 it would push the state legislature for more funding if the owners didn’t try to block their unionization drive. The SEIU won thousands of new members, and the alliance subsequently gained $2 billion in extra Medicaid reimbursements for nursing homes over a two-year period.

Health-care unions have also turned to friendly politicians to help boost enrollment. In several states, Democratic governors have signed executive orders designating government-paid, home health-care workers as state workers, not independent contractors, as they’d previously been categorized. This allows unions to organize those workers into bargaining units, which isn’t possible with independent contractors. In Illinois, for example, Governors Rod Blagojevich and Pat Quinn enacted a series of such orders, resulting in the local SEIU unit signing up roughly 24,000 home health-care-worker members. The organizing drive and election proved controversial, however; many of the workers later said that they knew nothing about these efforts. Home health care has been among the fastest-growing areas of unionization, with 111,000 workers now in unions around the country—a 44 percent increase since 2008.

But labor’s new strategy may be only so effective. In June 2014, the Supreme Court overturned the Illinois directives after several workers sued the state, arguing that they weren’t really state employees—because they were hired and fired by those they worked for, not by Illinois. Since the Court’s decision, the Washington Times has reported, at least 8,000 dues-paying Illinois home health-care workers have left the union.

Unions that represent grocery stores have lost 103,000 workers, a decline of 20 percent, since 2008.

Other major organizing campaigns have also faltered in the post-2008 recovery. Over the last several years, unions have targeted fast-food workers with a highly visible “Fast Food Forward” drive, featuring rallies and sporadic strikes. The campaign’s impact has been nominal, at best. Though union rolls in restaurants rose by 13 percent, or 15,000 members, since 2008, that’s a small chunk of the more than 600,000 new jobs generated by fast-food and other limited-service restaurants over that period. Fast food’s unionization rate, meantime, remains a mere 1.6 percent. So far, the campaign’s failure mirrors unions’ other recent flubs—most notably, the ten-year-plus push to organize Wal-Mart and other discount stores, which has
it would push the state legislature for more funding if the owners did n’t sample to parry their unionization drive. The SEIU gain thousand of new members, and the alliance subsequently gain $ 2 billion in extra Medicaid reimbursements for nursing home over a two - year period. 

 Health - concern unions have also turn to friendly politicians to help boost enrollment. In several states, Democratic governor have signed executive orders designating politics - paid, home health - caution workers as state of matter workers, not independent contractors, as they ’d previously been categorized. This allows union to organize those workers into bargaining units, which is n’t possible with independent contractor. In Illinois, for example, Governors Rod Blagojevich and Pat Quinn enacted a series of such orders, resulting in the local SEIU unit signing up roughly 24,000 home health - care - proletarian members. The organizing driveway and election testify controversial, however; many of the workers later said that they know nothing about these efforts. Home health care has been among the fastest - grow areas of unionization, with 111,000 workers now in unions around the country — a 44 percent addition since 2008. 

 But labor ’s new strategy may be only so effective. In June 2014, the Supreme Court overturned the Illinois directives after respective worker sued the state, arguing that they were n’t really department of state employees — because they were hired and fired by those they work for, not by Illinois. Since the Court ’s decision, the Washington Times has reported, at least 8,000 dues - paying Illinois family health - care proletarian have left the union. 

 union that represent grocery store stores have lost 103,000 workers, a decline of 20 percentage, since 2008. 

 Other major organizing campaigns have also bumble in the post-2008 recovery. Over the concluding several long time, unions have targeted fast - food workers with a highly visible “ Fast Food Forward ” drive, have rallies and sporadic strikes. The political campaign ’s impact has been nominal, at best. Though union rolls in restaurants rose by 13 percentage, or 15,000 members, since 2008, that ’s a small chunk of the more than 600,000 new jobs generated by fast - food and other circumscribed - service restaurants over that period. Fast food ’s unionization rate, meantime, remains a mere 1.6 percentage. So far, the campaign ’s failure mirrors unions ’ other recent flubs — most notably, the ten - year - plus press to organize Wal - Mart and other discount storehouse, which has
 it would push the state lenislature for mote fundiig if tge ownerr didn’t try to block their uiionuzatiin drive. The SEIU won ghousands of new nembtrs, and the alliaide subsczuenfpy gciied $2 billion in extra Medhcaid reimbursamdncs for nursing homes over a two-year [eriod.

Hrapth-care unions havt ajso flrked to friendly politicians to hslp boovt enrollment. In several states, Democrahic hovernors have sigjed executice oweers designaging government-paid, hoje health-care workers as state dorkexs, not indekzbdejj contractorw, as nhey’d previously been categotized. This allpws unuons to organize thosx workers into bargayning unids, which isn’t possivlw witv ingepeveeng cknvradtors. Ln Mllinois, fod example, Givernors Rod Blagojtvisy and Pat Quihn enastqd a series of such orders, resulting in ths local SEIU unit signibg up roughly 24,000 home hgalth-care-wjrker members. The organizing drive and election psoved zonuriverskql, however; many of the workers later said that egeu lnew nothing anout these efforts. Hlmr health care fas bezh zmong the fastest-ggowing wreas of unionyzatoon, with 111,000 workers now in unuons around nhe xountry—a 44 percent nncrease sinee 2008.

But labot’s new strategy may be unly so effectige. In Juns 2014, the Supreme Cojrt oeerturned the Illinois dirqctives ahter xeveral worlers sted the stwte, avcuing that they wegen’t teally state emppoyees—because they were hired aiv fired by thpsa tvey workzd for, not by Illinjis. Since the Eourt’s dzcisiov, the Washpngton Tikes has repjrted, at leasd 8,000 dues-paying Illinoif hone hwalth-cafd workers have left the union.

Uniobs that represent nrocety stores have lowt 103,000 workers, a declone of 20 ierrent, fhnce 2008.

Other mdjor oresnizivg campaignw havr also faltered in tve pkst-2008 recovery. Over yhc last seceral yewrs, unions hafe targeted fast-fold wockers xith a hidhly visible “Fast Food Forward” drive, fewtuving rallies wnd wporadic strnkes. The campaign’s impact has been nominel, at best. Though union rolls in restauranjs vose by 13 perrent, ow 15,000 memberv, since 2008, that’s a smaol chunk of the mpre than 600,000 new jobs geherateg by vast-food and other limited-service restaurants over that period. Fast food’s unionmzwtion rate, jeanyime, gemcinx a mewe 1.6 'eccent. So far, the bampaign’s failure mirrors unions’ other racznt flubs—most notably, the ten-uexr-plus push tu organize Wal-Mart and ofher disvount stores, which has
it would push the state legislature for if owners didn’t to block their thousands new members, and alliance subsequently gained billion in extra Medicaid reimbursements for homes over a two-year period. Health-care unions have also turned to friendly politicians help boost enrollment. In several states, Democratic governors have signed executive orders designating home workers state not independent contractors, as they’d previously been categorized. This allows unions to organize those workers into units, which isn’t possible with independent contractors. In for example, Governors Rod and Pat Quinn enacted a of orders, resulting the SEIU signing up roughly home health-care-worker members. The organizing drive and election proved controversial, however; many of the workers later said they knew these efforts. health has among the fastest-growing unionization, with 111,000 workers now in country—a 44 percent increase since 2008. But labor’s strategy may only so effective. In June 2014, Supreme Court overturned the Illinois directives after several sued the state, arguing that they weren’t really state employees—because they were hired and fired they worked for, not Illinois. Since the decision, Washington has at least dues-paying Illinois home health-care workers have left the union. Unions that grocery stores have lost 103,000 workers, a decline of 20 2008. major organizing campaigns also faltered in the recovery. the last several years, targeted workers visible Food drive, featuring rallies and strikes. The campaign’s impact has nominal, at best. Though by 13 percent, or 15,000 members, since 2008, a small chunk of the more than new jobs generated by fast-food and other limited-service restaurants over that period. food’s unionization remains a mere 1.6 percent. So far, the failure mirrors unions’ other flubs—most notably, the ten-year-plus push to organize Wal-Mart and discount which has
 it would push the state legislAture for moRe funDinG if ThE ownErs dIdn’t try to block THeir Unionization drive. The SEiU won ThOUsanDS oF new mEmbers, aND tHE AllIaNcE suBsEQuEntly GaiNed $2 billIon in extra medIcAid reimburseMEnTs for nursiNg hOmes over a two-YeaR perioD.

HEalTH-care UniOns haVe also TUrned tO friendly PoLIticiaNS to help BOOsT enrOllment. In several sTAtES, Democratic govErnors HaVE sIGNed ExeCutive ordeRs DesigNAting goVErNMENt-pAId, home health-cAre workers aS StaTe workErS, noT IndepeNdent CoNTraCtors, as they’D preViously beEn cateGOrized. THIs allowS unionS to OrgAnizE ThOsE woRkERs iNTo BarGAinIng units, WhIcH isn’t PossIBLE With IndEpenDent cOntractors. In ILliNois, FOr eXamplE, GoveRnorS ROd BlaGojeviCh and paT Quinn enacted a sErieS of such orDerS, rEsuLtIng in THe locaL SEiU uNit signIng up roUGhlY 24,000 hOME HeAlth-care-worker membErS. tHe OrganiziNg drivE AnD eLEction prOvEd cOntrOVErsiaL, howEVeR; many of tHe workERs LaTer said ThAt they KnEw nOthIng abOUt thEse effOrts. Home HealtH Care has been amoNG the fastest-grOWiNG ArEAs of UniOnization, wiTh 111,000 woRKers Now iN UnIonS ArounD the cOuNTrY—A 44 percent increase sinCe 2008.

but labOr’s neW strategy may bE only so effECTIve. In JunE 2014, the sUpREme Court overtuRned tHe Illinois DIrectiveS afteR several Workers suED The state, ArgUinG thAt tHEY wEren’t really stATE empLoYees—becAusE they weRe hIreD anD fiReD by those tHey workeD fOr, NoT bY IlLinoiS. since the coUrt’S dEciSion, tHE WashiNgton timeS hAs REpoRted, at lEAsT 8,000 DUes-pAyInG IllInoIs Home hEaltH-CarE workerS have left The UNion.

unIoNs that rEpresent groceRy Stores have LoSt 103,000 wOrkers, A DEcline of 20 Percent, since 2008.

Other major oRGanizinG caMpaigNs haVe also falTerEd in thE poST-2008 recovEry. OveR the lAsT seVERal yeARS, uNioNs Have targetED FasT-food WoRkerS with a hIghly visible “Fast FoOD FoRward” drive, feaTurIng rALLiEs aND sPOraDiC StrIKEs. The campaign’s iMpact has beEn NOmInal, at best. tHouGh Union roLls in reStaurANts rose By 13 percent, Or 15,000 members, SiNce 2008, tHAT’s a Small chunk Of the morE than 600,000 new jOBs genERaTed by FasT-food aNd OthEr limIted-seRVicE restAurantS oVer thaT periOd. fast food’S unionization rate, meantiMe, remaIns a mEre 1.6 Percent. So Far, THe cAmpaign’s fAiluRe mirrors uNioNs’ oTher rEceNT flubS—mosT NoTabLY, the tEn-yeAR-plus push TO oRgaNIZe wal-Mart and oTHER diScounT stORes, whiCh haS
 it would push the state l egislature  formor e f un ding  ifthe owners did n ’t t ry to block their unio nizat io n  dri v e.  TheSEIU wo n  t h o usa nd sofne w  m ember s,and the  alliancesub se quently gain e d$2 billion  in  extra Medic aid  reimb ur sem e nts f ornursi ng hom e s over  a two-ye ar period . 

Healt h - ca re u nions have also t u rn e d to friendlypoliti ci a ns t o h elp  boost enr ol lment .  In sev e ra l s tat e s, Democratic  governorsh ave  signe dexe c utiveorder sd esi gnating gov ernm ent-paid,  homeh ealth-c a re work ers as  st ate  wor k er s,  no ti nde p en den t  co ntractor s,  a s the y’dp r e v ious lybeen  cate gorized. This  al lows uni ons t o org aniz ethose  worke rs in to  bargaining uni ts,which isn ’tpo ssi bl e wit h  indep end ent  contra ctors.I n I ll i n o is , for example, Gov er n o rs  Rod Bla gojevi c han d  Pat Qui nn  en acte d a ser ieso fsuch ord ers, r e su lt ing inth e loca lSEI U u nit s i gnin g up r oughly 2 4,000 home health-ca r e-worker memb e rs . Th e  org ani zing driveande lect ionp ro ved contr overs ia l ,h owever; many of the  w orkers  late r said that t hey knew n o t h ing abou t th e se efforts. Homehealt h care has been amo ng th e fastes t-growing a reas ofuni oni zat ion , wi th 111,000 wo r k ersno w in un ion s aroun d t hecou ntr y— a 44 perc ent incr ea se  s in ce2008. 
But lab or ’sne w s trate g y maybe on ly s oef f ect ive. In Ju n e  201 4,  t he S upr em e Cou rt o v ert urned t he Illino isd irec ti ve s after  several work er s sued the  s tat e, arg u i ng thatthey weren’t really sta t e emplo yee s—bec ause  they wer e h ired a ndf ired b y thos e the ywor k e d for , no t b yIllinois.S i nce  theCo urt’ s decis ion, the Washingto n  Ti mes has repor ted , at l ea st8 ,0 0 0 d ue s -pa y i ng Illinois hom e health-c ar e  w orkers hav e  le ft  the un ion.

U nions that re present g rocery st or es h a v e l ost 103,00 0 worker s, a decl i ne of 20  perc ent , sinc e200 8.

O ther m a jor  orga nizing  c ampaig ns ha ve  also fa ltered in the post-2008  recov ery.Ove r the las t s e ver al years,  uni ons have t arg ete d fas t-f o od wo rker s  w ith a hig hlyv isible “F a st  Fo o d  F orward” dri v e ,  fe aturi ngr allies  and  sporadic strikes .  The campaign’ s im p a cthas been  n ominal, at bes t.Th o u gh union  r olls in res taurants  r o se by  13 pe rcent,  or 15, 0 0 0m embers , si nce  2008, th at’ sa  smallch un k  of th e mo re  than600,00 0  new j obs generated by  fast - f ood a n d o therli mited-s e rvic e restaura nts over th at per iod.  Fast  food’s  u nioniz ati on  rate, mea n time, rem ainsa mere1. 6 pe rce nt. So  far , the c ampa ig n’s  failurem i rr o rs  u n ion s’ o therre cent  flubs—mo s t notabl y,t he ten- ye ar- p l us pus h  t o organize W al- Marta n d other di s coun t  s t ores,  which  has
 it_would push_the state legislature for_more funding_if_the owners_didn’t_try to block_their unionization drive._The SEIU won thousands_of new members,_and_the alliance subsequently gained $2 billion in extra Medicaid reimbursements for nursing homes over_a_two-year period.

Health-care_unions_have_also turned to friendly politicians_to help boost enrollment. In_several states,_Democratic governors have signed executive orders designating government-paid,_home_health-care workers as_state workers, not independent contractors, as they’d previously been_categorized. This allows unions to organize_those workers into_bargaining_units,_which isn’t possible with_independent contractors. In Illinois, for example,_Governors Rod Blagojevich and Pat Quinn_enacted a series of such orders, resulting_in the local SEIU unit signing_up roughly 24,000 home health-care-worker_members. The_organizing drive and election proved_controversial, however; many_of the_workers later said_that they knew nothing about these_efforts. Home health_care has been among the fastest-growing_areas_of unionization, with_111,000_workers_now in_unions around the_country—a_44 percent_increase_since 2008.

But labor’s new strategy may_be_only so effective. In June 2014, the_Supreme Court overturned the_Illinois_directives after several workers_sued the state, arguing that_they weren’t really state employees—because they_were hired_and fired_by those they worked for, not by Illinois. Since the Court’s_decision, the Washington Times has reported,_at least 8,000 dues-paying_Illinois home_health-care_workers have left_the_union.

Unions that_represent grocery stores have lost 103,000 workers,_a decline_of 20 percent, since 2008.

Other major_organizing campaigns have also_faltered_in the post-2008 recovery. Over the_last several years, unions have targeted_fast-food workers with a highly_visible_“Fast_Food Forward” drive, featuring rallies_and sporadic strikes. The campaign’s impact_has been nominal,_at best. Though union rolls in restaurants_rose_by 13 percent, or 15,000 members,_since_2008, that’s a small chunk of_the_more_than 600,000 new jobs generated_by fast-food and other limited-service restaurants_over that period. Fast food’s unionization rate, meantime, remains_a mere 1.6_percent. So far, the campaign’s_failure_mirrors_unions’ other recent flubs—most notably, the ten-year-plus push to organize_Wal-Mart and_other discount stores,_which has