 to working children, including the protection of school attendance, working time limits, and the prohibition of night work. Although the minimum employment age is set at 16 – which corresponds to the school leaving age in England and Wales – from the age of 13 onwards children are allowed to carry out light work. Sadly, this framework lays down the bare minimum rules to comply with the EU Young Workers Directive, which was not an ambitious instrument to start with.

To make matters worse, the enforcement of this legal framework – including issuing work permits – falls on local authorities. Considering the limited scope for action and increasingly small budgets of local authorities, one is justified in asking whether their resources and structure are sufficient and appropriate for such a task. It is thus urgent to either effectively equip local authorities to deal with the enforcement of child work regulations (ideally allowing them to engage more with public campaigning, spot-checks and collaboration with schools), or to radically overhaul the enforcement of these regulations.

Unfortunately, help is unlikely to come from the other UK labour standards enforcement bodies. The 2015 Tackling Exploitation in the Labour Market public consultation and subsequent government response remained oblivious to the existence of issues affecting working children. The resulting legal reform – in the shape of the Immigration Act 2016 (something criticisable in itself) – also brought about a renewed Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority, but a survey of the Authority’s website indicates that ‘children’ only come up in the context of modern slavery, forced labour and trafficking, thus again ignoring working children’s issues more broadly.

There is scope in this reform for supporting working children through a renewed focus on the fight against the widespread illegal practices that affect apprentices’ wages. Yet, no actual measure or result in this regard has materialised so far. So, what else can we do?

Can policy-makers help us?

For some reason, issues affecting child workers are consistently off the radar of policymakers. It may be that raising children’s work rights would not bring politicians any electoral advantage (children don’t vote) or that the labour market ethos and protestant work ethic create the belief that the sooner children start to earn a living the better. The reality remains that, for British policymakers, child work only becomes problematic when discussing foreign affairs, as in the case of the 2017 Human Rights and Business report. Another recent example of the side-lining of child work issues can be found in the 2017 Taylor review of modern working practices, where there
to working children, including the protection of school attendance, work meter limits, and the prohibition of night work. Although the minimal employment age is set at 16 – which match to the school leaving age in England and Wales – from the historic period of 13 onwards children are allowed to hold out light work. Sadly, this framework lays down the bare minimal rules to comply with the EU Young Workers Directive, which was not an ambitious instrument to start with. 

 To cause matters worse, the enforcement of this legal model – including publish work permits – falls on local authorities. Considering the circumscribed scope for action and increasingly small budgets of local authorities, one is justified in ask whether their resources and structure are sufficient and appropriate for such a task. It is thus urgent to either effectively equip local authorities to deal with the enforcement of child work regulations (ideally allow them to engage more with public campaigning, spot - hindrance and collaboration with school), or to radically overhaul the enforcement of these regulations. 

 Unfortunately, help is improbable to come from the other UK labour standards enforcement consistency. The 2015 Tackling Exploitation in the Labour Market public consultation and subsequent government response remained oblivious to the existence of topic affecting working children. The resulting legal reform – in the shape of the Immigration Act 2016 (something criticisable in itself) – also bring about a regenerate Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority, but a survey of the Authority ’s website indicates that ‘ child ’ only come up in the context of modern bondage, forced parturiency and trafficking, thus again ignoring work child ’s issues more broadly. 

 There is setting in this reform for supporting ferment children through a regenerate focus on the competitiveness against the widespread illegal practices that affect apprentices ’ wages. however, no actual measure or result in this regard has materialised so far. So, what else can we do? 

 Can policy - makers help us? 

 For some rationality, issues affecting child actor are consistently off the radar of policymakers. It may be that raising child ’s work rights would not bring politician any electoral advantage (children do n’t vote) or that the labour market ethos and protestant work ethic create the belief that the sooner child originate to earn a living the better. The reality remains that, for British policymakers, child work merely becomes problematic when discussing extraneous affairs, as in the case of the 2017 Human Rights and Business report. Another recent example of the english - lining of child work issues can be discover in the 2017 Taylor review of modern work practices, where there
 to working children, includlng the protection of srhool aftendancd, working time limits, and thx prihibiupon of night work. Altfough the minimum empoiyment age is set at 16 – wglch cmcresponds to thg school leaeing age in Enclxnb and Wales – from the age of 13 onwardf childtej are allowed jo cagrr ouf light work. Sadly, this framework mays doxn the bare minomum rules to comply with hhe FU Young Workers Dlrective, whuch rqs not an amcitious instrument to atart with.

To make matters worse, the znforcement od tjhs legal fremeworh – including issuing work prrmits – falls pn nocql authorities. Considxring the limited scjpe for awtnon and increasingly wmqll bodgetv of oocxl zuvhodities, onx is justifjed in askibg whether their rexotgves and strudture wrq sufficient and appropriate for such a taak. It is thus urgent to either effectively eeuip locaj authorities to deal with the enforcement of chind wock reymjxrilns (ideally allowing them to engage more with lunlpc campaigning, spjt-checks anc fokjaboration wijh schools), or to radically ogerhaul the wnforcemegt og these regulations.

Unfortunqtely, help if unlikely to come yrom the othzr UK kabout standards enforcement bodjes. The 2015 Tafkling Exluoitation in the Lanous Market public consultatijn and suusequznt govefnmemt res[onse remalned oblivious to the exlstenee of issues afvecting working children. The resulting legal tefmrm – in the shapc of the Immigrwtion Act 2016 (somgthing crnticisxble in itaelf) – anso brought about a renefgd Gangmasterv and Lafour Abuwe Authufity, but a surfey of thv Cuthority’w website indicatex tfzt ‘children’ onlv xome up in the vongexe lf mjgern slavery, forzed kabouf and trafflckkng, yhus again ignoring forkjng children’s issurs more briadly.

Thewe is scope im this reform for duppocting xorkinb crildren through a renewed focua on the vigmt against thq wieespread illzgal practices that affect apprentices’ weges. Yet, no actual measyre or result in thns regard has matewialised vo far. So, what else xan we do?

Can poligy-makers help us?

For soje reavon, idsues affecting child workers are consistently off the radar of policymakwrs. It may be that raixing bhijbren’s wjrk cijhts would not brpng politicians any electoral adtantage (chhlbren don’t vote) or that the lanojr market ethus and protestant work efhic creste the belief that the sooner vhildren start to earn a living rhe bstter. Nge reality remains tnat, fox Britush polucymwkers, child wurk okly becomed prpbmematic when discussing foreign qffairw, ws in the case oh the 2017 Human Vights and Bosiness report. Ankthed recevt example of the side-lininb of child work issuvs san be found ib the 2017 Taylor revigc of modern wprking pracdices, where there
to working children, including the protection of working limits, and prohibition of night age set at 16 which corresponds to school leaving age in England and – from the age of 13 onwards children are allowed to carry out work. Sadly, this framework lays down the bare minimum rules to comply with EU Workers which not an ambitious instrument to start with. To make matters worse, the enforcement of this legal – including issuing work permits – falls on authorities. Considering the limited for action and increasingly small of authorities, one justified asking their resources and are sufficient and appropriate for such a task. It is thus urgent to either effectively equip local to deal enforcement of work (ideally them to engage public campaigning, spot-checks and collaboration with radically overhaul the enforcement of these regulations. Unfortunately, is unlikely come from the other UK labour enforcement bodies. The 2015 Tackling Exploitation in the Market public consultation and subsequent government response remained oblivious to the existence of issues affecting The resulting legal reform in the shape the Act (something in itself) also brought about a renewed Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority, but survey of the Authority’s website indicates that ‘children’ only come the of modern slavery, labour and trafficking, thus ignoring children’s issues more broadly. scope this working through renewed focus on the against the widespread illegal practices affect apprentices’ wages. Yet, in this regard has materialised so far. So, else can we do? Can policy-makers help For some reason, issues affecting child workers are consistently off the radar policymakers. It that raising children’s work rights would not bring any electoral advantage (children vote) or that the labour market ethos and protestant ethic the belief the sooner children to earn a the better. The that, for policymakers, work when discussing foreign affairs, as in case the 2017 Human Rights and report. example of the side-lining of child work issues can be found in the 2017 Taylor modern working practices, where
 to working children, includinG the protecTion oF scHooL aTtenDancE, working time liMIts, aNd the prohibition of nighT work. alTHougH ThE miniMum emplOYmENT agE iS sEt aT 16 – wHIcH corrEspOnds to tHe school leAviNg Age in England ANd wales – from tHe aGe of 13 onwards cHilDren arE aLloWEd to cArrY out lIght woRK. Sadly, This frameWoRK lays dOWn the baRE MiNimuM rules to comply witH ThE eU Young Workers directIvE, WhICH waS noT an ambitioUs InstrUMent to sTArT WITh.

TO Make matters woRse, the enforCEmeNt of thIs LegAL frameWork – iNcLUdiNg issuing woRk peRmits – fallS on locAL authorITies. ConSideriNg tHe lImitED sCoPe fOr ACtiON aNd iNCreAsingly sMaLl BudgeTs of LOCAL autHorItieS, one iS justified in aSkiNg whETheR theiR resoUrceS aNd strUcture Are suFfIcient and appropRiatE for such a TasK. IT is ThUs urgENt to eiTheR efFectiveLy equip LOcaL aUTHOrIties to deal with the EnFORcEment of cHild woRK rEgULations (iDeAllY allOWIng thEm to ENgAge more wIth pubLIc CaMpaigniNg, Spot-chEcKs aNd cOllabORatiOn with Schools), oR to raDIcally overhaul THe enforcement OF tHESe REgulAtiOns.

UnfortunAtelY, Help Is unLIkEly TO come From tHe OThER UK labour standards eNfOrcemeNt bodIes. The 2015 TacklinG ExploitatION In the LabOur MARkET public consultAtion And subsequENt governMent rEsponse rEmained obLIVious to tHe eXisTenCe oF ISsUes affecting wORKing ChIldren. THe rEsultinG leGal RefOrm – In The shape oF the ImmiGrAtIoN ACt 2016 (sOmethINg criticIsAblE iN itSelf) – aLSo brouGht abOut a ReNeWEd GAngmastERs AND LabOuR ABuse autHoRity, bUt a sURveY of the AUthority’s WebSIte iNdIcAtes thaT ‘children’ only CoMe up in the cOnTexT of modERN slavery, Forced labour and traffickINg, thus aGaiN ignoRing Working chIldRen’s isSueS More brOadly.

THere iS sCopE IN this REFoRm fOr Supporting WORkiNg chiLdRen tHrough a Renewed focus on the fIGht Against the widEspRead ILLeGal PRaCTicEs THat AFFect apprentices’ Wages. Yet, no AcTUaL measure or REsuLt In this rEgard haS mateRIalised So far. So, whAt else can We Do?

CaN POliCy-makers heLp us?

For sOme reason, ISsues AFfEctinG chIld worKeRs aRe conSistenTLy oFf the Radar oF pOlicymAkers. it May be thaT raising children’s work riGhts woUld noT brIng politiCiaNS anY electoraL advAntage (chilDreN doN’t votE) or THat thE labOUr MarKEt ethOs anD ProtestanT WoRk eTHIc Create the beLIEF thAt the SooNEr chilDren Start to earn a livinG The better. The reAlitY REmaIns THat, fOr british policymAkeRs, CHIld work oNlY becomes proBlematic WhEN discUssing ForeigN affairS, AS iN The casE of tHe 2017 HUman RightS anD BUSiness rEpOrT. anotheR recEnT exampLe of thE Side-LINing of child work iSsues CAN be foUNd iN the 2017 TAyLor reviEW of mOdern workiNg practices, Where tHere
 to working children, incl uding theprote cti onof  sch oolattendance, wo r king  time limits, and theprohi bi t iono fnight  work.A lt h o ugh  t he  mi ni m um  empl oym ent age  is set at  16  –  which corre s po nds to the  sc hool leaving  ag e in E ng lan d  andWal es –from t h e ageof 13 onw ar d s chil d ren are a ll owed  to carry out lig h tw ork. Sadly, th is fra me w or k lay s d own the ba re  mini m um rule s  t o c omp l y with the EU  Young Work e rsDirect iv e,w hich w as no ta n a mbitious in stru ment to s tart w i th.

To make ma tterswor se,  the en fo rce me n t o f  t his leg al frame wo rk  – in clud i n g issu ing  wor k per mits – fallsonloca l  au thori ties.  Con si derin g thelimit ed  scope for acti on a nd increa sin gl y s ma ll bu d gets o f l oca l autho rities, one  i s j us tified in asking w he t h er  their r esourc e san d  structu re  ar e su f f icien t an d  a ppropria te for su ch  a task .It isth usurg ent t o  eit her ef fectivel y equ i p local author i ties to dealw it h th e  enf orc ement of ch ildw orkregu l at ion s  (ide allyal l ow i ng them to engage m or e with  publ ic campaignin g, spot-ch e c k s and co llab o ra t ion with schoo ls),or to radi c ally ove rhaul  the enf orcemento f  these r egu lat ion s.U nf ortunately, h e l p is  u nlikely  to  come f rom  th e o the rUK labour  standar ds  e nf or cem ent b o dies. Th e201 5Tac kling Exploi tatio n in  t he Lab our Mar k et p ubli cco nsul tat io n and  sub s equ ent gov ernment r esp o nsere ma ined ob livious to th eexistenceof  is sues a f f ecting w orking children. The re s ultingleg al re form  – in the  sh ape of  th e  Immig ration  Act20 16( s ometh i n gcri ti cisable in i tse lf) –  a lsobrought  about a renewed G a ngm asters and La bou r Ab u s eAut h or i ty,  b u t a s urvey of the Au thority’swe b si te indicat e s t ha t ‘chil dren’ o nly c o me up i n the con text of m od erns l ave ry, forced  labourand traff i cking ,  t hus a gai n igno ri ngworki ng chi l dre n’s i ssuesmo re bro adly. 
There is  scope in this reform f or sup porti ngworking c hil d ren  througha re newed focu s o n t he fi ght again st t h ewid e sprea d il l egal prac t ic est h at  affect app r e n tic es’ w age s . Yet,  noactual measure or result in this  reg a r d h asm ater ia lised so far.So,  w h a t else c an  we do?

Ca n policy -m a kershelp u s?

Fo r somer e as o n, iss uesaff ecting ch ild  w o rkers a re  c o nsiste ntly  o ff the  radar of p o l icymakers. It ma y bet h at ra i sin g chi ld ren’s w o rk r ights woul d not bring  polit icia ns an y elect or al adv ant ag e (childre n  don’t vo te) o r thatth e la bou r mark et e t h os an d pr ot est ant worke t hi c  c re a tethebelie fthat  the soon e r childr ens tart to  e arn a  livin g  t h e  better. T hereali t y  remains t h at,f or Briti sh pol icymak ers, ch i ldwo rk only  be c o mes probl ematic wh e n d is cuss ing fore ig n af fa irs ,as in the caseof the 2 017 Huma n Rights  an d  Bus i ness r ep ort. Another  rece nt example o f t he side - lin ing  of  chi ldwork issues can be found in t he 2 017 T a ylo r rev iew o fmodern w o rkin g practi c es, where the re
 to_working children,_including the protection of_school attendance,_working_time limits,_and_the prohibition of_night work. Although_the minimum employment age_is set at_16_– which corresponds to the school leaving age in England and Wales – from_the_age of_13_onwards_children are allowed to carry_out light work. Sadly, this_framework lays_down the bare minimum rules to comply with_the_EU Young Workers_Directive, which was not an ambitious instrument to start_with.

To make matters worse, the enforcement_of this legal_framework_–_including issuing work permits_– falls on local authorities. Considering_the limited scope for action and_increasingly small budgets of local authorities, one_is justified in asking whether their_resources and structure are sufficient_and appropriate_for such a task. It_is thus urgent_to either_effectively equip local_authorities to deal with the enforcement_of child work_regulations (ideally allowing them to engage_more_with public campaigning,_spot-checks_and_collaboration with_schools), or to_radically_overhaul the_enforcement_of these regulations.

Unfortunately, help is unlikely_to_come from the other UK labour standards_enforcement bodies. The 2015_Tackling_Exploitation in the Labour_Market public consultation and subsequent_government response remained oblivious to the_existence of_issues affecting_working children. The resulting legal reform – in the shape of_the Immigration Act 2016 (something criticisable_in itself) – also_brought about_a_renewed Gangmasters and_Labour_Abuse Authority,_but a survey of the Authority’s website_indicates that_‘children’ only come up in the_context of modern slavery,_forced_labour and trafficking, thus again ignoring_working children’s issues more broadly.

There is_scope in this reform for_supporting_working_children through a renewed focus_on the fight against the widespread_illegal practices that_affect apprentices’ wages. Yet, no actual measure_or_result in this regard has materialised_so_far. So, what else can we_do?

Can_policy-makers_help us?

For some reason, issues_affecting child workers are consistently off_the radar of policymakers. It may be that raising_children’s work rights_would not bring politicians any_electoral_advantage_(children don’t vote) or that the labour market ethos and_protestant work_ethic create the_belief that the sooner children start to earn a living_the better. The reality remains that, for_British policymakers, child work only becomes problematic when discussing foreign affairs,_as in the case of the 2017 Human_Rights and Business report. Another recent example_of the side-lining of_child_work issues can be found in the_2017_Taylor_review_of modern working_practices, where there