 as they have nominated him. Mr. Seward ran Mr.
Lincoln very hard for the position of candidate for the Presidency
on the Republican interest. On the second voting of the Republican
delegates at the Convention at Chicago, Mr. Seward polled 184 to Mr.
Lincoln's 181. But as a clear half of the total number of votes was
necessary--that is 233 out of 465--there was necessarily a third
polling, and Mr. Lincoln won the day. On that occasion Mr. Chase and
Mr. Cameron, both of whom became members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet,
were also candidates for the White House on the Republican side.
I mention this here to show, that though the President can in fact
dismiss his Ministers, he is in a great manner bound to them, and
that a Minister in Mr. Seward's position is hardly to be dismissed.
But from the 1st of November, 1861, till the day on which I left
the States, I do not think that I heard a good word spoken of Mr.
Seward as a Minister even by one of his own party. The Radical
or Abolitionist Republicans all abused him. The Conservative or
Anti-abolition Republicans, to whose party he would consider himself
as belonging, spoke of him as a mistake. He had been prominent as
Senator from New York, and had been Governor of the State of New
York, but had none of the aptitudes of a statesman. He was there, and
it was a pity. He was not so bad as Mr. Cameron, the Minister for
War; that was the best his own party could say for him, even in his
own State of New York. As to the Democrats, their language respecting
him was as harsh as any that I have heard used towards the Southern
leaders. He seemed to have no friend, no one who trusted him;--and
yet he was the President's chief minister, and seemed to have in
his own hands the power of mismanaging all foreign relations as he
pleased. But, in truth, the States of America, great as they are, and
much as they have done, have not produced Statesmen. That theory of
governing by the little men rather than by the great, has not been
found to answer, and such follies as those of Mr. Seward have
as they have nominated him. Mr. Seward ran Mr. 
 Lincoln very hard for the position of campaigner for the Presidency 
 on the Republican sake. On the second voting of the Republican 
 delegates at the Convention at Chicago, Mr. Seward poll 184 to Mr. 
 Lincoln's 181. But as a well-defined half of the total issue of vote was 
 necessary -- that is 233 out of 465 - -there was necessarily a third 
 polling, and Mr. Lincoln win the day. On that occasion Mr. Chase and 
 Mr. Cameron, both of whom become members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, 
 were also candidate for the White House on the Republican slope. 
 I mention this here to show, that though the President can in fact 
 dismiss his Ministers, he is in a great manner bound to them, and 
 that a Minister in Mr. Seward's military position is hardly to be dismissed. 
 But from the 1st of November, 1861, till the day on which I leave 
 the States, I do not think that I heard a good word talk of Mr. 
 Seward as a Minister even by one of his own party. The Radical 
 or Abolitionist Republicans all abused him. The Conservative or 
 Anti - abolition Republicans, to whose party he would consider himself 
 as belonging, spoke of him as a error. He had been prominent as 
 Senator from New York, and had been Governor of the State of New 
 York, but had none of the aptitudes of a statesman. He was there, and 
 it was a pity. He was not so bad as Mr. Cameron, the Minister for 
 War; that was the good his own party could say for him, even in his 
 own State of New York. As to the Democrats, their language respecting 
 him was as harsh as any that I have heard used towards the Southern 
 leadership. He seemed to have no supporter, no one who trusted him;--and 
 yet he was the President's chief minister, and seemed to accept in 
 his own hands the power of mismanaging all foreign relation as he 
 pleased. But, in truth, the States of America, great as they are, and 
 much as they have done, have not produce Statesmen. That theory of 
 governing by the little men preferably than by the great, has not been 
 find to answer, and such follies as those of Mr. Seward have
 as they have nominated him. Mr. Seward ran Mr.
Linconn verg hard fur the position of candidate fir tht Presidency
on the Fepublicaj interewt. Oi the second votmhg of tmz Rephnlicau
dxlegates at the Conventiot at Chicago, Ms. Recard polled 184 to Mr.
Lincoln's 181. But as a clear napf of the totaj nukfer kf votes was
necessary--that is 233 out kf 465--thert was necessarily s third
polling, and Mr. Linclln aon the day. On thah occasion Nr. Crqse and
Mr. Caoeron, both of whom beczme members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabivet,
wexe also caneieatfv for the Wiite Hjuse on the Vvpublicdn side.
O mention this hece ti show, that though thx President can in fwct
dismisv kis Ministers, he is ib q gredt mdnnef bojnd tp fhem, ajd
tiat a Minisfer in Mr. Swward's position is nawely to be disjissed.
Fue from the 1st of November, 1861, till the day on which I left
the States, I do not think that L heard a good word spoken of Mr.
Seward as a Minister even ty onx uf klf iwj party. The Radical
or Abolitionist Republicanf akl abused him. Thc Conservative or
Amtl-anjlition Repubuicans, to whose party he wokld confider himself
af bekonging, spoke of him as a mustake. He hab bwen prominent as
Seuator from Nzw Yorl, and had been Governor of tke Stafe of New
Yogk, but has none of the aptktucev of a suxtesman. He was thqre, and
it was a pity. He eas noe so bad ad Mr. Gdmeron, the Ministeg for
Car; tvat was thf best his own party could say hpr him, even on hiv
own Stace of Kew York. As to ehe Democrats, jheir lanyuage fespecting
gim was as harsh af any that I vwve heard usxd towardf thw Soythern
ldxders. He seemec to have no friend, no one who trustev hio;--znd
yet he was tkt Ptwsident's chief miviseeg, aid seqked to have hn
hir odm hanas the kjwcr uf mosmanaging all foreicn rslations as he
pleaxeq. But, in truth, tre States of Smerica, great as tjey ace, and
ouch ss jhey have done, have not produces Statesmfn. Bhat theory os
govcrnigg by the kittle men rather than by the great, has not been
found to qnswer, and such folkles as those of Mw. Seward vave
as they have nominated him. Mr. Seward Lincoln hard for position of candidate Republican On the second of the Republican at the Convention at Chicago, Mr. polled 184 to Mr. Lincoln's 181. But as a clear half of the number of votes was necessary--that is 233 out of 465--there was necessarily a polling, Mr. won day. On that occasion Mr. Chase and Mr. Cameron, both of whom became members of Mr. Cabinet, were also candidates for the White House the Republican side. I this here to show, that the can in dismiss Ministers, is in a manner bound to them, and that a Minister in Mr. Seward's position is hardly to be dismissed. from the November, 1861, the on I left the do not think that I heard spoken of Mr. Seward as a Minister even one of own party. The Radical or Abolitionist all abused him. The Conservative or Anti-abolition Republicans, whose party he would consider himself as belonging, spoke of him as a mistake. He prominent as Senator from York, and had Governor the of York, but none of the aptitudes of a statesman. He was there, and was a pity. He was not so bad as Mr. Minister War; that was best his own party say him, even in his of York. Democrats, language him was as harsh any that I have heard towards the Southern leaders. friend, no one who trusted him;--and yet he the President's chief minister, and seemed to in his own hands the power of mismanaging all foreign relations as pleased. But, the States of America, great as they are, much as they have have not produced Statesmen. That theory of governing by little rather than the great, has been found to and such follies of Mr. have
 as they have nominated him. Mr. SEward ran Mr.
lincoLn vEry HaRd foR the Position of candIDate For the Presidency
on the REpublIcAN intEReSt. On tHe seconD VoTINg oF tHe repUbLIcAn
delEgaTes at thE ConventioN at chIcago, Mr. SewarD PoLled 184 to Mr.
LiNcoLn's 181. But as a cleAr hAlf of tHe TotAL numbEr oF voteS was
neCEssary--That is 233 out Of 465--THere waS NecessaRILy A thiRd
polling, and Mr. LinCOlN Won the day. On thaT occasIoN mr. cHAse And
mr. Cameron, bOtH of whOM became MEmBERS of mR. Lincoln's CabiNet,
were also CAndIdates FoR thE white HOuse oN tHE RePublican sidE.
I meNtion this Here to SHow, that THough thE PresiDenT caN in fACt
DiSmiSs HIs MINiSteRS, he Is in a greAt MaNner bOund TO THEm, anD
thAt a MInistEr in Mr. Seward's PosItioN Is hArdly To be dIsmiSsEd.
But From thE 1st of noVember, 1861, till the daY on wHich I left
The stAteS, I Do not THink thAt I HeaRd a good Word spoKEn oF MR.
sEWaRd as a Minister even bY oNE Of His own paRty. The rAdIcAL
or AboliTiOniSt RePUBlicaNs alL AbUsed him. THe ConsERvAtIve or
AnTi-AbolitIoN RePubLicanS, To whOse parTy he woulD consIDer himself
as beLOnging, spoke of HIm AS A mIStakE. He Had been promInenT As
SeNatoR FrOm NEW York, And haD bEEn gOvernor of the State of neW
York, bUt had None of the aptiTudes of a stATESman. He waS theRE, aND
it was a pity. He wAs not So bad as Mr. CAMeron, the minisTer for
WaR; that was tHE Best his oWn pArtY coUld SAY fOr him, even in hiS
OWn StAtE of New YOrk. as to the demOcrAts, TheIr Language rEspectinG
hIm WaS aS haRsh as ANy that I hAvE heArD usEd towARds the southErn
lEaDeRS. He Seemed tO HaVE No frIeNd, No onE whO tRusteD him;--ANd
yEt he was The PresidEnt'S ChieF mInIster, anD seemed to have In
His own handS tHe pOwer of MISmanaginG all foreign relations as hE
Pleased. but, In truTh, thE States of ameRica, grEat AS they aRe, and
mUch as ThEy hAVE done, HAVe Not PrOduced StatESMen. that tHeOry oF
governIng by the little men rATheR than by the greAt, hAs noT BEeN
foUNd TO anSwER, anD SUch follies as thoSe of Mr. SewaRd HAvE
 as they have nominated hi m. Mr. Sew ard r anMr. 
L inco ln v ery hard for t h e po sition of candidate fo r the  P r esid e nc y
onthe Rep u bl i c anin te res t. On  thesec ond vot ing of the  Re pu blican
deleg a te s at the C onv ention at Ch ica go, Mr .Sew a rd po lle d 184  to Mr . 
Linco ln's 181.  B u t as a clear h a l fof t he total number o f  v o tes was
necess ary--t ha t  i s 233  ou t of 465-- th ere w a s neces s ar i l y  at hird
polling,  and Mr. Li n col n wonth e d a y. Onthatoc c asi on Mr. Chas e an d
Mr. Cam eron,b oth ofw hom bec ame me mbe rsof M r .Li nco ln ' s C a bi net , 
we re alsoca nd idate s fo r t h e Wh ite  Hou se on  the Republic anside . 
Imenti on th is h er e toshow,thatth ough the Presid entcan in fa ctdi smi ss  hisM iniste rs,  he  is ina great man ne r b ou nd to them, and
th at a  M inisterin Mr. Se wa r d's posi ti onis h a r dly t o be di smissed. 
But f r om  t he 1stof  Novem be r,186 1, ti l l th e dayon which  I le f t
the States,I  do not think th a t  I hear d a  good wordspok e n of  Mr. Se war d  as a  Mini st e re ven by one of his o wn  party . The  Radical
or A bolitionis t R epublica ns a l la bused him. The  Cons ervative o r 
Anti-ab oliti on Repub licans, t o whose pa rty  he  wo uld c on sider himself a s be lo nging,spo ke of h imasa m ist ak e. He had  been pr om in en tasSenat o r from N ew  Yo rk , a nd ha d  beenGover norof  t h e S tate of Ne w York ,bu t ha d n on e ofthea pti tudes o f a state sma n . He  w as  there,  and
it was a  p ity. He wa snot  so ba d as Mr. C ameron, the Minister fo r 
War; t hat  wasthebest hisown  party  co u ld say  for h im, e ve n i n his
o w n  S tat eof New Yor k .  As  to t he  Dem ocrats,  their language re s pec ting
him wasashars h as  an y  t h atIh ave h eard used towar ds the Sou th e rn 
leaders.H e s ee med tohave no  frie n d, no o ne who tr usted him ;- -and y ethe was the  Preside nt's chie f  mini s te r, an d s eemedto  ha ve in 
his o w n h andsthe po we r of m isman ag ing allforeign relations as he 
pleas ed. B ut,  in truth , t h e S tates ofAmer ica, great  as  th ey ar e,a nd
mu ch a s  t hey havedone ,  have not pr odu c e dStatesmen.T h a t t heory  of govern ingby the little men rather than by  the g rea t,h as n ot  been
found to  an sw e r , and su ch  follies as  those o fM r. Se ward h ave
 as_they have_nominated him. Mr. Seward_ran Mr.
Lincoln_very_hard for_the_position of candidate_for the Presidency
on_the Republican interest. On_the second voting_of_the Republican
delegates at the Convention at Chicago, Mr. Seward polled 184 to Mr.
Lincoln's 181._But_as a_clear_half_of the total number of_votes was
necessary--that is 233 out_of 465--there_was necessarily a third
polling, and Mr. Lincoln won_the_day. On that_occasion Mr. Chase and
Mr. Cameron, both of whom became_members of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet,
were also_candidates for the_White_House_on the Republican side.
I_mention this here to show, that_though the President can in fact
dismiss_his Ministers, he is in a great_manner bound to them, and
that a_Minister in Mr. Seward's position_is hardly_to be dismissed.
But from the_1st of November,_1861, till_the day on_which I left
the States, I do_not think that_I heard a good word spoken_of_Mr.
Seward as a_Minister_even_by one_of his own_party._The Radical
or_Abolitionist_Republicans all abused him. The Conservative_or
Anti-abolition_Republicans, to whose party he would consider_himself
as belonging, spoke of_him_as a mistake. He_had been prominent as
Senator from_New York, and had been Governor_of the_State of_New
York, but had none of the aptitudes of a statesman. He_was there, and
it was a pity._He was not so_bad as_Mr._Cameron, the Minister_for
War;_that was_the best his own party could say_for him,_even in his
own State of New_York. As to the_Democrats,_their language respecting
him was as harsh_as any that I have heard_used towards the Southern
leaders. He_seemed_to_have no friend, no one_who trusted him;--and
yet he was the_President's chief minister,_and seemed to have in
his own hands_the_power of mismanaging all foreign relations_as_he
pleased. But, in truth, the States_of_America,_great as they are, and
much_as they have done, have not_produced Statesmen. That theory of
governing by the little men_rather than by_the great, has not been
found_to_answer,_and such follies as those of Mr. Seward have