 of virtue, and 'happily, men are in a situation such that, though their passions inspire in them the thought of being wicked, they nevertheless have an interest in not being so' (Montesquieu 1748: 389–90). And yet, despite his optimism, Montesquieu sees clearly the price to be paid. He is aware that commerce establishes bonds between nations but causes division among individuals; and he admits also that, while it carries 'a certain exact sense of justice', the opposite of 'robbery', it weakens those moral virtues that prompt people to care not only for their own interests but also, on occasion, for those of others. 4 Rousseau on corruption and cooperation Jean-Jacques Rousseau formulated a new version of civic humanism based on an evolutionary account of human history. In his account, the genesis of morality goes along with the emergence of political power and private property and the ensuing corruption of humankind. The savage lives in a condition that requires no conscience because compassion is enough to inspire cooperation with fellow beings (Rousseau 1755). It is with technical progress – namely, developments in metallurgy and agriculture – that a split is produced within the individual and between the latter and his fellow beings. This is the gap between desire and fulfilment, which provides both the spring of individual improvement and that of destructive passions. The structure of all societies up to this point has been deeply unjust. Justified kinds of inequality would have been those associated with natural ones – that is, greater physical or intellectual capacity. Political institutions of every nation and time have instead been a trick enabling the rich to turn the poor from potential aggressors into their own gaolers. Such radical illegitimacy tends to become worse in modern societies where the corrupting powers of money and opinion are bringing about New Barbarism or a new state of nature (Rousseau 1755). The remedy suggested is a new social contract by which human beings would reach a true moral state – not a return to a state of nature – and become masters of themselves, with no sovereign other than their own (collective) will (Rousseau 1762). The price to be paid would be a renunciation of economic growth and an option for the state Mandeville had described as'small society' `– that is, a political community with limited territory and population, without big towns or international trade. Political economy between Galilean science and political discourse The phrase 'political economy' was rescued in the seventeenth century as a title for a book,
of virtue, and' happily, men are in a situation such that, though their passions revolutionize in them the opinion of being wicked, they nevertheless have an pastime in not being so' (Montesquieu 1748: 389–90). And yet, despite his optimism, Montesquieu experience clearly the price to be pay. He is aware that commerce lay down bonds between nations but induce part among individuals; and he admits also that, while it carries' a certain accurate sense of justice', the opposite of' looting', it weakens those moral virtues that prompt people to care not merely for their own interests but also, on occasion, for those of others. 4 Rousseau on corruption and cooperation Jean - Jacques Rousseau formulated a newfangled version of civic humanism based on an evolutionary account of human history. In his account, the genesis of morality goes along with the emergence of political power and private property and the ensuing corruption of humankind. The savage lives in a circumstance that necessitate no conscience because compassion is enough to inhale cooperation with fellow being (Rousseau 1755). It is with technical progress – namely, developments in metallurgy and agriculture – that a schism is produced within the individual and between the latter and his fellow beings. This is the gap between desire and fulfillment, which provides both the spring of individual improvement and that of destructive passions. The structure of all societies up to this point has been profoundly unjust. Justified kinds of inequality would have been those associated with natural ones – that is, greater physical or cerebral capability. Political institutions of every nation and time have instead been a whoremaster enabling the rich to turn the hapless from potential aggressors into their own gaolers. Such radical bastardy tends to become worse in modern societies where the corrupting baron of money and opinion are fetch about New Barbarism or a new state of matter of nature (Rousseau 1755). The remedy suggest is a new social contract by which human beings would strive a on-key moral state – not a return to a state of nature – and become masters of themselves, with no sovereign other than their own (collective) will (Rousseau 1762). The price to be paid would be a repudiation of economic growth and an option for the state of matter Mandeville had described as'small society' '– that is, a political community with limited territory and population, without big town or international trade. Political economy between Galilean science and political discourse The phrase' political economy' was rescued in the seventeenth hundred as a title for a book,
 of virtue, and 'happily, men xre in a situatnin suci that, fhough tfeir passions inspire in thel rhe tyought of being wicked, they nevvrtheless havt an interest in ikt beinn so' (Jlntevwuieu 1748: 389–90). And yej, despite hiv optimism, Monderqbieu sees clearly the price to be payd. He ix wware that comierct eftabmpsmes bonds between nations but cahses dinision among indifiduals; and he admits also thah, while it carries 'a certain gsace sense of jurtice', the opposite of 'tobbery', it weakens those moral vkrtuex that pronpr pfmple to carx not jnly for thelg own itterestx but also, on pccesiob, for those of others. 4 Rousseau on corroption and ckoperation Jean-Jaxqyes Rmussaau wirmjlaued a new vfrsmon of civid humanism vased on an evolutipnwgu account of human hystory. In his account, the genesis of mogalify goes along with the wmergence of politicap power agd private property and the ensuing corruption of humaikknd. Tme sxcahe lives in a condition that requires no conssjemcv because compasslon is enough to imsoitg cooperation dith fzmlkw beings (Rousseau 1755). It is with technicaj prpgress – namely, developments in metalluryy qnd agriculture – tkat a split ns procuced within the individual cnd befween the lwtter and fis fellow beingr. Tmis is the gap between desire and fulfmlmenc, which orovodes bjth the spging of individual improgemenj and dhat of dedtructive passions. The structurx of all socigtias lp to thif poikt has been dee[ly unjust. Jusjified kiuds of inequalitj would heve been thofe associated aith natural ones – trat us, geeater ofysical or intrllectual capacity. Political institutlons ur every nation cud time have instrad beqn a twhck enabling the rizn to gurn tht piur ftom potential aggresvors into their own gaplcrs. Such tadical ijlegitimacy trnds to become worde in movern spcigties where the corrupting poweds of monfy wnd opinion wre nrinding about New Barbarism or a new state of nature (Rousseau 1755). The remwdy suggested is a uee social coitract by which human beings would eeach a true morak state – not a return to a vtate of nature – and become masters of themselves, with no sovereign other than their own (collectjve) eill (Goufxeau 1762). Ehe 'rmce to be paid wolld be a renunciation of economir growth atd an option for the state Mancexille had deszribed as'small society' `– fhat is, s political community with limiyed territory and populabion, withiut bjg towns oc international tradr. Policical wconomy betaeen Galilean scoekce and popitiral discourse The phrase 'political wconomt' aas rescued in tie seventeenbh centory as a title for a booi,
of virtue, and 'happily, men are in such though their inspire in them they have an interest not being so' 1748: 389–90). And yet, despite his Montesquieu sees clearly the price to be paid. He is aware that commerce bonds between nations but causes division among individuals; and he admits also that, it 'a exact of justice', the opposite of 'robbery', it weakens those moral virtues that prompt people to care only for their own interests but also, on for those of others. Rousseau on corruption and cooperation Rousseau a new of humanism on an evolutionary of human history. In his account, the genesis of morality goes along with the emergence of political and private the ensuing of The lives in a requires no conscience because compassion is cooperation with fellow beings (Rousseau 1755). It is technical progress namely, developments in metallurgy and agriculture that a split is produced within the individual between the latter and his fellow beings. This is the gap between desire and fulfilment, both the spring of improvement and that destructive The of societies up this point has been deeply unjust. Justified kinds of inequality would been those associated with natural ones – that is, greater intellectual Political institutions of nation and time have been trick enabling the rich the from their gaolers. radical illegitimacy tends to worse in modern societies where corrupting powers of money New Barbarism or a new state of nature 1755). The remedy suggested is a new contract by which human beings would reach a true moral state – a return state of nature – and become masters of with no sovereign other their own (collective) will (Rousseau 1762). The price to paid be a of economic growth an option for state Mandeville had society' `– is, political territory and population, without big towns international Political economy between Galilean science political phrase 'political economy' was rescued in the seventeenth century as a title for a book,
 of virtue, and 'happily, men are iN a situatioN such ThaT, thOuGh thEir pAssions inspire IN theM the thought of being wickEd, theY nEVertHElEss haVe an intEReST In nOt BeIng So' (mOnTesquIeu 1748: 389–90). and yet, dEspite his oPtiMiSm, MontesquieU SeEs clearly tHe pRice to be paid. he iS aware ThAt cOMmercE esTabliShes boNDs betwEen nationS bUT causeS DivisioN AMoNg inDividuals; and he admITs ALso that, while it CarrieS 'a CErTAIn eXacT sense of juStIce', thE OppositE Of 'ROBBerY', It weakens thosE moral virtuES thAt promPt PeoPLe to caRe not OnLY foR their own inTereSts but alsO, on occASion, for THose of oThers. 4 ROusSeaU on cORrUpTioN aND coOPeRatIOn JEan-JacquEs roUsseaU forMULATed a New VersIon of Civic humanism BasEd on AN evOlutiOnary AccoUnT of huMan hisTory. IN hIs account, the genEsis Of moralitY goEs AloNg With tHE emergEncE of PoliticAl power ANd pRiVATE pRoperty and the ensuiNg CORrUption of HumankINd. thE Savage liVeS in A conDITion tHat rEQuIres no coNscienCE bEcAuse comPaSsion iS eNouGh tO inspIRe coOperatIon with fEllow BEings (Rousseau 1755). IT Is with technicAL pROGrESs – naMelY, developmenTs in MEtalLurgY AnD agRIcultUre – thAt A SpLIt is produced within tHe IndiviDual aNd between the lAtter and hiS FELlow beinGs. ThIS iS The gap between dEsire And fulfilmENt, which pRovidEs both thE spring of INDividual ImpRovEmeNt aND ThAt of destructiVE PassIoNs. The stRucTure of aLl sOciEtiEs uP tO this poinT has been DeEpLy UnJusT. JustIFied kindS oF inEqUalIty woULd have Been tHose AsSoCIatEd with nATuRAL oneS – tHaT is, gReaTeR physIcal OR inTellectUal capaciTy. POLitiCaL iNstitutIons of every naTiOn and time hAvE inStead bEEN a trick eNabling the rich to turn the POor from PotEntiaL aggRessors inTo tHeir owN gaOLers. SuCh radiCal ilLeGitIMAcy teNDS tO beCoMe worse in mODErn SocieTiEs whEre the cOrrupting powers of mONey And opinion are BriNginG ABoUt NEW BARbaRiSM or A NEw state of nature (rousseau 1755). ThE rEMeDy suggesteD Is a NeW social ContracT by whICh human Beings wouLd reach a tRuE morAL StaTe – not a retuRn to a staTe of naturE – And beCOmE mastErs Of themSeLveS, with No soveREigN otheR than tHeIr own (cOllecTiVe) will (RoUsseau 1762). The price to be paid wOuld be A renuNciAtion of ecOnoMIc gRowth and aN optIon for the sTatE MaNdeviLle HAd desCribED aS'smALl socIety' `– THat is, a polITiCal COMmUnity with liMITEd tErritOry ANd popuLatiOn, without big towns OR international TradE. pOliTicAL ecoNoMy between GalilEan ScIENce and poLiTical discouRse The phRaSE 'poliTical eConomy' Was rescUED iN The sevEnteEntH century aS a tItLE for a boOk,
 of virtue, and 'happily,men are in  a si tua tio nsuch  tha t, though thei r  pas sions inspire in themthe t ho u ghto fbeing  wicked ,  t h e y n ev er the le s shaveaninteres t in not b ein gso' (Montesq u ie u 1748: 38 9–9 0). And yet,  de spitehi s o p timis m,Monte squieu sees c learly th ep rice t o  be pai d .  H e is  aware that comme r ce establishes bo nds be tw e en n ati ons  but cause sdivis i on amon g  i n d i vid u als; and he a dmits alsot hat , whil eitc arries  'a c er t ain  exact sens e of  justice' , theo pposite of 'rob bery',  it  we aken s  t ho semo r alv ir tue s  th at promp tpe opleto c a r e notonl y fo r the ir own intere sts  but als o, on  occa sion ,for t hose o f oth er s. 4 Rousseau o n co rruptionand  c oop er ation Jean-J acq ues  Rousse au form u lat ed a ne w version of civic  h u m an ism base d on a n  e vo l utionary  a cco unto f  huma n hi s to ry. In h is acc o un t,  the ge ne sis of  m ora lit y goe s  alo ng wit h the em ergen c e of political power and pri v at e pr o pert y a nd the ensu ingc orru ptio n  o f h u manki nd. T he sa v age lives in a cond it ion th at re quires no con science be c a u se compa ssio n  i s  enough to ins pirecooperatio n  with fe llowbeings ( Rousseau1 7 55). Itiswit h t ech n i ca l progress –n a mely ,develop men ts in m eta llu rgy  an dagricultu re – tha tasp li t i s pro d uced wit hi n t he  in divid u al and  betw eenth el att er andh is f ello wbe ings . T hi s istheg apbetween  desire a ndf ulfi lm en t, whic h provides bo th  the sprin gofindivi d u al impro vement and that of dest r uctivepas sions . Th e structu reof all  so c ieties  up to  this  p oin t has b e e ndee pl y unjust.J u sti fiedki ndsof ineq uality would haveb een  those associ ate d wi t h  n atu r al one s–  th a t  is, greater ph ysical orin t el lectual ca p aci ty . Polit ical in stitu t ions of  every na tion andti me h a v e i nstead bee n a tric k enablin g  ther ic h totur n thepo orfrompotent i alaggre ssorsin to the ir ow ngaolers.  Such radical illegitim acy te nds t o b ecome wor sei n m odern soc ieti es where t hecor rupti ngp owers  ofm on eya nd op inio n  are brin g in g a b o ut  New Barbar i s m  or  a ne w s t ate of  nat ure (Rousseau 175 5 ). The remedysugg e s ted  is a ne wsocial contrac t b yw h ich huma nbeings woul d reachat rue m oral s tate –  not ar e tu r n to a  sta teof nature  –an d  become  m as t ers of  the ms elves,  withn o so v e reign other than  thei r own ( c oll ectiv e)  will ( R ouss eau 1762).  The priceto bepaid  woul d be are nuncia tio nof economi c  growth a nd an  option  f or t hestateMand e v illehadde scr ibed as's m a ll so ci e ty'  `–thatis , apolitical communit y w i th limi te d t e r ritory an d population , w ithou t big townso r in t er n ation al tra de. Po litical eco no my betw een G alilean s cience an d  po li tica l discou rs e Th ephr as e 'political ec onomy' w as rescu e d  in th e s e vent e enth c en tury as a ti tle f or a book, 
 of_virtue, and_'happily, men are in_a situation_such_that, though_their_passions inspire in_them the thought_of being wicked, they_nevertheless have an_interest_in not being so' (Montesquieu 1748: 389–90). And yet, despite his optimism, Montesquieu sees_clearly_the price_to_be_paid. He is aware that_commerce establishes bonds between nations_but causes_division among individuals; and he admits also that,_while_it carries 'a_certain exact sense of justice', the opposite of 'robbery',_it weakens those moral virtues that_prompt people to_care_not_only for their own_interests but also, on occasion, for_those of others. 4 Rousseau on_corruption and cooperation Jean-Jacques Rousseau formulated a_new version of civic humanism based_on an evolutionary account of_human history._In his account, the genesis_of morality goes_along with_the emergence of_political power and private property and_the ensuing corruption_of humankind. The savage lives in_a_condition that requires_no_conscience_because compassion_is enough to_inspire_cooperation with_fellow_beings (Rousseau 1755). It is with_technical_progress – namely, developments in metallurgy and_agriculture – that a_split_is produced within the_individual and between the latter_and his fellow beings. This is_the gap_between desire_and fulfilment, which provides both the spring of individual improvement and_that of destructive passions. The structure_of all societies up_to this_point_has been deeply_unjust._Justified kinds_of inequality would have been those associated_with natural_ones – that is, greater physical_or intellectual capacity. Political_institutions_of every nation and time have_instead been a trick enabling the_rich to turn the poor_from_potential_aggressors into their own gaolers._Such radical illegitimacy tends to become_worse in modern_societies where the corrupting powers of money_and_opinion are bringing about New Barbarism_or_a new state of nature (Rousseau_1755)._The_remedy suggested is a new_social contract by which human beings_would reach a true moral state – not a_return to a_state of nature – and_become_masters_of themselves, with no sovereign other than their own (collective)_will (Rousseau_1762). The price_to be paid would be a renunciation of economic growth_and an option for the state Mandeville_had described as'small society' `– that is, a political community with_limited territory and population, without big towns or_international trade. Political economy between Galilean science_and political discourse The_phrase_'political economy' was rescued in the seventeenth_century_as_a_title for a_book,