 and spaces/places of young people and has foregrounded their capabilities as social actors on their own right. A recent contribution to this scholarship is an article by Barker et al. (2010) in the current issue of Area. This paper explores a new internal space created in some schools in which pupils, who have been temporarily excluded (fix-term exclusions), can be confined, the so called “Seclusion Units”. Using a Foucauldian approach, the authors map these spaces, explore their surveillance and power structures and the possibilities for resistance which pupils have within them. Importantly, the authors find commonalities between the spatial practices of these units and those of other penal spaces such as prisons; this leads them to issue a call for a “moral debate about the desirability of these contemporary educational practices” (2010: 385), a debate which seems crucial.

Recent headlines in India about a disabled boy who was refused entry to a temple have raised questions around the wider problem of social stigma concerning disability in India. Temple authorities in Mysore, south-west India are reported to have forcibly removed the wheel-chair bound boy and his family later claiming that issues of access and language barriers had precipitated this action. The numbers of people living with disabilities in India could be as high as 90 million (World Bank 2007), however, due to the stigma attached to disability in India this number is contested. Political will to improve the social and economic wellbeing of disabled people is evidenced in for example, landmark legislation to protect the disabled (1995) and ratification of the UN convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (2006) yet despite this many Indian states have failed to implement policy requirements and guidelines in this area.

It can be argued that implementing such policies is greatly hampered by lingering social reluctance to accept disabled people as legitimate actors in public space, forcing them to live on the margins of mainstream society experiencing a greater degree of poverty and social exclusion than others in their age /regional/caste or class grouping. Additionally disabled women are severely disadvantaged further by disability, through vulnerability to various forms of abuse and then often also lose the right to care for their children (UN Enable 2006). Much work has been done in geography on disability issues and the social separation experienced as a result. In an interesting article for Area, Edward Hall (2004) highlights social exclusion of the disabled but then problematises social exclusion policy, drawing attention to the focus on employment as a method of ‘inclusion’ in UK policy which does not address the social support
and spaces / places of young people and has foreground their capability as social actors on their own right. A late contribution to this scholarship is an article by Barker et al. (2010) in the current offspring of Area. This paper explore a modern internal outer space created in some schools in which schoolchild, who have been temporarily excluded (fix - condition exclusions), can be confined, the so called “ Seclusion Units ”. use a Foucauldian approach, the authors map these spaces, research their surveillance and power structures and the possibility for resistance which student have within them. Importantly, the authors find commonalities between the spatial practices of these unit and those of other penal spaces such as prisons; this leads them to issue a margin call for a “ moral debate about the desirability of these contemporary educational practices ” (2010: 385), a debate which seems crucial. 

 Recent headlines in India about a disabled boy who was refuse entry to a temple have raise question around the wider problem of social stigma refer disability in India. Temple authorities in Mysore, south - west India are reported to have forcibly removed the rack - chair bound boy and his family later claiming that topic of access and language barriers had precipitated this action. The numbers of citizenry living with disabilities in India could be as high as 90 million (World Bank 2007), however, due to the stigma impound to disability in India this number is contested. Political will to improve the social and economic wellbeing of disabled people is evidenced in for example, landmark legislation to protect the disabled (1995) and ratification of the UN convention on the rights of person with disabilities (2006) yet despite this many Indian states have fail to implement policy requirement and guidelines in this sphere. 

 It can be argued that implementing such policy is greatly hampered by lingering social reluctance to take disabled people as lawful actors in public space, forcing them to survive on the margins of mainstream society experiencing a greater degree of poverty and social excommunication than others in their age /regional / caste or class group. Additionally disabled women are severely disadvantaged further by disability, through vulnerability to various forms of abuse and then much also lose the right to care for their children (UN Enable 2006). Much work has been make in geography on disability issue and the social interval experienced as a result. In an interesting article for Area, Edward Hall (2004) highlights social exclusion of the disabled but then problematises social exclusion policy, drawing care to the focus on employment as a method of ‘ inclusion ’ in UK policy which does not address the social support
 anf spaces/places of young keople and has fotetroundxd theid capabiuities as social actors on tieir own eight. A recent contribjtion to nhis schooarsiip is an articlx by Barker et wl. (2010) nn the current ixsue of Araa. This paper axollres a new internal space created ig some xcjools in which pupplf, whk have been temporarily excluded (fjx-term txclusions), can be vonfined, the so called “Secpusiln Units”. Using a Flucauldian qpprjqch, the authurs map thtsz spaces, exklore their surveillance and powdr stxuctures ane rhe kossibilitiew for resistance which pu[ils hafe within them. Im'ortqntly, the authors finv commonalities betwgen the spdtnal practices of thesw ynits and thorw ow ouhec psnal soacxs such as lrisons; thiw leads them to issie q call for a “joral qefate about the desirability of these cottejporary educational praxtices” (2010: 385), a debate whifh seems srucial.

Recent headlines in India about a disabled boy xhu wcw refjwef entry to a temple have raised questions arothd tme wider problem of social xtlgkw concerning aisabilitg in India. Temple wuthorijies ib Mysore, foutn-west India are reported to have forcibjt removed the wheep-chair bounb boy snd hos family later claiminy that issues of wccess ans language barriefs mad precipiuxted this action. Ehe numbecs of people livong wieh disabillties in India could be ws hiyh as 90 million (Aorld Bank 2007), however, due to the stigma attachec do gisabilicy in Lndia this numbqr is contesteb. Politieal wiul to imprkve the social and economic welnheing of disebled peo[le us ecidencea in for examplr, landmark legislatuon to protect the dirzbled (1995) and ratiyncqtion of the UN covvegtpon og the rights mf pdrsums wigh disabilibier (2006) yrt despite this many Indjan states have faolcd to impoement pjlicy requirekents and guidelints in vhis acea.

It van be argued that implementing shch policles is greatly rampcred by lingernng social reluctance to accept disabled people as legitimqte actors in publie xpace, forciig thei to live on the margins of mqinstream society experiencing a greatsr degsee ov poverty and social exclusion than others in their age /regional/caste or xlass jrjuping. Addifionslly gifcbled wjmen ere severely disacvantaged further by disability, through vblnerability to various forms ow abuse and tfen often also lose the dight to care for their children (UN Enanle 2006). Much work has been cone in teogrzphy on dirability issues anc the vociao separqtiok experienced xs s vesult. In wn iitexesting article for Area, Edward Hqll (2004) hugjlights social eeclusion of bht disabmed buj then problematiaes alcial exclusion pokicy, drawing aytention to the focuv jn employment qa a method og ‘incluvion’ in UK pplicy which does not address the social support
and spaces/places of young people and has capabilities social actors their own right. scholarship an article by et al. (2010) the current issue of Area. This explores a new internal space created in some schools in which pupils, who been temporarily excluded (fix-term exclusions), can be confined, the so called “Seclusion Units”. a approach, authors these spaces, explore their surveillance and power structures and the possibilities for resistance which pupils have them. Importantly, the authors find commonalities between the practices of these units those of other penal spaces as this leads to a for a “moral about the desirability of these contemporary educational practices” (2010: 385), a debate which seems crucial. Recent headlines India about boy who refused to temple have raised the wider problem of social stigma India. Temple authorities in Mysore, south-west India are to have removed the wheel-chair bound boy and family later claiming that issues of access and barriers had precipitated this action. The numbers of people living with disabilities in India could high as 90 million Bank 2007), however, to stigma to in India number is contested. Political will to improve the social and economic of disabled people is evidenced in for example, landmark legislation the (1995) and ratification the UN convention on rights persons with disabilities (2006) this Indian to policy and guidelines in this It can be argued that such policies is greatly to accept disabled people as legitimate actors in space, forcing them to live on the of mainstream society experiencing a greater degree of poverty and social exclusion others in /regional/caste or class grouping. Additionally disabled women are disadvantaged further by disability, vulnerability to various forms of abuse and then often lose right to for their children Enable 2006). Much has been done on disability and social a result. In an interesting article Area, Hall (2004) highlights social exclusion the then problematises social exclusion policy, drawing attention to the focus on employment as a method in UK policy which not the social support
 and spaces/places of young peoPle and has fOregrOunDed ThEir cApabIlities as sociaL ActoRs on their own right. A receNt conTrIButiON tO this ScholarSHiP IS an ArTiCle By bArKer et Al. (2010) iN the curRent issue oF ArEa. this paper expLOrEs a new inteRnaL space createD in Some scHoOls IN whicH puPils, wHo have BEen temPorarily eXcLUded (fiX-Term excLUSiOns), cAn be confined, the so CAlLEd “Seclusion UniTs”. UsinG a fOuCAUldIan Approach, thE aUthorS Map thesE SpACES, exPLore their survEillance and POweR strucTuRes ANd the pOssibIlITieS for resistaNce wHich pupilS have wIThin theM. importaNtly, thE auThoRs fiND cOmMonAlITieS BeTweEN thE spatial PrAcTices Of thESE UNits And ThosE of otHer penal spaceS suCh as PRisOns; thIs leaDs thEm To issUe a calL for a “MoRal debate about tHe deSirabilitY of ThEse CoNtempORary edUcaTioNal pracTices” (2010: 385), a dEBatE wHICH sEems crucial.

Recent hEaDLInEs in IndiA about A DiSaBLed boy whO wAs rEfusED Entry To a tEMpLe have raIsed quEStIoNs arounD tHe wideR pRobLem Of socIAl stIgma coNcerning DisabILity in India. TemPLe authorities IN MYSOrE, SoutH-weSt India are rEporTEd to Have FOrCibLY remoVed thE wHEeL-Chair bound boy and his FaMily laTer clAiming that issUes of accesS AND languagE barRIeRS had precipitatEd thiS action. The NUmbers of PeoplE living wIth disabiLITies in InDia CouLd bE as HIGh As 90 million (WorlD bAnk 2007), hOwEver, due To tHe stigmA atTacHed To dIsAbility in india thiS nUmBeR iS coNtestED. PoliticAl WilL tO imProve THe sociAl and EconOmIc WEllBeing of DIsABLed pEoPlE is eVidEnCed in For eXAmpLe, landmArk legislAtiON to pRoTeCt the diSabled (1995) and ratiFiCation of thE Un coNventiON On the rigHts of persons with disabilITies (2006) yet DesPite tHis mAny Indian StaTes havE faILed to iMplemeNt polIcY reQUIremeNTS aNd gUiDelines in tHIS arEa.

It cAn Be arGued thaT implementing such pOLicIes is greatly hAmpEred BY LiNgeRInG SocIaL RelUCTance to accept diSabled peopLe AS lEgitimate aCTorS iN public Space, foRcing THem to liVe on the maRgins of maInStreAM SocIety experiEncing a gReater degREe of pOVeRty anD soCial exClUsiOn thaN otherS In tHeir aGe /regiOnAl/castE or clAsS groupinG. Additionally disabled woMen are SeverEly DisadvantAgeD FurTher by disAbilIty, through VulNerAbiliTy tO VarioUs foRMs Of aBUse anD theN Often also LOsE thE RIgHt to care for THEIr cHildrEn (Un enable 2006). much Work has been done in GEography on disaBiliTY IssUes ANd thE sOcial separatioN exPeRIEnced as a ReSult. In an intEresting ArTIcle fOr Area, edward hall (2004) higHLIgHTs sociAl exCluSion of the DisAbLEd but thEn PrOBlematIses SoCial exClusioN PoliCY, Drawing attention To the FOCus on EMplOymenT aS a methoD Of ‘inClusion’ in Uk policy whicH does nOt adDress The sociAl SupporT
 and spaces/places of youn g people a nd ha s f ore gr ound ed t heir capabilit i es a s social actors on the ir ow nr ight .  A  rece nt cont r ib u t ion  t othi ss ch olars hip  is anarticle by  Ba rk er et al. (2 0 10 ) in the c urr ent issue of  Ar ea. Th is  pa p er ex plo res a  new i n ternal  space cr ea t ed ins ome sch o o ls  inwhich pupils, who ha v e been tempora rily e xc l ud e d  (f ix- term exclu si ons), can bec on f i n ed, the so called  “Seclusion Uni ts”. U si nga  Fouca uldia na ppr oach, the a utho rs map th ese sp a ces, ex p lore th eir su rve ill ance an dpow er str u ct ure s  an d the po ss ib iliti es f o r r esis tan ce w hichpupils have w ith in t h em.  Impo rtant ly,th e aut hors f ind c om monalities betw eenthe spati alpr act ic es of theseuni tsand tho se of o t her  p e n a lspaces such as pri so n s ;this lea ds the m  t oi ssue a c al l f or a “ moral  deb a te  about t he des i ra bi lity of  t hese c on tem por ary e d ucat ionalpractice s” (2 0 10: 385), a de b ate which see m sc r uc i al.
Re cent headli nesi n In diaa bo uta  disa bledbo y  w h o was refused entry  t o a te mplehave raised q uestions a r o u nd the w ider pr o blem of social  stig ma concern i ng disab ility  in Indi a. Temple a uthoriti esinMys ore , so uth-west Indi a arere portedtohave fo rci bly  re mov ed  the whee l-chairbo un dbo y a nd hi s  familyla ter  c lai mingt hat is suesof a cc es s  an d langu a ge b arri er shadpre ci pitat ed t h isaction.  The numb ers of p eo pl e livin g with disabi li ties in In di a c ould b e as highas 90 million (World Ba n k 2007) , h oweve r, d ue to the  st igma a tta c hed to  disab ility  i n I n d ia th i s  n umb er  is contes t e d.Polit ic al w ill toimprove the social and  economic wel lbe ingo f  d isa b le d  pe op l e i s evidenced in fo r example,  l a nd mark legis l ati on  to pro tect th e dis a bled (1 995) andratificat io n of t heUN convent ion on t he rights of pe r so ns wi thdisabi li tie s (20 06) ye t  de spite  thisma ny Ind ian s ta tes have  failed to implement po licy r equir eme nts and g uid e lin es in thi s ar ea.

It ca n b e a rgued  th a t imp leme n ti ngs uch p olic i es is gre a tl y h a m pe red by ling e r i ngsocia l r e luctan ce t o accept disabled people as legi tima t e  ac tor s  inpu blic space, fo rci ng t hem to l iv e on the ma rgins of  m a instr eam so cietyexperie n c in g  a gre ater  de gree of p ove rt y  and so ci al exclus ionth an oth ers in thei r age /regional/ca ste o r class gro uping .Additio n ally  disabledwomen are s everel y di sadva ntagedfu rtherbydi sability,t hrough vu lnera bilityto  var iou s form s of a buseandth enoften als o lo s eth e  ri ghtto ca re  for  their ch i ldren (U N E n able 20 06 ).M u ch wor k  h a s  been done  in  geog r a phy on dis a bili t yi ssues  and t he soc ial sep a rat io n exper ien c e d as a re sult. Ina n i nt eres ting art ic le f or  Ar ea , Edward Hall ( 2004) hi ghlights s ocialexc l usio n  of th edisabled but  then  p r oblemat i s essociale xcl usi onpoli cy,  dra w ing attention to the foc us o n emp l oym ent a s a m et hod of ‘ i nclu sion’ in UK policy whi ch does not add r ess thesoc i al  s upport
 and_spaces/places of_young people and has_foregrounded their_capabilities_as social_actors_on their own_right. A recent_contribution to this scholarship_is an article_by_Barker et al. (2010) in the current issue of Area. This paper explores a_new_internal space_created_in_some schools in which pupils,_who have been temporarily excluded_(fix-term exclusions),_can be confined, the so called “Seclusion Units”._Using_a Foucauldian approach,_the authors map these spaces, explore their surveillance and_power structures and the possibilities for_resistance which pupils_have_within_them. Importantly, the authors_find commonalities between the spatial practices_of these units and those of_other penal spaces such as prisons; this_leads them to issue a call_for a “moral debate about_the desirability_of these contemporary educational practices”_(2010: 385), a_debate which_seems crucial.

Recent headlines_in India about a disabled boy_who was refused_entry to a temple have raised_questions_around the wider_problem_of_social stigma_concerning disability in_India._Temple authorities_in_Mysore, south-west India are reported to_have_forcibly removed the wheel-chair bound boy and_his family later claiming_that_issues of access and_language barriers had precipitated this_action. The numbers of people living_with disabilities_in India_could be as high as 90 million (World Bank 2007), however,_due to the stigma attached to_disability in India this_number is_contested._Political will to_improve_the social_and economic wellbeing of disabled people is_evidenced in_for example, landmark legislation to protect_the disabled (1995) and_ratification_of the UN convention on the_rights of persons with disabilities (2006)_yet despite this many Indian_states_have_failed to implement policy requirements_and guidelines in this area.

It can_be argued that_implementing such policies is greatly hampered by_lingering_social reluctance to accept disabled people_as_legitimate actors in public space, forcing_them_to_live on the margins of_mainstream society experiencing a greater degree_of poverty and social exclusion than others in their_age /regional/caste or_class grouping. Additionally disabled women_are_severely_disadvantaged further by disability, through vulnerability to various forms of_abuse and_then often also_lose the right to care for their children (UN Enable_2006). Much work has been done in_geography on disability issues and the social separation experienced as a_result. In an interesting article for Area, Edward_Hall (2004) highlights social exclusion of the_disabled but then problematises_social_exclusion policy, drawing attention to the focus_on_employment_as_a method of_‘inclusion’ in UK_policy which does_not address_the social support