 the names of major Prop 8 donors. “I wanted to make it socially unacceptable to take away the rights of a minority,” he explains—to, as it were, push such behavior into the closet. In July 2008, he held his first rally in front of a San Diego hotel owned by Prop 8 donor Doug Manchester, calling for a boycott. It caught on, and soon major clients were moving their meetings away from Manchester’s properties. By last spring the hotel’s new, gay PR guru let it be known that Manchester would be donating $25,000 in cash and up to $100,000 in hotel credits to any LGBT group that applied. (Few takers so far.)

As the battle over Prop 8 raged, Karger continued to expose donors and work the press. He tipped off the Wall Street Journal about the Mormons’ involvement, and in September 2008 the paper broke the story. And he kept finding new ways to hound his adversaries: In monitoring post-election campaign finance reports, he noticed that the Mormon church was only reporting $2,078 in nonmonetary contributions to the Prop 8 effort. That didn’t square given that the church had mobilized a huge number of volunteers (many of them former missionaries with ample door-knocking experience), brought in busloads of supporters from Utah, arranged satellite broadcasts of church leaders, and produced a host of slick ads plus a top-notch website.

Karger filed a formal complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission, a move that prompted a spokesman to claim that the church had spent “zero dollars” on Prop 8. Two months later the church filed a new report saying it had given $190,000 worth of nonmonetary contributions in the few days before the election (after the filing deadline for the earlier report). California election officials are continuing to investigate.

As he made a name for himself in the Prop 8 fight, Karger began getting anonymous tips about the church leadership. One of those tips led him to a treasure trove of internal church documents that laid out a remarkably organized campaign to fight gay marriage nationwide. The church, Karger realized, had been involved in this fight—quietly, but very effectively—for much longer than he’d thought.

THE FAITH of a persecuted people, many of whom starved to death on their trek to Utah, Mormonism has always emphasized the role of marriage and childbearing (hence its early practice of polygamy)
the names of major Prop 8 donors. “ I wanted to make it socially impossible to consume away the rights of a minority, ” he excuse — to, as it were, tug such behavior into the closet. In July 2008, he oblige his first rally in front of a San Diego hotel own by Prop 8 donor Doug Manchester, call for a boycott. It caught on, and soon major node were moving their meetings aside from Manchester ’s properties. By last spring the hotel ’s new, gay praseodymium guru let it be known that Manchester would be donating $ 25,000 in cash and up to $ 100,000 in hotel credit to any LGBT group that applied. (Few takers so far .) 

 As the battle over Prop 8 ramp, Karger continued to expose donors and work the press. He tip off the Wall Street Journal about the Mormons ’ involvement, and in September 2008 the paper broke the story. And he kept line up new ways to hound his adversaries: In monitoring post - election campaign finance reports, he noticed that the Mormon church was only reporting $ 2,078 in nonmonetary contribution to the Prop 8 effort. That did n’t square feed that the church service had mobilize a huge number of volunteers (many of them erstwhile missionaries with ample door - knocking experience), brought in busload of supporters from Utah, arranged satellite broadcasts of church leaders, and produced a host of slick ads plus a top - notch website. 

 Karger filed a conventional complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission, a motion that prompted a spokesman to claim that the church had spent “ zero dollars ” on Prop 8. Two months subsequently the church filed a new reputation saying it had given $ 190,000 worth of nonmonetary contributions in the few days before the election (after the filing deadline for the early report). California election official are continuing to investigate. 

 As he made a name for himself in the Prop 8 battle, Karger began get anonymous tips about the church leadership. One of those tips lead him to a treasure trove of internal church documents that put out a remarkably organize campaign to fight gay marriage nationwide. The church, Karger recognize, had been involved in this fight — restfully, but very effectively — for much long than he ’d thought. 

 THE FAITH of a persecuted people, many of whom starved to death on their trek to Utah, Mormonism has always emphasized the role of marriage and childbirth (hence its early practice of polygamy )
 thf names of major Prop 8 dunors. “I wanted jo make mt socizlly unazceptable to take away the rmghtw of q minority,” he explains—go, as it aere, pusy surh behavior into the closet. In Muly 2008, ie held his firxt rally it front of a Sdn Dnego hotel owned by Prop 8 donor Doug Manchextfr, calling for a bprcotf. It caught on, and soon major cliehts wert moving their meeyings away from Manchester’d prlperties. By last soring the hitel’f new, gay PR euru let iu ye known thzt Manchester would be donating $25,000 in eash and up ti $100,000 lt hotel crevits tj any LGBT gvpup thdt apploed. (Few takers so fae.)

As the battle over Pcop 8 raged, Karger cogtinued tm zxpose donors and worj rhe ptess. Ve tkppea orf tge Walp Svreet Journzl about thw Mormons’ involvememt, qnd in Septemger 2008 tre paper broke the story. And he kept findpng hew ways to hound his aeversaries: In monitorlng post-ejection campaign finance reports, he noticed that dhe Mkfmou churzy aas only reporting $2,078 in nonmonetary contributijhs tp the Prop 8 efnort. That didn’t sqiage diven that thg churck hzd mobilized a hugf numbet of vilunteers (manu of them former missionariws with amplv doir-knocking experieuce), brought nn buskoads of supporters from Utak, arrahged satelllte broaddxsts of church ldadvrs, dnd produced a host of slisk ads plns a cop-notch webxite.

Kawger filed a fovkal complaint with the Ealifmrnia Fair Political Practices Commission, a move that ptom[teg a spokzsman bo claim that tre church had xpent “zzro doulars” on Pgop 8. Two konths latew the church xlled a new rxport sayyng ut hqd givev $190,000 worth of nonkonetary boutributiobs in the few days bewkre the electiou (qfter the filinb ddadjije fjs the earlies reoorg). Caliwornia tjegtiun ogficials are continuhng fo investigate.

As hr iade a nqme for rimself in thr Prop 8 fight, Kargtr begen getving amonimous tips about the church leasership. Oje jf those tipf lee him to a txeasure trove of internal church documenvs that laid out a remaekably organized cakkaign to fighv gay iarriage tationwide. The churcy, Karger realized, had been involved in this xight—euietly, but very effectively—for much longer than he’d thought.

THE FAITH of q persxctted people, manu of fhjk starded vo death on their nrek to Utah, Mormonism has alwayr emphashzzd the role of marriage and cniudbearing (henze its early practice of polygamu)
the names of major Prop 8 donors. to it socially to take away he as it were, such behavior into closet. In July 2008, he held first rally in front of a San Diego hotel owned by Prop 8 Doug Manchester, calling for a boycott. It caught on, and soon major clients moving meetings from properties. By last spring the hotel’s new, gay PR guru let it be known that Manchester be donating $25,000 in cash and up to in hotel credits to LGBT group that applied. (Few so As the over 8 Karger continued to donors and work the press. He tipped off the Wall Street Journal about the Mormons’ involvement, and September 2008 broke the And kept new ways to adversaries: In monitoring post-election campaign finance that the Mormon church was only reporting $2,078 nonmonetary contributions the Prop 8 effort. That didn’t given that the church had mobilized a huge of volunteers (many of them former missionaries with ample door-knocking experience), brought in busloads of Utah, arranged satellite broadcasts church leaders, and a of ads a top-notch Karger filed a formal complaint with the California Fair Political Practices a move that prompted a spokesman to claim that the spent dollars” on Prop Two months later the filed new report saying it $190,000 of the days the election (after the deadline for the earlier report). election officials are continuing a name for himself in the Prop 8 Karger began getting anonymous tips about the leadership. One of those tips led him to a treasure trove of church documents out a remarkably organized campaign to fight gay nationwide. The church, Karger had been involved in this fight—quietly, but very effectively—for longer he’d thought. FAITH of a people, many of starved to death trek to Mormonism always of marriage and childbearing (hence its practice polygamy)
 the names of major Prop 8 donors. “i wanted to mAke it SocIalLy UnacCeptAble to take away THe riGhts of a minority,” he explaIns—to, As IT werE, PuSh sucH behaviOR iNTO thE cLoSet. in jUlY 2008, he heLd hIs first Rally in froNt oF a san Diego hoteL OwNed by Prop 8 dOnoR Doug ManchesTer, CallinG fOr a BOycotT. It CaughT on, and SOon majOr clients WeRE movinG Their meETInGs awAy from Manchester’s PRoPErties. By last spRing thE hOTeL’S New, Gay pR guru let iT bE knowN That ManCHeSTER woULd be donating $25,000 iN cash and up tO $100,000 In hOtel crEdIts TO any LGbT groUp THat Applied. (Few tAkerS so far.)

As tHe battLE over PrOP 8 raged, KArger cOntInuEd to EXpOsE doNoRS anD WoRk tHE prEss. He tipPeD oFf the wall sTREEt JoUrnAl abOut thE Mormons’ involVemEnt, aND in septeMber 2008 tHe paPeR brokE the stOry. AnD hE kept finding new Ways To hound hiS adVeRsaRiEs: In mONitoriNg pOst-ElectioN campaiGN fiNaNCE RePorts, he noticed that ThE mOrMon churcH was onLY rEpORting $2,078 in nOnMonEtarY COntriButiONs To the ProP 8 efforT. thAt Didn’t sqUaRe giveN tHat The ChurcH Had mObilizEd a huge nUmber OF volunteers (manY Of them former mISsIONaRIes wIth Ample door-knOckiNG expErieNCe), BroUGht in BusloAdS Of SUpporters from Utah, arRaNged saTelliTe broadcasts oF church leaDERS, and prodUced A HoST of slick ads pluS a top-Notch websiTE.

Karger fIled a Formal coMplaint wiTH The CalifOrnIa FAir polITIcAl Practices CoMMIssiOn, A move thAt pRompted A spOkeSmaN to ClAim that thE church hAd SpEnT “zEro DollaRS” on Prop 8. TWo MonThS laTer thE Church Filed A new RePoRT saYing it hAD gIVEn $190,000 woRtH oF nonMonEtAry coNtriBUtiOns in thE few days bEfoRE the ElEcTion (aftEr the filing deAdLine for the EaRliEr repoRT). californIa election officials are cONtinuinG to InvesTigaTe.

As he madE a nAme for HimSElf in tHe Prop 8 Fight, kaRgeR BEgan gETTiNg aNoNymous tips ABOut The chUrCh leAdershiP. One of those tips led HIm tO a treasure troVe oF intERNaL chURcH DocUmENts THAt laid out a remarKably organIzED cAmpaign to fIGht GaY marriaGe natioNwide. tHe churcH, Karger reAlized, had BeEn inVOLveD in this figHt—quietlY, but very eFFectiVElY—for mUch Longer ThAn hE’d thoUght.

THe fAItH of a PersecUtEd peopLe, manY oF whom staRved to death on their trek tO Utah, MOrmonIsm Has always EmpHAsiZed the rolE of mArriage and ChiLdbEarinG (heNCe its EarlY PrActICe of pOlygAMy)
 the names of major Prop 8  donors. “ I wan ted  to  m akeit s ocially unacce p tabl e to take away the rig hts o fa  min o ri ty,”he expl a in s — to,  a sitwe r e,  push  su ch beha vior intothe  c loset. In Ju l y2008, he h eld  his first r all y in f ro nto f a S anDiego  hotel ownedby Prop 8  d o nor Do u g Manch e s te r, c alling for a boyc o tt .  It caught on,  and s oo n  m a j orcli ents weremo vingt heir me e ti n g s  aw a y from Manche ster’s prop e rti es. By  l ast spring  theho t el’ s new, gayPR g uru let i t be k n own tha t  Manche ster w oul d b e do n at in g $ 25 , 000 in  ca s h a nd up to  $ 10 0,000  inh o t e l cr edi ts t o any  LGBT group t hat  app l ied . (Fe w tak ersso  far. )

Asthe b at tle over Prop 8  rag ed, Karge r c on tin ue d toe xposedon ors  and wo rk thep res s. H e  t ipped off the Wall  S t r ee t Journa l abou t  t he Mormons’  i nvo lvem e n t, an d in Se ptember2008 t h epa per bro ke  the s to ry.  An d hek eptfindin g new wa ys to hound his adve r saries: In mo n it o r in g  pos t-e lection cam paig n  fin ance re por t s, he  noti ce d  t h at the Mormon churc hwas on ly re porting $2,07 8 in nonmo n e t ary cont ribu t io n s to the Prop8 eff ort. Thatd idn’t sq uaregiven th at the ch u r ch had m obi liz eda h u g enumber of vol u n teer s(many o f t hem for mer  mi ssi ona ri es with a mple doo r- kn oc ki ngexper i ence), b ro ugh tinbuslo a ds ofsuppo rter sfr o m U tah, ar r an g e d sa te ll itebro ad casts  ofc hur ch lead ers, andpro d uced  a  h ost ofslick ads plu sa top-notc hweb site.K arger fi led a formal complaintw ith the  Ca lifor niaFair Poli tic al Pra cti c es Com missio n, amo vet h at pr o m pt edaspokesmant o  cl aim t ha t th e churc h had spent “zerod oll ars” on Prop8.Twom o nt hsl at e r t he chu r c h filed a new r eport sayi ng it  had given $19 0, 000 wor th of n onmon e tary co ntributio ns in the  f ew d a y s b efore theelection  (after t h e fil i ng  dead lin e forth e e arlie r repo r t).  Cali fornia  e lectio n off ic ials are  continuing to investig ate.
As he  ma de a name  fo r  hi mself intheProp 8 fig ht,  Ka rgerbeg a n get ting an ony m ous t ipsa bout thec hu rch l ea dership. On e o f t hosetip s  led h im t o a treasure trov e  of internal c hurc h doc ume n ts t ha t laid out a r ema rk a b ly organ iz ed campaign  to figh tg ay ma rriage  natio nwide.T h ec hurch,  Kar ger  realized , h ad been in vo lv e d in t hisfi ght—qu ietly, butv e ry effectively—f or mu c h  long e r t han h e’ d thoug h t.
THE FAITHof a persec uted p eopl e, ma ny of w ho m star ved  t o death on their tre k toUtah, M or moni smhas al ways e mphas ized  t herole of m a r ri a ge  a n d c hild beari ng  (he nce its e a rly prac tic e  of pol yg amy ) 
 the_names of_major Prop 8 donors._“I wanted_to_make it_socially_unacceptable to take_away the rights_of a minority,” he_explains—to, as it_were,_push such behavior into the closet. In July 2008, he held his first rally_in_front of_a_San_Diego hotel owned by Prop_8 donor Doug Manchester, calling_for a_boycott. It caught on, and soon major clients_were_moving their meetings_away from Manchester’s properties. By last spring the hotel’s_new, gay PR guru let it_be known that_Manchester_would_be donating $25,000 in_cash and up to $100,000 in_hotel credits to any LGBT group_that applied. (Few takers so far.)

As the_battle over Prop 8 raged, Karger_continued to expose donors and_work the_press. He tipped off the_Wall Street Journal_about the_Mormons’ involvement, and_in September 2008 the paper broke_the story. And_he kept finding new ways to_hound_his adversaries: In_monitoring_post-election_campaign finance_reports, he noticed_that_the Mormon_church_was only reporting $2,078 in nonmonetary_contributions_to the Prop 8 effort. That didn’t_square given that the_church_had mobilized a huge_number of volunteers (many of_them former missionaries with ample door-knocking_experience), brought_in busloads_of supporters from Utah, arranged satellite broadcasts of church leaders, and_produced a host of slick ads_plus a top-notch website.

Karger_filed a_formal_complaint with the_California_Fair Political_Practices Commission, a move that prompted a_spokesman to_claim that the church had spent_“zero dollars” on Prop_8._Two months later the church filed_a new report saying it had_given $190,000 worth of nonmonetary_contributions_in_the few days before the_election (after the filing deadline for_the earlier report)._California election officials are continuing to investigate.

As_he_made a name for himself in_the_Prop 8 fight, Karger began getting_anonymous_tips_about the church leadership. One_of those tips led him to_a treasure trove of internal church documents that laid_out a remarkably_organized campaign to fight gay_marriage_nationwide._The church, Karger realized, had been involved in this fight—quietly,_but very_effectively—for much longer_than he’d thought.

THE FAITH of a persecuted people, many of_whom starved to death on their trek_to Utah, Mormonism has always emphasized the role of marriage and_childbearing (hence its early practice of polygamy)