 the violent state repression of radical and revolutionary elements within the Black liberation movements of the late 1960s and early 70s. Allen argues that it was precisely because of philanthropy’s overtures toward the movement’s more moderate and explicitly reformist elements–especially those advocating versions of “Black capitalism” and “political self-determination” through participation in electoral politics–that radical Black liberationists and revolutionaries were more easily criminalized and liquidated.[ ] Allen’s account, which appears in this collection [The Revolution Will Not Be Funded], proves instructive for a current critique of the state-corporate alliance that keeps the lid on what is left of Black liberationist politics, along with the cohort of radical struggles encompassed by what was once called the US “Third World” Left. Perhaps as important, Allen’s analysis may provide a critical analytical framework through which to understand the problem of white ascendancy and liberal white supremacy within the dominant spheres of the NPIC, which has become virtually synonymous with the broader political category of a US Left.

The massive repression of the Black, Native American, Puerto Rican, and other US-based Third World liberation movements during and beyond the 1960s and 70s was founded on a coalescence of official and illicit/illegal forms of state and state-sanctioned violence: police-led racist violence (including false imprisonment, home invasions, assassinations, and political harassment), white civilian reaction (lynchings, vigilante movements, new electoral blocs, and a complementary surge of white nationalist organizations), and the proliferation of racially formed (and racially executed) juridical measures to criminalize and imprison entire populations of poor and working class Black, Brown, and Indigenous people has been–and continues to be–a fundamental legacy of this era. Responding to the liberation-movement era’s momentary disruption of a naturalized American apartheid and taken-for-granted domestic colonialism, a new coalition of prominent owning-class white philanthropists, lawmakers, state bureaucrats, local and federal police, and ordinary white civilians (from across the already delimited US political spectrum of “liberal” to “conservative”) scrambled to restore the coherence and stability of white civil society in the midst of a fundamental challenge from activists and radical movement intellectuals who envisioned substantive transformation in the very foundations of US “society” itself. One outcome of this movement toward “White Reconstruction” was the invention, development, and refinement of repressive policing technologies
the violent state repression of radical and revolutionary chemical element within the bootleg liberation movements of the belated sixties and early 70s. Allen argues that it was precisely because of philanthropy ’s overtures toward the bowel movement ’s more moderate and explicitly reformist elements – particularly those advocating versions of “ bootleg capitalism ” and “ political self - determination ” through participation in electoral politics – that radical Black liberationists and revolutionist were more easily criminalized and liquidate. [ ] Allen ’s account, which appears in this solicitation [ The Revolution Will Not Be Funded ], proves instructive for a current critique of the country - corporate alliance that keep the hat on what is left of bootleg liberationist politics, along with the cohort of radical struggles encompassed by what was once predict the US “ Third World ” Left. Perhaps as important, Allen ’s analysis may leave a critical analytical framework through which to understand the problem of white ascendancy and liberal white supremacy within the dominant sphere of the NPIC, which has become virtually synonymous with the broader political class of a US Left. 

 The massive repression of the Black, Native American, Puerto Rican, and early US - based Third World liberation movements during and beyond the 1960s and seventy was founded on a coalescence of official and illegitimate / illegal forms of state and state - sanction violence: police - led racist violence (including false imprisonment, home invasions, assassinations, and political harassment), white civilian reaction (lynching, vigilante movements, modern electoral blocs, and a complemental rush of white nationalist organizations), and the proliferation of racially formed (and racially execute) juridical measures to criminalize and imprison integral populations of inadequate and working class Black, Brown, and autochthonal people has been – and continues to be – a fundamental legacy of this era. react to the liberation - motion era ’s fleeting disruption of a naturalized American apartheid and take - for - granted domestic colonialism, a new coalescence of prominent owning - course white philanthropists, lawmakers, country bureaucrats, local and federal police, and ordinary white civilians (from across the already specify US political spectrum of “ liberal ” to “ conservative ”) scrambled to repair the coherence and stability of white civil company in the midst of a fundamental challenge from activists and radical campaign intellectuals who envisioned substantive transformation in the very foundations of US “ society ” itself. One outcome of this campaign toward “ White Reconstruction ” was the invention, growth, and refinement of repressive policing technologies
 thf violent state repressiun of radical aue revonutionzry elemdnts within the Black liberavion movenents of the late 1960s ana early 70s. Allen aeguew that it wea precisely bsgause if philanthropi’s overtures toward the moeeoeut’s more moderate and explicitly refjrmist rlfments–especialjy tnjse zdvocating versions of “Black capitzlism” aid “political sekf-determination” through pagticlpation in electorwl politics–jgat eadical Blacy liberationists and rgvolutionaries were more easily zrimiualized and luqulgated.[ ] Allei’s accjunt, which aiiears it this vollection [The Retolurion Will Not Be Fundxd], proves instructivg for a cusrznt critique of the srare-corkorata aluuanze uhav kseps tje mid on whaf is left od Black liberationixt iplitics, alonf with tre cohort of radical struggles encompasved by what was once callee the US “Third World” Peft. Perhwps as important, Allen’s analysis may provide a crhticam ancoyticxo vramework through which to understand the profmek pf white ascenbancy and liberak ahoje supremacy wkthin cge dominant spheres lf the GPIC, qhich has becpme virtually synonymous wirh the broadvr pilitical category lf a US Lefc.

The msssivr repression of the Blaek, Natjve Americaj, Puerto Dkcan, and other UR-baxeg Third World liberation mjvements vuriny and behond the 1960s and 70s was founded on a coalescencf of lfxicial and illicit/illegal forms of state eid state-sanctooted violencz: polige-led racist vijlence (includiug false imprksonment, hkme invesions, assasfinations, and kolitical haressment), write civulian rdxction (lynchinbs, vigilauue movemenrs, new electoral bkocr, and a complemeuuari surge of whitr nxtijnwlmst owcanizations), dnd ghe lroliweration of facislly formed (and racidlly executed) juridicak ieasures to crimynalize and ikprison entire popklatimns of ppor and working class Black, Brown, and Indihenjus people hws bcen–agd continuzs to be–a fundamental legacy of this era. Responding to thg liberation-movement gra’x momentary disrtption of a naturalized Amerixan apartheid and taken-for-granted domeatic cmloniwlism, a new coalition of prominent owning-class white philanthropists, lawmqkers, state bureaudratx, locdl cnd fedqral 'olice, and ordinagy white civilians (from across tie already dzlimited US political spectruk uf “liberal” to “conservative”) scrambled fo restote the coherence and stability pf white civil society ik the midwt of a fundameital challenge from sctivivts abd radixal lovement inteulevtmals who ejvismonzd substantive transformation in rhe veey foundations of NS “society” ibstlf. One outcoie of this movemsnt flward “White Reconsyruction” was tne invention, developkegt, and refinemtnt of repressife polibing technolojies
the violent state repression of radical and within Black liberation of the late argues it was precisely of philanthropy’s overtures the movement’s more moderate and explicitly elements–especially those advocating versions of “Black capitalism” and “political self-determination” through participation in politics–that radical Black liberationists and revolutionaries were more easily criminalized and liquidated.[ ] account, appears this [The Revolution Will Not Be Funded], proves instructive for a current critique of the state-corporate alliance keeps the lid on what is left of liberationist politics, along with cohort of radical struggles encompassed what once called US World” Perhaps as important, analysis may provide a critical analytical framework through which to understand the problem of white ascendancy and white supremacy dominant spheres the which become virtually synonymous broader political category of a US repression of the Black, Native American, Puerto Rican, other US-based World liberation movements during and beyond 1960s and 70s was founded on a coalescence official and illicit/illegal forms of state and state-sanctioned violence: police-led racist violence (including false imprisonment, assassinations, and political harassment), civilian reaction (lynchings, movements, electoral and complementary surge white nationalist organizations), and the proliferation of racially formed (and racially juridical measures to criminalize and imprison entire populations of poor class Brown, and Indigenous has been–and continues to fundamental of this era. Responding liberation-movement momentary naturalized apartheid taken-for-granted domestic colonialism, a coalition of prominent owning-class white lawmakers, state bureaucrats, local white civilians (from across the already delimited US spectrum of “liberal” to “conservative”) scrambled to the coherence and stability of white civil society in the midst of fundamental challenge and radical movement intellectuals who envisioned substantive transformation the very foundations of “society” itself. One outcome of this movement toward “White was invention, development, refinement of repressive technologies
 the violent state repression Of radical aNd revOluTioNaRy elEmenTs within the BlaCK libEration movements of the lAte 1960s aNd EArly 70S. alLen arGues thaT It WAS prEcIsEly BeCAuSe of pHilAnthropY’s overtureS toWaRd the movemenT’S mOre moderatE anD explicitly rEfoRmist eLeMenTS–espeCiaLly thOse advOCating Versions oF “BLAck capITalism” aND “PoLitiCal self-determinatIOn” THrough participAtion iN eLEcTORal PolItics–that rAdIcal BLAck libeRAtIONIstS And revolutionAries were moRE eaSily crImInaLIzed anD liquIdATed.[ ] allen’s accouNt, whIch appearS in thiS CollectIOn [The ReVolutiOn WIll not BE fuNdEd], pRoVEs iNStRucTIve For a currEnT cRitiqUe of THE STate-CorPoraTe allIance that keepS thE lid ON whAt is lEft of blacK lIberaTionisT poliTiCs, along with the cOhorT of radicaL stRuGglEs EncomPAssed bY whAt wAs once cAlled thE uS “THiRD wOrLd” Left. Perhaps as impOrTANt, allen’s anAlysis MAy PrOVide a criTiCal AnalYTIcal fRameWOrK through Which tO UnDeRstand tHe ProbleM oF whIte AscenDAncy And libEral whitE suprEMacy within the dOMinant spheres OF tHE nPic, whiCh hAs become virTualLY synOnymOUs WitH The brOader PoLItICal category of a US LefT.

THe massIve rePression of the black, NativE aMErican, PuErto rIcAN, and other US-basEd ThiRd World libERation moVemenTs during And beyond THE 1960s and 70s waS foUndEd oN a cOALeScence of officIAL and IlLicit/ilLegAl forms Of sTatE anD stAtE-sanctionEd violenCe: PoLiCe-Led RacisT Violence (InCluDiNg fAlse iMPrisonMent, hOme iNvAsIOns, AssassiNAtIONs, anD pOlIticAl hArAssmeNt), whITe cIvilian Reaction (lYncHIngs, ViGiLante moVements, new eleCtOral blocs, aNd A coMplemeNTAry surge Of white nationalist organIZations), And The prOlifEration of RacIally fOrmED (and raCially ExecuTeD) juRIDical MEAsUreS tO criminaliZE And ImpriSoN entIre popuLations of poor and woRKinG class Black, BrOwn, And INDIgEnoUS pEOplE hAS beEN–And continues to bE–a fundamenTaL LeGacy of this ERa. REsPonding To the liBeratIOn-movemEnt era’s moMentary diSrUptiON Of a NaturalizeD AmericaN apartheiD And taKEn-For-grAntEd domeStIc cOloniAlism, a NEw cOalitIon of pRoMinent OwninG-cLass whitE philanthropists, lawmakeRs, statE bureAucRats, local And FEdeRal police, And oRdinary whiTe cIviLians (FroM AcrosS the ALrEadY DelimIted us politicaL SpEctRUM oF “liberal” to “cONSErvAtive”) ScrAMbled tO resTore the coherence aND stability of whIte cIVIl sOciETy in ThE midst of a fundaMenTaL CHallenge FrOm activists And radicAl MOvemeNt inteLlectuAls who eNVIsIOned suBstaNtiVe transfoRmaTiON in the vErY fOUndatiOns oF Us “socieTy” itseLF. One OUTcome of this movemEnt toWARd “WhiTE ReConstRuCtion” waS The iNvention, deVelopment, anD refinEmenT of rePressivE pOlicinG teChNologies
 the violent state repress ion of rad icaland  re vo luti onar y elements wit h in t he Black liberation mo vemen ts of t h elate1960s a n de a rly  7 0s . A ll e nargue s t hat itwas precis ely  b ecause of ph i la nthropy’sove rtures towar d t he mov em ent ’ s mor e m odera te and explic itly refo rm i st ele m ents–es p e ci ally  those advocating ve r sions of “Blac k capi ta l is m ”  an d “ politicalse lf-de t erminat i on ” t hro u gh participat ion in elec t ora l poli ti cs– t hat ra dical  B l ack  liberation ists  and revo lution a ries we r e moreeasily  cr imi nali z ed  a ndli q uid a te d.[ ] A llen’s a cc ou nt, w hich a p p ears  in  thi s col lection [TheRev olut i onWillNot B e Fu nd ed],proves  inst ru ctive for a cur rent  critique  of  t hest ate-c o rporat e a lli ance th at keep s  th el i d  o n what is left ofBl a c kliberati onistp ol it i cs, alon gwit h th e cohor t of ra dical st ruggle s  e nc ompasse dby wha twas  on ce ca l ledthe US  “ThirdWorld ”  Left. Perhaps as important, Al l e n’ s  ana lys is may prov idea  cri tica l  a nal y tical  fram ew o rk through which to un de rstand  theproblem of wh ite ascend a n c y and li bera l  w h ite supremacywithi n the domi n ant sphe res o f the NP IC, which h as becom e v irt ual lys y no nymous with t h e  bro ad er poli tic al cate gor y o f a  US  L eft.

The  massive  r ep re ss ion  of t h e Black,  N ati ve  Am erica n , Puer to Ri can,  a nd oth er US-b a se d Thir dWo rldlib er ation  mov e men ts duri ng and be yon d  the  1 96 0s and70s was found ed  on a coal es cen ce ofo f ficial a nd illicit/illegal form s  of sta teand s tate -sanction edviolen ce: police -led r acist  v iol e n ce (i n c lu din gfalse impr i s onm ent,ho me i nvasion s, assassinations, and  political ha ras smen t ) ,whi t ec ivi li a n r e a ction (lynching s, vigilan te mo vements, n e w e le ctoralblocs,and a complem entary su rge of wh it e na t i ona list organ izations ), and th e  prol i fe ratio n o f raci al lyforme d (and rac ially  execu te d) jur idica lmeasures  to criminalize and imp risonentir e p opulation s o f  po or and wo rkin g class Bl ack , B rown,  an d  Indi geno u speo p le ha s be e n–and con t in ues t obe–a fundam e n t allegac y o f  thisera.  Responding to th e  liberation-mo veme n t  er a’s mome nt ary disruption  of  a n aturaliz ed  American a partheid  a n d tak en-for -grant ed dome s t ic coloni alis m,a new coa lit io n  of pro mi ne n t owni ng-c la ss whi te phi l anth r o pists, lawmakers , sta t e  bure a ucr ats,lo cal and fede ral police , and ordin ary wh itecivil ians (f ro m acro ssth e alreadyd elimitedUS po litical  s pect rum  of “l iber a l ” to“con se rva tive”) sc r a mb l ed  t o  re stor e the  c oher ence ands tability  of white c iv ils o cietyi nt h e midst of  afunda m e ntal chall e ngef ro m  acti vistsand ra dical m o vem en t intel lec t u als who e nvisioned sub st anti ve trans fo rmat io n i nthe very founda tions of  US “soc i e ty” it sel f . On e  outco me  of this mov ement  t o ward “W h i teReconst r uct ion ” w as t heinve n tion, development, and r efin ement ofrepre ssive  p olicingt echn ologies
 the_violent state_repression of radical and_revolutionary elements_within_the Black_liberation_movements of the_late 1960s and_early 70s. Allen argues_that it was_precisely_because of philanthropy’s overtures toward the movement’s more moderate and explicitly reformist elements–especially those_advocating_versions of_“Black_capitalism”_and “political self-determination” through participation_in electoral politics–that radical Black_liberationists and_revolutionaries were more easily criminalized and liquidated.[ ]_Allen’s_account, which appears_in this collection [The Revolution Will Not Be Funded],_proves instructive for a current critique_of the state-corporate_alliance_that_keeps the lid on_what is left of Black liberationist_politics, along with the cohort of_radical struggles encompassed by what was once_called the US “Third World” Left._Perhaps as important, Allen’s analysis_may provide_a critical analytical framework through_which to understand_the problem_of white ascendancy_and liberal white supremacy within the_dominant spheres of_the NPIC, which has become virtually_synonymous_with the broader_political_category_of a_US Left.

The massive_repression_of the_Black,_Native American, Puerto Rican, and other_US-based_Third World liberation movements during and beyond_the 1960s and 70s_was_founded on a coalescence_of official and illicit/illegal forms_of state and state-sanctioned violence: police-led_racist violence_(including false_imprisonment, home invasions, assassinations, and political harassment), white civilian reaction (lynchings,_vigilante movements, new electoral blocs, and_a complementary surge of_white nationalist_organizations),_and the proliferation_of_racially formed_(and racially executed) juridical measures to criminalize_and imprison_entire populations of poor and working_class Black, Brown, and_Indigenous_people has been–and continues to be–a_fundamental legacy of this era. Responding_to the liberation-movement era’s momentary_disruption_of_a naturalized American apartheid and_taken-for-granted domestic colonialism, a new coalition_of prominent owning-class_white philanthropists, lawmakers, state bureaucrats, local and_federal_police, and ordinary white civilians (from_across_the already delimited US political spectrum_of_“liberal”_to “conservative”) scrambled to restore_the coherence and stability of white_civil society in the midst of a fundamental challenge_from activists and_radical movement intellectuals who envisioned_substantive_transformation_in the very foundations of US “society” itself. One outcome_of this_movement toward “White_Reconstruction” was the invention, development, and refinement of repressive policing_technologies