistemo l og i cal ideas were  diffe re n tf r omBen tham's pro gr ammeo f reduc t io n o f e t hics and poli tics to cal c ulu s, and  h isa pproac h topo l iti cal economy  was  inspired  by in t ellectu a l modes ty, i. e.awa rene s sof  ub iq u ito u smul t i-c ausality  a nd  thecons e q u e nt l imi ts o f the ories in term s o f ex p lan atory  powe r (C re masch i 2004 ), an  a ttitude quite d iffe rent to M ill 's  se ar ch fo r  ironlaw s.The lat ter's s h ock ed r e ac tion to the thirded i t io n of Ric ardo's Pr in c ipia, wi th  it s we l l -know n ch a pt er on ma chiner y  t ha t quest io ned th eben efi ts of tech nicalinnovati on fo r  the working c l ass, is proof of t he dist anc e of his vi ewsf romthos e  o f R i cardo . Pol it i ca l  economy among the' sc iences  mora les' The phys iocratic t r a d ition di d no t  s u rvive the shoc k ofthe French Revoluti on. I n the tw o followi n g  decades  Sm ith 'swor k wa s introducedt o  Fra nc e and w hat  was be lie ved  to  be  S mith's la bour-val ue  t he or y w as re c eived wi th  pa rt icu lar e n thusia sm. H is a pp ro a chwas tho u gh t to p re se nt a  vi ew  of p olit i cal  econom y as a'mo ral scie nc e' , unlik e the physioc ra tic view o fitas a ' n a tural sc ience' because of the c e ntral r ole  assi gned  by the l att er tolan d . At t he tim e itwa s s a i d, 'o n c ewelo ok at it f r o m S mith' spoin t of vi ew, this science i s  cl assified amon g t he o t h er  mo r al sci en c es, w hose aim is toimprove th ei r  s ubject mat t eran d bring  it tothe h i ghest d egree ofperfectio nto w h i chit may bebrought'  (Garnier 1802, xv iii–x ix) . Thus ,Smi th'slesson was  inte rprete das a d ecisi ve  argumen t against physiocracy a nd fav ourin g a  return t o T u rgo t's utili ty-b ased value  th eor y, in  tu r n gro unde d  i n's e nsism ', t h e theoryo fkno w l ed ge whose ma i n pro ponen t w a s Étie nneBonnot de Condill a c. Jean-Baptis te S a y  an d A n toin e- Louis-Claude D est ut t de Tracy  a re the twobest-kno wn figur es amo ng the  new ec o n om i sts gi ving  bi rth to wh atis general ly  c l assifi ed a sthe Fr ench c l assi c a l political econ omy,w h ich a m oun ted t oa bodyo f Sm ithian doc trines comb ined w ithTurgo t's ide as . A so mew ha t odd exam p le is the  noti on of l aw , ater m Smit h wa s caref ul t oavo id, prefe r r in g  t os tic k to  theNe wton ian term' principl e'. However ,the t erm is gi v e n pride of  pl ace b y the French econ o mi s ts, w ho bel ieve
 that_is, that_it provided a set_of deterministic_economic_laws surrounded_by_the same scientific_aura that radiated_from Bentham's science of_morals and legislation._In_fact, Ricardo, like several other 'friends of mankind', was just a fellow traveller of_the_philosophical radicals:_his_moral_and epistemological ideas were different_from Bentham's programme of reduction_of ethics_and politics to calculus, and his approach to_political_economy was inspired_by intellectual modesty, i.e. awareness of ubiquitous multi-causality and_the consequent limits of theories in_terms of explanatory_power_(Cremaschi_2004), an attitude quite_different to Mill's search for iron_laws. The latter's shocked reaction to_the third edition of Ricardo's Principia, with_its well-known chapter on machinery that_questioned the benefits of technical_innovation for_the working class, is proof_of the distance_of his_views from those_of Ricardo. Political economy among the'sciences_morales' The physiocratic_tradition did not survive the shock_of_the French Revolution._In_the_two following_decades Smith's work_was_introduced to_France_and what was believed to be_Smith's_labour-value theory was received with particular enthusiasm._His approach was thought_to_present a view of_political economy as a'moral science',_unlike the physiocratic view of it_as a_'natural science'_because of the central role assigned by the latter to land._At the time it was said,_'once we look at_it from_Smith's_point of view,_this_science is_classified among the other moral sciences, whose_aim is_to improve their subject matter and_bring it to the_highest_degree of perfection to which it_may be brought' (Garnier 1802, xviii–xix)._Thus, Smith's lesson was interpreted_as_a_decisive argument against physiocracy and_favouring a return to Turgot's utility-based_value theory, in_turn grounded in'sensism', the theory of knowledge_whose_main proponent was Étienne Bonnot de_Condillac._Jean-Baptiste Say and Antoine-Louis-Claude Destutt de_Tracy_are_the two best-known figures among_the new economists giving birth to_what is generally classified as the French classical political_economy, which amounted_to a body of Smithian_doctrines_combined_with Turgot's ideas. A somewhat odd example is the notion_of law,_a term Smith_was careful to avoid, preferring to stick to the Newtonian_term 'principle'. However, the term is given_pride of place by the French economists, who believe