 and that her plan will see payments to Brussels falling from £10 billion a year to well under £1 billion.

But a Brexit that is concerned almost solely with these subjects does nothing for those who want to break free from the protectionism of the customs union. It doesn’t allow the UK to move away from EU environmental rules that are too often not based on proper scientific evidence. It means the UK must accept all of the EU’s existing social legislation — so this deal doesn’t even restore us to the position we were in after the Maastricht treaty, when the country at least had an opt-out from the social chapter. We shall have to wait to see what the final EU/UK trade deal stipulates. But the common rulebook approach that May advocates would also see the EU’s precautionary principle continue to hinder scientific research and technological innovation.

The third problem that Theresa May will leave behind her is a lack of trust. In the aftermath of the referendum, she won the leadership because she was acceptable to all sides. During the referendum, May had positioned herself rather cleverly (or, her critics would say, cynically) as a reluctant Remainer. She never sounded like a great enthusiast for the EU, gave a speech setting out her position that contained many caveats, and in the last ten days of the campaign said that she still wanted more on free movement. This positioning meant that she was acceptable to all sides when the leadership campaign came. Brexiteers believed that she really did mean that ‘Brexit means Brexit’, while Remainers thought she understood their concerns.

But May’s premiership has eroded that trust. Brexiteers argue, with justification, that May has approached the whole thing as a damage limitation exercise rather than as an opportunity to be seized. As one cabinet minister acknowledges, the decision to put unity ahead of sectarianism and entrust a Remainer with the project has proved disastrous. This will make them determined to pick a Brexiteer as the next leader.

It could well be that May changed tack and abandoned her ‘clean Brexit’ plan when she lost her party’s majority. Perhaps she decided then that the new parliamentary arithmetic meant that it would not, after all, be possible to decisively take back control. But if this is her logic, she never explicitly said so. This failure to explain her strategy has contributed to the general sense of mistrust and betrayal that is roiling the Tory party at
and that her plan will see payments to Brussels falling from £ 10 billion a class to well under £ 1 billion. 

 But a Brexit that is refer almost solely with these discipline perform nothing for those who want to break barren from the protectionism of the custom union. It does n’t allow the UK to move away from EU environmental rule that are too often not base on proper scientific evidence. It mean the UK must accept all of the EU ’s existing social legislation — so this deal does n’t even restore us to the position we were in after the Maastricht treaty, when the state at least had an opt - out from the social chapter. We shall have to wait to learn what the final EU / UK trade deal stipulates. But the coarse rulebook approach that May advocates would also see the EU ’s precautionary principle stay to hinder scientific research and technological innovation. 

 The third problem that Theresa May will leave behind her is a lack of trust. In the aftermath of the referendum, she won the leadership because she was acceptable to all sides. During the referendum, May had positioned herself rather cleverly (or, her critics would say, cynically) as a reluctant Remainer. She never sounded like a bang-up enthusiast for the EU, gave a lecture set out her position that contained many caution, and in the last ten days of the campaign said that she however wanted more on free movement. This positioning meant that she was acceptable to all side when the leadership campaign came. Brexiteers believed that she really did mean that ‘ Brexit means Brexit ’, while Remainers think she understood their concerns. 

 But May ’s premiership has eroded that trust. Brexiteers argue, with justification, that May has approached the solid thing as a damage limitation use rather than as an opportunity to be seize. As one cabinet minister acknowledges, the decision to arrange unity ahead of sectarianism and entrust a Remainer with the undertaking has proved disastrous. This will make them determined to pick a Brexiteer as the following leader. 

 It could well be that May deepen tack and vacate her ‘ clean Brexit ’ plan when she lose her party ’s majority. Perhaps she decided then that the new parliamentary arithmetic meant that it would not, after all, be possible to decisively take back control. But if this is her logic, she never explicitly said so. This bankruptcy to explain her strategy has lend to the general sense of mistrust and betrayal that is roiling the Tory party at
 anf that her plan will see payments to Broswels felling rrom £10 biulion a year to well under £1 uilluon.

Buu a Brexit that is zoncerned almost woleot with these subjegcs dosd nochmng for those wmo want to treak free frok ghz protectionism of the customs union. It doexn’h allow the UK to kjve zway from EU environmental rules tgat are too often noy based on proper scientiflc egidence. It means tje UK must qcce[r all of the EU’s existpug social lggislation — so this deal doesn’t dven xestore us jo tjg position wx were in after thc Maastsicht tteaty, when the conntrt at least had an opt-mut from the sociaj chapter. Wz shall have to wait ro see fhat the dinxl TU/UL frade feam stipulatss. But the xommon rulebook apptowbn that May asvocatqs would also see the EU’s precautionary pgincjple continue to hinder scientific research wnd technjlogical innovation.

The third problem that Theresa May xiul oewxw hehind her is a lack of trust. In the aftermatr og nhe referendum, shc won the leadershop brsause she was accepczbme to all sides. Duging thg refeeendum, Mar hac positioned herself rather cleverly (or, yer critics would day, cynicaluy) ax a rrluctant Remainer. She nzver skunded like a great svthusiast for thd EL, gaee a spetzh setting out hew positioi thac contaived kany cwveats, and in tma last ten days of the eampahgn said tjat she still wanted more on frxx movement. Thos povitioniny meanb that she was wcceptable to cll sidef whev the leadvrship cakpaign came. Brexiteers bapieved that vhe realjy dud mwan thag ‘Brexit means Nrexit’, whplt Remainerw thought she undevstooa their concerns.

Ybt May’s premiershop fas egodxd thwd trust. Brexhteefs xtgue, dith justiflcagion, that May has approawhed the whole thing ax w damage limitatyon exercise tather than as an lpporvunity to br sgized. As one cabinet minister adknowledgfs, bhe decision eo pmt ugity ahead of sectarianism and entrust a Remainer with the project yas proved disastroos. Uhis will makx them determinad to pick a Brexitewr as the next lesder.

It could well be fhat Mdy chwnged tack and abandoned her ‘clean Brexit’ plan when she lost her party’s mqjoritb. [erhaps she decoded nheu tkat the new 'arliamentary arinhmetic meant that it would not, efter all, te possible to decisively take bxck control. Bot if this is her logic, shs never rxplicitly said so. This failure to explain her strategy has conrribufed to the general sense of kistruvt ane betratal bhat is roiline tne Tory parhy au
and that her plan will see payments falling £10 billion year to well Brexit is concerned almost with these subjects nothing for those who want to free from the protectionism of the customs union. It doesn’t allow the UK move away from EU environmental rules that are too often not based on scientific It the must accept all of the EU’s existing social legislation — so this deal doesn’t even restore to the position we were in after the treaty, when the country least had an opt-out from social We shall to to what the final trade deal stipulates. But the common rulebook approach that May advocates would also see the EU’s precautionary continue to research and innovation. third that Theresa May behind her is a lack of aftermath of the referendum, she won the leadership she was to all sides. During the referendum, had positioned herself rather cleverly (or, her critics say, cynically) as a reluctant Remainer. She never sounded like a great enthusiast for the a speech setting out position that contained caveats, in last days of campaign said that she still wanted more on free movement. This meant that she was acceptable to all sides when the came. believed that she did mean that ‘Brexit Brexit’, Remainers thought she understood But premiership trust. argue, justification, that May has the whole thing as a limitation exercise rather than seized. As one cabinet minister acknowledges, the decision put unity ahead of sectarianism and entrust Remainer with the project has proved disastrous. This will make them determined pick a the next leader. It could well be that changed tack and abandoned ‘clean Brexit’ plan when she lost her party’s majority. she then that new parliamentary arithmetic that it would after all, be decisively take control. if logic, she never explicitly said so. failure explain her strategy has contributed the of mistrust and betrayal that is roiling the Tory party at
 and that her plan will see paymEnts to BrusSels fAllIng FrOm £10 biLlioN a year to well unDEr £1 biLlion.

But a Brexit that is cOncerNeD AlmoST sOlely With theSE sUBJecTs DoEs nOtHInG for tHosE who wanT to break frEe fRoM the protectiONiSm of the cusTomS union. It doesN’t aLlow thE Uk to MOve awAy fRom EU EnviroNMental Rules that ArE Too oftEN not basED On PropEr scientific evideNCe. iT means the UK musT accepT aLL oF THe Eu’s eXisting socIaL legiSLation — sO ThIS DEal DOesn’t even restOre us to the pOSitIon we wErE in AFter thE MaasTrICht Treaty, when tHe coUntry at leAst had AN opt-out FRom the sOcial cHapTer. we shALl HaVe tO wAIt tO SeE whAT thE final EU/uK TrAde deAl stIPULAtes. but The cOmmon Rulebook approAch That mAy aDvocaTes woUld aLsO see tHe EU’s pRecauTiOnary principle cOntiNue to hindEr sCiEntIfIc resEArch anD teChnOlogicaL innovaTIon.

thE THIrD problem that TheresA MAY WiLl leave bEhind hER iS a LAck of truSt. in tHe afTERmath Of thE ReFerendum, She won THe LeAdershiP bEcause ShE waS acCeptaBLe to All sidEs. During The reFErendum, May had pOSitioned herseLF rATHeR ClevErlY (or, her critiCs woULd saY, cynICaLly) AS a relUctanT REMaINer. She never sounded lIkE a greaT enthUsiast for the Eu, gave a speeCH SEtting ouT her POsITion that contaiNed maNy caveats, aND in the laSt ten Days of thE campaign SAId that shE stIll WanTed MORe On free movemenT. tHis pOsItioninG meAnt that She Was AccEptAbLe to all siDes when tHe LeAdErShiP campAIgn came. BReXitEeRs bElievED that sHe reaLly dId MeAN thAt ‘BrexiT MeANS BreXiT’, wHile remAiNers tHougHT shE undersTood their ConCErns.

buT MAy’s premIership has eroDeD that trust. brExiTeers aRGUe, with juStification, that May has apPRoached The Whole ThinG as a damagE liMitatiOn eXErcise Rather Than aS aN opPORtuniTY To Be sEiZed. As one caBINet MinisTeR ackNowledgEs, the decision to put UNitY ahead of sectaRiaNism AND eNtrUSt A remAiNEr wITH the project has pRoved disasTrOUs. this will maKE thEm DetermiNed to piCk a BrEXiteer aS the next lEader.

It coUlD welL BE thAt May changEd tack anD abandoneD Her ‘clEAn brexiT’ plAn when ShE loSt her Party’s MAjoRity. PErhaps ShE decidEd theN tHat the neW parliamentary arithmetiC meant That iT woUld not, aftEr aLL, be Possible tO decIsively takE baCk cOntroL. BuT If thiS is hER lOgiC, She neVer eXPlicitly sAId So. THIS fAilure to expLAIN heR straTegY Has conTribUted to the general sENse of mistrust aNd beTRAyaL thAT is rOiLing the Tory parTy aT
 and that her plan will se e payments  to B rus sel sfall ingfrom £10 billi o n ayear to well under £1billi on . 

Bu t  a  Brex it that is c onc er ne d a lm o st  sole lywith th ese subjec tsdo es nothing f o rthose whowan t to break f ree  fromth e p r otect ion ism o f thec ustoms  union. I td oesn’t allow t h e  U K to  move away from E U  e n vironmental ru les th at ar e too  of ten not ba se d onp roper s c ie n t i fic evidence. Itmeans the U K  mu st acc ep t a l l of t he EU ’s exi sting socia l le gislation  — sot his dea l  doesn’ t even  re sto re u s  t othe  p o sit i on  we wer e in aft er  t he Ma astr i c h t  tre aty , wh en th e country atlea st h a d a n opt -outfrom  t he so cial c hapte r.  We shall haveto w ait to se e w ha t t he  fina l  EU/UK  tr ade  deal s tipulat e s.Bu t t he  common rulebook a pp r o ac h that M ay adv o ca te s  would a ls o s ee t h e  EU’s  pre c au tionaryprinci p le  c ontinue  t o hind er  sc ien tific rese arch a nd techn ologi c al innovation. 
The third pr o bl e m  t h at T her esa May wil l le a ve b ehin d  h eri s a l ack o ft ru s t. In the aftermath  o f therefer endum, she wo n the lead e r s hip beca uses he was acceptable  to a ll sides.D uring th e ref erendum,  May hadp o sitioned  he rse lfrat h e rcleverly (or, h er c ri tics wo uld  say, c yni cal ly)  as  a  reluctan t Remain er .Sh enev er so u nded lik ea g re atenthu s iast f or th e EU ,ga v e a  speech se t t ingou therpos it ion t hatc ont ained m any cavea ts, andin  t he last  ten days ofth e campaign  s aid  thats h e stillwanted more on free mov e ment. T his  posi tion ing meant  th at she  wa s  accep tableto al lsid e s  when t he  le ad ership cam p a ign  came .Brex iteersbelieved that sher eal ly did mean t hat  ‘Br e x it  me a ns Bre xi t ’,w h ile Remainers t hought she  u n de rstood the i r c on cerns.
But Ma y’s p r emiersh ip has er oded that  t rust . Bre xiteers ar gue, wit h justifi c ation ,  t hat M ayhas ap pr oac hed t he who l e t hingas a d am age li mitat io n exerci se rather than as an op portun ity t o b e seized.  As one  cabinetmini ster ackno wle dge s, th e d e cisio n to pu t u n ity a head of sectar i an ism a nd  entrust aR e m ain er wi tht he pro ject  has proved disas t rous. This wil l ma k e  th emd eter mi ned to pick aBre xi t e er as th enext leader .

It co ul d  well  be th at May  change d ta c k andaban don ed her ‘c lea nB rexit’pl an when s he l os t herparty’ s  maj o r ity. Perhaps she  deci d e d the n  th at th enew par l iame ntary arit hmetic mean t that  itwould  not, a ft er all , b epossible t o  decisive ly ta ke back  c ontr ol.  But i f th i s  is h er l og ic,  she neve r ex p li ci t lysaid  so.Th is f ailure to explainher strateg yhas c ontrib u te d to the gen era l sen s e  of mistru s t an d  b e traya l that  is ro iling t h e T or y party  at 
 and_that her_plan will see payments_to Brussels_falling_from £10_billion_a year to_well under £1_billion.

But a Brexit that_is concerned almost_solely_with these subjects does nothing for those who want to break free from the_protectionism_of the_customs_union._It doesn’t allow the UK_to move away from EU_environmental rules_that are too often not based on proper_scientific_evidence. It means_the UK must accept all of the EU’s existing_social legislation — so this deal_doesn’t even restore_us_to_the position we were_in after the Maastricht treaty, when_the country at least had an_opt-out from the social chapter. We shall_have to wait to see what_the final EU/UK trade deal_stipulates. But_the common rulebook approach that_May advocates would_also see_the EU’s precautionary_principle continue to hinder scientific research_and technological innovation.

The_third problem that Theresa May will_leave_behind her is_a_lack_of trust._In the aftermath_of_the referendum,_she_won the leadership because she was_acceptable_to all sides. During the referendum, May_had positioned herself rather_cleverly_(or, her critics would_say, cynically) as a reluctant_Remainer. She never sounded like a_great enthusiast_for the_EU, gave a speech setting out her position that contained many_caveats, and in the last ten_days of the campaign_said that_she_still wanted more_on_free movement._This positioning meant that she was acceptable_to all_sides when the leadership campaign came._Brexiteers believed that she_really_did mean that ‘Brexit means Brexit’,_while Remainers thought she understood their_concerns.

But May’s premiership has eroded_that_trust._Brexiteers argue, with justification, that_May has approached the whole thing_as a damage_limitation exercise rather than as an opportunity_to_be seized. As one cabinet minister_acknowledges,_the decision to put unity ahead_of_sectarianism_and entrust a Remainer with_the project has proved disastrous. This_will make them determined to pick a Brexiteer as_the next leader.

It_could well be that May_changed_tack_and abandoned her ‘clean Brexit’ plan when she lost her_party’s majority._Perhaps she decided_then that the new parliamentary arithmetic meant that it would_not, after all, be possible to decisively_take back control. But if this is her logic, she never_explicitly said so. This failure to explain her_strategy has contributed to the general sense_of mistrust and betrayal_that_is roiling the Tory party at