 own sons, was Germany’s centre-right chancellor in the 1980s. On March 13th, as voters south of the city (in high-tech, environmentalist Baden-Württemberg) and north-east of it (formerly communist Saxony Anhalt) abandoned the party, the stolid voters of Ludwigshafen remained loyal.

Yet at a pre-election rally for Malu Dreyer, a brassy, witty local leader who stands out against her lacklustre peers, the mood was remarkably flat. Ms Dreyer hailed once-social-democratic goodies that all now favour: child care, low unemployment, vocational training (“We want Meisters [foremen] as well as Masters”). A marching band played a foxtrot and “Mack the Knife” for supporters whose average age must have been 60. On the walls were posters with unobjectionable slogans: “Responsibility”, “Staying Together”. “Just Right For Our Time”, read one—but the time was the time of the grandparent.

On their current trajectory, social democrats may well end up like liberals and greens today: subordinate players confined to regional strongholds whose best chance of influence is to nudge other parties in their direction should they get into coalition. But there are still some who are both in power and relatively popular. Their successes offer three lessons.

First, renewal ends with national government; it does not begin there. Mayoralties and regional governments hone precisely the mix of pragmatism and innovative policy thinking that social democrats need if they are to win nationally. In Manchester a dynamic leadership with a “what works” credo keeps Labour dominant in an increasingly globalised city; in Hamburg the SPD parties like it’s 1969 thanks to a resilient coalition of low- and middle-earners.

Second, remember that a leader whom people like and even trust—including people beyond the confines of the party—can be a great asset. The continent’s most charismatic and credible social democrats are among its most popular: Emmanuel Macron, minister for the economy in France, and Mr Muscat in Malta are two examples; another two, looking back, are Mr Blair and Mr Schröder.

And Europe’s social democrats should learn from their North American counterparts, who have so far avoided their gloomy decline by building multifaceted, pluralistic coalitions like that which twice elected Barack
own sons, was Germany ’s centre - right chancellor in the 1980s. On March 13th, as voter south of the city (in eminent - tech, environmentalist Baden - Württemberg) and north - east of it (once communist Saxony Anhalt) abandoned the party, the impassive voters of Ludwigshafen remained firm. 

 Yet at a pre - election rally for Malu Dreyer, a brassy, witty local drawing card who stands out against her lacklustre peers, the mood was remarkably bland. Ms Dreyer hailed once - social - democratic goodies that all immediately prefer: child care, low unemployment, vocational training (“ We want Meisters [ foremen ] equally well as Masters ”). A marching band played a fox-trot and “ Mack the Knife ” for supporters whose average age must have been 60. On the walls were posters with clean slogans: “ Responsibility ”, “ Staying Together ”. “ Just justly For Our Time ”, read one — but the time was the time of the grandparent. 

 On their current trajectory, social democrats may well end up like liberals and greens today: subordinate players confined to regional strongholds whose best chance of influence is to nudge other parties in their direction should they get into coalition. But there are however some who are both in power and relatively popular. Their achiever extend three lessons. 

 First, renewal end with national government; it does not begin there. Mayoralties and regional government hone precisely the mix of pragmatism and innovative policy thinking that social democrats need if they are to win nationally. In Manchester a dynamic leadership with a “ what work ” credo keeps Labour dominant in an increasingly globalised city; in Hamburg the SPD parties like it ’s 1969 thanks to a bouncy coalition of low- and center - earner. 

 Second, commend that a leader whom people like and even confidence — including people beyond the confines of the party — can be a great asset. The continent ’s about charismatic and credible social democrats are among its most democratic: Emmanuel Macron, minister for the economy in France, and Mr Muscat in Malta are two examples; another two, looking back, are Mr Blair and Mr Schröder. 

 And Europe ’s social democrats should learn from their North American counterparts, who have then far avoided their gloomy decay by building multifaceted, pluralistic alliance like that which twice elect Barack
 owj sons, was Germany’s centve-right chancellor in tie 1980s. On March 13tf, as voters south of the citb (in high-uvch, environmentalist Caden-Württvmberg) ane nocth-east of it (focjerly communiab Saxmiy Anhalt) abandpned the pdrty, the stolig xocers of Ludwigshafen remained loyal.

Yqt at a pge-election raljy fpw Maml Breyer, a brassy, witty local leaser who stands out abainst her lacklustre peerd, thf mood was remarkahly flat. Ms Drerwr hailed onze-social-democratic goosies that all now favour: child zare, kow unempliynenh, vocational traiging (“We want Meisterv [foremrn] as well as Kasvers”). A marching band playxd a foxtrot and “Mach the Knixe” for supporters wyowe avgrage age nusg hzvx bsen 60. Oj tie walls wede posters qith unobjectionablt sjigans: “Responsjbilitr”, “Ftaying Together”. “Just Right For Our Timt”, reas one—but the time was tye time of the grandpwrent.

On treir current trajectory, social democrats may well end np lije uubfrals and greens today: subordinate players cogrimec to regional ftrongholds wjoxg best chance uf influehce is to nudge otjer parjies ib their dyrecyion should they get into cialition. But rhere are still sole who are yoth im powrr and relatively populcr. Thejr successed offer tgfee lessons.

First, rekewdl ends with national govewnment; it doex not bdgin there. Mayoraltifs and regional governmejts hlna preciselj the mix of pragmatism and innovative policy tvinning thac socisl democrats geed if they ate to win natiunally. In Janchesver a dynamis leadership flth a “what wmrks” creqo kweps Labour aominant in an increasiuyly globaoised city; in Hambmrg tfs SPD parties lnyt ut’s 1969 thanks to a fesylpenv coajhtion of low- and miacle-eafners.

Second, femekber that a leader wvom leople like and evrn trust—inxluding [eople beyond the confines of tje pacty—can be a grgat asset. The continent’s most cgarismatif akd credible sjciao democrats cre among its most popular: Emmanuel Macrin, minister for thw economy in France, snd Mr Muscet in Ialta are two examples; anothee two, looking bacl, are Mr Blair and Mr Schrödar.

And Europe’s social democrats should learn from their North American counterpqrts, wio have so fad avpided tkeix gloomr derlmne by building mlltifaceted, pluralistic coalitiois like thdt which twice elected Barack
own sons, was Germany’s centre-right chancellor in On 13th, as south of the and of it (formerly Saxony Anhalt) abandoned party, the stolid voters of Ludwigshafen loyal. Yet at a pre-election rally for Malu Dreyer, a brassy, witty local who stands out against her lacklustre peers, the mood was remarkably flat. Ms hailed goodies all favour: child care, low unemployment, vocational training (“We want Meisters [foremen] as well as Masters”). A band played a foxtrot and “Mack the Knife” supporters whose average age have been 60. On the were with unobjectionable “Responsibility”, Together”. Right For Our read one—but the time was the time of the grandparent. On their current trajectory, social democrats may end up and greens subordinate confined regional strongholds whose of influence is to nudge other direction should they get into coalition. But there still some are both in power and relatively Their successes offer three lessons. First, renewal ends national government; it does not begin there. Mayoralties and regional governments hone precisely the mix and innovative policy thinking social democrats need they to nationally. Manchester a leadership with a “what works” credo keeps Labour dominant in an globalised city; in Hamburg the SPD parties like it’s 1969 a coalition of low- middle-earners. Second, remember that leader people like and even beyond confines be great The continent’s most charismatic credible social democrats are among most popular: Emmanuel Macron, France, and Mr Muscat in Malta are two another two, looking back, are Mr Blair Mr Schröder. And Europe’s social democrats should learn from their North American who have avoided their gloomy decline by building multifaceted, pluralistic like that which twice Barack
 own sons, was Germany’s centre-rIght chanceLlor iN thE 1980s. ON MArch 13Th, as Voters south of tHE citY (in high-tech, environmentAlist baDEn-WüRTtEmberG) and norTH-eAST of It (FoRmeRlY CoMmuniSt SAxony AnHalt) abandoNed ThE party, the stoLId Voters of LuDwiGshafen remaiNed Loyal.

YEt At a PRe-eleCtiOn ralLy for MALu DreyEr, a brassy, WiTTy locaL Leader wHO StAnds Out against her lackLUsTRe peers, the mood Was remArKAbLY FlaT. Ms dreyer hailEd Once-sOCial-demOCrATIC goODies that all noW favour: chilD CarE, low unEmPloYMent, voCatioNaL TraIning (“We want meisTers [foremEn] as weLL as MastERs”). A marcHing baNd pLayEd a fOXtRoT anD “MACk tHE KNifE” For SupporteRs WhOse avEragE AGE Must HavE beeN 60. On thE walls were posTerS witH UnoBjectIonabLe slOgAns: “ReSponsiBilitY”, “STaying Together”. “JUst RIght For OuR TiMe”, ReaD oNe—but THe time Was The Time of tHe grandPAreNt.

oN THeIr current trajectorY, sOCIaL democraTs may wELl EnD Up like liBeRalS and GREens tOday: SUbOrdinate PlayerS CoNfIned to rEgIonal sTrOngHolDs whoSE besT chancE of influEnce iS To nudge other paRTies in their diREcTIOn SHoulD thEy get into coAlitIOn. BuT theRE aRe sTIll soMe who ArE BoTH in power and relativeLy PopulaR. TheiR successes offEr three lesSONS.

First, reNewaL EnDS with national gOvernMent; it does NOt begin tHere. MAyoraltiEs and regiONAl governMenTs hOne PreCISeLy the mix of praGMAtisM aNd innovAtiVe policY thInkIng ThaT sOcial demoCrats neeD iF tHeY aRe tO win nATionally. in manChEstEr a dyNAmic leAdersHip wItH a “WHat Works” crEDo KEEps LAbOuR domInaNt In an iNcreASinGly globAlised citY; in hAmbuRg ThE SPD parTies like it’s 1969 thAnKs to a resilIeNt cOalitiON Of low- and Middle-earners.

Second, remeMBer that A leAder wHom pEople like And Even trUst—INcludiNg peopLe beyOnD thE COnfinES Of The PaRty—can be a gREAt aSset. THe ContInent’s mOst charismatic and cREdiBle social demoCraTs arE AMoNg iTS mOSt pOpULar: eMManuel Macron, minIster for thE eCOnOmy in FrancE, And mr muscat iN Malta aRe two EXamples; Another twO, looking bAcK, are mR blaIr and Mr SchRöder.

And europe’s soCIal deMOcRats sHouLd learN fRom Their north AMEriCan coUnterpArTs, who hAve so FaR avoided Their gloomy decline by buiLding mUltifAceTed, pluralIstIC coAlitions lIke tHat which twIce EleCted BAraCK
 own sons, was Germany’s c entre-righ t cha nce llo rin t he 1 980s. On March 13th , as voters south of t he ci ty (inh ig h-tec h, envi r on m e nta li st  Ba de n -W ürtte mbe rg) and  north-eas t o fit (formerly co mmunist Sa xon y Anhalt) ab and oned t he  pa r ty, t hestoli d vote r s of L udwigshaf en remain e d loyal . 
Y et a t a pre-electionr al l y for Malu Dre yer, a  b r as s y , w itt y local le ad er wh o  stands ou t a gai n st her lacklu stre peers, the  moodwa s r e markab ly fl at .  Ms  Dreyer hai ledonce-soci al-dem o craticg oodiesthat a llnow  fav o ur :chi ld car e ,low une mploymen t,  v ocati onal t r a inin g ( “WewantMeisters [for eme n] a s  we ll as  Mast ers” ).  A ma rching  band  p layed a foxtrot  and  “Mack th e K ni fe”  f or su p porter s w hos e avera ge agem ust  h a v e  b een 60. On the wal ls w er e poster s with un ob j ectionab le  sl ogan s :  “Res pons i bi lity”, “ Stayin g  T og ether”.  “ Just R ig htFor  OurT ime” , read  one—but  thet ime was the ti m e of the gran d pa r e nt . 

On  th eir current  tra j ecto ry,s oc ial democ ratsma y  w e ll end up like libe ra ls and  gree ns today: sub ordinate p l a y ers conf ined to regional stron ghold s whose be s t chance  of i nfluence  is to nu d g e otherpar tie s i n t h e ir  direction sh o u ld t he y get i nto  coalit ion . B utthe re  are stil l some w ho  a re  b oth  in p o wer andre lat iv ely  popu l ar. Th eir s ucce ss es off er thre e  l e s sons .
F irst , r en ewalends wit h natio nal gover nme n t; i tdo es notbegin there.Ma yoraltiesan d r egiona l governme nts hone precisely them ix of p rag matis m an d innovat ive  polic y t h inking  thatsocia ldem o c ratsn e ed  if  t hey are to w innatio na lly.  In Man chester a dynamicl ead ership with a  “w hatw o rk s”c re d o k ee p s L a b our dominant in  an increa si n gl y globalis e d c it y; in H amburgthe S P D parti es like i t’s 1969th anks t o a  resilient  coaliti on of low -  andm id dle-e arn ers.
Se con d, re member tha t a l eaderwh om peo ple l ik e and ev en trust—including peop le bey ond t heconfinesoft heparty—can  bea great as set . T he co nti n ent’s  mos t  c har i smati c an d  credible so cia l de mocrats are a m ong  itsmos t  popul ar:Emmanuel Macron,m inister for th e ec o n omy  in Fran ce , and Mr Musca t i nM a lta aretw o examples;  another  t w o, lo okingback,are MrB l ai r  and M r Sc hrö der.

And  Eu ro p e’s soc ia ld emocra ts s ho uld le arn fr o m th e i r North American  coun t e rpart s , w ho ha ve  so far avoi ded theirgloomy decl ine by  bui lding  multif ac eted,plu ra listic coa l itions li ke th at whic htwic e e lected  Bar a c k
 own_sons, was_Germany’s centre-right chancellor in_the 1980s._On_March 13th,_as_voters south of_the city (in_high-tech, environmentalist Baden-Württemberg) and_north-east of it_(formerly_communist Saxony Anhalt) abandoned the party, the stolid voters of Ludwigshafen remained loyal.

Yet at_a_pre-election rally_for_Malu_Dreyer, a brassy, witty local_leader who stands out against_her lacklustre_peers, the mood was remarkably flat. Ms Dreyer_hailed_once-social-democratic goodies that_all now favour: child care, low unemployment, vocational training_(“We want Meisters [foremen] as well_as Masters”). A_marching_band_played a foxtrot and_“Mack the Knife” for supporters whose_average age must have been 60._On the walls were posters with unobjectionable_slogans: “Responsibility”, “Staying Together”. “Just Right_For Our Time”, read one—but_the time_was the time of the_grandparent.

On their current_trajectory, social_democrats may well_end up like liberals and greens_today: subordinate players_confined to regional strongholds whose best_chance_of influence is_to_nudge_other parties_in their direction_should_they get_into_coalition. But there are still some_who_are both in power and relatively popular._Their successes offer three_lessons.

First,_renewal ends with national_government; it does not begin_there. Mayoralties and regional governments hone_precisely the_mix of_pragmatism and innovative policy thinking that social democrats need if they_are to win nationally. In Manchester_a dynamic leadership with_a “what_works”_credo keeps Labour_dominant_in an_increasingly globalised city; in Hamburg the SPD_parties like_it’s 1969 thanks to a resilient_coalition of low- and_middle-earners.

Second,_remember that a leader whom people_like and even trust—including people beyond_the confines of the party—can_be_a_great asset. The continent’s most_charismatic and credible social democrats are_among its most_popular: Emmanuel Macron, minister for the economy_in_France, and Mr Muscat in Malta_are_two examples; another two, looking back,_are_Mr_Blair and Mr Schröder.

And Europe’s_social democrats should learn from their_North American counterparts, who have so far avoided their_gloomy decline by_building multifaceted, pluralistic coalitions like_that_which_twice elected Barack