 how love and peace starts.”

This article originally appeared on Refugees Deeply. For weekly updates and analysis about refugee issues, you can sign up to the Refugees Deeply email list. A few years after fleeing the fascist tidal wave in Europe and finding refuge in New York City, Hannah Arendt penned a letter to her mentor and confidant Karl Jaspers, commenting briefly on the peculiarities of American politics and society. She remarked, “The fundamental contradiction of the country is political freedom coupled with social slavery.”

This simple sentiment, which she affirmed until the day she died, is striking for three reasons. Most obviously, it suggests civil and political freedoms are not sufficient foundations for what we would consider a “good society.” Secondly, Arendt, a German Jew, obviously had no illusions about how low European society had sunk in its flirtation with fascism, but she apparently and rather damningly found the United States comparatively worse than pre-war Europe in terms of societal health.

Thirdly, Arendt is commenting in 1946, a time period which many Americans consider a social golden age. Largely untouched by the ravages of mechanized warfare, the United States was entering a period of unprecedented wealth and prosperity. The legacy of the New Deal was no longer in question, and networks of association, be they small communities or labor unions, were thriving relative to today. It’s interesting that Arendt would think of Americans as politically free but socially enslaved during a period inhabited by the so-called “Greatest Generation.”

This latter point seems to be the most puzzling, particularly since there has been a renewed emphasis by conservatives and liberals alike on recapturing a spirit or set of conditions that we most associate with the early post-war era. On the left, there is nostalgia for a stronger social welfare state. On the right, there is longing for a time when the traditional bases of American community (e.g. Christianity) were not contested the way they are now. Rightly or wrongly, as far as many Americans are concerned, there is at least something about American society during that time that is worth recreating or preserving. So why is it that Arendt, a newcomer to the United States, seemed to only see “social slavery”?

The answer lies in Arendt’s very specific conception of the social. Instead of looking to economic indicators like income equality, for example, to measure
how love and peace starts. ” 

 This article originally appeared on Refugees profoundly. For weekly update and psychoanalysis about refugee issues, you can sign up to the Refugees Deeply email tilt. A few years after fleeing the fascist tidal wave in Europe and finding safety in New York City, Hannah Arendt penned a letter to her mentor and confidant Karl Jaspers, commenting concisely on the curio of American politics and society. She comment, “ The fundamental contradiction of the country is political exemption coupled with social slavery. ” 

 This simple sentiment, which she affirmed until the day she died, is strike for three reasons. Most obviously, it suggests civil and political exemption are not sufficient foundations for what we would consider a “ good society. ” second, Arendt, a German Jew, obviously had no magic trick about how low European society had sunk in its flirt with fascism, but she apparently and rather damningly found the United States comparatively worse than pre - war Europe in terms of social health. 

 third, Arendt is comment in 1946, a time period which many Americans consider a social golden age. Largely untouched by the ravage of mechanized warfare, the United States was accede a period of unprecedented wealth and prosperity. The legacy of the New Deal was no longer in question, and net of association, be they small communities or labor movement union, were thriving relative to today. It ’s interesting that Arendt would remember of Americans as politically free but socially enslaved during a period inhabited by the so - called “ Greatest genesis. ” 

 This latter point seems to be the most puzzling, peculiarly since there has been a renewed stress by conservative and liberals alike on recapturing a spirit or set of condition that we most associate with the early post - war era. On the left field, there is nostalgia for a strong social welfare state. On the right field, there is longing for a time when the traditional bases of American community (for example Christianity) were not contested the way they are now. Rightly or wrongly, equally far as many Americans are concerned, there is at least something about American club during that time that is worth recreate or preserving. indeed why is it that Arendt, a newcomer to the United States, seemed to only see “ social slavery ”? 

 The answer lies in Arendt ’s very specific conception of the social. Instead of looking to economic index like income equality, for example, to measure
 hoa love and peace starts.”

Tmis article orignbally eppeares on Refjgees Deeply. For weekly updaves qnd abalysis about refugee kssues, yol can sigb up ro the Refnfees Dec'ly ejwil nmst. A few years after fleaing the fascivt tndal wave in Europe and finding refude in Nrw York City, Hangah Swendf penned a letter to her mentor ans confivant Karl Jaspets, commenting briefly on tje pfculiarities of Amfrican polijjcs qnd society. Rhe remarktd, “The fundajental contradiction of the couvtry ns politicao drefgom coupled with social slavcgy.”

This vimple xentiment, whicm she afdirmed until the day vhe died, is strikigg for thsez reasons. Most obviouwlt, it vuggasts xivkl znv pkliticwl hreedoms ars not suffixient foundations fpr qhat we would consiqew a “good society.” Secondly, Arendt, a Germdn New, obviously had no ilousions about how low European society had sunk in its flirtation with fascism, tut sie apkavcntlh ajd rather damningly found the United States cjjpsrstively worse bhan pre-war Europe ij ygrms of societxl health.

Fhirdly, Arendt is fommentyng ib 1946, a time perood which many Americans cobsider a socpal tolden age. Largely untouched yy the ravabes of mechanized warfaxe, the United Stahes was ehgering a period uf lnpracedented wealth and prospqrity. The legccy of tfe Ngw Deal was no lojger lt question, and netaorks ox associatlon, be they small communities oc labor unionx, ferv thriviny relabive to today. Ie’s interesting that Axendt dould thini of Amxricans as pjlitically frag but sociallb enslaveq dueing a periua inhabited by the so-called “Greatwst Generation.”

This lajtsr point seems cu be the most puazlkng, pwrviculwsly since thare fas neen x renewtb enohasos by conservatives dnd miberals alike on tegapturing a spirie or set of cpnditions that we lost essociete wiyh jhe early post-war era. On the lert, there ls kostalgia for a sbronder social welfare state. On the right, there is loiging for a time when jhe traditional bases pf American commtnity (e.g. Whristianity) were nor contested the wsy they are now. Rightmy or frongpy, as far as many Americans are concerned, there is at least something aboyt Amecisan society durong tvac tnme thae is xorth recreating pr preserving. So why is it that Arendt, d uewcomer to the United States, sdemed to only see “social slavery”?

The ahswer lirs in Arendt’s very specific conveption of the social. Inxtead of lookjng to ecoiomic indicators likr incoke eqyality, dor cxample, to mearurr
how love and peace starts.” This article on Deeply. For updates and analysis sign to the Refugees email list. A years after fleeing the fascist tidal in Europe and finding refuge in New York City, Hannah Arendt penned a to her mentor and confidant Karl Jaspers, commenting briefly on the peculiarities of politics society. remarked, fundamental contradiction of the country is political freedom coupled with social slavery.” This simple sentiment, which affirmed until the day she died, is striking three reasons. Most obviously, suggests civil and political freedoms not foundations for we consider “good society.” Secondly, a German Jew, obviously had no illusions about how low European society had sunk in its flirtation fascism, but and rather found United comparatively worse than in terms of societal health. Thirdly, in 1946, a time period which many Americans a social age. Largely untouched by the ravages mechanized warfare, the United States was entering a of unprecedented wealth and prosperity. The legacy of the New Deal was no longer in networks of association, be small communities or unions, thriving to It’s interesting Arendt would think of Americans as politically free but socially enslaved a period inhabited by the so-called “Greatest Generation.” This latter to the most puzzling, since there has been renewed by conservatives and liberals recapturing spirit conditions we associate with the early era. On the left, there nostalgia for a stronger right, there is longing for a time when traditional bases of American community (e.g. Christianity) not contested the way they are now. Rightly or wrongly, as far many Americans there is at least something about American society that time that is recreating or preserving. So why is it that Arendt, newcomer the United seemed to only “social slavery”? The lies in Arendt’s conception of social. of indicators like income equality, for example, measure
 how love and peace starts.”

This Article oriGinalLy aPpeArEd on refuGees Deeply. For wEEkly Updates and analysis abouT refuGeE IssuES, yOu can Sign up tO ThE rEfuGeEs deePlY EmAil liSt. A Few yearS after fleeIng ThE fascist tidaL WaVe in Europe And Finding refugE in new YorK CIty, hAnnah areNdt peNned a lETter to Her mentor AnD ConfidANt Karl JASPeRs, coMmenting briefly on THe PEculiarities of americAn POlITIcs And Society. She ReMarkeD, “the fundAMeNTAL coNTradiction of tHe country is POliTical fReEdoM CoupleD with SoCIal Slavery.”

This SimpLe sentimeNt, whicH She affiRMed untiL the daY shE diEd, is STrIkIng FoR ThrEE rEasONs. MOst obvioUsLy, It sugGestS CIVIl anD poLitiCal frEedoms are not sUffIcieNT foUndatIons fOr whAt We wouLd consIder a “GoOd society.” SecondLy, ArEndt, a GermAn JEw, ObvIoUsly hAD no illUsiOns About hoW low EurOPeaN sOCIEtY had sunk in its flirtAtION wIth fasciSm, but sHE aPpARently anD rAthEr daMNIngly FounD ThE United STates cOMpArAtively WoRse thaN pRe-wAr EUrope IN terMs of soCietal heAlth.

THIrdly, Arendt is cOMmenting in 1946, a tiME pERIoD WhicH maNy Americans ConsIDer a SociAL gOldEN age. LArgelY uNToUChed by the ravages of mEcHanizeD warfAre, the United STates was enTERIng a periOd of UNpREcedented wealtH and pRosperity. THE legacy oF the NEw Deal waS no longer IN Question, And NetWorKs oF ASsOciation, be theY SMall CoMmunitiEs oR labor uNioNs, wEre ThrIvIng relatiVe to todaY. IT’s InTeResTing tHAt Arendt WoUld ThInk Of AmeRIcans aS poliTicaLlY fREe bUt sociaLLy ENSlavEd DuRing A peRiOd inhAbitED by The so-caLled “GreatEst gEnerAtIoN.”

This laTter point seemS tO be the most PuZzlIng, parTICularly sInce there has been a reneweD EmphasiS by ConseRvatIves and liBerAls aliKe oN RecaptUring a SpiriT oR seT OF condITIoNs tHaT we most assOCIatE with ThE earLy post-wAr era. On the left, therE Is nOstalgia for a sTroNger SOCiAl wELfARe sTaTE. On THE right, there is loNging for a tImE WhEn the tradiTIonAl Bases of americaN commUNity (e.g. CHristianiTy) were not CoNtesTED thE way they arE now. RighTly or wronGLy, as fAR aS many ameRicans ArE coNcernEd, therE Is aT leasT sometHiNg abouT AmerIcAn societY during that time that is woRth recReatiNg oR preserviNg. SO Why Is it that ARendT, a newcomer To tHe UNited staTEs, seeMed tO OnLy sEE “sociAl slAVery”?

The anSWeR liES In arendt’s very SPECifIc conCepTIon of tHe soCial. Instead of lookINg to economic inDicaTORs lIke INcomE eQuality, for examPle, To MEAsure
 how love and peace starts .”

This a rticl e o rig in ally  app eared on Refug e es D eeply. For weekly upda tes a nd anal y si s abo ut refu g ee i ssu es ,you  c a nsignupto theRefugees D eep ly  email list. Afew yearsaft er fleeing t hefascis ttid a l wav e i n Eur ope an d  findi ng refuge  i n  New Y o rk City , Ha nnah  Arendt penned al et t er to her ment or and  c o nf i d ant  Ka rl Jaspers ,comme n ting br i ef l y ont he peculiarit ies of Amer i can  polit ic s a n d soci ety.Sh e  re marked, “Th e fu ndamental  contr a diction of thecountr y i s p olit i ca lfre ed o m c o up led wit h social  s la very. ”

T h i s simp lesent iment , which she a ffi rmed unt il th e day  she  d ied,is str iking  f or three reason s. M ost obvio usl y,  it  s ugges t s civi l a ndpolitic al free d oms  a r e no t sufficient found at i o ns  for wha t we w o ul dc onsidera“go od s o c iety. ” Se c on dly, Are ndt, a Ge rm an Jew,  o bvious ly  ha d n o ill u sion s abou t how lo w Eur o pean society h a d sunk in its fl i r ta t ionwit h fascism,buts he a ppar e nt lya nd ra therda m ni n gly found the Unite dStates  comp aratively wor se than pr e - w ar Europ e in te r ms of societal  heal th.

Third l y, Arend t iscommenti ng in 194 6 ,  a timeper iod  wh ich m an y Americans c o n side ra socia l g olden a ge.  La rge lyun touched b y the ra va ge sof  me chani z ed warfa re , t he  Un itedS tateswas e nter in ga  pe riod of un p r eced en te d we alt hand p rosp e rit y. Thelegacy of  th e  New  D ea l was n o longer in q ue stion, and  n etw orks o f associat ion, be they small comm u nitiesorlabor  uni ons, were  th riving  re l ativeto tod ay. I t’ s i n t erest i n gtha tArendt wou l d  th ink o fAmer icans a s politically free but  socially ens lav ed d u r in g a pe r iod  i n hab i t ed by the so-ca lled “Grea te s tGeneration . ”
Th is latt er poin t see m s to be  the most  puzzling ,part i c ula rly sincethere ha s been ar enewe d  e mphas isby con se rva tives  and l i ber als a like o nrecapt uring  a  spiritor set of conditions th at wemostass ociate wi tht heearly pos t-wa r era. Onthe  le ft, t her e  is n osta l gi a f o r a s tron g er social we lfa r e  s tate. On th e r igh t, th ere is lon ging  for a time whent he traditional  bas e s  of  Am e rica ncommunity (e.g . C hr i s tianity)  w ere not con tested t he way t hey ar e now.  Rightl y or wrongl y, a s f ar as man y A me r icans a re  c o ncerne d, t he re isat lea s t so m e thing about Amer icans o ciety dur ing t ha t timet hatis worth r ecreating o r pres ervi ng. S o why i sit tha t A re ndt, a new c omer to t he Un ited St at es,see med to  onl y see “ soci al  sl avery”?
T h ea ns we r  li es i n Are nd t’svery spec i fic conc ept i on of t he  so c i al. In s te a d  of lookin g t o eco n o mic indica t orsl ik e  inco me equ ality,  for ex a mpl e,  to mea sur e 
 how_love and_peace starts.”

This article originally_appeared on_Refugees_Deeply. For_weekly_updates and analysis_about refugee issues,_you can sign up_to the Refugees_Deeply_email list. A few years after fleeing the fascist tidal wave in Europe and_finding_refuge in_New_York_City, Hannah Arendt penned a_letter to her mentor and_confidant Karl_Jaspers, commenting briefly on the peculiarities of American_politics_and society. She_remarked, “The fundamental contradiction of the country is political_freedom coupled with social slavery.”

This simple_sentiment, which she_affirmed_until_the day she died,_is striking for three reasons. Most_obviously, it suggests civil and political_freedoms are not sufficient foundations for what_we would consider a “good society.”_Secondly, Arendt, a German Jew,_obviously had_no illusions about how low_European society had_sunk in_its flirtation with_fascism, but she apparently and rather_damningly found the_United States comparatively worse than pre-war_Europe_in terms of_societal_health.

Thirdly,_Arendt is_commenting in 1946,_a_time period_which_many Americans consider a social golden_age._Largely untouched by the ravages of mechanized_warfare, the United States_was_entering a period of_unprecedented wealth and prosperity. The_legacy of the New Deal was_no longer_in question,_and networks of association, be they small communities or labor unions,_were thriving relative to today. It’s_interesting that Arendt would_think of_Americans_as politically free_but_socially enslaved_during a period inhabited by the so-called_“Greatest Generation.”

This_latter point seems to be the_most puzzling, particularly since_there_has been a renewed emphasis by_conservatives and liberals alike on recapturing_a spirit or set of_conditions_that_we most associate with the_early post-war era. On the left,_there is nostalgia_for a stronger social welfare state. On_the_right, there is longing for a_time_when the traditional bases of American_community_(e.g._Christianity) were not contested the_way they are now. Rightly or_wrongly, as far as many Americans are concerned, there_is at least_something about American society during_that_time_that is worth recreating or preserving. So why is it_that Arendt,_a newcomer to_the United States, seemed to only see “social slavery”?

The answer_lies in Arendt’s very specific conception of_the social. Instead of looking to economic indicators like income equality,_for example, to measure