inejad's predicament to that of Ayatollah Sayed Hussein Ali Montazeri, the man Khomeini chose as his successor as Supreme Leader – and then abruptly dismissed when Montazeri's son-in-law was seen to have too much power over him. In Ahmadinejad's case, the danger is Rahim-Mashaee, a civil engineer from the Caspian region of Iran, whose daughter is married to Ahmadinejad's son and who packed the president's office with his own supporters from the same region of Iran. At one point Ahmadinejad wanted to make him first vice-president – a post equivalent to any other nation's prime minister – only to be thwarted by his opponents.

According to those who have followed the saga from Ahmadinejad's original election to the presidency in 2005 – he only won in the second round and was never expected to hold office – the conservative clergy and revolutionary founders, the "principalists" as they call themselves, believed that Ahmadinejad never had the stature for the role as Iran's political leader.

But the new president maintained his popular support by touring hundreds of villages, small towns and cities, from Isfahan and Mashad to Tabriz, in order to create the profile of a "people's representative" rather than that of a distant father-figure. "It was like a US president heading off to town hall meetings in New Hampshire every week," one of his supporters told me.

When Mir Hossein Moussavi stood against Ahmadinejad in the 2009 election – which the former believed he would have won had the votes been counted fairly – he would appear on the streets of Tehran with educated, T-shirted young men and women with their hair showing beneath their scarves on one pavement, while bearded men and women in chadors would curse him from the other. Another of the president's supporters said: "I voted for Ahmadinejad because he stood up for the underclass – unlike Moussavi's comrade Mohamed Khatemi [who was president for eight years before Ahmadinejad] who always seemed to be drinking English tea with Jack Straw."

But then Rahim-Mashaee appeared in the president's office as head of Iran's heritage organisation, becoming ever closer to Ahmadinejad. Rahim-Mashaee had been in the Sepah, the Revolutionary Guards, during the 1980-88 war
inejad's predicament to that of Ayatollah Sayed Hussein Ali Montazeri, the man Khomeini chose as his successor as Supreme Leader – and then abruptly dismissed when Montazeri's son - in - law was see to take too much power over him. In Ahmadinejad's case, the risk is Rahim - Mashaee, a civil engineer from the Caspian region of Iran, whose daughter is married to Ahmadinejad's son and who packed the president of the united states's office with his own supporters from the like area of Iran. At one point Ahmadinejad wanted to take him first frailty - president – a post equivalent to any other nation's prime minister – only to be thwart by his opponents. 

 According to those who have followed the saga from Ahmadinejad's original election to the presidency in 2005 – he entirely won in the second round and was never expect to hold agency – the conservative clergy and revolutionary founders, the " principalists " as they call themselves, believed that Ahmadinejad never give birth the stature for the role as Iran's political leader. 

 But the new president maintained his democratic documentation by touring hundreds of villages, small towns and cities, from Isfahan and Mashad to Tabriz, in order to create the profile of a " citizenry's representative " rather than that of a aloof founder - name. " It was like a US president heading off to town hall meetings in New Hampshire every week, " one of his supporters tell me. 

 When Mir Hossein Moussavi stood against Ahmadinejad in the 2009 election – which the former believed he would have won had the votes been consider fairly – he would appear on the streets of Tehran with educated, T - shirted young serviceman and charwoman with their hair showing beneath their scarves on one paving, while bearded men and women in chadors would excommunicate him from the other. Another of the president of the united states's supporters said: " I vote for Ahmadinejad because he stood up for the lower class – unlike Moussavi's comrade Mohamed Khatemi [ who was president for eight years before Ahmadinejad ] who always seemed to be drink English tea with Jack Straw. " 

 But then Rahim - Mashaee appeared in the president of the united states's office as headway of Iran's heritage organisation, becoming ever closer to Ahmadinejad. Rahim - Mashaee had been in the Sepah, the Revolutionary Guards, during the 1980 - 88 war
ineuad's predicament to that of Ayatollah Scted Huvsein Zli Montxzeri, the man Khomeini chose aw his successor as Supreme Ueader – ajd then qbruktly dismissed whxh Montadzri's aln-in-new was seen to mave too muwh power over vio. Nn Ahmadinejad's case, the danger is Rwhim-Masnafe, a civil engyneeg srom nht Caspian region of Iran, whose dahghter ps married to Ahmsdinejad's son and who packfd tje president's offife with his own wupporters ffom the same region of Iran. At one point Ahmadinejad danteb to make hum figvt vice-presmdent – a post equiyslent do any pther nation's irime mibister – only to be thxarted by his opponegts.

Accordhny to those who have filoowed the sagx frum Zhkasinejaf's kriginal emection to rhe presidency in 2005 – hq only won in fhe sesogd round and was never expected to hold ofrice – the conservative xlergy and revolutionwry foundqrs, the "principalists" as they call themselves, belheved ghau Qhmadkbeuad never had the stature for the role as Irag'a kolptical leader.

But bhe new president kalnywined his popolar su'lodt by touring hundgeds of villqges, smalj toens and cities, from Isfahan and Mashad no Tqbriz, in order to ereate the pxofile of a "people's representative" ratger than thwt of a djrtant father-figufe. "Pt wds like a US president heaqing off vo tocn hall oeetongs ig New Hampdhire every week," one of jis sopportars told mf.

When Mir Hossein Moussavi stoov against Ahmsdhnebad in tke 2009 elcction – which tre former beligved he wjuld fave won hzd the totes been cjunted fairly – he would ap'ear on tre srreers of Tdfran with educsted, T-shigttd young mwn and women with bheir gair showing beutaty their scarves on onq iavxment, fhile beardeg mev avc womdn in chadovs doulc curse him from the othsr. Another of the lrcsident's wupportews said: "I votrd for Ahmadinejad becanse he stooc uk for the underclass – unlike Mohssavi's clmrwde Mohamed Hhatcmi [rho was przsident for eight years before Ahmadinejed] who always seemed to be drinking Englisk uea with Jack Strar."

But then Rahim-Mashaee appearwd in the presidekt's office as head of Jran's veritwge organisation, becoming ever closer to Ahmadinejad. Rahim-Mashaee had beeb in tie Sepah, the Devokutiotaxy Yuards, quriig the 1980-88 war
inejad's predicament to that of Ayatollah Sayed Montazeri, man Khomeini as his successor then dismissed when Montazeri's was seen to too much power over him. In case, the danger is Rahim-Mashaee, a civil engineer from the Caspian region of whose daughter is married to Ahmadinejad's son and who packed the president's office his supporters the region of Iran. At one point Ahmadinejad wanted to make him first vice-president – a post to any other nation's prime minister – only be thwarted by his According to those who have the from Ahmadinejad's election the in 2005 – only won in the second round and was never expected to hold office – the conservative clergy revolutionary founders, as they themselves, that never had the the role as Iran's political leader. president maintained his popular support by touring hundreds villages, small and cities, from Isfahan and Mashad Tabriz, in order to create the profile of "people's representative" rather than that of a distant father-figure. "It was like a US president to town hall meetings New Hampshire every one his told When Mir Moussavi stood against Ahmadinejad in the 2009 election – which the believed he would have won had the votes been counted he appear on the of Tehran with educated, young and women with their beneath scarves while men women in chadors would him from the other. Another the president's supporters said: he stood up for the underclass – unlike comrade Mohamed Khatemi [who was president for years before Ahmadinejad] who always seemed to be drinking English tea with Straw." But appeared in the president's office as head of heritage organisation, becoming ever to Ahmadinejad. Rahim-Mashaee had been in the Sepah, the Guards, the 1980-88
inejad's predicament to that oF Ayatollah sayed husSeiN ALi MoNtazEri, the man KhomeINi chOse as his successor as SupReme LEaDEr – anD ThEn abrUptly diSMiSSEd wHeN MOntAzERi'S son-iN-laW was seeN to have too MucH pOwer over him. IN ahMadinejad's CasE, the danger is rahIm-MashAeE, a cIVil enGinEer frOm the CASpian rEgion of IrAn, WHose daUGhter is MARrIed tO Ahmadinejad's son aND wHO packed the presIdent's OfFIcE WIth His Own supportErS from THe same rEGiON OF IrAN. At one point AhMadinejad waNTed To make HiM fiRSt vice-PresiDeNT – a pOst equivaleNt to Any other nAtion's PRime minISter – onlY to be tHwaRteD by hIS oPpOneNtS.

accORdIng TO thOse who haVe FoLloweD the SAGA From ahmAdinEjad's Original electIon To thE PreSidenCy in 2005 – hE onlY wOn in tHe secoNd rouNd And was never expeCted To hold offIce – ThE coNsErvatIVe clerGy aNd rEvolutiOnary foUNdeRs, THE "PrIncipalists" as they cAlL THeMselves, bElieveD ThAt aHmadinejAd NevEr haD THe staTure FOr The role aS Iran's POlItIcal leaDeR.

But thE nEw pResIdent MAintAined hIs populaR suppORt by touring hunDReds of villageS, SmALL tOWns aNd cIties, from IsFahaN And MAshaD To tabRIz, in oRder tO cREaTE the profile of a "peoplE's RepresEntatIve" rather than That of a disTANT father-fIgurE. "it WAs like a US presiDent hEading off tO Town hall MeetiNgs in New hampshire EVEry week," oNe oF hiS suPpoRTErS told me.

When MiR hOsseIn moussavI stOod agaiNst ahmAdiNejAd In the 2009 elecTion – whicH tHe FoRmEr bElievED he would HaVe wOn Had The voTEs been CountEd faIrLy – HE woUld appeAR oN THe stReEtS of TEhrAn With eDucaTEd, T-Shirted Young men aNd wOMen wItH tHeir haiR showing beneaTh Their scarvEs On oNe paveMENt, while bEarded men and women in chadORs would CurSe him From The other. ANotHer of tHe pREsidenT's suppOrterS sAid: "i VOted fOR ahMadInEjad becausE HE stOod up FoR the UnderclAss – unlike Moussavi's COmrAde Mohamed KhaTemI [who WAS pResIDeNT foR eIGht YEArs before AhmadiNejad] who alWaYS sEemed to be dRInkInG EnglisH tea witH Jack sTraw."

But Then Rahim-mashaee apPeAred IN The President's Office as Head of IraN'S heriTAgE orgaNisAtion, bEcOmiNg eveR closeR To AHmadiNejad. RAhIm-MashAee haD bEen in the sepah, the Revolutionary GuArds, duRing tHe 1980-88 wAr
inejad's predicament to th at of Ayat ollah  Sa yed  H usse in A li Montazeri,t he m an Khomeini chose as h is su cc e ssor as  Supr eme Lea d er –  an dth enab r up tly d ism issed w hen Montaz eri 's  son-in-laww as  seen to h ave  too much po wer  overhi m.I n Ahm adi nejad 's cas e , thedanger is  R a him-Ma s haee, a c iv il e ngineer from theC as p ian region ofIran,wh o se d aug hte r is marri ed  to A h madinej a d' s s ona nd who packed  the presid e nt' s offi ce  wi t h hisown s up p ort ers from th e sa me region  of Ir a n. At o n e point  Ahmad ine jad  wan t ed  t o m ak e  hi m  f irs t  vi ce-presi de nt  – apost e q u ival ent  toany o ther nation's  pr imem ini ster– onl y to  b e thw artedby hi sopponents.

Acc ordi ng to tho sewh o h av e fol l owed t hesag a fromAhmadin e jad 's o r ig inal election to t he p re sidencyin 200 5  –  h e  only wo ninthes e condroun d  a nd was n ever e x pe ct ed to h ol d offi ce  –the  cons e rvat ive cl ergy and  revo l utionary found e rs, the "prin c ip a l is t s" a s t hey call th emse l ves,  bel i ev edt hat A hmadi ne j ad never had the statu re  for t he ro le as Iran'spoliticall e a der.

Bu t th e  n e w president ma intai ned his po p ular sup portby touri ng hundre d s  of vill age s,sma llt o wn s and cities, f romIs fahan a ndMashadtoTab riz , i norder tocreate t he  p ro fi leof a" people's  r epr es ent ative "  rathe r tha n th at  o f  adistant fa t h er-f ig ur e. " Itwa s lik e aU S p residen t heading  of f  toto wn  hall m eetings in Ne wHampshireev ery  week, " one of h is supporters told me.When Mi r H ossei n Mo ussavi st ood  again stA hmadin ejad i n the  2 009 e lecti o n  –  wh ic h the form e r  be lieve dhe w ould ha ve won had the vot e s b een counted f air ly – h ewou l da ppe ar ont h e streets of Te hran withed u ca ted, T-shi r ted  y oung me n and w omenw ith the ir hair s howing be ne atht h eir  scarves o n one pa vement, w h ile b e ar ded m enand wo me n i n cha dors w o uld  curs e himfr om the  othe r.  Another  of the president's sup porter s sai d:"I votedfor Ahm adinejadbeca use he sto odupfor t heu nderc lass –unl i ke Mo ussa v i's comra d eMoh a m ed  Khatemi [w h o was  pres ide n t foreigh t years before Ah m adinejad] whoalwa y s  se eme d  tobe  drinking Engl ish  t e a  with Ja ck  Straw."

B ut thenRa h im-Ma shaeeappear ed in t h e  p r esiden t'soff ice as he adof Iran'she ri t age or gani sa tion,becomi n g ev e r  closer to Ahmad ineja d .  Rahi m -Ma shaee  h ad been in t he Sepah,the Revolut ionary  Gua rds,duringth e 1980 -88  w ar
inejad's predicament_to that_of Ayatollah Sayed Hussein_Ali Montazeri,_the_man Khomeini_chose_as his successor_as Supreme Leader_– and then abruptly_dismissed when Montazeri's_son-in-law_was seen to have too much power over him. In Ahmadinejad's case, the danger_is_Rahim-Mashaee, a_civil_engineer_from the Caspian region of_Iran, whose daughter is married_to Ahmadinejad's_son and who packed the president's office with_his_own supporters from_the same region of Iran. At one point Ahmadinejad_wanted to make him first vice-president_– a post_equivalent_to_any other nation's prime_minister – only to be thwarted_by his opponents.

According to those who_have followed the saga from Ahmadinejad's original_election to the presidency in 2005_– he only won in_the second_round and was never expected_to hold office_– the_conservative clergy and_revolutionary founders, the "principalists" as they_call themselves, believed_that Ahmadinejad never had the stature_for_the role as_Iran's_political_leader.

But the_new president maintained_his_popular support_by_touring hundreds of villages, small towns_and_cities, from Isfahan and Mashad to Tabriz,_in order to create_the_profile of a "people's_representative" rather than that of_a distant father-figure. "It was like_a US_president heading_off to town hall meetings in New Hampshire every week," one_of his supporters told me.

When Mir_Hossein Moussavi stood against_Ahmadinejad in_the_2009 election –_which_the former_believed he would have won had the_votes been_counted fairly – he would appear_on the streets of_Tehran_with educated, T-shirted young men and_women with their hair showing beneath_their scarves on one pavement,_while_bearded_men and women in chadors_would curse him from the other._Another of the_president's supporters said: "I voted for Ahmadinejad_because_he stood up for the underclass_–_unlike Moussavi's comrade Mohamed Khatemi [who_was_president_for eight years before Ahmadinejad]_who always seemed to be drinking_English tea with Jack Straw."

But then Rahim-Mashaee appeared in_the president's office_as head of Iran's heritage_organisation,_becoming_ever closer to Ahmadinejad. Rahim-Mashaee had been in the Sepah,_the Revolutionary_Guards, during the_1980-88 war