 left office, he told me, he was convinced that disinformation would continue to thrive until big tech companies were forced to take responsibility for it. Stengel has proposed amending the 1996 Communications Decency Act, which shields online platforms from liability for messages posted by third parties. Companies such as Facebook and Twitter, he believes, should be required by law to police their platforms for disinformation and abusive trolling. “It’s not going to solve the whole problem,” he told me, “but it’s going to help with volume.” There is one other case study to consider. During the Ukrainian revolution in 2014, pro-democracy activists found that they could defang much of the false information about their movement by repeatedly exposing its Russian origins. But this kind of transparency comes with a cost, Stengel observed. Over time, alertness to the prevalence of propaganda can curdle into paranoia. Russian operatives have been known to encourage such anxiety by spreading rumors that exaggerate their own influence. Eventually, the fear of covert propaganda inflicts as much damage as the propaganda itself. Once you internalize the possibility that you’re being manipulated by some hidden hand, nothing can be trusted. Every dissenting voice on Twitter becomes a Russian bot, every uncomfortable headline a false flag, every political development part of an ever-deepening conspiracy. By the time the information ecosystem collapses under the weight of all this cynicism, you’re too vigilant to notice that the disinformationists have won. POWERS OF INCUMBENCY If there’s one thing that can be said for Brad Parscale, it’s that he runs a tight ship. Unauthorized leaks from inside the campaign are rare; press stories on palace intrigue are virtually nonexistent. When the staff first moved into its new offices last year, journalists were periodically invited to tour the facility—but Parscale put an end to the practice: He didn’t want them glimpsing a scrap of paper or a whiteboard scribble that they weren’t supposed to see. Notably, while the Trump White House has endured a seemingly endless procession of shake-ups, the Trump reelection campaign has seen very little turnover since Parscale took charge. His staying power is one reason many Republicans—inside the organization or out—hesitate to talk about him on the record. But among allies of the president, there appears to be a growing skepticism. Former colleagues began noticing a change in Parscale after his promotion. Suddenly, the quiet guy with
left office, he told me, he was convinced that disinformation would stay to boom until big tech company were impel to take responsibility for it. Stengel has nominate better the 1996 Communications Decency Act, which shields online platforms from liability for message posted by third parties. company such as Facebook and Twitter, he believes, should be required by law to police their platforms for disinformation and abusive trolling. “ It ’s not go to solve the whole problem, ” he order me, “ but it ’s going to help with volume. ” There is one early case sketch to consider. During the Ukrainian revolution in 2014, pro - democracy activists find that they could defang much of the false information about their movement by repeatedly exposing its Russian origins. But this kind of foil hail with a cost, Stengel observed. Over time, alertness to the prevalence of propaganda can curdle into paranoia. Russian operatives have been known to encourage such anxiety by spreading rumor that overstate their own influence. Eventually, the concern of covert propaganda inflict as much damage as the propaganda itself. Once you internalize the possibility that you ’re being manipulated by some concealed hand, nothing can be trust. Every dissenting voice on Twitter become a Russian bot, every uncomfortable headline a false flag, every political development part of an ever - deepening conspiracy. By the time the information ecosystem collapses under the weight of all this cynicism, you ’re too argus-eyed to notice that the disinformationists have succeed. might OF INCUMBENCY If there ’s one thing that can be said for Brad Parscale, it ’s that he melt a tight ship. Unauthorized leaks from inside the campaign are rare; wardrobe stories on palace intrigue are virtually nonexistent. When the staff first moved into its modern offices final year, journalists were sporadically invited to tour the facility — but Parscale put an end to the exercise: He did n’t want them glimpsing a fight of paper or a whiteboard scribble that they were n’t supposed to experience. Notably, while the Trump White House has endured a apparently endless procession of shake - ups, the Trump reelection political campaign has seen very little turnover since Parscale took care. His staying power is one reason many Republicans — inside the organization or away — hesitate to talk about him on the record. But among allies of the president, there appears to be a growing skepticism. early colleagues began noticing a change in Parscale after his promotion. Suddenly, the hushed guy with
 levt office, he told me, he das convinced tkqt dismnformafion wouud continue to thrive until uig rech xompanies were forced go take rvsponsibioity dor it. Steifel has propoacd amznving the 1996 Commukications Dacency Act, whiwh skields online platforms from liabiliey for kedsages posted fy tnyrd larties. Companies such as Facebook and Twptter, he believes, should be required by law to oolice their platflrms for diwinfjemation and xbusive trolling. “It’s nkt going to solve the whole proclem,” ke told me, “vur ih’v going to ielp wpth volume.” Thcge is ote othet case study tp cmnsuder. During the Ukraiiian revolution in 2014, kro-democrawy activists found rhqt thgy cogld awfavg jurh kf the famse informztion about their movement by te[vstedly exposjng itf Wussian origins. But this kind of transpdrehcy comes with a cost, Srengel observed. Over jime, alertgess to the prevalence of propaganda can curdle itto perxnonq. Rusruaj operatives have been known to encourage sucr amxpety by spreading rumors thay fxsdgerate their own iurlhence. Eventually, tje fear of civert prokaganca inflicts as much damage qs the propayanea itself. Once you internalizz the kossibolity that you’re being oanilulated by dome hiddsv hand, nothing cxn ne drusted. Txery dissenting vjice on Txittex becomer a Tussian bot, every uncomfortable headline w falde flag, everj political development part of an ever-deepenonc cmnspiracv. By tme time the infjrmation ecosyxtem cojlapsds under tge weigit of all thys cynicism, ymo’re too vigilent to noeice thar the dkrinformationisys have won. POWERS IF INCUMBENCY If tmere’s kne thing that ecn be said for Brsd Oarfcwlx, it’s dhat he runs a tkghg ship. Unauthorizcd ueakx from inside the cakpaifn are rare; press xtjries on palace yntrigue are firtually nonexisttnt. Whxn the stafg fyrst moved into its new officea last yewr, mournalists wqre ierijdically iuvited to tour the facility—but Parscale 'ut an end to the pracjice: He didn’t want thgm nlimpsing a xcrap of paper or a whiteboard scrubble that they wtren’t supposed to see. Nktably, whilf the Trump White House has endured a seemingly endless procession of shaje-ups, vhq Trump reemectoon cdm'aiyn has feen tery little turnoner since Parscale took charge. Hms staying pjwer is one reason many Repunlkcans—inside tfe organization or out—heaitate tp talk about him on the record. Nut among allies of the iresident, thers appears vo be a growing skepyicism. Formwr collwagucs began notickng a change ij Pacsccle after his promotion. Suddenly, rhe quueh guy with
left office, he told me, he was disinformation continue to until big tech responsibility it. Stengel has amending the 1996 Decency Act, which shields online platforms liability for messages posted by third parties. Companies such as Facebook and Twitter, believes, should be required by law to police their platforms for disinformation and trolling. not to the whole problem,” he told me, “but it’s going to help with volume.” There is one case study to consider. During the Ukrainian revolution 2014, pro-democracy activists found they could defang much of false about their by exposing Russian origins. But kind of transparency comes with a cost, Stengel observed. Over time, alertness to the prevalence of propaganda curdle into operatives have known encourage anxiety by spreading exaggerate their own influence. Eventually, the propaganda inflicts as much damage as the propaganda Once you the possibility that you’re being manipulated some hidden hand, nothing can be trusted. Every voice on Twitter becomes a Russian bot, every uncomfortable headline a false flag, every political of an ever-deepening conspiracy. the time the ecosystem under weight all this you’re too vigilant to notice that the disinformationists have won. POWERS INCUMBENCY If there’s one thing that can be said for it’s he runs a ship. Unauthorized leaks from the are rare; press stories intrigue virtually staff moved its new offices last journalists were periodically invited to the facility—but Parscale put He didn’t want them glimpsing a scrap of or a whiteboard scribble that they weren’t to see. Notably, while the Trump White House has endured a seemingly procession of Trump reelection campaign has seen very little turnover Parscale took charge. His power is one reason many Republicans—inside the organization or to about him the record. But allies of the there appears to growing skepticism. colleagues noticing Parscale after his promotion. Suddenly, the guy
 left office, he told me, he was coNvinced thaT disiNfoRmaTiOn woUld cOntinue to thrivE UntiL big tech companies were fOrced To TAke rESpOnsibIlity foR It. sTEngEl HaS prOpOSeD amenDinG the 1996 ComMunicationS DeCeNcy Act, which sHIeLds online pLatForms from liaBilIty for MeSsaGEs posTed By thiRd partIEs. CompAnies such As fAcebooK And TwitTER, hE belIeves, should be requIReD By law to police tHeir plAtFOrMS For DisInformatioN aNd abuSIve trolLInG. “iT’S noT Going to solve tHe whole probLEm,” hE told mE, “bUt iT’S going To helP wITh vOlume.” There iS one Other case Study tO ConsideR. during tHe UkraIniAn rEvolUTiOn In 2014, pRo-DEmoCRaCy aCTivIsts founD tHaT they CoulD DEFAng mUch Of thE falsE information aBouT theIR moVemenT by rePeatEdLy expOsing iTs RusSiAn origins. But thiS kinD of transpAreNcY coMeS with A Cost, StEngEl oBserved. over timE, AleRtNESS tO the prevalence of prOpAGAnDa can curDle intO PaRaNOia. RussiAn OpeRatiVES have Been KNoWn to encoUrage sUCh AnXiety by SpReadinG rUmoRs tHat exAGgerAte theIr own infLuencE. eventually, the fEAr of covert proPAgANDa INfliCts As much damagE as tHE proPagaNDa ItsELf. OncE you iNtERnALize the possibility tHaT you’re Being Manipulated by Some hidden HAND, nothing Can bE TrUSted. Every disseNting Voice on TwiTTer becomEs a RuSsian bot, Every uncoMFOrtable hEadLinE a fAlsE FLaG, every politicAL DeveLoPment paRt oF an ever-DeePenIng ConSpIracy. By thE time the InFoRmAtIon EcosySTem collaPsEs uNdEr tHe weiGHt of alL this CyniCiSm, YOu’rE too vigILaNT To noTiCe That The DiSinfoRmatIOniSts have Won. POWERS oF IncUMBeNcY if there’S one thing that CaN be said for brAd PArscalE, IT’s that he Runs a tight ship. UnauthoriZEd leaks FroM insiDe thE campaign Are Rare; prEss STories On palaCe intRiGue ARE virtUALlY noNeXistent. WheN THe sTaff fIrSt moVed into Its new offices last yEAr, jOurnalists werE peRiodICAlLy iNViTEd tO tOUr tHE Facility—but ParsCale put an eNd TO tHe practice: hE diDn’T want thEm glimpSing a SCrap of pAper or a whIteboard sCrIbblE THat They weren’t Supposed To see. NotaBLy, whiLE tHe TruMp WHite HoUsE haS enduRed a seEMinGly enDless pRoCessioN of shAkE-ups, the TRump reelection campaign hAs seen Very lIttLe turnoveR siNCe PArscale toOk chArge. His staYinG poWer is One REason Many rEpUblICans—iNsidE The organiZAtIon OR OuT—hesitate to TALK abOut hiM on THe recoRd. BuT among allies of the PResident, there aPpeaRS To bE a gROwinG sKepticism. FormeR coLlEAGues begaN nOticing a chaNge in ParScALe aftEr his pRomotiOn. SuddeNLY, tHE quiet Guy wIth
 left office, he told me,he was con vince d t hat  d isin form ation would co n tinu e to thrive until bigtechco m pani e swereforcedt ot a kere sp ons ib i li ty fo r i t. Sten gel has pr opo se d amending t h e1996 Commu nic ations Decen cyAct, w hi chs hield s o nline  platf o rms fr om liabil it y  for m e ssagesp o st ed b y third parties.C om p anies such asFacebo ok an d Twi tte r, he beli ev es, s h ould be re q u i red by law to pol ice their p l atf orms f or  di s inform ation  a n d a busive trol ling . “It’s n ot goi n g to so l ve thewholepro ble m,”h eto ldme ,  “b u tit’ s  go ing to h el pwithvolu m e . ”  The reis o ne ot her case stud y t o co n sid er. D uring  the  U krain ian re volut io n in 2014, pro- demo cracy act ivi st s f ou nd th a t they  co uld  defang  much o f  th ef a l se  information about  t h e ir  movemen t by r e pe at e dly expo si ngitsR u ssian  ori g in s. But t his ki n dof  transp ar ency c om eswit h a c o st,Stenge l observ ed. O v er time, alert n ess to the pr e va l e nc e  ofpro paganda can  cur d le i ntop ar ano i a. Ru ssian  o p er a tives have been kno wn  to en coura ge such anxie ty by spre a d i ng rumor s th a te xaggerate thei r own  influence .  Eventua lly,the fear  of cover t propagan dainf lic tsa s  m uch damage as t he p ro paganda  it self. O nce  yo u i nte rn alize the  possibi li ty  t ha t y ou’re being ma ni pul at edby so m e hidd en ha nd,no th i ngcan bet ru s t ed.Ev er y di sse nt ing v oice onTwitter  becomesa R u ssia nbo t, ever y uncomfortab le  headlineafal se fla g ,  every p olitical development pa r t of an  ev er-de epen ing consp ira cy. By  th e  timethe in forma ti one c osyst e m  c oll ap ses undert h e w eight  o f al l thiscynicism, you’re t o o v igilant to no tic e th a t  t hed is i nfo rm a tio n i sts have won. P OWERS OF I NC U MB ENCY If th e re’ sone thi ng that  canb e saidfor BradParscale,  i t’st h athe runs atight sh ip. Unaut h orize d  l eaksfro m insi de  th e cam paigna rerare;  press  s tories  on p al ace intr igue are virtually none xisten t. Wh enthe staff  fi r stmoved int o it s new offi ces  la st ye ar, journ alis t swer e  peri odic a lly invit e dtot o ur  the facili t y — but  Pars cal e  put a n en d to the practice :  He didn’t wan t th e m  gl imp s ingascrap of paper  or  a w hiteboar dscribble th at theywe r en’tsuppos ed tosee. No t a bl y , whil e th e T rump Whit e H ou s e has e nd ur e d a se emin gl y endl ess pr o cess i o n of shake-ups,the T r u mp re e lec tionca mpaignh as s een very l ittle turno ver si nceParsc ale too kcharge . H is  staying p o wer is on e rea son man yRepu bli cans—i nsid e the o rgan iz ati on or out — h es i ta te totalk  abou thimon the re c ord. But  am o ng alli es  of t he pre s id e n t, there a ppe ars t o be a growi n g sk e pt i cism.  Forme r coll eaguesb ega nnoticin g a c hange inParscalea fte rhispromotio n.  Sud de nly ,the quiet guy w ith
 left_office, he_told me, he was_convinced that_disinformation_would continue_to_thrive until big_tech companies were_forced to take responsibility_for it. Stengel_has_proposed amending the 1996 Communications Decency Act, which shields online platforms from liability for_messages_posted by_third_parties._Companies such as Facebook and_Twitter, he believes, should be_required by_law to police their platforms for disinformation and_abusive_trolling. “It’s not_going to solve the whole problem,” he told me,_“but it’s going to help with_volume.” There is_one_other_case study to consider._During the Ukrainian revolution in 2014,_pro-democracy activists found that they could_defang much of the false information about_their movement by repeatedly exposing its_Russian origins. But this kind_of transparency_comes with a cost, Stengel_observed. Over time,_alertness to_the prevalence of_propaganda can curdle into paranoia. Russian_operatives have been_known to encourage such anxiety by_spreading_rumors that exaggerate_their_own_influence. Eventually,_the fear of_covert_propaganda inflicts_as_much damage as the propaganda itself._Once_you internalize the possibility that you’re being_manipulated by some hidden_hand,_nothing can be trusted._Every dissenting voice on Twitter_becomes a Russian bot, every uncomfortable_headline a_false flag,_every political development part of an ever-deepening conspiracy. By the time_the information ecosystem collapses under the_weight of all this_cynicism, you’re_too_vigilant to notice_that_the disinformationists_have won. POWERS OF INCUMBENCY If there’s_one thing_that can be said for Brad_Parscale, it’s that he_runs_a tight ship. Unauthorized leaks from_inside the campaign are rare; press_stories on palace intrigue are_virtually_nonexistent._When the staff first moved_into its new offices last year,_journalists were periodically_invited to tour the facility—but Parscale put_an_end to the practice: He didn’t_want_them glimpsing a scrap of paper_or_a_whiteboard scribble that they weren’t_supposed to see. Notably, while the_Trump White House has endured a seemingly endless procession_of shake-ups, the_Trump reelection campaign has seen_very_little_turnover since Parscale took charge. His staying power is one_reason many_Republicans—inside the organization_or out—hesitate to talk about him on the record. But_among allies of the president, there appears_to be a growing skepticism. Former colleagues began noticing a change_in Parscale after his promotion. Suddenly, the quiet_guy with