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"kapitipis e-pimohteyahk: Aboriginal StreetYouth in Vancouver, Winnipeg, and MontrealByLaurette GilchristB.S.W., University of Regina, 1980M.S.W., Carleton University, 1 987A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONAL STUDIESWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIASeptember 1995\u00A9 Laurette Gilchrist, 1995In presenting this thesis in partialfulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia,I agree that the Library shall makeitfreely available for reference andstudy. I further agree that permissionfor extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposesmay be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives.It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gainshall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of(\u2018d OI dThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate d077,/95DE.6 (2)88)Abstract\u201Ckapitipis e-pimohteyahk: Aboriginal Street youth in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal\u201Dseeks to gain insight into life on city streets for Aboriginal youth: why they go to the street, how theysurvive, what kinds of services they are more likely to use, what changes they envision for servicesprovided to them, and finally to recommend corresponding changes in service delivery andpreventative measures. The primary interest is their perceptions of their experiences on the Street\u2014 as Aboriginal people \u2014 as much as possible in their own voice, and in such a way astocontextualize their lives in Canadian structural colonial history and in modern urban terms.Utilizing a critical case study method, in-depth interviews were conducted with nine youth,ages 14-20, currently involved in urban Street life and two people who have lived on the street inthe past. To contextualize their experiences, several parents of street youth and street servicespersonnel in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal were interviewed, although with less depth. Eachcity has an Aboriginal population in excess of 35,000.The literature on street youth in general is growing, but a paucity of information exists onAboriginal street youth experience in Canada, even though they are over-represented in the streetyouth population in most cities. By placing Aboriginal street youth in the larger context ofmainstream society and the urban environment, and by highlighting the role of current and historicalstructural impacts, this research has been able to access a holistic view of their lives.The interviews suggest that Aboriginal street youth run to the streets for many of the samereasons as any other street youth, and once they get there their methods of survival are alsosomewhat the same as those of many runaways. Their cultural backgrounds, history, and structuralconditions at point of origin are, however, different from non-Aboriginal street youth. Theseconditions make them subject to harsher conditions in state care situations (a common entry-pointto street life) and on the street. Many experience overt racism, in addition to the stigmatization thatstreet people encounter, in their everyday lives. The youth interviewed told of identity confusionand self hatred, dislocation from home and surrogateparent communities, difficulty in reunification,and ignorance about Aboriginal rights, history and culture.The nature of the relationship between Aboriginalityand being a young street person isclearly established in that ethnicity was a salient factor in the antecedentsto street life and in theconditions once on the street. Interviews with former street personssuggest that race and culturecontinue to be salient in the process of leaving the streetand in staying off the street.IIIAbstract.Table of ContentsivList of TablesviiiList of FiguresixAcknowledgements xChapter 1. Introduction1Terminology3Urbanization and Aboriginal youth 4The context of the study 10Macro view: Colonial history 10Street youth 13Definitions and estimates 13ii. Antecedents to street life 15iii. Consequences of street life 18iv. Issues of service delivery to street youth 22Conclusions: Aboriginal street youth in the literature 24Overview of the thesis 27Chapter 3. VancouverReflections as an Aboriginal personCase studies 58ETAH 59History 60On the streets 62Racism 68Culture and identity 72Society 75KAREN 79History 80On the streets 81Racism 84Table of ContentsChapter 2. Research methodologyImpetus of the researchPlanning the researchResearch goalsCase study methodCarrying out the researchInterpretation of the dataReliability and validityConstraints2828313335404244465651ivTable of Contents, ContinuedEgCulture and identitySocietyJOANNEHistoryOn the streetsRacismCulture and identitySocietyMISSY: Former street person .HistoryOn the streetsBack from the abyssRacismCulture and identitySociety858686889599101104105106111113115119Chapter 4. WinnipegCase studiesNOELLAHistory \u2014 Noella.TRAVISHistory\u2014TravisSociety \u2014 Noella and TravisAXLEHistoryOn the streetsRacismCulture and identitySocietyJEAN-MARCHistoryOn the streetsRacismCulture and identitySocietyDALE: Former street personHistoryOn the streetsOut of DarknessRacismCulture and identitySociety88121125126127129On the streets \u2014 NoellaOn the streets \u2014 TravisRacism \u2014 Noella and TravisCulture and identity \u2014 Noella and Travis.130130133134136138140141142145146147149149152155157160160161162165167169173vTable of Contents, ContinuedChapter 5. MontrealCase studiesNATASHAHistoryOn theRacismCultureSocietyCHARNELLEHistoryOn theRacismCultureSocietystreetsand identitystreetsand identity176180180181183193194199201202203207211214Street culture and myths about Aboriginal street youth 224Street youth needs on the street 229Survival \u2014 food, clothing, shelter 231Street family as safety net 233Services 235ii. Safety \u2014 protection from institutions, caretakers, police, society 236iii. Self-esteem and intellectual integrity\u2014 mental health, jobs, education, criticalhistory, tribal self-esteem 237Education 238Employment 239iv. Spiritual integrity \u2014 cultural aspects, tradition, spiritual nurturance,healing 241Learning identity 242Chapter 7. Policy implicationsSurvivalAddictionsExploitationJusticeIn CareEducationRacismCultureConclusion245246250253255257261265267270Chapter 8. Conclusion 272References 276viChapter 6. Life on the streetThe guiding questionsResearch revisited218218221Table of Contents, ContinuedAPPENDIX A...APPENDIX B.APPENDIX C...APPENDIX DAPPENDIX EAPPENDIX FAPPENDIX GAPPENDIX HAPPENDIX IAPPENDIX285287290291293295296300305307VIIList of TablesTable I. Percentage of People Who Maintain the Use of Their Language 6Table II. Percentage of people (15+) Who Participate in Traditional Aboriginal Activities . . . . 7Table Ill. 1992 Welfare Incomes 233Table IV. Services for youth by type of service, duration of contact, intervention strategy andexample of service 247Table V. Cultural identity variations 269viiiList of FiguresFigure 1: The progression of a negative life process of endingup on the street for Aboriginalstreet youth in greater than average numbers. Beginning at the east door with amacro view of colonial history (vision); at the south door withantecedents ofdysfunctional relationships (relationship); at the west door with consequencesin lossof respect (respect); and at the north door with inadequate street services(movement/action) 11Figure 2: Four need categories beginning at the east door with survival (physical);at thesouth door with protection (emotional); at the west door with intellectual integrity(mental); and at the north door with spiritual integrity (spirit)(Absolon, 1993).Additionally, there is the social safety net that, by nature of the fact that they are onthe street, has been ineffective in their lives 230ixAcknowledgementsThe research for this thesis would not have occurred except for the Royal CommissiononAboriginal Peoples. I was asked by the Commission in January 1993 to undertake a study onAboriginal street youth at about the time that I was beginning research on my doctoral thesisat theUniversity of British Columbia on another topic. My strong interest as a professional social workerin the welfare of children and as an Aboriginal person in Aboriginal street youth made me verymuch want to accept the Royal Commission\u2019s invitation. This became possible when the RoyalCommission released its policy on use of Commission research data for educational purposes. I hadpermission from the Commission to use the street youth study data for my thesis and frommysupervisory committee at the University of British Columbia to change my topic. I am very gratefulto both of them, for without the financial resources made available to me by the Royal Commission,research on this important but elusive topic would not have been possible.The pseudonyms of the street youth and former street youth who participated in this researchare as follows (in order of presentation): Vancouver \u2014 Etah, Joanne, Karen,and Missy; Winnipeg\u2014 Noella/Travis, Axle, Jean-Marc, and Dale; Montreal \u2014 Natasha and Charnelle. Two sets ofparents were interviewed in Vancouver and Winnipeg. All the agency personnel are greatfullyacknowledged in each of the cities who took the time out of their busy schedules to assist us in ourendeavour. They are too numerous to list.The research assistants consisted of Tony Winchester, B.A., M.S.W., in Victoria; BeverleyDag-Lopez in Vancouver; Marie Baker in Winnipeg; and Alysa Pramsmaa in Montreal.Finally, the thesis committee consisted of Jo-ann Archibald, Ph.D.(abd), Director of the FirstNations House of Learning, U.B.C.; Dr. Jean Barman, Department of Educational Studies, U.B.C.;Dr. Deirdre Kelly, Department of Educational Studies, U.B.C.; and Dr. Celia Haig-Brown, Facultyof Education, S.F.U. I thank them for their extreme patience and their particular expertise. JeanBarman, who acted as my thesis supervisor, has been a source of great strength, motivation and verypractical assistance. Without her special type of supervision this thesis would have been far moredifficult. I have been gifted with excellent examples of exceptional supervision. Thank you all.xchildren walking the moonblind into oblivionlost with no excuse with no remorsebeating the daughters torture forcespeaking with ignorance and greedteachers screaming on their kneessubliminal messages on TVjesus loves you childpray child pray till you bleedshut up and take your placeof disgrace in the line of conservative voiceface it life is a bottomless daythe human race is a dead racewalking as zombies from nine to fiverotting away with society\u2019s liessurrounded in concrete wallswith no will but to fallpaving over insanityreflected maize of vanitycold dark ways in the screams and world of lonely streetsday to day begging, preachinglife\u2019s beseecha buskers quote of a sinking boatrejected from our homesand wanted from our stolen wombspushed to our door of dooma cold dark room of miserythe ministry is looking down at youyour unscrewed caged petwalking the circle of the moonetah 1993xi1Chapter 1. Introduction\u201Ckapitipis e-pimohteyahk: Aboriginal streetyouth in Vancouver, Winnipegand Montreal\u201D usescase studies to produce a critical descriptive interpretation of the experience of Aboriginalyouth whohave chosen, for whatever reason, to embrace life on the streets of threemajor cities in Canada. Thetitle translates from Cree into \u201CWe walk all night.\u201D Thistitle was chosen because the youth in thisstudy told us that during the day they could always find somewherewarm to sleep where they feltsafe. During the night, however, when the temperature fell and whenthey had nowhere to sleep,they had to walk all night in order to keep warm and safe. The allusionto night walking alsohonours Etah\u2019s poem, \u201Cchildren walking the moon,\u201D at the beginningof the study.Utilizing a critical case study method, in-depth interviews were conducted with nineyouth,ages 14-20, currently involved in urban street life and two people who havelived on the street inthe past. To contextualize their experience, several parents of street youth andstreet servicespersonnel in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal were interviewed, although with less depth. Eachcity has an Aboriginal population in excess of 35,000.Why does social science, in general, and Aboriginal governments, in particular, needasociological perspective on youth street life that is specific to Aboriginal youth? Socialscienceshows a large gap in the literature on Aboriginal street youth experience and conditions. ForAboriginal people, the information is necessary because we are unique in Canada forat least threereasons. First, Aboriginal people are \u201Cpeople of the land.\u201D We have no other homeland to identifywith \u2014 we have been dispossessed in our own homeland. This implies not only our generalizedsense of homelessness \u2014 not only inherent alienation due to our collective dispossession \u2014 but toinherent Indigenous rights associated with nation to nation treaties. This means our issues ought tobe paramount in Canada and certainly we ought to have information about our children.Secondly, we have a unique world view that permeates our varied cultures and shapes ourexperience. Marginalization of Aboriginal culture leaves consequences for youth identity \u2014 they2must grow up in a world where there is little to look back on with pride, referring to ourobscuredhistory and marginalized culture, and very little to look forward to in the future,when they are facedwith current poor socio-economic statistics reflected in many Aboriginalcommunities. Aboriginalyouth, then, many of whom have been brought up in two worlds, find it hard to understand thecontradictions presented to them in foster care, institutional practice and social service delivery, onor off the street.Thirdly, our experience, historically and presently, is mediated by colonial policy andpractice embedded in legislation which regulates and permeates our experience on a daily basis.The structural barriers embedded in colonial existence not only affect the colonized, they affect thecolonial society and how they behave toward the members of the colonized group, especially itsweakest members. The three conditions named above result in a perceived separateness from thenorm of multicultural Canadian society, both from within ourselves, our nations and from themainstream perspective. The remnants of colonialism, such as the Indian Act, the reservation system,and the over representation in social pathology statistics make us more visible, more overtly affectedby and more vulnerable to structural, cultural and attitudinal racism. Presumably, then, street lifewould have different impacts on Aboriginal youth than on non-Aboriginal youth. We need, then,to explore how these three unique conditions manifest in Aboriginal street youth existence.Children and youth who do not have the benefit of parental or extended familial protectionare society\u2019s most vulnerable group. This applies to Aboriginal youth on the street. In a time ofcultural renewal and movement toward self determination it is necessary to identify voids in ourknowledge base about the conditions of those in need. We must also identify gaps in the socialservice delivery system. And finally, emancipatory treatment and prevention measures, expressedfrom an Aboriginal point of view, need to form the basis of solutions that address the roots of thepost-colonialist problems in the entire Aboriginal community.3TerminologyFirst some discussion is warranted on concepts used in the analyses of Aboriginal experience.Colonization and decolonization are terms frequently used in commentary. Since colonization isthe acquiring of lands which are governed by a \u201Cmother\u201D country and where the colonizer\u2019s culture,structures and attitudes are externally imposed, then decolonization is the reversal of the imposedgovernance along with reclamation of culture, structures and identity. Racism is another conceptwhich is important to explain our experience as Aboriginal peoples. Racism encompasses thestructural manifestation of the ideology that one race is superior to another(particularly based oncolour differentiation) expressed in repressive policy, legislation, and institutions. Further, racismmeans the entire spectrum of the impact of race ideology: from the intra-psychic superiority itbestows on one race and the internalized inferiority embraced by the marginalized group; to theconcomitant behaviours produced in both which result in the differential distribution of power, statusand material goods to the privileged and the oppressed. Racism awareness in this broad definitionis becoming aware of race ideology and its history, how it is manifest in the structures of modernsociety, the impacts on various groups, how it is upheld and perpetuated, and one\u2019s personalposition in the continuum from privileged to oppressed.Culture and identity are terms that I use to explore self image as an Aboriginal person. Byculture I mean the entire expression of Aboriginal life produced by world view, environment, andcommunity. This definition encompasses distinct outward manifestations in food, clothing, ritual,and art, for instance, and the inward expression in thought, language, symbolism, relationship andspirituality. Aboriginal identity is the condition of linking one\u2019s being with a world view and thecommunity it produces. For instance, a person may identify with an extended family concept, anidea that everything has a spirit, with distinct regionally prepared indigenous food items, orceremonies, clothing, music, and art, all of which might be based on an underlying philosophy ofthe medicine wheel or the long house (depending on the culture).4In this research the term \u201Cstreet youth\u201D is used(Marlene Webber (1991) uses the term \u201Cstreetkids\u201D). The youth are differentiated from \u201Cstreet people\u201D or the homeless.The persons in thisresearch are young people who have come from variouscircumstances and have been on the streetsfor varying periods of time and who fall between the ages of 14 and 20.Street people, on the otherhand, would be persons over 20 years old and live in the downtown core,sometimes as homelessindividuals, but often they inhabit the cheap skid row housing sprinkled in betweenthe bars. Streetpeople, then, would not be the concern of child welfare authorities or the youngoffenders\u2019 act andwould not necessarily qualify for Street youth services. The persons shown in\u201CLife Down Here\u201D(Smith &amp; Smith, 1994), a film about Vancouver\u2019s Aboriginal street life, could be called street people.The \u201Chomeless\u201D again are differentiated by age and by the reasons somepeople find themselveswithout a home. Belcher and DiBlasio (1990) write about the difficulties in thedefinition andpopulation assessment of homeless persons. Many stay with friends or they arein jail or mentalhospitals. Many are simply economically unable to afford housing and some have made the backalleys their permanent home (similar to some street youth). The lines are blurredat the upper agerange which was used in this study because homelessness, mental disability or illness, and severeaddiction may be present (in any combination). For instance, there was an eighteen year old womanwho was severely alcohol (and other drugs?) addicted and who also lived with older street men inthe back alleys in the westend of Vancouver.Urbanization and Aboriginal youthUrbanization is the process of moving from a rural environment and adapting to an urbanmilieu. Most of the literature on urbanization includes migration under its umbrella. In 1900 13\u00B0Iof the global population lived in urban centres, by the year 2000 this figure is expected to rise to48% (Smith, 1991). A Native Council of Canada Socio-demographic Project Report states that theCanada-wide off-reserve Aboriginal population percentage has increased to 80\u00B0I (Valentine,1993).Migration patterns vary and are affected by a number of variables including: the proximity of reserves5to urban centres, the size of the reserve community, multiple forms of massmedia that are deliveredto the reserve and promote urban lifestyles, road access and the politicaland institutionaldevelopment of the reserve community (Gerber,1980). Aboriginal people face the immensetransition to urban life for many reasons. Most often they seek resourcessuch as employment,housing, education or health services that are not available in their homecommunities. Oftenpeople are leaving an economy unable to sustain them because of environmentaldegradation,underdevelopment and broken corporate promises. Sometimes women and childrenare forced offthe reservation because of family violence. Aboriginal people also migrate to the city simply tofollow a dream of joining in the prosperity of mainstream Canada.Many young children and youth enter the urban environment through the child welfaresystem, some as ex-foster children and ex-adoptees, and others as escapees from detention facilities.They gravitate to the city because their community ties have been broken or the city provides anexcellent hiding place. In any case it is the only place to go. Yet others are progeny of urbanreserves where an immense invisible gulf separates them from mainstream urban Canada. Ironically,the latter are underrepresented in the street youth population, according to street youth servicepersonnel.Historically, the urbanization push is promoted by the political agenda of assimilation whichhas been the \u201Ccentral pillar to Canadian Indian policy\u201D (Ponting, 1986:25; Armitage,1995). Giventhat existing resources on the reserves are limited in their ability to employ, house and servicegrowing populations, significant numbers of Aboriginal people feel their only option is to move toan urban centre. The advocacy of mass urbanization was central to the Hawthorn report of 1966which pointed to the limited resource capabilities of the reserve communities and population growthas dominant factors in this trend. Frideres (1993) states that another significant catalyst was the postwar transition from an agriculture-based North American economy to industrialisation. This shift6forced Aboriginal people who depended on employmentin agriculture to go to urban centres toseek employment.Beginning in the early sixties, then, migration to urban centres wassignificant; it thendeclined to levels comparable to non-Aboriginal populations by the mid-eighties(Siggner, 1986).The movement from the small towns and rural reservations to the largeurban centres marks thedecline of special status and the erosion of traditional cultural and communityties. This point isillustrated when we examine statistics on language maintenance displayedin table I.Table I: Percentage of People Who Maintain the Use of Their Language (AboriginalPeoples Survey,1993).Adults (15+) Children(&gt;15)Inuit 75%670/North American Indian OnReserve or Settlements 650/440/North American Indian OffReserve 230/90/M\u00E9tis 180/9 %The same comparison can be made with respect to people over 15 years old who participatein traditional Aboriginal activities. Again, it is clear that the move to urban centres is a potentialthreat to cultural maintenance. In short, if language and traditional activities aregauges to culturalmaintenance, these charts graphically depict the potential dissolution of culture and tradition thatresults from migration out of reserves and rural settlements. The practices of people in Inuitcommunities, which are generally more isolated northern communities, and North American Indiansliving on reserves or settlements are in sharp contrast to the practices of those living outsidethesecultural enclaves.7Table II: Percentage of people (15+) Who Participate in Traditional AboriginalActivities (AboriginalPeoples Survey, 1993).Inuit 74.1%N.A.I. On Reserves or Settlements65.20/N.A.I. Off Reserve 44.8%M\u00E9tis39.80/Statistics on urban Aboriginal people are questionable for a number of different reasons,beginning with the definition of the membership of the Aboriginal population \u2014 this definitionvaries depending on the sponsors of the study. For example, some studies use statistics for registeredIndians published by Indian and Northern Affairs and generalize to the population of all Aboriginalpeople. Additionally, in 1986 Statistics Canada made changes in their census taking procedures withrespect to Aboriginal people; though the new questions around ethnic origins and identity are moredescriptive, the procedural change does not allow for comparisons of years before and aftertheswitch so it is difficult to chart the changes in urban migration. A comparison of the 1986 and 1991census does show a consistent growth in urban populations of Aboriginal people in all three of thefocus cities for this study: Montreal, Winnipeg and Vancouver.One other statistic that is telling for the 1991 census year is the mobility rates; for Aboriginalpeople 15 per cent of the population (15 years and older) moved in the twelve month period beforethe census taking as compared to 16 per cent of the total Canadian population. Of the Aboriginalpeople who said they did move in the past year, half of them moved within the same community.For Aboriginal children ages ito 14, only 13 per cent had moved within the year leading up to thecensus. In short, Aboriginal people presently are no more mobile than the general population(Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 1993).Another difficulty with obtaining accurate demographic information concerns the range ofentrenchment within the urban centre. Frideres (1993) suggests that many Aboriginal people leave8their home community more as a result of necessity than out of an attractionto the city; in short,they seek to exploit urban centres for meeting their employment, housing and education needs butmaintain strong links with their home community. This observation is evident in Nagler(1971) andGurstein (1977). Both authors present continuums that reflect the variation in levels of integrationin, or commitment to, urban centres. For example, the transient or vagabond is at the low end ofthe commitment scale; people in this category are short term (one month) residents who areconstantly in transit. The migrant or seasonal worker is the next category; this person is a longerterm (six months) resident but maintains a high degree of social contact with people from their homecommunity. The resident or transitional (two years) is more likely to be employed or engaged inan education program. The urban settler is a person who was born in the city or has lived there formore than two years and is accordingly more entrenched in the urban environment in terms of socialcontacts, employment, housing and use of services. The settler\u2019s ties to the reserve are minimal; theymay still feel committed but only visit their home community sporadically, possibly once or twicea year (Price, 1979).Successful urban adaptation is dependent on many socio-economic and cultural factors.These include appropriate job and housing location, and cultural adaptation, which in turn aredependent on urban societal receptivity to the Aboriginal person. In other words, the degree ofracial barriers present for the individual or family are significant factors for positive urbanization.In much of the research racism is not taken into consideration, instead Aboriginal people are blamedfor failed attempts. For example, Price (1979) writes:Successful urban adaptation depends on the personality and preparedness of theindividual for urban life and on the nature of the town or city that the individualmigrates to. Any poorly prepared individual from a rural background will undergocultural shock and trauma on migrating into a city, unless there is an excellent systemof institutions to receive and educate that person in urban culture. This individualpreparedness can be somewhat predicted according to the evolutionary level of thesocietal heritage of the individual Indian. There are, of course, widespread nonevolutionary elements that influence this preparedness as well, such as historicalelements (e.g., length of White contact); ecological elements (e.g., urban proximity);and the urbanization of reserve life through the incorporation of reserves in nation-9wide networks of transportation, communication, education, health services,and soforth (229).This study on Aboriginal street youth could easily focus on all of the categoriesas many ofthese youth are extremely transient, moving often between urban centres and reservecommunitiesthroughout Canada and the United States. They are also not a homogenous group: apart from thefact that these young people come from a multitude of Aboriginal cultures, they vary with respectto the bond they have with their cultural identity. Many have been wards of the state from a veryyoung age so their ties to their home reserve were never established, others grew up in their reservecommunity and so their relationship is still very strong, as is their internalized experience of theircultural heritage.Beyond the length of time and the level of entrenchment in urban life, Aboriginal people facea multitude of challenges in making the transition to the city. Cultural differences exist betweenAboriginal and mainstream cultures in addition to the rural and urban contrast in lifestyle. Researchalso consistently shows that accessing employment, though one of the leading reasons for movingto the city, is highly difficult. Barriers of racism, lower education levels and lack of marketableemployment skills for the urban environment contribute significantly to this fact. As well,mainstream policy makers and analysts have assumed that Aboriginal peoples are a homogenousculture when in fact their cultural diversity is a major stumbling block to effective urban communitydevelopment. Without a sufficient level of cohesion within the urban Aboriginal community therehas been a lack of institutional development and ensuing service delivery to meet the needs of urbanAboriginal people (Frideres, 1993; Nagler, 1971; Zeitoun, 1969).A new trend in the 1 980s and 1 990s is the appearance of Aboriginal street youth in growingnumbers (based mostly on estimates of people who work with them). Street workers, in particularex-street persons, have experienced an incredible increase in the numbers of Aboriginal youth onthe street and correspondingly a worsening of conditions for those who must survive on the urbanstreet.10The urbanization literature addresses adult urban migration primarily andnot the youngpeople whose principal identifying factors are: they are without consistent adultsupervision, theylack sufficient shelter, they must fend for a living on the street and so, inevitably, they become a partof the street culture. This study looks, with some depth, into the experience of Aboriginal youth onthe streets of Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal.The context of the studyA brief treatment of colonial history and review of general street youth research provide themacro vision of the Aboriginal street youth phenomena. This is followed by some discussion ofantecedents to street life which in part describe street youth relationships with care givers andinstitutions (which precede or precipitate flight from supervisedcare). Thirdly, consequences of lifeon the street and fourthly services for street youth are summarily discussed. This discourse isillustrated in figure 1 to show a maldevelopment of a process circle that should be healthy. In ahealthy cycle the west direction would be represented by vision, the south direction by relationships,the west by respect (and self respect) and the north direction by movement and action or appropriatesolutions.i. Macro view: Colonial historyOral history indicates that in precontact times (and in more remote regions until quiterecently) Aboriginal childhood and youth were preparatory phases for adulthood and elder status.These phases were parts of a cycle of life where children and youth learned from observation andmentorship through extended family behaviour and elder\u2019s teachings to become responsible andrespectful adults. The age range in this research (14-20) would have straddled the phases ofprepuberty preparation and early adulthood/parenthood. With the advent and impact of colonizationmany changes have taken place which have predisposed many Aboriginal families to becomenegative statistics in the collage of Canadian national shame.11NorthLOSS OF RESPECTMOVEMENT/ACTIONconsequences toinadequate servicesstreet lifeat the streetlevelWestEastMACRO VIEW ORDYSFUNCTIONALVISIONRELATIONSHIPScolonial history andprior to street lifestreet youth ingeneralSouthFigure 1: The progression of a negative life process of ending up on the street forAboriginal streetyouth in greater than average numbers. Beginning at the east door with a macro viewof colonialhistory (vision); at the south door with antecedents of dysfunctional relationships (relationship);atthe west door with consequences in loss of respect (respect); and at the north door withinadequatestreet services (movement/action) (Absolon, 1993).12Contrary to popular belief Aboriginal/European relations remained reciprocal at least untilthe end of the eighteenth century. Aboriginal society did not instantly become dysfunctional uponcontact with the European boat people. Although the force of the Christian vanguard has remainedstable until today (many reserve communities are wrought with evangelical hegemony) there werelong periods of interdependence produced by the fur trade and the French/British wars (Berger,1991). In fact, this mutually beneficial era lasted 300 years (1492-1 800 approximately), 100 yearsmore than the current state of siege. A third of the way through the nineteenth century became thedemarcating point for clear policy changes toward segregation.(I do not use the terms acculturation,assimilation or integration because authentic expression of these processes have been consistentlymade impossible as a result of racial discrimination.) We are now experiencing an interface betweena 200 year segregation era and the movement toward self-determination for Aboriginal people inCanada. Researchers (Frideres, 1993; Armitage, 1995; Bolaria &amp; Li, 1988) breakdown eras ofpostcontact relations in many detailed ways. For the purpose of this discussion the broader eras ofprecontact traditional society, interdependence, segregation, and self determination are used. It isthe latter two eras respectively which have produced higher than average vulnerability for Aboriginalchildren and youth, and to which we look for the underlying causes and culturally appropriatesolutions.Armitage (1993 and 1995) gives an indepth historical and comparative analysis of colonialpolicy in Australia, Canada and New Zealand. In the book Comraring the policy of Aboriginalassimilation: Australia, Canada and New Zealand he shows how child welfare and educationalassimilative policies have worked to the detriment of Aboriginal peoples and how Aboriginal selfdetermination in these fields is attempting to correct the impact.From the passage of the Indian Act of 1876 until the 1960s child welfare for FirstNations people in Canada was dominated by the policy of assimilation, which usededucational methods to change the culture and character of their children. Churchoperated residential schools were the central institution used in this strategy. Whenthe policy of assimilation was replaced by the policy of integration, the residentialschools were replaced by the child welfare strategy in a second attempt to ensure13that the next generation of Indian children was differentfrom their parents. Childrenseparated from parents considered by child welfare authorities to be negligentorabusive were raised in foster care or adopted. In the current periodof movementtoward self-government many First Nations communitiesare taking control of theirown child welfare programs to ensure that the next generation of Indian childrenisrased in their own communities and culture (Armitage, 1993:131).Street youthThe street youth literature, which is gaining momentum recently, focuses on issuessuch asabuse, shelter, delinquency, gangs, addictions, gender, and service delivery. Thereis very littleinformation on visible minority concerns in general and there is a remarkablevoid in research onissues specific to Aboriginal street youth.Brannigan and Caputo (1992) offer a model that is useful in organizing the street youthphenomenon; namely, they break the issues down into: definitions, antecedents,consequences, andinstitutional responses to the problem (31). This categorization is used to structurethe review,beginning with the issues of definition and population estimation.Definitions and estimatesA report sponsored by the Children\u2019s Aid Society of Metropolitan Toronto is most helpful toconceptualize the heterogenous population of street youth and the issues that relateto their variouscategories. In this report McCullagh and Greco(1990) differentiate between five categories of youthunder the umbrella term of \u201Cstreet kids\u201D (ii). The first and largest group is comprised of children whoare \u201Crunning from.. .intolerable home situations\u201D; for the most part they are running from differenttypes of abuse or neglect. The second and smallest group is said to \u201Crun to ... adventureexcitement and/or independence\u201D without the consent of their parents or caregiver. The thirdcategory of street kids are called \u201Cthrowaways\u201D in the report. They are on thestreet as a result ofparental rejection or their parents have consented to a \u201Cpremature exit from parentalcare.\u201D The nextgroup is \u201Coverwhelmingly represented\u201D on the street; this group runs from governmentcare facilities(children\u2019s aid or young offenders). This group is labelled \u201Cabsconders from care\u201D in the report.Lastly, Greco and McCullagh identify a group of youth as \u201Ccurb-kids\u201D who still maylive at home or14in a government care facility but are very much involved in the street culture, they are children \u201Cofthe street\u201D as opposed to \u201Con the street\u201D in the words of Blunt et. al.(1992). They may run forvarying lengths of time.Marjorie Robertson (1991) focuses on the issue of choice stating runaways \u201Cchoose\u201D to beon the street whereas homeless youth are \u201Cperceived to lack access to either their original or analternative home\u201D (33). Additionally, Kufeldt and Nimmo (1987 and1987a) distinguish between\u201Crunners\u201D who leave home for extended periods of time with no intention of returning and \u201Cin andouters\u201D who run impulsively and for a shorter duration. Still another definition of street children isthe one adopted by UNICEF, namely, \u201Cthose for whom the street, in the widest sense of the word,including unoccupied buildings, and wasteland more than their family has become their real home,a situation in which there is no protection, supervision or direction from responsible adults\u201D (Fyfe,1985 in Blunt et al., 1992:3). This last definition is useful in that it opens discussion to the conceptof a \u201Chome\u201D that implies an entity beyond mere shelter (Bass, 1992; Belcher &amp; DiBlasio, 1990).Baxter (1991) emphasizes the same dichotomy between \u201Cshelterlessness\u201D and \u201Chomelessness\u201D; shepoints to basic needs such as security, safety and community as integral to the concept of a home.The population size of street youth eludes researchers because of the transient and diversestatus of these people. The youth often change their living conditions as a result of so many differentfactors ranging from climate to employment, poverty, incarceration, impulsive lifestyles or familydiscord. Another important confounding variable to consider when estimating street youthpopulations is that the age range of the youths in most studies is approximately twelve to twenty-oneyears. Mistrust of adults for various reasons, including abuse and mandatory reporting of a minorin potential danger, is consistently reported in the literature. Finally, the task of estimating the sizeof the population on a national scale is compounded when one considers that the major urbanpopulation centres represent only a segment of the youth who would fit the definitions in thisreview.15Rossi\u2019s (1989) research in Chicago and Burnam and Koegel\u2019s(1989) study in Los Angelesoffer different approaches to census taking among adult urbanstreet people. Rossi divided inner citycore areas into census quadrants and conducted counts of each quadrantat a specific time. Burnamand Koegel estimated population proportions at different locations around theLos Angeles area andthen created a random sample that reflects the estimated proportions thus derivinga representativerandom sample. This latter method was used in the study of East Village in Calgaryin order toensure a representative sample (McDonald and Peressini1992). These strategies becomeproblematic when youth are involved for many of the reasons stated above. In Canadian youthstudies, McCarthy\u2019s (1990) approach is most effective in youth populations; it involves contactingyouth at a number of service agencies as well as meeting them on the street at known congregatingareas and makeshift shelters throughout the city of Toronto. Few of the studies are able to claimrepresentativeness in their sample at this time. More importantly, nostudies have isolatedinformation on the Aboriginal portion of their sample though some of the researchers have futureplans of this nature.Many questions need to be answered: Do Aboriginal adolescents experience differences incomparison to other youths living on the street? Are they treated worse by the people they come intocontact with? How do they react to street workers and other mainstream services that are availableto them? Are culturally appropriate services available? Reflecting on the dual research goals offinding specific information about life on the street and of analysis sensitive to the impact ofstructural forces, we must ask questions such as: How is the historical background and present newforms of colonization and racism socially manifest when compounded with street conditions? Wedon\u2019t know. This information is important at this time and has yet to be addressed in the literature.ii. Antecedents to street lifeGiven the grim picture of life on, or of, the street put forth by most accounts, from academicto media perspectives, it is baffling to think that some of the young inhabitants havechosen it as the16most attractive of different options. Using the definitions given by McCullagh andGreco (1990)above, it is clear that, with the exception of \u201Cthrowaways,\u201D the youth may have chosen the streetover other possibilities for a place to call home. Throwaways are the only group in thisconfiguration that seem to be on the street by someone else\u2019s will \u2014 even this premise is debatablewhen one considers their \u201Cchoice\u201D is between living with a rejecting adult and the possibility offinding a more accepting peer group \u201Cfamily\u201D on the streets. Choice is particularly in question forAboriginal children caught up in another culture. Further discussion on cultural displacement andadoption breakdown is presented in chapter seven.There are a variety of analytic approaches to the street youth phenomena and eachperspective sheds light on the forces that precede and influence a young person\u2019s flight toindependence of this nature. For example, McCarthy (1990) offers four different approaches toexplain runaway behaviour, beginning with the approach which focuses on individual pathology.The emphasis in this approach is on the psychological and behavioral disorders of the youth.Briefly, the authors adopting a psychoanalytic approach concentrate on finding dysfunction withinthe individual to account for their decision to live on their own. Critics fault this approach withblaming on the victim for structural inequity and social tragedy.Another perspective McCarthy examines is the \u201Cpathological family approach.\u201D Under thisheading the studies consistently find that many of the youth are on the street because it is the bestoption available to them. For the most part McCarthy\u2019s account filters down to \u201Ca disturbed parentchild relationship\u201D which is usually fuelled by one or more forms of abuse \u2014 physical, mental,emotional or sexual \u2014 and may be directed at the youth themselves or another parent or sibling intheir immediate environment (reflected by: Janus et al., 1987; Webber, 1991; Social PlanningCouncil of Winnipeg, 1990; Kufeldt and Nimmo, 1987 and 1987a; McCormack, Janus and Burgess,1986; Powers, Eckenrode and Jaklitsch, 1990; Fisher, 1989). It is this abusive or violent relationshipthat precipitates the youth\u2019s decision to seek refuge. This approach can also be criticized for17blaming the family for societal problems. The corollaries to thismetaphorical theorem is to blamethe tribe and then to blame the race.The third approach presented is what McCarthy(1 990) labels the \u201Csociological approach.\u201DThe studies under this heading focus on antecedent factors that are\u201Csocietal or environmental.\u201D Adownturn in the economy is one example, another may examine socio-economic backgrounds ofrunaways. In this case parents cannot afford to keep a young person in their care and they areencouraged to leave.A final approach that is less prominent in the literature is called the \u201Chealthy individualapproach\u201D in McCarthy\u2019s analysis. Here the youth is considered to be psychologically hardy enoughto leave a situation that is unhealthy for the sake of self-preservation. For instance, if a child is beingabused in a foster home or institution, the street may be their only alternative for escape.Of these four perspectives, the sociological is best suited for the examination of Aboriginalissues as it allows for a structural perspective which is capable of incorporating variables such asrace, history, economic marginalization and government policy in the analysis, thus avoidingblaming the victims. Of the remaining three frameworks the healthy individual and the focus onfamily breakdown are also of use, though less so, and finally the personal pathology approach is oflittle use as it fosters dissecting symptoms instead of focusing on the societal structures that are theroot of those symptoms. A similar caution about misdirecting research with homeless populationsis voiced by Gary L. Blasi (1990) and reflected by Marybeth Shinn and Beth C. Weitzman(1990)who state,By focusing on what is wrong with \u201Cthe homeless,\u201D however, we risk following theclassic steps of blaming the victim: identifying a social problem, studying thoseafflicted to determine how they differ from the rest of us, defining the differences asthe cause of the problem, and setting up humanitarian programs to correct thedifferences (Ryan, 1 971: 8). Efforts to identify the health and social problems of thehomeless persons have distracted us from studying and countering the growth ofpoverty, the erosion of welfare benefits, the destruction of low-income housing, andother contributors to homelessness that are not characteristics of individual victims.The field has fallen prey to the risks of diverting attention from underlying causes andreinforcing stereotypes about the population group(2).18In an Aboriginal context, any analysis that does not account for the historicaland present daystructural inequities that influence Aboriginal people is prey to a similar type of error\u2014 sustaininginstead of deconstructing colonial attitudes and policies. Doubtlessly, there is aneed for somecritical descriptive data on the exact nature of the lives of Aboriginal youthwho are on the street.An analysis that relied solely on structural forces would obscure the reasons whythese youth runand how they experience street life once they are there.iii. Consequences of street lifeThe literature varies as to the length of time that young people spend on thestreet thoughmost studies report that much of the homelessness is sporadic. McCarthy\u2019s(1990) study revealedthat only 32.1 percent of his sample were on the street for six months or less andapproximately 42percent were on the street for between six months and three years. In sharp contrast a Winnipegstudy reported 96 percent of their sample was on the run for six months or less in their last run.Fisher\u2019s (1989) study of runaways reported that 72 percent of the youths were away for less thanthree days. In the American literature there is an estimate that the average run was over six months(Kryder-Coe, Salamon and Molnar, 1991:39). Here again, Kufeldt and Nimmo\u2019s (1987; 1987a)division of the population between the runners of longer duration and the youths who aresporadically homeless or \u201Con the run\u201D may be useful to account for the variance in the estimates ofduration on the street.The consensus in the literature is that life on the streets is extremely harsh, and therepercussions of living there vary and are closely linked to the duration of one\u2019s existence there(Brannigan and Caputo, 1993; Webber, 1991). Most consequences result from the attempt byminimally educated, inexperienced, vulnerable (in a multitude of ways) and desperate adolescentsto survive in a society that has dimensions which at once glorifies youth and then preys upon it.Needless to say, the prognosis is not good. The McCullagh and Greco study (1990) outlines a \u201Cstreetlife profile\u201D that includes the following nine points: lack of education, lack of conventional19employment skills, high incidence of transience, poor physicalhealth, substance abuse, mentalhealth problems, conflict with the law, vulnerability to violentexploitation and a dominance of peerrelationships that seek to compensate for the lack offamily and school relations that support mostadolescents\u2019 needs for relationship(iii-iv). Though this profile has the potential to foster stereotyping\u2014 glossing over the specific in favour of generic labels \u2014 its intent is to conveyan abbreviatedpicture of street life that can be used to give direction to a more indepth analysis ofthe issues.One can look at unemployment, resulting from insufficient education and experience, andthe ensuing poverty as fundamental to the reality of surviving the streets. Povertyis a force thatunderlies most of the other survival issues; it is also one of the prime antecedentsto illegal acts suchas drug selling, theft and prostitution. Consequently, this powerless population isopen to a barrageof abuse from so many different sources including adults and other youths(McCarthy and Hagan,1991; 1992a; 1992b; Webber, 1991; Kufeldt and Nimmo, 1987;Lau, 1989, McCullagh and Greco,1990).Studies consistently examine health issues with respect to homeless youth. Among the healthissues researched, the most prevalent are: physical and mental health, AIDS, substanceabuse relatedinquiry and the interrelationships that exist between these and a host of other factors that affect one\u2019swell-being. At the most basic level, surviving on the streets without proper nutrition, shelter andmedical services is in itself cause for poor health. The physical stresses of this environment arefurther compounded by the dangers of violent abuse perpetrated by adults and desperate youthpreying on vulnerable young people \u2014 in total these phenomena inflict a heavy,and potentiallyfatal, toll on the physical well-being of young homeless people(Fisher, 1989; Webber, 1991).Though careful not to label homelessness as a mental health problem in itself, there aremental health impacts of being homeless or as a result of the traumas that precedeleaving home.These impacts may include various forms of abuse, family breakdown or forced separation from theparental home, as well as the daily traumas associated with living on the street. For example, major20depression, post traumatic stress disorder and suicide attempts are all more pervasive in homelessadolescents (Robertson, 1991; Janus et al., 1987; Powers, Eckenrode and Jaklitsh, 1990; Blunt et al.,1992). Some of the potential roots and self-reported symptoms are articulated by the McCul lagh andGreco (1990) report:...the childhood histories of street youth are characteristically marred with physicaland sexual abuse, family dysfunction, and parental rejection. Such experiences are\u2018invariably accompanied by emotional abuse\u2019. Street youth report high levels of poorself-esteem, self-worth and feelings of powerlessness. This is evidenced by highincidents of self-mutilation and suicide attempts (iii).The threat of AIDS is a phenomenon that all sexually active adolescents must reckon with.Homeless youth are at greater risk as they have a higher prevalence of intravenous drug use andexploitation in the prostitution industry to varying degrees. Researchers also find that the threat ofcontracting AIDS amongst this population is further compounded by: poverty, lack of informationabout the nature of the disease, lower literacy rates, lack of access to sufficient health care, low self-esteem, and a low sense of self-efficacy with respect to taking steps to protect oneself whennecessary (Kaliski et al., 1990; Caswell and Green, 1988; Johnston, 1992). Policy makers andservice providers face the challenge of designing prevention strategies to accommodate the specialneeds of this high risk group.Finally, aside from the very serious threat of AIDS resulting from intravenous drug use, thehealth related information focuses specifically on substance abuse as it is considered to be rampantin this group. Webber\u2019s (1991) research highlights the use of drugs as a coping tool for kids on thestreet. She states that,More than typical adolescents, street kids are beset with oppressive problems, boththose they bring from home and those they acquire in the street. They have morethan the average need to escape. Killing the pain of their existence \u2014 getting highas a get-away \u2014 is the most compelling lure drugs offer. Addictions developnaturally out of the vulgar business of living in the street because some kids can copewith what is being done to their bodies only by being out of their minds. Drugsoffer the illusion of being off the street while you are still on it .... Not only are streetkids tied up in more complex psychological knots and practical conundrums than areaverage teenagers and therefore more susceptible to drugs, but they also live in anenvironment saturated with these hazardous substances. If alcohol and drugs21tantalize many \u2018normal\u2019 kids, they magnetize troubled kids chasinga magical escape(225).Webber goes on to outline some of the predisposing factorsthat foster youthful addictions including:\u201Clow self-esteem, serious home or school problems, early use,a family history of addiction, parentalconflict, feelings of helplessness and hopelessness, and physical andsexual abuse \u2014 in other words,the runaway mould\u201D (225). In many Aboriginal communities escape through addiction isasignificant social problem which has been repeatedly studied by social scientists. The pervasivenessof addictions on the street and the profile of predisposing factors offered by Webber above arefactors to be examined in this study without simply dissecting symptoms but with the goal ofrevealing the underlying dynamic of those symptoms \u2014 addictions or otherwise.Finally, there is research that has focused on the issues of delinquency and law-breaking ingeneral, and more specifically, on gang culture. To some extent gang literature elucidates issues thatmay be applicable to Aboriginal street youth because the analysis often includes some recognitionof structural dimensions of race, racism, class, and/or poverty in addition to the delinquencyperspective. For example, Short (1990) presents a lucid explanation of cultural and economicmarginalization, and its relationship to gang activity. Specifically, the gangs are an attempt by youngpeople to take part in the youth culture that is not accessible to them through the \u201Clegitimate\u201Dinstitutions of the dominant culture. Davis (1988) echoes this perspective, labelling it \u201Ceconomicsurvivalism\u201D (30), and highlights the \u201CLos Angeles police\u2019s racism and brutality\u201D (28) against blackcommunities in their massive anti-gang campaign. Davis is critical of the clampdown on gangs asit skirts the deeper issues of racism and poverty that are at the root of gang phenomena. There isa growing body of literature that analyzes the attempts of culturally and economically marginalizedyouth to adapt to North American urban society through gang activity, the inter-and intra-communityimpacts and the institutional responses to the youths(Davis, 1988; Huff, 1989; Moore, 1985; Short,1990; Vigil, 1983; Zatz, 1985). In this body of research may lie some important tools for22understanding Aboriginal communities in the urban environment as they face barriers similar to thosefaced by the black, Chicano and other ethnic minority communities of the United States.iv. Issues of service delivery to street youthThere is no doubt that the population of street youth is replete with barriers to effectiveservice delivery. Consider, for example, that the client population is approximately twelvetoseventeen years of age and that a high proportion of them are running from some type of abusivesituation, a care agency or perhaps a detainment facility\u2014 thus, there is a general mistrust of adults(who are obligated to report underage youths who they feel may be vulnerable to danger). Forexample, in the proposed safehouse sponsored by the Children\u2019s Aid Society of MetropolitanToronto, the policy states that \u201CParents and/or guardians and/or police would be informed of theyouth\u2019s admission in accordance with legislative guidelines\u201D (McCullagh and Greco, 1990:vii).Given the knowledge that they will likely be sent back to where they ran from, it is doubtful thatyoung people would seek out such a service. Mainstream agencies which provide services that seekto provide a safe haven are criticized as often contributing to the problem of abuse. Zingaro (1987)asserts that conventional child care facilities are guilty of repeating the experience of violationthrough control and intrusion into the lives of the abused children they seek to help; this dynamicis compounded by practitioners \u201Crequiring model kinds of behaviour and self-disclosure in return forservice\u201D (70). A significant portion of the youth who find themselves on the street are \u201Cabscondersfrom care\u201D (McCullagh and Greco, 1990:ii). SpecifictoAboriginal runaways is the fact that servicesare simply not culturally sensitive to their needs and so many flee to the streets as preferable toinstitutional living (Native Women\u2019s Transition Centre, 1991).Brannigan and Caputo (1993:83-84) offer a very useful continuum of services for street youththat characterizes the increasing levels of intrusiveness and length of contact for clients who usethem. The continuum begins with prevention services that have minimal contact with the youth andseek to educate them about the potential hazards of street, for example, in school presentations and23media campaigns. Crisis intervention, which is still generally short-termbut more intrusive, seeksto stabilize clients who may be immersed in crisis, for instance, shelters or help lines. Ofa moresustaining nature are the maintenance services which offer a place for clientsto meet their basicdaily needs of food and shelter (hostels, needle exchanges, and soupkitchens). Next on thecontinuum are the transitional services which seek to help young peopleget off the street. Theseservices entail a longer-term commitment and a more intrusive relationship with the service providers\u2014 for example, longer-term shelter, literacy programs and addictions counselling. The fifth categoryis labelled incapacitation, which is meant to encompass incarceration by law enforcement and healthofficials for the sake of preventing the individual from harming themselves or others \u2014 i.e. youngoffenders\u2019 facilities and psychiatric wards of hospitals. And finally, the authors point to therehabilitation type of services that are \u201Caimed at re-integrating young people into the community\u201D(84). These services are, for the most part, involuntary and provided by the corrections and criminaljustice system, for instance, probation services and life skills programs. Alongside the abovecontinuum the authors put forth another continuum of formality that can be applied to all of theservices outlined for further descriptive value. Both of these tools of analysis are helpful todifferentiate the many services that street youth can potentially come into contact with.More concretely, of the front-line, short-term, services that do work for meeting street youths\u2019needs most have a necessary element of access and flexibility. Namely, the services have to beoffered in an accessible part of the downtown core, open twenty-four hours and offer clients achance to meet their basic needs of shelter, food and clothing with a minimum of intrusivequestioning. Also, some agencies offer counselling, support, information and referral (for issues ofabuse, shelter, substance abuse, education, health, medical or legal) for those who need it. Inaddition to these short-term and emergency types of services, street youth also express a need forlonger term services such as job training, stable housing and alternative education programs (Zingaro,1987; Native Women\u2019s Transition Centre, 1991; McCullagh and Greco, 1990; Social Planningy24Council of Winnipeg, 1990; McDonald and Peressini, 1992; White, 1992; Bermingham, 1992;Truscott, 1992 and 1993).Conclusions: Aboriginal street youth in the literatureSocial scientists are at an early stage in the evolution of research conducted on street youth.Overall one can see a progression in attempts to derive more sophisticated and thorough studies thatwill suitably address the needs of this population. To date all of the research has been conductedon the population of street youth in general \u2014 none of the studies located has singled out Aboriginalyouth. Accordingly, there is no information on population size, issues of racism or cultural identity,or service agency utilization by Aboriginal youth. There remains any number of significant foci forfuture study with Aboriginal street youth. In fact, for the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples\u2019study that provided the impetus for this thesis the literature search encompassed refereed academicand popular literature, data networks (such as dissertation, sociology, psychology and social workabstracts, ERIC \u2014 Education Resources Information Centres \u2014 and the American Indian Institute),and word of mouth networking with key informants in the areas of academic and professionalservice delivery to Aboriginal populations, streetyouth, and homeless people in general. There wereabsolutely no studies found on Aboriginal street youth specifically. Only one video documentary,made by the National Film Board in 1988 entitled No address, which focused on homelessAboriginal people in Montreal, was found (Obomsawin, 1988). There are other movies anddocumentaries based on street youth in general but nothing with an Aboriginal focus.Other documentation of Aboriginal youth can be found by culling information from majorstudies. For example, in the Marlene Webber (1991) book, Street kids, there are a number ofanecdotal references and verbatim personal accounts of young Aboriginal peoples lives on the street.Similarly, personal accounts can be found in Without reserve by Lynda Shorten (1991), and Insideout: An autobiography by a Native Canadian, by James Tyman(1989). These sources give the readersome insight into the pertinent issues that separate Aboriginal people from other populations. There25are sometimes graphic personal portrayals of the effects of racism,colonial government policy,destructively short-sighted child welfare policy and practice, therepercussions of the residentialschool system, poverty, recovery and renewal. But theseaccounts, though growing in theirnumbers, are still few and they are limited by lack of focuson the issue of homelessness or life onthe street.In the Winnipeg (Social Planning Council of Winnipeg, 1990) and Calgary (McDonald andPeressini, 1992) studies on homeless populations there is a division that identifies ethnic origin butthe authors\u2019 analyses stop with a small chart that outlines the type of ethnicity and the proportionof the total sample. This information does not break-down Aboriginal populations by culturalgroups. In the Winnipeg study the authors go as far as to say that Aboriginal youthareoverrepresented based on national population figures (two percent of national population versus fourpercent in their study). But even this information is not reliable as the study did not have arepresentative sample \u2014 few studies do. Brannigan and Caputo(1993) give a cursory account ofthe unique nature of the issues facing Aboriginal youth in their literature review section but theyoffer no studies to back up their remarks. These authors have future plans to focus research onAboriginal youth populations.One document that has emerged partly from the information in the Winnipeg study is aproposal for a safe house called Ni Tin Away Ma Gun Antat (My relative\u2019s house) for Aboriginalchildren and youth in the inner city (Native Women\u2019s Transition Centre,1991). This safe houseopened in 1994. This is a good example of a culturally relevant service targeting Aboriginal youth.Other sources of information that focus on homeless Aboriginal people in general (implyingadults more than youth) can be found in the form of reports and conference proceedings \u2014 forexample, A place to call home: A conference on homelessness in British Columbia(Fallick, 1987),the Canadian Council on Social Development\u2019s report entitled Homelessness in Canada: The reortof the national inQuiry (McLaughlin, 1987), and finally New Dartnershis \u2014 Building for the future26(Lang-Runtz &amp; Ahern, 1988). Though these reports offer a marginalfocus on the needs of Aboriginalpeople, they are important for their structural perspective. They emphasizethe role of issues suchas poverty, self-government, and cultural differences that must be addressedby any program thatseeks some form of amelioration for Aboriginal people. Specifically,the University of BritishColumbia conference (cited above) offers a skeletal, point form examinationof some issues thatcontribute to homelessness. The Social Development report andthe New Partnerships conferencealso point to structural barriers but much of the focus is on adult and rural populationsas well ashousing and shelter \u2014 issues less immediate to the lives of urbanyouth.From all of these accounts one must attempt to glean information that offers insight into thelives of Aboriginal youth who are living on the urban streets. The question remains, in an effort todeconstruct colonial interpretations and attitudes, what in past studies is useful for an Aboriginalperspective? All of the research to date is clearly insufficient to accommodate the specific needs ofAboriginal street youth and so our approach must reflect this great lack, but also build on it. It isuseful to know, firstly, that there are no other studies so this research, for the most part, must beginat the beginning. It is also useful to know that there are many Aboriginal youth living on the streetsand it is very important to understand the level of desperation that brings these youth to the pointof exploiting themselves, in a variety of ways, to survive. One other significant finding is that theseyouth are most often running \u2018from\u201D something to the street \u2014 we need to clearly articulate whatyoung Aboriginal people run from. In the Ni Tin Away Ma Gun Antat(1991) proposal the authorsstate that a proportionally higher number of Aboriginal youth are in the child welfare system andthere is a shortage of culturally appropriate services; thus, many of the Aboriginal street youth maybe running from the mainstream institutions that are unable to provide services sensitive to theirneeds. We also know that analysis that leaves out issues of race, poverty, colonization or thatoverlooks the experience of life on reserves or in urban ghettos is, at best, minimally suited to ourneeds.27Overview of the thesisThe next chapter describes the research process. I also reflect on the methodologywithemphasis on what it was like as an Aboriginal person doing ethnographic researchon this difficultsubject. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 form the heart of the thesis. The case studies introduceus to nine(two of them are treated as a couple in one case study) Aboriginal youth who currently live on thestreet in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal, and two former street youth who are street survivorsfrom Vancouver and Winnipeg. The sixth chapter examines the patterns and themes that emergeout of these ten case studies about life on the streets. Chapter seven focuses on policy implicationsand the last chapter concludes the thesis.28Chapter 2. Research methodologyChapter two describes how this study was conceptualized and lays out themethodology usedto research Aboriginal street youth in the urban environment in Canada. The emphasis inthischapter is on the process by which the research received its impetus, wascarried out and theninterpreted. I also talk about the research\u2019s reliability and validity and aboutthe constraints to thestudy. Finally, I reflect on how the research affected me as an Aboriginal person.The conceptualization, the way which this study came about, and how it cameto be done,is inextricably linked with my values as an Aboriginal person and my life experienceas part of anoppressed group in Canada. Therefore, as a critical researcher, I begin a scholarly discussion onmethodology with something as personal as my socialization as an Aboriginal person. Again at theend of the chapter I will come full circle and reflect on this person in this research.Impetus of the researchAn image from my childhood, which has stayed with me all of my life, explicitly places mewithin the framework of Aboriginality, of colonial oppression, and of the multitude of negativestatistics and images that abound about Aboriginal people. Therefore, entering the world ofAboriginal street youth was for me a true case of \u201CBut for the grace of the Creator, there go I.\u201DI am approximately eight years old, sitting in the back of a horse drawn wagon with sevenof my siblings and cousins. My grandfather is in charge of the reins. My father is sitting next tohim. It is a clear dark night and the stars are out in full force. I had watched with interest earlierthat day as the moose carcass was cut up and carefully laid at the bottom of the wagon box andmeticulously covered with pine branches, then with cardboard boxes, and finally with blankets.Now we are on our way back home from a hunting expedition under the cover of night. As I sithuddled in a blanket up behind the adults, my grandfather began to discuss, in Cree, with a distincttinge of bitterness (this was uncharacteristic of my grandfather) that it was a crime that children hadto be used to hide the game \u201Cillegally\u201D killed in order that we could survive.29I learned that night of the confiscation of land, thelaws that prohibited leaving the reserveto hunt for food, the residential schools that took away the children,the police function of socialcontrol through brutality, and the encroaching cultural values that wouldthreaten to destroy us. Ilearned simple logic in the statement, \u201CThey came to my country, theyshould speak my language.\u201DI learned that our collective condition was because of some inherentlyunfair philosophy andbehaviour, and not at all the way things had always been. And most importantly I learnedthat thiswas not a fault that existed within us. In forty years I have not seen evidence that any partof therevelation of that night was wrong. A critical analyst was born that night.The term critical, Thomas (1993) states,describes both an activity and an ideology. As social activity, critical thinkingimplies a call to action that may range from modest rethinking of comfortablethoughts to more direct engagement that includes political activity(17).Thomas\u2019s definition fits the sense of accountability that remains with menow. My experience onthe reserve of watching my grandfather interact with a world that denied naturally accessibleandcommon sense human rights \u2014 without English or any \u201Crecognized education\u201D \u2014 with a stoicdetermination and dignity instilled in me the principle of systematically including a critical analysison colonization or to at least make certain that it be allowed to emerge out of research withAboriginal people.The impact of my grandfather\u2019s teachings (and after that night I asked many questions formany years) have also reinforced the importance of oral transmission of holistic information,particularly in the language of the people. Hence I have insisted on leaving in as much text of theyouths\u2019 stories as possible(in their way of speaking) and their centrality in this research.The research process began inadvertently when in early January 1993 I received a call fromone of the research directors of the urban perspectives sector of the Royal Commission on AboriginalPeoples inquiring if I would be interested in applying to do research on Aboriginal street youth inmajor urban centres in Canada. My immediate and emphatic response was, \u201CNo.\u201D The picture that30came to mind was quantitative research, looking for numbers of youthon the street andadministering a questionnaire, collating data, inputting it onto computer and placing the results intotables. This type of research on Aboriginal street youth, in my view, could not access the pain ofseparation and loss due to institutional intervention, of the traumatic impact of racism, of identityconfusion (which most of us experience off the Street) ifl addition to life and deathsurvival issues.Some research, the media and a common sense visual count tells us that Aboriginal youth areoverrepresented at least in the skid row prostitution industry in Canada and I saw no point inconfirming that statistic. On further discussion it became evident to me that perhaps what theywanted was not incompatible with what I might be willing to do. I did, however, qualify that Iwould not go in and rape these children again, not even under the guise of research, and that if Idid anything at all it would have to include assisting the youth to tell their own stories.A preliminary proposal to do qualitative research on Aboriginal street youth in Vancouver,Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal was accepted by the Commission after I had been selected froma competition. (Subsequently Toronto was dropped from the study because the research assistantbecame ill. I also believe the emotional impact of the research process became overwhelming inthis case.) My function would be to oversee the entire study from figuringout which paradigm andmode of research would be most suitable, to the design of the study and any instruments used inthe research, to designing and carrying out the training of assistants, to interpreting, reporting thedata, and formulating the recommendations.Funding was provided for a principal researcher/project manager, and later because of timeconstraints, for a research assistant to carry out library searches and policy examination, and for four(which later became three) research assistants to conduct the interviews with the street youth in eachof the major city sites in the study. It was decided that this arrangement was necessary because thistype of study could potentially be a full time job for one person for at least two years and I wasemployed in a tenure track faculty position with the School of Social Work, University of Victoria,31at the time the study was initiated. All persons on the researchteam were directly contractedthrough the Royal Commission. Therefore we were, eachof us, private contractors.(This aspectof the study was later to have an impact on the question of researchersafety and participant selectionalluded to later in the chapter).Planning the researchThe first task was to write out a budget for a study which wouldgather data from differentconstituencies on the street level, for training and travel, and for the extended timeneeded forwriting the report. It was decided that the participants would receive a one time allowance ofonehundred dollars in recognition of their need and their work withus. No notices to attractparticipants on the basis of this allowance were used and the subsidy was given to the youthat theclosure of interviews. For practical reasons related to time constraints andto my teaching load atthe University of Victoria, the decision was made to hire Aboriginal research assistantsto conductthe interviewing in each of the cities and another on site in Victoria to assist with library searches.During the planning phase I read Street kids: The tragedy of Canada\u2019s runaways (Webber,1991) and the format of case study research was solidified. The story telling format would providea way to assist Aboriginal youth to voice their own concerns. I decided that a training session wasneeded in order to combat the isolation of the research assistants, to uniformly distribute therationale for the study and the ethical principles established by the Royal Commission, and to getto know the assistants (two of whom were not known to me before the research began). In orderto minimize the possible segmenting effect that a diverse team might produce, and with a nearcompleted literature review in hand, I led an intensive three day training session with all teammembers. This included senior research co-ordinators from the Commission. This took place afterthe design issues had been identified and the guiding questions hadbeen formulated. I made everyeffort to ensure that the research method would be uniformly conveyed to the research team so thatdifferences could emerge from the text of the interviews andnot through varied process. The32training period facilitated team interaction and communication, sharing of strategies for interviewingdistrustful youth, and the maintenance of cultural integrity.In addition I visited the research sites once in the contextual information gathering stage andtwice again in the interviewing stage. Telephone contact was ongoing and as needed. I stayedextensively involved with all parts of the information searches and the conceptualization of ideasforany part of the Royal Commission study to be drafted by anyone else. My main concern was tokeep cultural and sociological integrity in the study. I explicitly wanted one point of view \u2014 withthe exception of any research used for comparison purposes. The non-Aboriginal team memberexamined the literature from the perspective of a Canadian mainstream society. Subsequently Ireconceptualized and edited his work from an Aboriginal perspective. All materials have beenreconceptualized for the thesis.Four sets of participants were targeted in the study.*The main corroborators are Aboriginal youth in the 14-20 age group who by definition liveon the streets. That is to say they see street culture as a major reference point in their lives.*Ex-street people who were at one point \u201Cstreet youth\u201D were interviewed in order to makecomparisons of conditions for street youth \u201Cthen\u201D and \u201Cnow,\u201D and to see the similarities anddifferences of experience.*For contextual information We interviewed two sets of parents whose children had gone tothe streets. This gave us some insight as to the reasons for running from these parents\u2019 pointof view, and views on strategies for repatriation and prevention.*Advocates in street specific agencies and programs (for example, needle exchange, streetworkers, sexually transmitted disease clinics, special police units, Aboriginal specific streetyouth programs) were interviewed for contextual information about Aboriginal utilization ofservices, percentage of Aboriginal youth using agency services, approximate numbers of33Aboriginal street youth in various cities, culturally appropriate services and numbersofAboriginal street workers, and major issues for Aboriginal youth as they perceive them.The emotional impact of reading the literature on homeless street youth, poverty, violence,and the terrible statistics of damaged and abused Aboriginal youth(in general) influenced me toinclude a debriefing period to take place at the end of the interviewing phase. This was plannedfor the beginning of July 1993 in Vancouver, British Columbia. I also asked the research assistantsto keep a field journal (appendix F). I did this for two reasons: first to provide an outlet for theemotional impact of the research endeavour itself; and secondly to provide recorded details of thestreet environment, interview circumstances and indepth description of the participants. I felt thatboth the debriefing session and the journals were necessary to place the collective experience of theresearchers into the research process and to bring closure to the data gathering phase. This wouldalso be the beginning of the interpretation of the data.Research goalsHow to approach a study of Aboriginal youth on the urban streets given literature that hadlittle information on this population was the focal question at the beginning of the study process.Therefore, the decision was made to construct a body of information out of a broadly basedperspective from the point of view of the youth. The existing literature became a backdrop to themissing pieces of the puzzle. The definitions and the major characteristicsof running behaviourwere utilized as comparison to the experience which Aboriginal youth shared.In this study a main goal was to contextualize Aboriginal street youth within the colonialstructural environment. Many social scientists have written about the unequal social status ofAboriginal people in Canada (Frideres, 1993; Bolaria &amp; Li, 1988; Engelstad &amp; Bird, 1992;Wotherspoon &amp; Satzewich, 1993, for instance) and many more have written about the impact of thisinequity (Ryan, 1971; Manuel &amp; Posluns, 1974; Cardinal, 1977; Djao, 1983; McKague, 1991).34Freire (1974) also reminds us of the oppressor/oppressed dialectic andthe social and psychologicalimpacts of this contradiction. The opening for colonial contextualizationfrom the case studies wasfacilitated by open ended questions on perceptions of marginality andquestions about history andculture. I believe that Aboriginal persons facilitating the process alsowidened that opening. Manyof the youth would say, in the interviews, that they felt morecomfortable sharing with an Aboriginalperson because they felt that their backgrounds and culture would bemore clearly understood.Another goal was to set carefully the course for future research endeavours and policydevelopment with Aboriginal street youth: therefore the following overriding sociological questionsguided the process:*What are the most significant life experiences that have impacted on the current situation ofstreet youth?*What are the greatest challenges facing street youth today?*What are the most critical forces/institutions that influence the thinking and behaviour ofstreet youth?*In what terms do street youth define their social, cultural and spiritual needs and how dothey perceive the effectiveness of services available to meet those needs?*What or who do the street youth of today model themselves after, and what factors shapeand influence this process?To build a broad picture of the experience of youth in the study, therefore background face sheets(appendices D and E) were used to gain information as well as current living situations.In order to access information that spoke to treaty status, M\u00E9tis and Inuit street youth issues,the decision was made to try to interview status and non-status youth in Vancouver, M\u00E9tis youth inWinnipeg and Inuit youth in Montreal. The goal of accessing fairly distinct Aboriginal representationin each of the cities was, for the most part, successful. This type of sampling was necessary becausewe wanted to know more about the physical, intra-psychic and \u201Ccultural\u201D conditions of each of the35distinguished categories in one of the cities. In some instances wewere unable to access thepreconceived formula because we were dependent on street workersto select participants.Nevertheless the first criterion for selection was group identification(within a specified age range).Every effort was also made to get a fair gender balance; an age range representation; participantswho were homeless versus those using shelters and other facilities; and examples of various typesof running and street behaviour. It was only after the ideal combination of representation(for RoyalCommission purposes) was set out in theory that the street workers were contacted. The anxietycaused by the \u201Cideal sample is discussed later in the chapter.Another goal was to access information on street workers and street service utilization. Didthe youth access services? If not, why not? What kinds of services were preferred and why?Questions were asked about whether the youth had contact with Aboriginal street workers. Howdid they feel about this topic? In this endeavour we hoped to get information on availability ofAboriginal services and whether the youth felt these were a necessity.Finally, the goal that was foremost in mind was to impart respect for the youth in sharingknowledge about the research process, and through language, research terminology(\u201Cstreet youth\u201Dinstead of \u201Cstreet kids\u201D), and behaviour. Chrisjohn and Young (1993) write about the importance ofAboriginal persons\u2019 rights to participation in authentic research and of access to technical knowledgein the research process. In the effort to proceed with respect in the entire research process I oftenrefer to \u201Cwe\u201D as a team of researchers through the text of this thesis, although I take full responsibilityfor its content.Case study methodSocial science has been criticized for its wont of producing irrelevant and conceptuallyflawed research in the Aboriginal community (Chrisjohn, 1986; Hampton,1988). There is, however,a more practical and radical summation of this sentiment in the simple statement written by amainstream social scientist,36in a conversation with Art Solomon, a Native Elder, whoasked, somewhatrhetorically, whether I would tolerate my own methods, or passively accept myinterpretations, if I were a member of a Native community (Warry,1990:61).Art Solomon\u2019s question is a sign of the times in the Aboriginalcommunity. The social scienceresearch industry is being held accountable as it has not been in thepast. Therefore research mustnot only be accountable for scientific standards, it mustbe culturally appropriate, practical, andemanci patory.After deciding that orality, youth telling their own stories, street culture and Aboriginalculture, and history and oppression were important and necessary componentsto be supported inthe research, I decided to use qualitative critical case study methodology(Leenders &amp; Erskine, 1989)incorporating an ethnographic stance (DeCastell &amp; Walker, 1991; Thomas, 1993). Criticalethnography not only provides description of a culture(as most conventional ethnography does) butallows for a particular kind of analysis and interpretation. \u201CCritical ethnography,\u201D also, Thomas(1993) says,is grounded empirically in explicit prior evidence of a variety of debilitating socialconditions that provide the departure point for research(33).As stated before there is an abundance of research on the degraded social conditions, unequaltreatment and marginal ization of Aboriginal people in Canada. There is ample reason to believe thatAboriginal youth would suffer the consequences of generations of abuse in the present. Criticalethnography is, therefore, useful as a potential way to analyze Aboriginal street youth behaviour, notas successive acts of individualized deviance, but as a response to society\u2019s violence upon them \u2014as an act of resistance (Thomas, 1993:51).Thomas (1993) gives a list of six \u201Cguideposts for continual examination of research andreflection on purpose\u201D of the research. They include ontology, topic selection, method, data analysisand interpretation, discourse and reflection(33). Ontologically, as stated above, there are structuraland cultural arrangements which oppress some people but are not ordinarily visible (for example,gender, race, sexual orientation). Topic selection in this case came aboutby a one time opportunity37from the Royal Commission; however, it was myspecial interest in the field (I now work inAboriginal child welfare research and development) which inducedme to accept the opportunity.The discussion on method follows, and the data analysis and interpretation,discourse and reflectionwill be discussed presently.The model most suited to the needs of the situation was a critical casestudy approach usingdescriptive/interpretive design. This method of research is characterizedby specificity of focus withrespect to the phenomenon or case under study, and by depth ofdescription combined withinterpretation of the data from various sources. The method is holisticand exploratory in nature andit is capable of incorporating a variety of disciplines, using a rangeof techniques for collection. Itis \u2018heuristic\u201D as it seeks the illumination of otherwise unknownor little understood dynamics to thereader (Merriam, 1988; Reinharz, 1992; Leenders and Erskine, 1989). Allof these traits make thismodel suitable to the needs of this study.Specifically, qualitative case study methodology and critical ethnography are based ininterpretation, which is particularly significant to the study of homeless Aboriginal youth as their livesexpress, in many ways, symptoms of structural barriers such as racism, poverty, and the impact ofcolonization. All these conditions are integral to any interpretation of their reality.(A structuralexamination would look to the structures of society, for instance, the Indian Act, the Child WelfareAct, the school system, the reserve system, and social marginalization for explanations ofoverrepresentation in social pathology statistics, rather than in the individual personal weaknessofthose involved.) That is to say that Aboriginal children are more at risk because of the way whichthe entire Canadian society is arranged. Blasi (1990), Shinn and Weitzman(1990) and Webber(1991) echo the need for a structural perspective to avoid blaming the survivors of marginalizationand oppression.Case study research is a method of studying social phenomena though the thorough analysisof an individual case(s). The case may be a person, a group, an episode, a process, a community,38a society or any other unit of social life. All data relevantto the case is gathered from varioussources, and all available data is organized in terms of thecase.In this study the research team interviewed street youth, ex-street youth,parents of streetyouth, street services personnel and I have included the perceptions and recommendationsof theresearch team in various ways. I have also taken into account street youthliterature and policy thatimpacts on street youth. The case study method gives a unitary character to thedata being studiedby interrelating a variety of facts to a single case. It also provides an opportunity for the intensiveanalysis of many specific details that are often overlooked with other methods. A criticalethnographic stance allows for a conceptual treatment of the data that goes beyonda positivistand/or liberal ideological stance. DeCastell and Walker(1 991:18) call this getting a brain and notjust an eye. For instance, by asking open-ended questions on fear, shame and anger, we were ableto access information about cultural identity and the impact of racism. These dimensionsare seldomsought by researchers nor are they easily quantifiable.The case study approach offers a method that is able to focus on the complex reasons forending up on the street and the conditions (culture) once youth are introduced into street culture.We wanted to gain insight into availability and utilization of mainstream and Aboriginal specificstreet services that provide on-going services and could potentially facilitate repatriation into homecommunities and implement prevention strategies for future generations of troubled youth.Case study research is more complementary to the oral traditions of Aboriginal people andit offers a particularly disadvantaged population of Aboriginal youth an opportunity to give voice totheir experiences and to give us insight into their lives before apprehension, experience in care orin custody, life on the run, and finally making a home on the street. We will see that some youthgo into great detail about city life, reserve life, and about cultural involvement or lack thereof. Theytell about positive close relationships with functional grandparents (and extended family) and theyshare the horrors of exploitation by adult care givers. In other words the case study offers voice to39a most powerless group. It is, then, \u201Cinterpretation in context\u201D (Merriam, 1988:10),within whichthe participant has the opportunity to direct the process through sharing their story.Case study method is capable of drawing from many disciplines(Yin, 1984). As well ascritical ethnography (\u2018in their own voices,\u201D Thomas, 1993; Hammersley and Atkinson,1983/1 990))this study incorporates elements of psychological methods(the study of individual human behaviour(Merriam, 1988:25)); and sociological methods (\u201C...attend to the constructs of society andsocialization\u201D (26)). The major strength of critical case study research in this contextis the combinedmeaning of the experience for the youth, the researcher\u2019s interpretation andthe fieldwork (16-19).The street youth project, then, has the potential of shedding lighton the little known phenomenaof Aboriginal street youth culture and identity.Appendices A, B, and C contain a complete list of the questions that served asguidelines forthe interviews. These questions were formulated after the research on methodologyand much ofthe contextual/background reading was completed. They are broadly broken down into four areas:1. Demographic information \u2014 from face sheets and from disclosed material during interviews;2. History \u2014 personal experience at home, in care and in institutions and their impact;3. Street life \u2014 history and present conditions, and street services utilization;4. Future aspirations and hopes for improving present conditions.Within these broad categories, section three guides the participant to talk about why they ran, theemotional impact of their history and present conditions on the street. The questions are open-endedso that within the context of sharing on the topics of shame, grief, and fear the participant had theopportunity to speak openly about a wide range of topics. They were able to identify abuse,exploitation, special or differential treatment on the street, racism, emotional issues such as loss, andidentity and cultural issues without being directly confronted with specific questions on subjectswhich are hard to place into context if a direct question is asked.40Carrying out the researchThe chronology of events in the research process wereas follows:*Design of the study and literature review, preparation for training and formulatingquestionareas;*Training, and site visits before the interviews were to take place;*Contextual information gathering \u2014 the researchers went out into the field andvisited youthstreet services personnel \u2014 exploring the city, participating in needle vans, riding withyouthdetail, visiting and interviewing street workers and co-ordinators of services;*Interviewing \u2014 contact with the participants, street youth, ex-street youth, parents of streetyouth and street services workers:*Debriefing \u2014 healing circle and talks;*Writing the research report \u2014 data analysis and interpretation from transcribed interviews,use of tapes, extensive consultation with research assistants, and use of contextual material;*Reconceptualization of report into a thesis.Many of these elements are discussed further in subsequent sections of this chapter.As a group of Aboriginal researchers the team needed to be cognizant of the precariousposition that we occupied in this study. We were inquiring into issues that were very close to eachof us as individuals and as Aboriginal people. At the same time we needed to avoid particular trapsof social science research that can predispose the interpretation of the data. For instance, anoveremphasis on the psychological characteristics could take us into a \u201Cblaming the victim\u201D trap(Ryan, 1971), and solutions resulting from this perspective could further individualize the youth andalienate them from their reality, peers, culture and communities. Therefore a macro analysis thatwould take into consideration individual characteristics, history, culture and the society which hasspawned street youth was critical. This approach might be expressed in the following manner:41*To place street youth, including behaviour patterns and individualmotivations, within alarger context (social structures of society);*To contextualize street youth personal situations within the larger socio-economicframeworkof urban society;*To stress that the institutions, agencies, legislation, government policy, etc. impacton andconstrain the behaviour, motivations and social interactions/relationships ofstreet youth.That is, people never act in a vacuum, and rarely do anything solely outof individualmotivation;*And to use historical developments (Indian Act, Indian Affairs, urban migration,the reservesystem and lack of educational and employment opportunities, other government policy [i.e.residential schools etc.]) to form the context/background of street youth behaviour.The time lines were set as follows:*January - April 1993 \u2014 Design of study, library search, and training development;*May - June 1993 \u2014 Contextual information gathering, site visits and interviewingparticipants;*July 1993 \u2014 Debriefing;*September - March 1994 \u2014 Data analysis and interpretation, additional site visits in somecases, and writing the research report;*December 1994 - January 1995 \u2014 Revision of the research report.*January - August 1995 \u2014 Reconceptualization of the report as a thesis.During the entire time from the training session in April 1993 until well into theinterpretation of data, there were many telephone contacts with all of the research assistants. Firstthere was on-going support for the research assistants while they were engaged in the interviews withthe youth. On one occasion I had to stay on the phone with a research assistant as a participant wastrying to forcibly enter her apartment. She had been dealing with stalking behaviour(this interview42and the person\u2019s participation in the study had to be discontinued becauseof extreme intoxicationand threatening behaviour). On many occasions the researchassistants just needed to vent feelingsof despair and anguish at the conditions on the street.Secondly, there were many times when I hadto check and recheck incidents reported by the youth on the tapes and to groundmy interpretations.Interpretation of the dataPerceptual description of Aboriginal youth on the street was not thegoal in this research.DeCastell and Walker (1991) state that this type of recounting of culture \u201Cnaturalizes, dehistoricizes,and renders seemingly unalterable, the situation that the ethnographer reports\u201D(18). We werelooking for the underlying causes for the overrepresentation of Aboriginal youth on the street andthe strengths present in street culture with which to build recommendations for the preventionoffurther suffering. The task was to conceptualize Aboriginal street youth behaviour taking intoaccount personal histories, attitudes reflected in service utilization, racial oppressionand culturalstrengths (Thomas, 1993:5 1).Jim Thomas (1993), for example, reveals the role of \u201Csymbolic identities\u201D in his study onprisoners \u2014 with race as the indicator.Racism in prisons occurs not only because of discriminatory practices, but alsobecause one\u2019s race connotes and denotes sets of meanings that define how one \u201Cdoestime.\u201D The label nigger is more than just a hostile epithet. It also carries connotativeconceptual baggage and implications for social interpretation and policy. Racebecomes a metaphor that conveys pictures about how prisoners should act in dealingwith the \u201Cniggers\u201D to whom the images pertain. Racially imbued images take on thecharacter of social myths by creating accounts, normative judgments, and actionsdirected toward a subordinate culture. The myths reproduce power relations bycreating and consolidating icons that reinforce stigma, define societal responses, andestablish the boundaries between the sacred dominant groups and profanesubordinate ones (52).Race as a concept results in the differential distribution of power and privilege and mediates howAboriginal youth live on the street. This became evident time and again in the case studies.In the data analysis and interpretation in this research there was always the danger of glossingover Aboriginal street youth issues by the constant comparison to mainstreamstreet youth.43Secondly, the danger of romanticizing their uniqueness was inhibiting.The greatest obstacle,however, was the fear of descending into the extreme depths of despair,depression, hopelessnessand helplessness with them. For all of these reasons the risk remainsof underestimating the depthof Aboriginal street youth loss and pain, the urgency of their searching,and their craving for peace.The analysis of street youth responses to the guiding questions wasa complex task becauseat times there were contradictions that surfaced. Thomas(1993) states that \u201Csometimes the gapbetween what the accounts described is sufficiently interesting that theaccounts themselves canbecome the focus of analysis\u201D (38). For example, why does Noella (Winnipeg)consistently avoidreferences to differential treatment? She reports that she does not perceiveany differential treatmentof herself in any context, in other words there is no racism(answer to direct question). Then shegoes on to describe overt racist behaviour toward herself(and other Aboriginal people) in differentcontexts. The avoidance and denial, on the one hand, and the eventual disclosure of overtdifferential treatment, on the other, is a discrepancy which is of interest in this case study. Her lifecircumstances are very similar to the other youth in this study.After the data collection was completed, there was, as mentioned earlier, a three daydebriefing period so that the research assistants could share their experiences and perceptions.Categories, themes, similarities, differences and unique circumstances, particularly with differencesin the demographics and sociology of the urban centres in question, were identified and noted.Since we were dealing with different municipal and provincial regulations, our debriefing washelpful and the sharing was integral to the analytical task.The analysis then took shape through the use of field journals, extensive telephone contactand visits to research assistants, feedback from research assistants on drafts of the case studies andthe final draft of the research report, tapes, transcripts, a literature review on street youth, newspaperarticles, videos, contextual information (interviews with street services personnel), a review of policyand social work practice which involves Aboriginal street youth, and multiple visits to each city with44tours of frequented areas with research assistants and street workers in needle vansand mobileemergency services.Primarily, the narratives spoke for themselves. There had been one commonexpectationbetween myself and those who interviewed the youth. This was before the interviewsbut after thetraining and much reading on the subject of Street youth. Upon entering the researchprocess, weas researchers each began to have our own agendas(stuff we wanted to make sure got said), andan urgency and distrust that the youth would be able to articulate what we hadcome to know,through our own experience or by entering the underground of street life, were urgent needs. Asthe interviews were completed, and the transcripts and tapes were reviewed, we realized that no onecould have articulated the complexities of street life and the needs of Aboriginal street youth betterthan they could. They had surpassed our naive and secret presumptions about their intelligence andultimately their needs. We unanimously agreed that their experience and maturity deserves itsprimacy in this study and that they deserve our respect for their tenacity and survival skills. Theydemonstrated pride in their survival skills and revelled in the knowledge that most of us wouldperish faced with their daily challenges.Reliability and validityIn the Aboriginal street youth case study research the goal was to ensure that the findingscould be recognized by the participants wherever possible by getting feedback from them. Becauseof street youth transient lifestyle and running behaviour, however, this was extremely difficult toobtain. In lieu of youth feedback the research assistants were repeatedly consulted on therecognizability of the youth participants in the case studies. They were satisfied that the participantswere accurately described and that the youth experience, as told to them, was authenticallyportrayed.Reliability is enhanced by several methods. The first is triangulation, which is using 11multiplemethods of data collection and analysis ... (Kirby and McKenna, 1989:172).\u201D This research used45contextual information, open-ended interviewing of parents and advocates, indepthcase studies andelements of participant observation. Anthropological, psychological and sociological analyticalapproaches were combined in the analysis. Detailed discussion of the underlying elements of thestudy, explanations of the context of the data collection, any identifiable biases toward the peoplebeing studied, and the basis for selecting participants (172) are included in the study. Finally adetailed description of the decision-making process, exactly how the study was done, how the datawas collected, and the choosing of themes all become integral parts of the study(173).Longitudinal or repeated study, or participatory methods(where the participant is involvedin the research from beginning to end) used for enhancing validity were not possiblebecause ofstreet youth transience and monetary and time constraints. So far as possible to allow for aparticipant-driven process an introductory interview was included to facilitate trust building.Participant rights and our responsibilities were laid out and the research process was explained inas much detail as possible. The youth were given the opportunity to review the type of questionsthey would be expected to respond to and in some cases the participants took the questions awaywith them prior to the first taped interview. The interviewers went to the participant\u2019s environmentand interviewed them in places where they felt comfortable. For instance, Etah refused to leave thestreet environment and reviewed the questions over several days. Dale similarly invited theinterviewer into his home after the second interview. And others went to the interviewer\u2019s homeafter introductory interviews. The youth were offered the opportunity to review their input and aquestion was asked if there was anything they wanted to add which had not been directly asked orindirectly been given opportunity for. The youth were informed and offered the opportunity toreview the contents of the study when a draft was completed: however, none were available whenthat time came.Triangulation was used once again by utilizing three separate interviewers and more than onemethod of confirming data (Merriam, 1988:169). The debriefing session(which was taped)46facilitated a collective approach to creating themes and detailed feedback wassought. More thanone level of peer review were in place for feedback of a technical nature. And the researcher\u2019sbiases are explicitly accounted for in the last section in this chapter.A multicase analysis, predetermined sampling (for example, the attempt to get predominantlyM\u00E9tis representation from Winnipeg) and question areas, and collective determination of themeswere used in order to ensure that if similar experiences began to emerge this was a result ofparticipant dialogue and not a result of process inconsistencies. In the present critical case studyanalysis of Aboriginal street youth the initial purpose was to tell their stories and the more practicalbusiness of evaluating, assessing, and information gathering with respect to the concrete conditionsand services for them. The ethnographic narratives were intended to be the substance for affectingpolicy and subsequently appropriate service delivery. Upon repeated examination of the transcriptsof the tapes, the contextual information (from all sources), and the research assistant journals, therewas no reason to believe that the youth were telling anything except what had actually happenedto them. The narratives did not show significant inconsistencies in the outcome. The indepth \u201Cthickdescription0nature of case study analysis allowed for exploration of difficult topics such as therelationship of Aboriginality and street youth experiences.ConstraintsAs well as the strengths of case study research listed here, this study has weaknesses thatrequire acknowledgement. A drawback, in working with the data, of having three separate assistantsto conduct the interviews with the participants with significantly different interpersonalcommunication styles, was noted. This condition may have resulted in a wide range of responsepatterns due to different abilities to gain trust and establish a comfort zone with the youth within ashort time period. For instance, one interviewer encouraged uninterrupted story like sessions whileguiding the story with short quietly stated question areas, whereas another interviewer activelybecame engaged in a question and answer periods (with frequent interruptions). The different styles47made compiling the case studies difficult and demanded the full use of tapedinterviews as well astranscriptions. However, the information gleaned by the process was not significantlydifferent incontent.Another difficulty with the diversity which the team presented was the different ways ofworking with written materials, recorded reactions and documenting interviewswith agencypersonnel. This ranged from extremely comprehensive, meticulous, and organizedto sparse,undated, and disorganized. For instance, one research assistant interviewed(and recorded) anexhaustive list of street-related personnel and had all of them sign consent forms, whilethe othersinterviewed fewer workers with little or no documentation. (Consent forms for agencypersonnelwere not required.) Needless to say, when one is working with thousands of pieces of information,an organized, well documented data pooi is very helpful.Sensitivity in the introductory period of the interviewing process was a critical stage in theresearch (Leenders &amp; Erskine, 1989). Webber (1991), in her book Street kids: The tragedy ofCanada\u2019s runaways, discusses distrust of social workers as a major obstacle to be overcome inentering into a collaborative relationship with street youth. In training the research assistants Iconcentrated on the interviewing process, on trust building and on developing an information baseabout street life from the literature review and from interviews with street services personnel.Although sensitivity is clearly an asset, and it also helped that all of the research assistants who wereinterviewing at the street level were Aboriginal people, we still needed people at the community(street) level who already had the trust of the youth. Potentially it could take several months or yearsto enter the trusted circle of people who have been repeatedly betrayed.The distrust of authority figures (especially anyone involved with the government) byalienated street youth is well known and understandable. The interviewer first had to becomesomewhat comfortable with the street and its culture, secondly to gain the trust of street agencyworkers, and finally to begin the near impossible task of establishing a transitory but stable48relationship with the youth themselves (who are very transient in the summer).Each depended onthe other.Street workers, (some of them) themselves street survivors, who had seenoccasions of futileand personal gain exploitation of street people by researchers, were reluctantto see the charadecontinue. They were extremely cautious about referrals. In more than one casethe worker refusedto allow a second researcher (myself) to meet the participant. It was decided thatI would notattempt to \u201Ccome along\u201D since I was not involved in the entire interview process. Perhaps, due tothis caution, we may have been referred to youth who could \u201Chandle it\u201D \u2014 so to speak. Althoughthere was no evidence that Etah (Vancouver) was referred by workers to other researchers, sheindicated previous experience with interviews.In addition to the primary obstacle of distrust from participants and street workers, asecondary drawback was having to depend exclusively on the street workers for referral ofparticipants. This meant that we could not say for sure how or why particular persons were chosenfor participation in the study and this aspect was not discussed in the interviews. Nor could wemake sure that we did not have all the same type of street youth in each city, for example alloutgoing, relatively self-assured youth who were perceived as easy to interview, or conversely toughenough to withstand a probing endeavour. It also meant that we were unable to fulfil the idyllicrepresentational scheme that we had begun with. For instance, we could not demand four peopleof M\u00E9tis ancestry from Winnipeg and four people of Inuit background from Montreal. While everyeffort was made to fulfil this goal we had to take whomever street workers provided. Male/femalerepresentation in individual cities was skewed; however, overall a close to proportionalrepresentation was achieved.A more practical reason for choosing to go with the more conservative method of participantreferral was concern for the research assistants\u2019 physical safety. The street is notan inviting placeto be, even in the daytime. At night the scene is treacherous. At the best of times the street is49depressing; at its worst it is dangerous. The research assistants put themselvesat considerable riskin order to become familiar with the street, to accompany street agency workers on their rounds, andto meet potential collaborators. Since private contractors are not insured under Royal Commissionbenefits they could not be asked to place themselves in jeopardy. As noted earlier, we had at leastone instance of stalking by a would-be participant of the project.Agency staff were, at times, reluctant to discuss their involvement, or lack thereof, withAboriginal street youth. These agency representatives became defensive on any mention ofunderutilization of their service by Aboriginal youth or racism within the street youth industry.Overall, however, agency workers were co-operative and gave us great insight into youth streetlifeand utilization of street services.There was a problem with the original age range chosen as parameters for the research.Although we raised the age of the participants from 12 to 18 to 14 to 20(with Travis in Winnipegas an exception because he and Noella are treated as a couple), most are under 18 years which isunder the legal age of consent in all of the provinces. This presented a problem with respect toinformed consent and legal guardianship. We were informed that the participants could giveconsent to participate in the study (with the younger participants we also requested parentalconsent). Laws are in effect, however, that mandate social workers, teachers and other public andsocial service workers to report the abuse of a minor to criminal justice or child protectionauthorities.In Manitoba, for example, The Child and Family Services Act (1985-86, c.8 \u2014 ChapterC80)statutory reporting requirements state:Duty to report: 18(2) Notwithstanding the provisions of any other Act, subsection(1) applies when where the person has acquired the information through thedischarge of professional duties or within a confidential relationship, but nothing inthis subsection abrogates any privilege that may exist because of the relationshipbetween a solicitor and the solicitor\u2019s client (22.1)50Since abuse is probable in the lives of street youth, we had to inform participants that anyunreported abuse of a minor would be reported to appropriate authorities and that a child at large,known to the research assistant, would have to be reported(and in one instance it became necessaryto report a runaway youth). Therefore youth may have been afraid of the repercussions of disclosureof abuse, may have been protecting a significant adult person who was abusing, or may have beenafraid of pimps or drug dealers. They would ostensibly be resistant then to discussing current andon-going abuse and of being on the run. This appears to be the case particularly with the youngerparticipants.A drawback of a technical nature occurred because the Commission hired the persons thattranscribed the taped interviews, and while this meant that I did not have to worry about this aspectof the study, a problem with this arrangement occurred. Considerable time was required to read andreread the transcripts and to check them against the tapes, because large pieces of the interviewswere left out of the transcripts. Transcribers, for instance, might leave a note on the transcript,\u201CNote: skipped part \u2014 rambles on\u201D (Jean-Marc, p.24, transcript 2). Other times no note was left.This made the interpretation of the interviews difficult.Other obstacles originate from monetary and time constraints which are common drawbacksin research. The writing stage, which involved ten case studies from lengthy transcriptions and hoursof interview audio-tape, was a lengthy and arduous process. I decided that as much detail aspossible would be left in the case study report and that every effort would be made to make thevoice of the participants the focus of the study. In keeping with this goal only those issues, policiesand services that were directly mentioned in the case studies were analyzed. For the report to theRoyal Commission I resisted the urge to intellectualize or to treat Aboriginal street youth experiencelike an academic subject in favour of insisting on the primacy of Aboriginal street youth voices. Thethesis incorporates a mainstream academic context into the study.51The two and a half months allotted for research assistants to do data collection in the fieldwas insufficient for the type of agencies and quality of contact with participants required in the study.Rather six months was needed for them to gain the trust of alienated youth, to meet the challengeof exploring the terrain of the street youth, and to get interviews with street workers who areundervalued, overworked, underpaid, and who are at the same time protective of their children.The numerous agencies and government departments that touch the lives of street youth arecomplex, competitive and overextended \u2014 without exception. In many instances it took manytelephone calls and missed appointments to get in to see a busy counsellor or co-ordinator. Thetime constraints were more noticeable in the relationship building and termination stages of theinterviews.Corresponding to the constraints caused by the short timeframe was the project budget. Anextended budget would have afforded more time for contextual information gathering, choosing ourown collaborators, extended timeframes for interviews, relationship building and closure time.Secondly, the issue of researchers spending extended periods of time with extremely destitute youthwith no means to recover expenses could have been avoided. Thirdly, more large urban centres,such as Calgary and the maritime city of Halifax, could have been added.Reflections as an Aboriginal personA second instance from my childhood is salient in reflecting on the research process thattouches on Aboriginal culture and identity. I had the opportunity to closely observe two distinctlydifferent manifestations of cultural self-esteem within my extended family. I was raised by myparents in very close proximity (although not in the same house) to my grandparents; therefore, I haddaily access to both generations. First I must add that geographically my reserve is situated too farnorth for the early agricultural contact with White people, and too far south to be very affected bythe fur trade. Because of this location, and because of extensive racism in the area, we were prettymuch left alone for a long time. My grandparents did not speak English nor had they gone to52mainstream schools. They were, however, respected pillars in thecommunity. My mother, on theother hand, had been taken to the residential school from ages 10-16.I began to observe, early in life, the difference in personal and cultural pride between thetwo generations. My grandparents exhibited a strength of character and cultural pride(in any setting)which was exemplary and nearly absent in my mother. She would instead makestatements to us(children) which indicated she did not like our Indianness. Her self-esteem was poor particularlyaround White people. She felt inadequate. This became a constant source of pain and curiosity.Although I resolved that I must look to my grandparents for strength and simply tolerate my mother\u2019sdifference, I did not know until much later in life that my mother\u2019s resocialization in residentialschool and subsequent domestic and very punitive, hard labour with a White family were theprobable cause for our suffering. Nevertheless, observing and analyzing colonial impact vis-\u00E1-visAboriginal culture and identity became an early passion.Thomas (1993) states that there is a fine line between \u201Cgoing native\u201D and \u201Cgoing over to theother side.\u201D This was an ever present caution in the research process. \u201CGoing native\u201D means to loseone\u2019s identity in the culture under study; \u201Cgoing over to the other side\u201D means to \u201Cto give up ourscientific persona and substitute the norms of the new culture for the canons of science\u201D(48). SinceI was an Aboriginal social worker in the process of research with Aboriginal street youth there wasa triple affinity. First, I am professionally involved in social change primarily with Aboriginalchildren. Secondly, I am of the same cultural background, and thirdly I have the same societalmarginal status. It helped that research assistants conducted the actual interviews and that I havealways been distanced from street life.There was, however, an interesting phenomena with my explicitly political stance. For thelast twenty years of my work and studies in working directly with racism and the impact ofcolonization, and having been covertly (and sometimes overtly) ostracized by both mainstream andAboriginal institutions for being critical, I was now hired because of my personal and political53perspective. I had explored the impact of research on my community. And I was cynical. Whenthe research had begun in earnest I became frightened that, after all my intellectualand emotionalexploration of Aboriginal issues (particularly withchildren) and critique of research paradigms, Icould not do these children justice. This made an already emotionallydifficult proposition nearimpossible. My fear was very disconcerting, after all, I was tough as nails inmy own resistanceto (things like) being treated like a \u201Ctoken Indian\u201D in academia. For instance,\u201Cafter I had acquiredmy graduate degree\u201D I received a call from a sociologist to come to a classto come and tell themabout the \u201Ctraditional Aboriginal family.\u201D Assuming this would be the sum total of Aboriginalcontent in this course, I answered curtly, \u201CYou must have the wrong number, I can only discuss howit was destroyed.\u201D (In any event, I went and gave a history of colonization and racism and its impacton the family.) This and many other instances of resistance were and are valued parts of my identityas an Aboriginal person. Now I was to be on the same side of the struggle and it meant maybenothing would change. I would rather be a street worker than engage in an act of futility.The tension between actively working for social change and remaining \u201Cscientificallyobjective\u201D was a cultural as well as a political and academic dilemma. Culturally, for me, to remainobjective in an encounter is to come without spirit \u2014 without substance. You cannot be trusted.This contradiction needed to be resolved. Critical case study analysis is the reporting of thesubjective experience of participants through specificity of description, and is no less \u201Cscientific\u201D or\u201Cobjective\u201D with the explicit inclusion of the researcher\u2019s perspective or bias \u2014 politically orculturally. \u201CObjectivity,\u201D in this sense, \u201Csimply means taking the intellectual risk of being provendemonstrably wrong\u201D (Thomas, 1993:1 7). I was less afraid of the intellectual risk.Because of the paucity of relevant information in the social sciences, the great distancesbetween sites, and the part-time nature of the research, I found the process very isolating andemotionally arduous. The compilation of the case studies, which took countless hours of working54with tapes and transcripts, was extremely painful. I cannot say how many times I cried everytimeI approached further work on the case studies. It was never easy.As a team of Aboriginal researchers the process was equally difficult. We had to cope withthe grim reality that unfolded before us in the field. This was extremely difficult emotionally. Wewere faced with the culmination of abuse and oppression in our own image \u2014 in our children. Formany of us this experience brought back images of our own abuse and oppression in the city \u2014 inour own country. At the end of the data collection phase, we gathered in Vancouver in order toshare our experiences. We first conducted a traditional healing circle with all of the research teampresent, we needed to debrief the sorrow, pain and helplessness that we were feeling.We told our stories, we cried, and we supported each other. All of us experienced anguishat entering the lives of destitute Aboriginal street youth and leaving, not knowing if anything wouldbe done in time to alleviate the suffering in the lives we had touched. One researcher stated thatshe simply sat down on the curb and cried a number of times. Others wrote messages of despairin their field journal. Others yet came face to face, in the voice of the youth, with their own identityand cultural issues. Some interviewers were called derogatory names by the youth which indicatedtheir distrust in Aboriginal people who appeared to have sold out to mainstream society; that hurtdeeply. Others needed to express the extreme disgust upon entering the world of the exploiter ofAboriginal children. In the end, we gained extreme respect for the survivors of Canadian society\u2019scollective abuse. Our lives were profoundly changed by our experience.Having begun our process of healing we set upon the task of descrambling our data.Categories, differences, similarities, and trends were identified. Cities were closely scrutinized.Where were the major hot spots and why? Where were the Aboriginal ghettos? What difficultieswere experienced in the field? All became a part of the final product.Another indicator of self-identification in the research process is shown in a paper entitled\u201CAboriginal communities and social science research: Voyeurism in transition\u201D (Gilchrist, 1994)55which I presented at an international conference for WUNSKA(a national network of Aboriginalsocial work educators). There I examine research methods vis-\u00E1-vis cultural values and historyandthe obstacles the practice of research presents to the Aboriginalcommunity. In this process I hadto analyze classical social science methods and juxtapose these with my values as an Aboriginalperson.Some of these cautions were taken into consideration in the street youth research context.The value free objective underlying conventional research method indicates(in an Aboriginalcontext) that a researcher does not show respect by acknowledging the possible sources ofprejudgment or imposition of interpretation. Everyone is socialized in context and comes withattitudes and symbolism that are mediated by race, class, culture, sexual orientation, ability andgender. It is a matter of respect, integrity and accountability to identify oneself and one\u2019s positionin the greater scheme of things. Ahistoricity engendered by most research does not pay homage tothe ancestors or orality and obscures the totality of life experience. Individualization of subjectsdisregards the Aboriginal cultural value of the collective, therefore, cultural relevance iscompromised. In this research I am accountable for these values. \u201Ckapitipis e-pimohteyahk:Aboriginal street youth in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal\u201D was conceptualized and carried outfrom the beginning with respect for the participants, for the research assistants, for myself, for theprocess itself, and for those who provided this opportunity.How did this research process affect me as an Aboriginal person? It has concretized someof my cultural and political theoretical ravings about research. I know what I will and will not do,and I know why. I am further resolved to create social change, not only out there where the needis most obvious, but in our knowledge production.Among us, traditionally, the scholars are the servants of the people. The \u2018People\u2019reign supreme, by virtue of their right to approve or disapprove actions in all areasof life, and by reason of their prerogative to protect individual and tribal rights. Andlet the scholars spend \u2018their very lives\u2019 and energies to the service of the people(Costa, 1970 in La Framboise &amp; Plake (1983)).56Chapter 3. VancouverThe city of Vancouver is the third largest in Canadaand currently has the highest real estatesvalue in North America. It is on a peninsula, located inthe southwest corner of mainland BritishColumbia, surrounded by Burrard Inlet, the Strait of Georgia and the Fraser River.MetropolitanVancouver has an area of 2787 square kilometres while the city of Vancouver itselfis only 114square kilometres. The populations of Vancouver and Metropolitan Vancouver are 477,872 and1,602,500 respectively.The climate in Vancouver is quite mild, the summers are warm and dry and the winters arequite rainy with annual precipitation of approximately 1257.7 mm, whichis mostly rain in thewinter. The temperatures range from an average of 2.8 degrees celsius(27 degrees fahrenheit) inJanuary to July temperatures that average 17.2 degrees celsius(63 fahrenheit). Vancouver attractsmany people because of its mild climate and natural beauty and diversity \u2014 for transient people theclimate allows them to live in relative comfort with minimal shelter(The Canadian Encyclopedia,1988).Major industries include: tourism, the port, natural resources (logging, mining, agriculture,fishing), manufacturing, services, finance (international banking centre and head offices for provincialindustries, banks, government, and other financial institutions) and film making. It is also a majorNorth American port so it has extensive economic ties with the other countries of the Pacific Rim(Vancouver Board of Trade).Cox (1993) stated that the total population of people reporting Aboriginal origin in BritishColumbia has risen by 33% since 1986 \u2014 from 126,625 to 169,036 in 1991. Just under 80% ofthose people live off-reserve (Valentine, 1993). In 1991 the population of Aboriginal people wasapproximately 2 per cent or about 25,000 people in the city of Vancouver (Aboriginal Peoples\u2019Survey, 1991). Now there are 42,795 people of Aboriginal decent in the city, the third highestAboriginal urban population in the country (Valentine,1993). There is a high density of reserves57and Aboriginal communities in and around Vancouver. The area alongthe mainland coast to thenorthwest and interior regions, up through the Fraser Rivervalley and much of Vancouver Island isheavily populated by Aboriginal people, who have relativelyeasy access to the city.The Executive Director of the Urban Representative Body of Aboriginal NationsSociety(usually called URBAN Society) of Vancouver, Tim Michel stated thatthey represent 38 Aboriginalorganizations and he estimates there are 90 organizations altogether(provincial, federal andgrassroots) in Greater Vancouver area (70 in Vancouveralone). Michel believes that the Aboriginalpopulation census statistics are incorrect and that approximately 120,000 - 150,000live inVancouver, North Vancouver, Surrey, Richmond and other surrounding areas (includingreserves).In Vancouver the eastside is heavily populated by Aboriginal people and other minorities.Poverty, unemployment, housing shortage, crime and high welfare tolls are concentrated in this area.Forty-eight women have died violently in the Vancouver downtown eastside in the last 11 years,seventy-five percent of whom were Aboriginal women(Huaka, 1993 a &amp; b). A 1990 city healthreport stated that women in the area can expect to live nine years less than womenin the wholemetropolitan area (Gram, 1993).Although the Granville Mall area of Vancouver gets most of the media attention because itis a gentrified area, and it is where the stereotypical street youth(i.e. punks and skinheads) hang out,mostly White street youth frequent the Mall. Most Aboriginal youth are situated on the eastside.\u201CKids in the eastside are more poverty stricken and destitute\u201D said a director of a street youth facility.Vancouver has an estimated 400-450 street youth, approximately 60 percent of whom areAboriginal youth. The Social Planning Council estimated 300-400 in 1990(Social Planning Council,Vancouver, 1990). If you add all categories it is more like 1200 (part time, entrenched, yuppieweekenders and curb kids) street youth that reside in Vancouver, particularly in the summer. Streetyouth in general come from everywhere in Canada (27% from lower mainland; 30% rest of B.C.;39% elsewhere in Canada; 6\u00B0I Vancouver homes according to the Social Planning Council of58Vancouver, 1990) and very few come from within thecity. Missy, a former street youth fromVancouver, stated that there are a number of Aboriginal youth who are intergenerationalstreetpeople. In some instances the daughter is on one Street corner and the mother is onthe other.Three other areas that street youth hang out at are: Downtown south consisting of severalblocksaround Seymour and Davie Street, Seymour Street and Richards Street(\u201Cthe stroll\u201D); Downtowneastside consisting of Hastings Avenue and Main Street, Hastings up to Victoria Street; andMountPleasant consisting of Broadway Avenue on either side of Fraser Street.Case studiesThe street youth in Vancouver who participated in the study were selected with the assistanceof a street youth worker at Downtown Eastside Youth Activities Society(DEYAS) which is situatednear the intersection of Hastings and Main in Vancouver. This district is where the skid row barsstand like worn out soldiers all in a row, and where most of hard core street people of Aboriginalancestry spend much of their time.Etah, Joanne, and Karen, perhaps, each present an atypical image of what we think of asstreet youth. They each are unique in their background circumstance, their journey into streetculture, and in their current situation and levels of development. There is no evidence that theyouth represented in this study from Vancouver know each other.Etah and Joanne seem to hang out in roughly the same areas which range from the GranvilleMall, the westend and less so in the eastend of Vancouver. They are highly transient and move fromcity to city, and they both have an exterior punk style. This is where the similarityends. Etah is anine year street resident who is dedicated to her lifestyle with protest determination. Serious andcautious, she more closely resembles the stereotype of \u201Cstreet kid,\u201D the one who has embraced themind in perpetual survival mode \u2014 one who would find it a compromise to submit to easy streetin a society that is dying of greed. Joanne, on the other hand, is a happy-go-lucky young person,a more immature two year visitor on the street, a young woman who hangs out in the downtown59Granville area with a group of teenagers and who is intransition into an independent livingsituation. Joanne laughs easily and does not exhibitthe fatalistic outlook that is evident with Etah.Karen is another story. She is removed from much of theyouth peer related activity. Sheis flirting with hard core skid row life. Karen\u2019s older siblingsare veterans of Vancouver\u2019s Hastingsand Main district and her street peer group are older(skid row bar waiters and waitresses). Karenoften \u201Cstays\u201D at downtown hotel dwellings with friends. She disappearsfor weeks into the void ofurban downtown poverty. Etah and Joanne do not describe this phenomenonas a main referencepoint. They have chosen to join a street family consisting of non-relatives whoare also street youth.They are highly transient and can look after themselves. Karen who is twoyears younger, as far aswe know, has not left Vancouver.ETAHIt\u2019s like an instinct to a child when they\u2019re born. They get born into a world ofwrath and to protect that child instinct of themselves, the innocence of themselves,they start building their walls so that all the hatred will bounce right off them andso they become very arrogant and everything becomes really lonely(p.15, transcript2).Etah is a 17 year old young woman born on a reserve near Calgary, Alberta. She is of TsuuTina ancestry and a nine year very street wise, highly transient veteran of the streets in various citiesin the United States and Canada. She had just arrived from New Orleans, Louisiana, the week wemade first contact. In early June 1993, when the first interviews took place, Etah was \u201Csquatting\u201Din an abandoned house near Stanley Park in Vancouver, by the end of our dialogue she had movedto another squat, by herself, in the downtown area. She survives by dumpster diving, tablescrapping and panhandling and she receives an independent living allowance from welfare.As the street youth worker had described, Etah arrived for the first interview looking like whatmight be described as a typical young \u201Cpunk\u201D type person of the streets. She had pierced rings inher nose, eyebrows and several in each ear, and she wore many rings on her fingers, which weretopped off with numerous bracelets and necklaces. She was carrying an army knapsack and her60clothes were very tattered and very dirty. Her long dyed green hair was shavedon the top of herhead. This style, she related later, reflects her distinctiveness.Etah is highly intelligent and needs very badly to stay in total control of her complicated life.She demands to have the guiding questions a couple of days before the actual interview so that shecan think about her response. Even then, she insists that the interviewer not ask anything that is noton the sheet in front of her. In her likable and courteous manner she tells the interviewer not to putwords in her mouth as she recites, in a semi-monotone but melodious voice, the events of her life.Even though Etah was nervous and spoke quite fast at the onset of the interview she becametalkative, however, there remains a distinct feeling that she is not telling you everything. Perhapsshe did not want to implicate those close to her.Characteristically, she declined an invitation to go to the interviewer\u2019s house in favour ofstaying on her \u201Cown ground.\u201D The interviews took place in parks that she frequented andMcDonald\u2019s restaurant on the Granville Mall. In this environment she seems fearless and \u201Cat home.\u201DShe elegantly places her knife (her protection) on the table as she eats voraciously with her fingersand ends the feast by stocking up on the condiments available in the restaurant. During the contactfor this research, however, Etah would betray a very real vulnerability. For instance, she reveals,When I do things like this [referring to interviews with researchers], I have a way ofgoing through things without showing much emotion, just trying to deal with theproblem and then all the feelings will come out a lot later from now. So it usuallyworks out (p.5, transcript 2).Later on in the interview she lets slip that she uses a medical clinic for \u201Canxiety attacks\u201D among otherthings.Historywell so I pretty much thought that I was a factory child with nineteen brothersand sisters, but I know none of them (p.7, transcript 1).Etah is the eldest of nineteen half brothers and sisters from various combinations of blendedfamilies. She doesn\u2019t say where her mother (also Aboriginal) is from, only just that her mom had61\u201Cjust run away and ended up on the reservation with my father ... and here I am.\u201D(She is referringto her status Aboriginal biological father.)Then my mother took off a while after that and I have about 19 brothers andsistersfrom there on. My father got married to several different wives on his side andended up just having them, and my mother ended up on one side with another manand just ended up having a whole bunch of kids. I have about three brothers andsisters on my mother\u2019s side and about 16 brothers and sisters on my father\u2019s side.I am kind of in the middle and I don\u2019t have any brothers or sisters that have beenborn of the same mother and father (p.1\u00B0, transcript1).Etah and her mother left the reserve when Etah was five years old. Afterfour(ish) tumultuousand mobile years (the reserve, Richmond, Maple Ridge, Edmonton, Burnaby,Vancouver) with hermother Etah, having quit school in grade six, moved into the \u201Cchild in care\u201D system for a briefperiod, and then onto the \u201Cfreedom\u201D of the street. There has been no contact with her mother andmaternal siblings in a few years, nor has she met most of her paternal half siblings.Etah met her father in the last two years, still a resident of the reserve. \u201CI don\u2019t usually callhim father,\u201D she qualifies her salutation, \u201CIf I wasn\u2019t doing this report ....\u201C Her meetings with himare half remembered hazes of alcohol delirium. \u201CWhenever I met him I\u2019d get drunk for a coupleof days and wake up in a different city.\u201DOn her trips to the reserve Etah has met an array of relatives on her father\u2019s side. An uncle,her grandmother and a new half sister (born May 25, 1993) are named as significant people in herlife. Although the reserve does not enter as a possible place for a future home, Etah never indicateda distaste for the reserve setting or the people there, nor did she glorify them.I know my uncle on my father\u2019s side \u2014 my father\u2019s brother, I know my grandmother,I know a lot of the uncles and aunts but I have a really hard time remembering themcause I just been to the reservation a couple of times and when I was there, therewas a big full room of people. A whole bunch of people came out to me andbasically said, \u2018Oh, I knew you when you were a baby,\u2019 she stopped and gave mea big hug and I didn\u2019t remember their names. Supposedly I met about 50 people onmy father\u2019s side that I was really related to and don\u2019t know any of my mother\u2019sbrothers or sisters or grandparents or any people like that except her. I know one ofmy sisters [on mother\u2019s side] (p. 10, transcript 1).62Although the contact with her \u201Cfather\u2019s\u201D family is fairlytentative, Etah will return to the reserve tosee the new baby. This seems like a scene that will be repeated againand again until she doesremember everybody\u2019s name.On the streetsSurvival is a pretty easy thing physically. Mentally, survival is pretty hardbut yougo it on a day by day basis, if you are patient (p.3, transcript3).Etah relates that the first time she ran she was five years old. \u201CI ran all theway to the frontbush ... The first time I was on the streets was when my mother leftmy father and she lived on thestreets for a while and I was pretty lost.\u201D Etah describes herjourney toward confirmed street lifebeginning at the age of nine with an incident in her single parent Vancouver home.When I was about 9 years old, it was Christmas Eve anda lot of things were addingup to my anger and I had said something and a lot of things were addingup tomother\u2019s anger. I had said something and it really offended her, so my motherand that\u2019s basically how I got on the street. I ended up getting picked up by thepolice and being put back into the [foster] home for about a period of 4 weeks. Afterthat, I got into a fight with my mother about going to school because I was really sickand so we got into a fight and I got really angry. It ended up where she phoned thepolice and on my way to school I got picked up by about 3 cop cars. I got put intoa group home where I ran from .... The third group home a was very manipulatinggroup home. I felt pretty much boxed in and really used because their childrenthat they were supporting them a lot more than they were supporting us which isunderstandable because it was their own flesh and blood. But what wasn\u2019tunderstandable was the fact that they were taking on the responsibility of other livesand using the money that they got from us to support their own children. And inthat way it really made me angry so I would do things to the point where it wouldpiss them off so that they would kick me out, so that I would have to be runningfrom the police so I can just live without being chased. They kicked me outexpecting me to run back to my mother and I ended up not running back to mymother and going downtown .... (p.3, transcript 1).The interim between arriving on the street and meeting her mentor \u201Cwho brought me back toa squat\u201Cwas described like this:When I got on the streets I went pretty much from building to building, living inlaundromats and eating what I could and then I met a girl and I went out to adifferent part of the street where I cleaned up peoples\u2019 houses because I thought itwould be nice because they were letting me live with them. And I slept betweenthere and China Creek Park on Broadway. And I lived with them for a long time andthen ended up downtown and from downtown I ended up squatting and have beensquatting ever since (p.1, transcript 1).63Although Etah states that she was not running from anything inparticular, except that:I did not like where I was before and I didn\u2019t like the cages that I was putin fromschool, I didn\u2019t like the levels that I was categorized to be, thejudgement that I wasgiven. I didn\u2019t like having the lifestyle that I had and the streets seema little bitmore free than the place that I was (p.3, transcript 1).Etah was disillusioned with society\u2019s norms and she needed freedom. Etahdoes not explicitly statewhy she did not return to her mom. A statement later in the interview, \u201CI hada great fear of oldermen,\u201D may or may not indicate a possible exacerbating factor in problems betweenmother anddaughter.Etah has been highly transient (or should we say, well travelled) and has experienced life onthe streets in Vancouver and Victoria in British Columbia; Toronto, and Snake Island, in Ontario;Montreal, Val D\u2019or (group home), and Amos in Quebec; from Seattle, Washington to New Orleans,Louisiana, and all points in between. Much of this travel is with friends from the street andsometimes she travels alone. She makes the method of travel sound so simple, \u201Chitchhiking andriding the rails.\u201D Her travel wise method of keeping her head about her and relating to people ona person to person level has kept her safe.Survival on the streets, Etah says, is not a physical matter so much as survival of the mind,as she nonchalantly describes physical survival.Well, I dumpster dive a lot, which means that I go into dumpsters and rummagearound \u2014 find what I can, leave what I can\u2019t use. I go into establishments and drinkcoffee and whenever somebody finishes and leaves, and they leave a little bit of foodbehind, I kind of swipe it, eat it, do that till I finish with my hunger. Either that orsomebody will come downtown with a little bit extra money and buy me somethingto eat ... or I\u2019ll panhandle until I can make enough, sometimes I go down to drugstreet ... and get meal tickets ... I go out and get food that way ... I basically wear thesame clothes for about a year and then once they\u2019ve disintegrated off my body I\u2019llfind a new set of clothes somewhere \u2014 rummaging around in different dumpsters,different squats, I\u2019ll find something \u2014 wear that for another year, until theydisintegrate(p.11, transcript 1).Physical safety and warmth are a never ending preoccupation with homeless people. Thecity offers some refuge from the weather at strategic orifices, from which the city exhales its warm64stale exhaust, and in its decayed cavities. Etah describesthe squat and some of the conditions theyencounter in them in this way:The squat is basically an abandoned building that nobody is really using,so we useit. Cause we have really pretty much no where else to go. It shelters fromthe rain.On the odd chance you run into a lot of people \u2014 you run into a lotof weirdmistakes. But after a while you get pretty much cautious and you take precautions.Basically squat lice ... there are a lot of things going on right now at squats, likesquatrats and stuff like that. I remember somebody asking me saying like, \u2018Somebodyowns that, somebody pays money for that.\u2019 Pretty much money to me isjust toiletpaper so, then nobody really owns anything ... only what they got inside theirheadsyou know. If there is something that you need you have to pay money for it.Imean there are a lot of kids out there that are on the streets that need a placeto goand sleep and if it\u2019s there they are not going to do it [pay for lodging] becauseit\u2019s notprovided for them, you know (p.6, transcript 1). I basically go between ... I\u2019vegonebetween more than two squats because I\u2019ve travelled a lot and run into alot ofdifferent squats and basically going to abandoned buildings, live there secure, getelectricity by getting candles, getting water from jugs and bringing them backto thesquat and securing it .... Let\u2019s see, in the United States, when I was travelling I slepta lot by the railroad tracks in a cardboard box. I went also to Arizona ... lived in acardboard condominium which is put together with cardboard and wood, andyoucan basically make it into a tree house. I\u2019ve slept on moving trains, I\u2019ve slept on theside of the road, just basically surviving, I\u2019ll sleep in the forest like on the island. Iwill usually sleep by the camp fire \u2014 get a tree or a tire just put it over amongst thetrees. Basically I\u2019ve been into some really neat squats. They were fourteen storieshigh, we had keys to get in, they were so well put together \u2014 a lot of people livedthere. If they tore that place down they took a lot of peoples\u2019 homes away. Squatsare kind of a lot more, of a person on the street\u2019s, home than I think anybody else\u2019shome because it has a lot more emotions and a lot more feeling in a squat than anyother(p.11, transcript 1). I remember one time in the winter I was living in a squatand it was really cold and I didn\u2019t have any blankets. Well, I had this bag that aplace called S.K.I.D. gave to me and it had kind of a blanket in it but it wasn\u2019t reallythat big and I got really cold. I went out to the mall and it was opened and I walkedin and I was just going in there to warm up and I got kicked out. I was really upsetbecause I was so cold and I didn\u2019t have any money. A lot of things like that havehappened and not much you can do about it except you try to do as muchas youcan (p.3, transcript 3).Etah is knowledgable about AIDS and birth control. Since leaving a two year relationship(some time ago) she says she has been celibate and she has tested negative for AIDS. In thatrelationship \u201Cwho I was married to \u2014 not under the law\u201D Etah became pregnant with twins. Shedescribes the relationship and her ordeal:He\u2019s practically the last person I got together with. A significant person I shared agreat deal of my life with him and I ended up getting pregnant with him to the pointwhere I was 5 months pregnant. I was in a town that was really alien to me and65didn\u2019t have any ID so I was also in a town calledAmos where they don\u2019t really haveany services for people on the street. I ended up having tolive off of dry bread thatwe got out of the garbage and dried donuts from TimHorton\u2019s (that they threwout)and I got really sick and lost one of the children in mystomach. The city, well theprovince of Quebec, decided that it would biodegrade insidemy stomach so theyweren\u2019t going to take it out and that really didn\u2019t makeme feel comfortable and asthe days passed on I knew that I would have a very hard timetaking care of a child,so I moved back to Vancouver for a period of a monthand gave my child awayfiguring that it wasn\u2019t ready to come in into this world,but it was still ... the childthe two children that were inside my stomach were agreat significance in my life aswell, cause they were there, they were alive. Also, Edwardtook care of me whenI couldn\u2019t take care of myself, didn\u2019t ask for anything in return,he didn\u2019t do anythingthat I didn\u2019t want him to do. And we shared a lot of life togetherand that\u2019s why hewas a significant person in my life (p.8, transcript1).Etah indicates a cautionary attitude towards drugs and addiction, although she uses alcohol.I\u2019m pretty much drug wise ... I see a lot of people getting into drugs because it\u2019s adifferent reality from the reality they live in \u2014 it\u2019s kind of like a fake happiness tillthey can find their happiness \u2014 if they ever find their happiness (p.2, transcript3).In her travels Etah encounters an enormous amount of drug abuse and has herselfused many drugs\u201Cwhen I was younger.\u201D Upon returning from her last trip to the United States (early June,1993) sheheard that three people she knew had died of heroin overdoses and five other friends had seriouslyoverdosed. Death and dying, from drug overdose, suicide, violence and abuserelated causes, areno stranger to Etah. She laments that her friend was \u201Creally sad and really angry\u201D and relates hisexperience to many others on the street who don\u2019t know where to direct their rage. Etah\u2019s commenton her friend\u2019s passing goes deeper than the hopeless statement about happiness being \u201Cat least\u201Dpossible in death, she completes her thoughts by extending her scathing criticism to the entirehuman race.If they are dead at least they might have a chance at happiness because, you know,it\u2019s really hard to get happiness in a world as rotten as this and it\u2019s not even theworld that is rotten. I\u2019d like to say it\u2019s white trash, but I know it isn\u2019t just white trash.I think its just basically that the human race is the most dangerous species on thisplanet (p.14, transcript 2).66It is very likely that Etah is in the early stages of mourning forthe people whom she calls her \u201Cstreetfamily.\u201D And it is also likely that a similar scenario is too familiarto Aboriginal people, far abovethe average of any other ethnic group, in Canada.The massive assaults on the dignity of Street youth in general, and Aboriginal street youth inparticular, are but the precursors to the inevitable magnetic force of the drug addiction and suicidalbehaviour on the street alluded to in Etah\u2019s story. Etah relates examples of how she is ridiculedfortrying to sing for money on the streets, where catching a ride is takento mean you are willing to sellyourself, where she\u2019s been asked to help recruit \u201Clittle Aboriginal runaways\u201D (girls) into prostitution,and about an Aboriginal male friend who became a prostitute at age 11.We cannot appreciate the cutting edge of being pushed out of a truck in the middleof theGolden Gate Bridge, being denied a place to sleep (in a squat), or being laughed at for trying tomake an honest dollar in favour of the ever forceful demand for sex.I almost got ran over and then these other people picked me up and gave me a rideacross [the bridge] because I wouldn\u2019t give him a blow job ... \u2018This is the UnitedStates girl, you\u2019re going to have to suck me off before you get money out of mypockets\u2019 (p.3, transcript 3).is the reply to almost any attempt to satisfy street youth needs for survival in some legitimatemanner. \u201CThey just can be so fake, lustful and greedy, they just turn into these little bugs,\u201D she statesabout her tormentors.Prostitution, although Etah thought about it once and it still plays a part in her life in that sheknows many people who are working in the industry, does not hold the attraction for her that it doesfor others. She is \u201Cnot materialistic\u201D and she sees through the promises of love and protection. Toresist prostitution in a lifestyle where hooking is one ready means of survival \u2014 on a continentwhere the society is predatory towards young beautiful Aboriginal females \u2014 is a sign of mostadmirable courage. Etah evokes a sense of extreme sadness when she talks about the souldeadening effects of prostitution on the women and men she knows who are involved in the sex67industry. She describes her work in watching out for little girls,of taking them under her wing(backto her squat), with determination.basically [they were] asking me to be an apprentice pimp.I was really pissed offand basically I kept an eye on him to make sure he wasn\u2019tdoing this. But you can\u2019tkeep an eye on every single person on the street and heended up doing it. I endedup sheltering little girls that ran away from him....(p.1, transcript 3).She says that she has been exploited \u201Conly\u201D in that at times shehas panhandled for someone, \u201CwhenI was younger ... but I always got something out of it.\u201DEtah does not refer much to contact with the criminal justice system, although she relates thatshe landed in jail in Louisiana for vagrancy for a couple of weeks. And she describes being beatenby the cops and being protected by a Street worker, however, she does notrefer to on going criminalactivity or charges.Extended street family and a sense of \u201Chome\u201D on the street is everything to Etah. \u201CI guess astreet family is about the most loved family I think a person can havebecause there is understandingand there is friendship.\u201D She names sisters, brothers, a daughter, street workers, an olderstreet(Aboriginal male) person, and her dog among her extended street family. About extended familyand street culture surrounding \u201Cthe family\u201D on the street, she says:I\u2019ve never really even known them very well [her biological family] ... When I goton the street I met people that I would consider family because they were more ofmy family than the family that I ever had (and they were real). They were somebodythat I could depend on (although I didn\u2019t) ... somebody that I could understandsomebody that could understand me, somebody that could depend on me. Wepretty much have been together for the last couple of years and we lived together,travelled together, ate together, slept together, did things ... just about everything thatwe do, we do together. And this is kind of like a family \u2014 the kind of family thatnone of us have ever really had. They\u2019re people that I pretty much know that I amgoing to know for the rest of my life and I would consider them more of my familythan any other family that I ever had so, in that way, I call them my sister and mybrother. I also have a daughter who got on the street when she was really reallyyoung \u2014 too young to take care of herself and a young girl brought her down hereshe didn\u2019t know me very well but she knew that I\u2019d squatted and she asked meif I could take of her [the little girl]. I accepted the responsibility and I\u2019ve had theresponsibility for a year and a half now \u2014 taking care of her \u2014 making sure that sheknows how to survive, live on the street. She basically calls me mom. I basicallycall her my daughter ... because she met me before I knew her, she used to watchme skate when she was really young (p.7, transcript1).68Etah is philosophically simultaneously attached to and detached from herstreet family,probably because she\u2019s never sure if she\u2019ll see them again and this is an extensionof her cautiousattitude. \u201CI never really say goodbye \u2014 just see you later \u2014 cannot really say forever,cannot reallysay never.\u201D Etah\u2019s stoicism is expressed in the statement:I\u2019ve seen a lot of people commit suicide. When I was young I use to try tocommitsuicide a lot. I found the good ways to die and the bad ways to die and now suicideto me just seems like an easy way out \u2014 giving up to what I\u2019ve been fightingall mylife \u2014 [I\u2019m] trying to succeed in a life not death. You know if I die [this way]in thislife, what am I going to do in the next? Or I mean if I die what good am I? Whatgood am I going to do? ... to try to change the things that I hate, it\u2019s just giving up(p.14, transcript 2).Learning to survive on the street has taught Etah many lessons.When I hit the street I had a fear of being beat up. I had a fear of the unknownbut those things I pretty much learned. I don\u2019t fear violence anymore ... pretty muchdriven off the unknown. I do it cautiously. I don\u2019t have much fear, but I haveparanoia and as I kept saying \u2014 \u2018paranoia will destroy you, but until then it willkeep you safe.\u2019 I see a lot of other people that are really scared around me (p.1,transcript 3).RacismI see a lot of racism against Natives but nobody is really racist against me [amongfriends on the street] unless I tell them that I am Native (p.4, transcript2). Iexperience a lot of racism ... Yeah, it includes a lot of violence (p.12, transcript2).The two above, seemingly paradoxical, statements from Etah\u2019s interview are the parameterswith which she relates a mixture of rage at the overt racism she experiences, awareness of theignorance in mainstream intolerance for difference, a partial recognition of the dynamics ofinternalized racism in oppressed people, and a mature outlook on making a difference with opencommunication. What she is saying is that she must hide her Aboriginal background or suffer theconsequences. Etah, however, being who she is does not have the luxury of self denial and henceavoidance of violent episodes is difficult. \u201CWhen I see racism on the street I feel so much hatredand I usually end up confronting them on it and most likely violent things happen. How do I copewith it? That\u2019s how I cope with it.\u201D69Etah describes a street world, at least the terrain that she chooses to occupy, where racistNazi youth are ever present. Skinheads and punks do not get along very well(as Joanne will latertell us). In Vancouver the Granville strip is shared by the two opposing forces. Etah describes manyconfrontations when she has to stand up for herself against White supremacist youth groups. Buteven some close non-Aboriginal friends with whom she travels, upon discovery thatshe isAboriginal, express the \u201Cnormal\u201D hatred of Aboriginal people. They suddenly see her differently.Then there are the \u201Cordinary\u201D White power groups.I don\u2019t necessarily get a lot of racism but I have to deal with a lot of racism. Forinstance, there\u2019s groups that come out from suburban places and come downtownand promote their hatred and go around and point people out and beat them up forno reason. It\u2019s just a game, it kind of intimidates and maybe that person [Aboriginalstreet youth] will turn into a Nazi. Because if you can\u2019t beat them you might as welljoin them (p.2, transcript 2).The intimidation and resignation (and joining the White power groups) expressed in theabove passage actually happened to Etah herself. She describes the shame she now feels when shegoes to certain squats in Vancouver and she is faced with racist writings on the walls which sheauthored at the age of twelve.It\u2019s just that my brother was White power \u2014 he was half Indian so it already madesense to me too. So I was shameful about that, when I was twelve, I was promotinghatred in very small ways like saying I was \u2018White power\u2019... one of the squats thatI go to still has writing of this on the walls(p.17, transcript 2).It appears that many Aboriginal youth are seduced into White power movements. Etah and otherAboriginal street youth in our case studies corroborate the recruitment of Aboriginal youth intoWhite power groups. Membership in these racist youth groups demands the denial of Aboriginalheritage and culture and fosters self-hatred of Aboriginal identity.I was categorized as a \u2018White parallel\u2019 .... I\u2019ve seen a lot of people that are like me,as in, half Native/half White and some of them have popped out Native and somepopped out White (definition of White parallel). A lot of my friends, a long time ago,were Nazis although they were Native, and they just denied the fact that they wereNative....(p.3, transcript 2).Then there are those Aboriginal youth that cannot be mistaken for any other ethnic.70I have a friend named Rick who is Native-Indian and I guessafter dealing with thisnumerous times plus everything else, he just becameso angry that he just beat upeverybody around him and now he is in jail(which would be good for him becausehe was drinking a lot during that time) (p.6, transcript2).The victimization and criminalization of Aboriginal youth, whenthey try to defendthemselves or they explode past the boundaries of toleranceas a result of racist assaults, is the 1 980sand 1 990s version of the removal of Aboriginal childrenand youth from their place in the Aboriginalcommunity. The Criminal Justice Inquiries in Manitoba(1991) and Saskatchewan (1992) remind usthat racism in the schools and on the street are complementedby the racism embedded in thecriminal justice system. Criminalization and delinquentization of Aboriginalyouth is a systematicform of cultural genocide in Canada. It is difficult to imagine how anobviously Aboriginal childwould escape racist victimization in the public schoolsystem. Fisher and Echols (1989) corroboratethat racism in Vancouver schools is rampant and that multicultural solutionsdo not work. It isequally difficult to imagine an Aboriginal child who would passivelyaccept, that is without rage orhopeless resignation, this racial harassment, except those who can hidetheir identity (an equallydestructive psychological coping mechanism). It is, therefore, understandablethat in some regionsof Canada 7 out of 10 Aboriginal male youth between the ages of 12and 17 will be incarceratedat least once before they are 20.This type of institutionalization(which inevitably leads into involvement with the childwelfare and criminal justice system) is the equivalentof residential schooling and the 1960s scoopby ministries of social service. The public school remains the numberone breeding ground for earlyracist attacks on Aboriginal children. Etah recalls verbal abuse and injusticeto both herself and hersister.I got verbal abuse in a lot of ways and a lot of manipulating ways. I got asked if Ineeded a psychiatrist because a little boy ripped up my shoes and pissed on themand I went to school the next day in barefeet because I didn\u2019t haveany shoes andbecause my mother didn\u2019t have enough money to buy me any shoes ... and therewas no justice for that but I got told I was mentally disabled andthe principal wasgoing to help me with this everyday after school with talks. There wasanother timewhere a class was laughing and I got picked upby my hair and dragged across the71room because I was laughing .... My sister got slappedacross the face for notreading the right words and giggling about it. Just basically unjust... (p.11, transcript3).The usual response was to blame the victim. Etah punctuatesher stories with \u201Cand nothingwas done about that.\u201D Etah ends the dialogue on educationby being thankful for the littleknowledge that she has been able to use. However, she says, \u201CBut what I hadto go through to getit ... I\u2019m really pissed off about that.\u201DEtah talks about the racism in Quebec where she experienced racism for being an Englishspeaker.I was living in Montreal for a period of two years and I was also living in Val d\u2019Orand because I spoke English I got a lot of racism ... a lot of stores upped their priceson me ... and a lot of neighbours used to throw things at me and curse at me inFrench. Edward wouldn\u2019t let me go outside because he thought that I would get beatup or raped because I was English and later on that day I heard that somebody gotburnt alive because they were English (p.15, transcript 2),Then she goes on to describe violent racist incidents against Black people, \u201C... they got movedoutbecause they were black.\u201D \u201CLes cristes d\u2019anglais.\u201DIn comparing the United States and Canada, Etah relates, \u201CYou get a lot more racism causepeople haven\u2019t accepted as much (Aboriginal people) as they have in the States.\u201D Closer to home\u2014 referring to her father she says, \u201CMy father was a very angry person, he hated White people\u201D andit is this debilitating anger she is referring to as she goes on.I remember I was in Winnipeg and I went into a washroom and it had all thesethings against Natives. Like, you know, Natives are just rubbing alcoholic drunks,you know blah, blah ... And I guess if a Native looks at that and looks down onthemselves, maybe they might start drinking because of it (p.4, transcript2). I thinka lot of Native-Indians ... when they do drink too much ... they drink because we arehuman garbage cans to society, and there is a lot of stress, and a lot of nonunderstanding, a lot of ignorance which suppresses all of us .... Native Indians yeah,I think there is a lot of racism against them because I don\u2019t think people understandthem (p.6, transcript 2).An incident at the very onset of the interview \u2014 an old man walked by the interviewer andEtah and remarked that they should \u201Cgo get their cheque\u201D \u2014 disturbed the interviewer a great deal.72Yet Etah calmly indicated this happened to her \u201Ca couple times a day.\u201D She replies to thequestion\u201CHow did that affect you when he said that rather horrible remark?\u201DWell, pretty much, it would have bothered me a great deal a long time ago, but nowit does not affect me too much. Because I can see that he doesn\u2019t really understandme or understand where I am coming from. What I think he meant by saying thatwas basically that I should go and get a welfare cheque, clean up myact and get ajob, clean my hair, get new clothes, live like him, be like him, be who he is \u2014because I am not up to standards in his world, upto standards with who he is.Because I am who I am, I am a disgrace to him. It doesn\u2019t make that muchof a bigimpression on me, as it would have done a long time ago, becauseI like who I amand I have clothes, I have food, I have shelter. I can walk my groundin a lot ofways that he couldn\u2019t. A long time ago I would have probably spit onhim andstarted cursing at him but not now I just ignore him ... in the same wayhe ignoresme (p.1, transcript 1).Etah has joined and participated in anti-racism groups and demonstrations.She has a clearperspective that \u201CRacism seems like pure ignorance and fear,\u201D and has become a vocal activist. Herwisdom and critical knowledge allow her to transcend the daily assaults to her psyche(because sheis Aboriginal and a street person).Culture and identityI\u2019m very proud to be an Aboriginal person, because that\u2019s basically who I am. I\u2019mproud of who I am. I am a Native woman (p.4, transcript3).\u201CI mean Aboriginal culture has to do with the life in you.Just a whole world into itself,\u201D Etahastutely surmises, as she refutes her paternal uncle\u2019s statement that tobe Indian one must practicethe culture.There is something my uncle said, you know, \u2018You are not a true Indian unlessyouare Indian.\u2019 Like you follow the culture then you are an Indian. Even a Whiteperson can do that. To be an Indian, you have to be a true Indian. It\u2019s not a statusthing, it\u2019s not a piece of paper, it\u2019s a spiritual thing, an emotional thing, a mentalthing, a physical thing (p.7, transcript3).When asked if she practised any Aboriginal culture, she again confidently replied,Well, I practice my own and if it corresponds with Aboriginal culture then I guessyes. A lot of things that I was told about some of the medicines that the Aboriginalpeople use in some ways are respected because of my great grandfather. I\u2019ve heardof his ways, sometimes I\u2019ll use some of his ways and sometimes I\u2019ll use some of myown. But if I\u2019m in his house then I\u2019ll use his [way] out of respect of him. [What didyou do when you were at home?] Well, I at home so I guessso. [Would you73practice if any kind of ceremony or service were available?] Well,if I wanted yes.And if I didn\u2019t, then I wouldn\u2019t. I\u2019ve gone to drummings, I\u2019ve gone tosummerdances, I\u2019ve gone to a lot of them, a lot of gatherings (p.4, transcript3).Etah demands to assert her Aboriginal identity in her own way and she isconfident that sheknows what that is, although that identity is clouded by circumstances in her life.When my mother took me away from my father, I was just a baby, and shegotmarried to a trucker who is White and they had another child. I believed that hewas my father. I didn\u2019t know that I was Indian and he lied to me, my mother liedto me. I was lied to for about 5 years of my life. All the gifts that my [biological]father sent to my mother to give to me \u2014 when I was old enough to handle them\u2014 were all burnt and thrown in the garbage or pawned off. There was a big cordof his hair that was really sacred but was just thrown into the garbage as if it wasgarbage. There is a necklace that my mom seemingly held on to, for some oddreason, to give to me. There is necklaces, there is jewellery(of the Indian art), thereis feathers, there is beads and they were all thrown out or pawned out. And the onlytime that I actually knew that I was actually Native-Indian was when my father cameto visit me one day. They just couldn\u2019t keep it back any longer because I lookedkind of different from the rest of them .... I was uncomfortable and I was reallypissed off because I was uncomfortable and because I shouldn\u2019t be made to feeluncomfortable around my natural born family. I was really pissed off at those peoplethat lied to me (p.14, transcript3).In the interview it became evident that Etah continues to feel the loss of the opportunity of culturalexposure through her paternal side of her family. They actively practice Aboriginal culture.The effects of the estrangement from her father\u2019s side of the family is compounded by thefact that her mother did not practice any Aboriginal culture. \u201CShe distanced me in a lot of ways, shewouldn\u2019t get in the Aboriginal things but would try to push me into it ....\u201C Yet Etah, in fact, exhibitsmany of the core characteristics of Aboriginal values. For instance, she talks about respect for theland, \u201Cnobody owns anything,\u201D spiritual inclinations of Aboriginal people, love of nature, and respectfor elders as tangible values that are missing in mainstream Canadian society. Etah also reveals acomfortable sophistication, in knowing not readily known intricacies of deeply cultural knowledgeand behaviour, in simply stating \u201CI\u2019ll go to a sweat ceremony, if it\u2019s there, but I don\u2019t go too oftenbecause you have to be ready to go to one.\u201D Only a person who has an authentic connection withthe values and intent of the sweat ceremony would show the respect and understanding reflected74in Etah\u2019s simple statement. Etah also expresses the need for Aboriginal street youth to haveaccessto their history and culture in city schools.Going to school, we need a little bit more on Aboriginal street youth and I mean thisis a bilingual country, right? It\u2019s between French and English, and Aboriginal doesn\u2019tcome in anywhere in there. I mean a little bit of the knowledge of who they are andwhere their places are .... So I think they need to talk a little bit more about theAboriginal culture (p.7, transcript 3).A strong Aboriginal identity would be hard to maintain with the daily reminders of Aboriginalconditions in the city, at least those available to Etah. She has not met any Aboriginal street workersin her travels.I see a lot of Natives on Hastings Street, usually drunk or using heroin. Up on theGranville Mall I don\u2019t usually see very many Native street youth. I see theoccasional straight youth down there, males occasionally. Females I see a lot moreoften, they usually work in the street prostituting. I run into a lot of M\u00E9tis, a lot ofhalf Indians and they are usually are really, really cool and some of them maybe not.There\u2019s usually a balance between them(p.14, transcript 3).Even so, Etah takes heart from seeing \u201CAboriginal people who are very proud looking\u201D but alsoacknowledges the effects of internalized racism reflected in her past.I can picture a lot of Aboriginal people disliking being Indian in school. Just becausewhen I was younger I looked Indian, I felt disliked, you know. People used to askme if I was Italian or Chinese. I was never really Native and Natives just seemedrather distant to the rest of the world, not really there at all. It depends on whatculture they follow. If they try to be like every other person in the world then youknow for sure (not liking to be Indians) (p.5, transcript3).It is evident that Etah is at times confused about her identity and culture. She has had littleexposure to Aboriginal culture in the city, and most of her street companions are non-Aboriginal.Somehow, however, through her own personal integrity, through reflective survival of racism, andthrough personal memory and discovery, she has remained true to her Aboriginal persona. In asense she takes that part of herself for granted. \u201CA lot of people on the reserve just forget it, I\u2019m justlike that,\u201D When asked about who she would like to be like, Etah answered:Someone I\u2019d like to be like? I don\u2019t want to be anybody but myself. That\u2019s onething that another school said, they said I could be anybody and I kind of wonderedwhy they had a problem with me being me ... What\u2019s the problem with just beingme (p.11, transcript 3).75SocietyI just want to say that society just thrives off of stealing goodness out of thingsI can\u2019t even understand it because they are so blind (p.4, transcript3).Throughout the interview sessions Etah was entirely coherent and consistent with her critiqueof western societal values. \u201CEveryone is so lonely,\u201D she laments. She vehemently rejects mainstreamconsumer madness: the sexual predatory male culture; the spiritual emptiness driven by the concreteenvironment and the \u201C9 to 5\u201D machine-like behaviour expressive of consummate greed; and aboveall of the school function of enforced socialization into this culture. She expresses sadness andshame for being part of a society that she rejects. \u201CBeing human is shameful in itself.\u201DWe\u2019re already unkind, untruthful, we\u2019re living in a world of lies, a world of concrete,we contradict ourselves everyday, everyone seems really destitute to what they reallyneed, the desire of need and it\u2019s not even a need for materialistic things. It\u2019s a needfor the mental, because we\u2019re basically deprived of life. We just live in our cagesday to day. The sadness that I see on the streets with every single child that comesto the streets alone, trying to keep the happiness \u2014 just trying to get through anotherday of chemical waste, wasting another day instead of actually going out and tryingto learn something and it takes him a long time before they actually come to thatconclusion and accept that awareness of what\u2019s going on (p.13, transcript 2).Etah\u2019s distrust of mainstream avenues of \u201Chelp\u201D in handling psychological problems showsin the statement:The people I do talk to about it \u2014 it won\u2019t be a parent, it won\u2019t be a priest, it won\u2019tbe a teacher, won\u2019t be social workers \u2014 won\u2019t be a priest (I just wanted to make thatclear) (giggle) ... it might be an elder (p.16, transcript 2).When asked if she uses employment services she whips back, \u201CEmployment services, I don\u2019t usebecause I don\u2019t think I should be a slave ... but I think I do a lot more work on the streets by myself,for other people on the street and for myself, than I do in any kind of employment ....\u201C Etah believesthat the compulsively structured work requirement in society is \u201Cthe government\u2019s\u201D way ofcontrolling people. It is deadening spiritually. It is little wonder why Etah refuses educational andemployment counselling. She profoundly disagrees with the ideological foundations of both. Sheinstead would like a system of trading \u201Csomething for something.\u201D76It doesn\u2019t seem right, you work, and work, and work, and then you pay taxes, andmore taxes, not doing anything that I like to do. Working 9 to 5 not really doinganything except for being a machine to society (p.1, transcript2).Etah is self-taught. She goes to libraries and is knowledgeable about current societal andenvironmental issues. Would she consider going back to school? Etahreplies that, \u201CEducationalservices, I don\u2019t use because I can usually go to the library and educate myself a lot more thanaschool can probably educate me.\u201D Her answer shows how irrelevant curriculum appears to thosechildren whose background, culture and lifestyle are not represented in school material.I\u2019ve got my grade six education ... I hated grade five and I went to many differentschools, repeated the same grades. I did correspondence but it didn\u2019t work out. Iwas really pissed off ... I was sick of being taught like a machine, I was treated likeshit. They didn\u2019t have anything to teach me except for a conservative world and aconservative place which I didn\u2019t really think that I really need any knowledge of(p.1\u00B0, transcript 3).Etah says that Aboriginal street youth need education with regard to survival on the street andespecially, \u201CHow to fight the law.\u201D Preferably this education ought to be done by Aboriginal peoplewith street experience.Etah is almost arrogant as she answers the question: How would you prevent more Aboriginalyouth from coming on to the street?I\u2019m not going to answer that one. I\u2019ve no problem on the street. I don\u2019t think thatstreet youth are bad, it\u2019s not the street youth. What I do think is bad is the levelsbetween the rich, the working class, the conservatives and the poor .... What I can\u2019tget is something in the mind, and I can get a lot more of that than any other richperson that has money to thrive off in their destitution [of spirit], but they swimaround. I don\u2019t think that there is a problem with street youth or any kind of street.If there is it\u2019s a problem that they create within their heads that they are poor, andthat they need something, and it\u2019s true that they do need something, but I don\u2019t thinkthat they\u2019re going to get it from food, I don\u2019t think that they\u2019re going to get fromclothing, and I don\u2019t think that they\u2019re going to get from shelter. There\u2019s a possibilitythat they might get it from the culture of the Aboriginal people or the understandingof themselves in the world around them. But I don\u2019t think that there is a problemwith street youth. I think that a lot of people look at them and want them off thestreet so that they don\u2019t have to deal with them daily, so that they don\u2019t have to walkdown the Street and see them, so that they don\u2019t have to go on the buses and smellthem, or they don\u2019t have to look at them. If they don\u2019t have to feel their guilt withit in their heads that it actually happening or that it\u2019s actually an issue in this world.That there are actually people on the streets that have to live out of garbage or liveoff their scraps of things that they don\u2019t eat, the things that they don\u2019t wear, the77things that they don\u2019t need, the things that they throw out. I thinkthat those are thepeople that don\u2019t want the people on the streets. I think that a lot of people thatareon the streets just live and if they want to get off the streets, thenthey\u2019ll get off thestreets. If they don\u2019t, then they won\u2019t (p.8, transcript 3).In other words she is saying that the presence of street youth is a societal problem and thattheyshouldn\u2019t have to comply with being made invisible just to satisfy middle-class guilt. She wantstheproblem, beginning with Canadian societal values, to be solved instead of applying the band aid ofmore government services.Etah consistently, as do most of the youth in this study, refused to (even indirectly throughus) advise or communicate with \u201Cthe government.\u201D She indicated that she didn\u2019t want to discussanything about government people, and that she didn\u2019t really believe that they would or could doanything to relieve conditions on the street. At one point Etah, quite simply says that she wouldonly talk to a government person face to face, and only \u201Cabout themselves.\u201DEtah is consistently defiant when asked if she would consider returning home. She starts andends this question with \u201CWell, I\u2019m already at home here ... I\u2019m pretty much at home here.\u201DI don\u2019t consider myself poor, I pretty much consider myself the richest person on thisplanet because I get what I need when I want it (p.8 transcript3).The only time Etah shows any sense of peace is when she is talking about being with nature\u2014 mid-thought she changes her aura. When asked what would make her life easier, she says, \u201Cnobuildings, just land, not so many tricks (johns), manipulations, grief, no god, no hierarchy, no class,no racism.\u201DI once felt really alone, when I was really young and I felt so alone sometimes. Ithought it was my own loneliness but I came to the conclusion that everyone wastoo scared to actually get together and do things ... but I don\u2019t feel lonely anymoreI\u2019ve got the trees and I\u2019ve got animals that I can talk to and that\u2019s a lot better thingthan to talk to a human being (p.15, transcript 2). But the idea that I have a spiritualconnection with the trees and the animals and it\u2019s really depressing that I have totravel so long to get to that (p.11, transcript 2).She is referring to the month long travel to return from Louisiana to Vancouver, more specificallyto Denman Island where her soul is free.78Etah is a complex young woman: who on the one hand is a hardened street person and onthe other is a brilliant critic of a society whose values she refuses to comply with; who cynicallychooses a pseudonym that spells the word HATE backwards(she insisted on the spelling), and yetultimately exhibits the unmistakable spirit of a sensitive nature loving writer inthe bud. Immediatesurvival of the body, soul and psyche are always at the forefrontof priorities for street youth.Aboriginal street youth like Etah must face the \u201Cnormal\u201D challenges of survival on the streetas wellas the barriers of racism and cultural starvation. It is no wonder that planning turns only to moredisappointment and a fantasy of escape to some utopian existence.I don\u2019t like planning something that hasn\u2019t happened yet. I don\u2019t like looking intosomething that hasn\u2019t happened yet. I can only work with day by day basis, like youknow, if I want a better world, I have to be a better person and I\u2019m doing that rightnow as I live for a day to day lifestyle ... experiencing and being aware of thingsaround me. In the future I would hope that I would be living where there is nosociety, where there is no government, where I could just be with the land and liveoff the land and the land live off me \u2014 cause I\u2019m getting really tired of the rest of it(p.12, transcript 3).Etah, the seventeen year old young woman who is just beginning her adult life, and whorepeats the phrase \u201Cwhen I was younger,\u201D is an old soul trapped in a young body and into a life-eroding lifestyle. With her superior survival skills, spiritual inclinations, critical societal analysis, andconsiderable poetic abilities, Etah is a potential asset to her street family as an advocate and streetworker. It appears, however, that Etah will someday migrate permanently to her beloved islandssomewhere off the coast of British Columbia \u2014 to live as a reclusive artist. In the meantime, theimmediate is pressing on her mind, \u201CRight now I have a home whereverI go.\u201D The idealism fadeswith,I have a home and it\u2019s a squat and it\u2019s going to be blown up at the end of the month.I\u2019ve been living there for the last four years (on and off). I\u2019m the only person thatlives there. I\u2019ve got a lot of sentimental value in that place. I don\u2019t get to [give] anyconsent, they\u2019re just going to put a big bulldozer through my front door (p.10,transcript 3).79KARENThe reason why I ain\u2019t on the streets no more is because I found out for myselfthatI have people at home that care for me and love me and don\u2019t want to see megethurt. So, I decided to stay home (p.1, transcript1).Karen is a fifteen year old non-status young woman of Nis\u2019ga/Haisla heritage, who has beenon the street for two years. She is a person who spends most of her time on the streets, she spendsshort periods of time at home and then returns to the street. Karen\u2019s last jaunt onto the street lastedthree months. She is under her parents\u2019 care but has just recently(one month ago) gone to stay with(to babysit for) an adult female friend. According to the woman she stays with it is highly probablethat she will go back to the streets as soon as she is no longer in danger of beingcaught and broughtback to parental custody. The interviewer explained the process and Karen took a couple of daysto think about whether or not she would participate in the study. Karen was very hard to interview.Karen is of small build, has long brown hair, doesn\u2019t wear make-up and is wearingreasonably clean jeans and a plain sweat shirt. Her mother told us that five out of her ten kids sufferfrom Fetal Alcohol Syndrome. Although not formally diagnosed, Karen is thought to be one of them.She talks slow and quiet and she is very shy, even with her shyness she seems vulnerable andintrospective, she fidgeted and seemed very uncomfortable. Her mother relates that somethingprofound has happened to Karen that she is not disclosing.[Mother\u2019s statement] Two months ago Karen disappeared for three weeks. No onesaw her. Adolescent Street Unit hadn\u2019t seen her for weeks, either ... not sure butsomething happened to her because Karen doesn\u2019t want to go to Granville streetanymore. She ran for a while and then finally came home after that ... someone triedto \u2018suck\u2019 Karen into prostitution or did some trick because she was picked up drunkand put into detox (p.1, parent transcript).Since she has been home she has been very withdrawn and scared. She is a possible survivor ofgang-related abduction and a forced sex industry statistic.The interview was held in a quiet room at the DEYAS office, the fact sheet was filled in andthe interview began. Karen is extremely nervous and had a difficult time answeringthe open endedquestions, at first she simply answered yes or no. She is definitely a person of few words. Karen80asked for breaks frequently, and a half hour into the interview, she asked if the interview could becontinued on another day. Even then Karen said it was difficult for her to talk because she is a quietperson and \u201Cdoesn\u2019t like to tell really personal things to people she doesn\u2019t know.\u201DThe finalinterview was done at the interviewer\u2019s house. Karen was tired and depressed, she tried very hardto complete the process.HistoryI tried to get some attention from my own mom, my brothers, some of my unclesand my sisters. I tried to get enough attention from them, but they won\u2019t even giveme attention, so, I\u2019d run ... that\u2019s it ... I have flashbacks of what my cousin hasdone to me, and I couldn\u2019t talk to no one about it, so I\u2019d run (p.1, transcript1).Karen was born in the north coastal region of British Columbia, to a Nis\u2019ga mother and aHaisla father, who have been married for twenty-five years. Her family moved to Vancouver whenKaren was two weeks old. Therefore she identifies with Vancouver as her home. The familyconstellation consists of mother, father, three brothers and six sisters.But, sometimes they [my parents] go [up North] to go visit some of their cousins orwhatever up there and my mom calls up there, so ... My mom would talk to herbrothers or sisters and my dad would talk to his brothers or sisters (p.6, transcript1).Well, my family, there\u2019s 10 kids in the family, and I got three younger ones (p.3,transcript 1).Five children and two grandchildren remain at home with the parents. Three of Karen\u2019s sisters havealso been on the street for various lengths of time.All of Karen\u2019s schooling was taken, to grade eight, in Vancouver. After being out of schoolfor over two years, she plans to return to school in the fall of 1993.I just don\u2019t want them [siblings] to end up like I did and my three other sisters. Ihope they can do their best in school because I didn\u2019t do very good in school. Idropped out and I been out of school for almost three year now. I went to threeschools. I went to Gladstone... Hastings. I graduated from elementary...and Van Tech.And that\u2019s it (p.3, transcript 1).Karen retells the story of abuse at the hands of a male cousin, who was the favourite nephewof her parents and who lived with them, while she was living at home. This, shesays was the eventthat resulted in her escape from home.81He\u2019d go out during the daytime and he\u2019d come back at night time real drunk andwait until everyone\u2019s gone to bed. Me and my two other sisters, Lois and Sarah [notreal names], were sharing a room at that time, and I had a king-sizebed. And Loisand them were scared of the dark that time, so they\u2019d sleep with me and theythought they were safe that way. And when everyone was in bed, he would comeupstairs and start to fondle me. He\u2019d play with my hair first, then he wanted metolay on top of him and he\u2019d try and take off my pyjamas and all that. My pyjamaswas a one-piece suit and he would kiss me on the cheek and all that. And when Itold him ... he\u2019d ask me if I\u2019d tell anyone this. At the time, I said no, and I thoughtit was okay for him to do it. When I was 11, he was still doing it and he\u2019d go outevery night and he\u2019d get drunk. He\u2019d wait until everyone\u2019s in bed, he\u2019d wait for ahalf-hour or so and then he\u2019d come upstairs and try and get into my room and Ialways had a butter knife in the door, like wedged into the door, so he couldn\u2019t getin. Then he went into my brother Donald\u2019s room, climbed out the window, then hewent onto the roof, he went around and he\u2019d try to get into my side, bedroom,through the window. One night I couldn\u2019t sleep so I stayed up until four and finally,I realized that he was hurting me and so, when I was 13, I finally told my mom andmy mom said that was not okay for him to do it, that he was hurting me. I knew at13, it wasn\u2019t okay for him to do it. Then he\u2019d go off to his friend\u2019s place to hidethere. At the time when I was 10, I thought it was all my fault. I went to court forthis and I haven\u2019t gone back to court for awhile, because I wasn\u2019t ready and I stillain\u2019t ready yet. So....l brought it to court a long time ago. And that\u2019s it. And I getflashbacks on it, and that\u2019s why I run away (p.8-9, transcript1).Karen did not only run from home she had people to run to, people who would protect her. Shewas familiar with the street through her sisters.On the streetsI just kill time, I\u2019d walk around. I\u2019d go to Carnegie and all that. I\u2019d go on Hastingsand then I\u2019d go to Granville and walk around there ... and see all my friendsaround Granville. That\u2019s about it (p.1, transcript 1).Karen describes herself as a person who has been on the street off and on for two years. Thelongest time she spent on the street continuously was three months.I\u2019ve been on the streets for two years. I\u2019d go home, I\u2019d stay on ... I\u2019d go to the streetsfor a week or so, then I\u2019d go home (p.1, transcript 1) ... for food, I went down toASU [Adolescent Street Unit] and got meal tickets, and when I didn\u2019t have a placeto stay, my friends would offer me a place to stay, so I went with my friends. That\u2019sit (p.1, transcript 1).Karen tells how she managed to get to the downtown Vancouver streets. She makes it sound sosimple.Well, my mom and them gave me spending money and I\u2019d save it up, then I\u2019d waittill everybody\u2019s sleeping and I\u2019d take the bus to the SkyTrain and get off the bus and82go onto the SkyTrain and take it down to Granville or Main Street station ... Istayedin hotels with my friends (p.2, transcript 1).Sexual abuse from her cousin was only partly instrumental in making her run, according to hermother. Alcohol abuse was also a factor. Karen however says she does not use alcohol.Karenspent time at the Youth Detention Centre for seven days at a time(2-3 times) for shoplifting.Karen lists her sisters, friends and a male waiter at the Balmoral as significantpeople to heron the street. \u201CHe gave me money whenever I needed it and he gave me food. Well, he said, if I\u2019mever in trouble, if I ever need a place to stay, he gave me his home phone number and his pager,\u201Dshe says of her odd couple relationship with the much older protector. She describes an aimlessexistence on the streets mixed with dodging youth street workers.Well, I would spend more time on the streets than at home [during the two years onand off the street]. Then one day, Barbara, the street worker, met me at onerestaurant and she told me to phone home and tell my mom and them that I wasokay, that I was still alive because they were worried ... I called home. Yes, mysisters were older than me. They were allowed in the bars because they were oldenough ...one of my sisters were working in the Bal moral serving up beer. [So, yourtwo older sisters were also down in the street at one time?] Yes, they were. [Andyou said that you used to just sort of hang around the Balmoral?] Yes, I\u2019d wait untilWilliam [not real name of male friend] got off work and we\u2019d go out for dinner orsomething. When I was on probation, Dave Dixon [street worker] would come toGranville and try to find me. He found me once and he brought me home and mymom called Dave Dixon to bring me straight out to the Youth Detention Centre (p.3,transcript 1). Barbara, she\u2019d go up to Granville and try and find me, but shecouldn\u2019t. She couldn\u2019t find me because I was in my friend\u2019s hotel. And the secondtime, Barbara went up Granville, she waited until I got out of my friend\u2019s hotel roomand she sent me on a cab to go home (p.3, transcript 1). ... well, actually my momcalled Dave Dixon and told Dave Dixon that my sisters went home. They weredown Hastings and she told Dave Dixon, if he saw my sisters down there, to drivethem home and one of my sisters were really restless, so Dave Dixon put my sisterin handcuffs to bring her home. My sister didn\u2019t want to come home .... My friendswere on welfare and they rent their rooms, hotels, for three or four months andwhenever I didn\u2019t have a place for stay, they\u2019d offer me a place to stay (p.3, transcript1).Karen exclusively uses the Adolescent Street Unit. She says she knows all the workers there.They would help her.What they did for me was, they gave me meal tickets and they gave me bus tickets.They had clothes there that people donated to Adolescent Street Unit and I can domy washing there for free. I\u2019d talk to my social worker. I had a social worker then,83her name was Sandy Jay and she was the one I would talk to about my problemsandwhy I didn\u2019t want to go home...(p.4, transcript 1).Karen relates the last encounter with her favourite Aboriginal street worker wherethe workerchanged tactics on her. She was now going to be free to decide on her own what todo with herlife. \u201CStreet worker said, she wouldn\u2019t find me and send me home because she said I was oldenough and she said that I need my friends ... and I\u2019ll go home when I\u2019m ready.\u201D Her motherappears to have followed suit where school was concerned. \u201CWell, I now go Outreach and AriesJob Training, but I just didn\u2019t want to go back to school. And my mom said whenever I\u2019m readyIcan go back to school, but I know I will be going to school in September.\u201D This tactic seems to haveworked as Karen says she will return to school. Karen is still too young to get welfare and to useemployment services.Karen, who has been sexually active since she was fourteen (excluding sexual abuseexperience), is somewhat knowledgable about sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancy.About AIDS, the only one I know is, the way you can get AIDS is by sharing needlesand .... I saw commercials on TV and when I was going to Hastings Elementary, wewent into some sort of class and we were talking about AIDS and pregnancy andstuff. Well, my boyfriend used condoms [for birth control] (p.4, transcript 1).On the topic of alcohol and drugs, Karen\u2019s story differs from that of her mother. Her motherreports that alcohol is a problem in her extended family and that she has been sober for five and ahalf years. She believes that Karen may be involved with alcohol. Karen\u2019s version is:Well, I never did touch drugs or alcohol, although my parents did try offering it tome. I kept on saying no to it, and I never will touch drugs or alcohol. I know it\u2019sno good for you. And they\u2019ll do a lot of damage to your brain. [What about drugs,alcohol and sniffing?] Well, I never did touch drugs. I never did touch alcohol andI never will sniff glue or whatever (p.5, transcript 1).Karen appears to have people who protect her in different ways. This protection may befrom people who know her sisters and are partial to her through them(as their younger sister).Another seems to be a fellow street youth. Again, perhaps because she has family on the street,Karen does not mention a close connection with a street youth network. Many other youth84mentioned how important mutual care giving was between what they calledtheir street family.Well, whenever I came down here, I\u2019d go over to my friend\u2019s place and I\u2019dtell himI\u2019m going to walk around and he\u2019d tell me to wait, because he wants to watchmyback, to make sure I won\u2019t get hurt. He\u2019s only 18 (p.5, transcript1). I fearednothing [on the street]. There was nothing to fear on the streets, because, asI saidearlier, I had my back watched and whenever I didn\u2019t have my back watched, I\u2019dlook over my shoulder and nothing ... there\u2019s no one there (p.8, transcript1).Although Karen says that no one has tried to exploit her on the streets, \u201CNo onedid try to takeadvantage of me or nothing,\u201D and that she has not been involved in prostitution,she relates that sheknows the people who work with the two Kiddy Cars in Vancouver. It is possiblethat the peopleshe describes as protectors really do not ask for anything in return. This, however,is questionablewhen she stays for three months at a time in an environment that is, in another street youth\u2019swords,\u201Cpredatory toward Aboriginal youth.\u201DRacism\u2018Ooh, look at that ugly squaw.\u2019 I was just about ready to turn back and going toslap him in the face for saying that to me (p.6, transcript1).When Karen was asked if she thought she received differential treatment from her workersshe indicated that she did, but in a positive sense.My social worker, she sort of treated me different than the other street kids. Onewinter, I went into her office and I say, I need a jacket, so she gave me a Raider\u2019swinter jacket and she said, if I ever needed anything else, just come back and askher. Well, I felt real comfortable using Adolescent Street Unit because I kneweveryone in the office and two kiddie cars went there ... I knew them too ... Yeah,I knew one Aboriginal street worker. Her name was Barbara [not her real name] andI felt real comfortable talking to her (p.5, transcript 1).Karen reports that people look at her strangely and she seems to have an awareness of stigmaattached to street youth status, especially punk style youth. Her awareness about ethnic stereotypes,however, stops there. She simply doesn\u2019t want to discuss this aspect of her life. Outside of herschool experience her only reference point is her time on the street where she knows everybody.Yes, they did [look at me strangely], because whenever I\u2019d go into a restaurant,they\u2019d look at me like I was a street kid and they thought I\u2019d had my head shavedand all that, because my hair was real long ... and they thought I shaved the sides ofmy head, but I ... like I wanted to put my hair up in a ponytail and they realized that85I wasn\u2019t a punk kid on the street type. The way people look at kids that have theirheads shaved, and I was eating in one restaurant ... I knew the people that workedthere ... and whenever I go into a restaurant, they don\u2019t look at me real funny (p.6,transcript 1).Karen only vaguely alludes to racism from \u201Cpeople in general\u201D but gives no examples. She reportsno violent incidents with reference to her ethnicity on the street or otherwise.It was people in general. I really didn\u2019t get any from street people, because I knewall the street people. Well, at first, it really made me mad, for what that guy saidto me, and I really didn\u2019t say anything to him....(p.7, transcript1).Although Karen didn\u2019t want to discuss racism, her mother said that Karen couldn\u2019t get alongwith White kids in \u201Cordinary\u201D school. The following comments seem to corroborate her mother\u2019sstatement. \u201CElementary was easy for me, because I had a lot of friends there. Then during highschool, it was hard for me, because the first week or so, I had enemies.\u201D Then at Van Tech four girlsbeat up on her. Even though this incident was reported to the principal and the police, Karen didnot disclose any details. She still insisted that, outside of the name calling incident, ordinarily shedid not experience racism.Culture and identityI feel quite okay about it [being an Aboriginal person]. It\u2019s just when people callme squaw and all that, I don\u2019t feel very comfortable. (p.9, transcript1).Karen says that she doesn\u2019t know anything about the history of Aboriginal people in Canadaor the Aboriginal people in her home reserve area. She didn\u2019t learn anything in school. \u201CNo, notreally. I didn\u2019t learn it in school, not at all.\u201D Her mother indicates that her daughters wanted toattend a school with Aboriginal teachers, but even the Outreach school had no Aboriginal teachers.Karen would like to have contact with her extended family on the reserve. At the moment contactis all but non-existent. \u201CI don\u2019t go up there...and I hardly talk to them.\u201DKaren\u2019s mother says that she does not speak her language nor did she teach her childrenanything about Aboriginal culture. Karen\u2019s only contact with Aboriginal culture is through urban86pow-wows in the city of Vancouver, which tend to be prairie Aboriginal culture,and from culturalactivities on the street.I just go to the Pow Wows. Like, this year, I went to the one down at Trout Lakeand I learned more about my other people\u2019s culture and all. Like, I singa lot, andI like dancing to the drum. When I was running away, I went to one downatCarnegie Centre [to the drum group] (p.9, transcript 1).She would become more involved Aboriginal culture \u201Cif there was one near where we live.\u201D In theend Karen has little awareness of Aboriginal culture and her identity reflectsthis hole in herexperience. It is most probable that what she sees on the Street is her only reference point.SocietyWe need to know about who are dealing drugs and we need to know ... we needto know about the people ... the danger down there and how easy it is to getsucked into drugs and needles and alcohol and all that (p.10, transcript 1).Karen does not have an identification with any other locale as home except for Vancouver.And she does not have a vision about how the society, in which she lives, could be any differentthan it is. Her point of reference remains the Vancouver downtown eastside where she feelscomfortable. Karen simply answers \u201CI don\u2019t know\u201D when asked what she would advise governmentpolicy makers as to what to do to prevent more Aboriginal kids from going to the Street. Later shevolunteers that \u201CDrop-in centres for Native people and a safe house\u201D are needed for Aboriginal streetyouth in Vancouver.Karen seems earnest in her resolve to stay away from the downtown core of Vancouver. Shebelieves this action will make her life better. \u201CTrying to stay away from downtown and trying tospend more time with my sisters and my nephews ... and stay at home as much as I can.\u201D To closethe interview the interviewer asked Karen, \u201CDo you have any further comments? She answers, \u201CTryto keep the kids away from needles, drugs and alcohol. But that\u2019Il be kind of hard for the kids.\u201DJOANNEWhen I hit the streets I was street wise, I found things by myself pretty easy, butthere\u2019s people out there who can\u2019t, they just don\u2019t know, they\u2019re very naive, very87vulnerable. Like you tell them big whoppers of lies and then they\u2019llbelieve you,just because they don\u2019t know(p.13, transcript 2).Joanne is a 17 year old who has been on the streets of Vancouver for two years. In the twoyears that she has been on the street, she has been in Calgary, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Victoria,and at the time of the interviews in Vancouver. By the time the report was written, however, Joannewas rumoured to be somewhere in the northwestern United States. In 1992 Joanne came toVancouver from Calgary with some street friends because the weather and the environmentwas\u201Creally nice and because Calgary really has nothing to offer me.\u201D Now she hangsout primarily inthe Granville area of Vancouver.Fairly easy going, Joanne agrees, after a couple of no-shows, to be interviewed at the homeof the interviewer. She arrived on her skate board casually dressed. Her clothes were raggedandfairly dirty. Her beautiful face was framed in a green punker style haircut. She wears no make-up.Like Etah she is talkative, however there was more of an aura of authenticity or a child like qualityabout her \u2014 she is less defensive and cautious. Joanne laughs easily. She didn\u2019t seem to be holdingback in her responses, in fact she talked at length about the general topics in the interview. We geta good idea about what street life is for her. As with a couple of the other youth participants, it isnot necessary to add extensive commentary to her analysis. Joanne is very articulate incommunicating her ideas and she has many.On the day of the first interview the interviewer accompanied Joanne to her court appearanceat the Vancouver Youth Court. She had been charged with assault and had been given a sentenceof three months\u2019 probation and thirty hours of community work. Joanne now lives on incomeassistance and shares a rented house with six other teenage girls in the eastend of Vancouver. Muchof her time is spent on the street. Survival for her means dumpster diving, table scrapping,panhandling, soup kitchens, food from friends and \u201Csome food from stores.\u201D88HistoryI\u2019m not really running from anything. I\u2019m on the street because we didn\u2019t grow upwith a lot of money and I really like my mother and I just kind of wanted hertohave a bit of freedom rather than have to worry about kids all the time ... myfather was an alcoholic ... the abuse never came towards us, it was directedat mymother ... the excuse she was giving us was \u2018I\u2019m going to wait cause I have kids,until they grow up and then I\u2019ll leave\u2019 ... I kind of figured if I leave home...(p.1,transcript 1).Joanne is a status Cree/Saulteaux young woman who was born in Calgary, Alberta. Herfather and mother, from two different reserves in southern Saskatchewan, have lived in Calgary sincebefore her birth. She has two siblings, a brother and a sister. Both appear to be living at home.Joanne goes back home to visit her parents every so often and calls her mom approximately everytwo weeks. Although she is close to aunts and cousins, contact with extended family is lessfrequent; however, talking with her kohkom (grandmother) is very important to her.Joanne relates that poverty, alcoholism and family violence have been factors in familydysfunction. Although her father is \u201Cdry\u201D now Joanne would not go to live with her family again.She likes being independent. Aside from the frequent contact with her parents and siblings bytelephone, she says very little about her history, except that she did complete grade ten in Calgary.Perhaps being city people has made them more a nuclear type family with little contact withextended family.On the streetsSome people will tell you to go home and it\u2019s a very hard thing to tell people whyare they on the street in the first place? A lot of times the kids are a lot safer onthe street than they are at home right. There\u2019s going to be abuse, physically,mentally, sexually or whatever ... just something that\u2019s not very healthy for them.So, you\u2019d rather stick around to get friends on the street and take care of eachother rather than go home and be treated like shit (p.6, transcript 2).Joanne started using alcohol experimentally at the age of eleven. An older friend would haveher brother buy alcohol. By junior high school Joanne was drinking before school occasionally.This escalated to every weekend and eventually when she went onto the streets, at the age of fifteen,alcohol became an everyday companion. \u201CMy only purpose in life was to panhandle and drink and89it was my quest for everyday.\u201D During this period Joanne was highly transientas shown by herstatement about her journey on the street.When I first ran away from home I went in the downtown core of Calgary. It\u2019s goodif you\u2019re more conservative and not really on the street but ... I came to Vancouverfor a couple of weeks, went back to Calgary, then I went to Victoria. Calgary\u2019salways been kind of like ... [always] back to Calgary ... from Vancouver I hitchhiked,all my travelling\u2019s been done by hitchhiking, I went to Calgary with this girl ...fromthere I hitchhiked to Ottawa by myself and it was pretty cool ... I stayed in Ottawafor only like not even a week and then I met this girl and she lived in the Statesandshe was going up through Montreal to Vermont so she gave me a ride uptoMontreal. I lived in Montreal ... and from Montreal I went to Toronto andthen Iwent back and forth in between Montreal and Toronto a couple of times and thenin Toronto I caught a plane into Calgary again to see my parents, that was afterabouta year and something of living on the street. Then I went back and I stayed with myparents for about a month or so and then I moved here (p.5-6, transcript1).Joanne hitchhiked everywhere with friends she met on the street. Some of heradventures wereprecarious; however, she says most of her experience on the road was adventuresome.I wasn\u2019t really afraid of hitchhiking, the first I did it I was kind of queasy about it butI was with a friend that had done it before and I said, like ok that\u2019s cool ... my firstcouple of times hitchhiking were really good experiences because the people that didpick us up were really nice ... except one kind of really ... the guy that was sleazyhe offered me like $200 and $300 if I would sleep with him and like he asked mehow much money I was travelling with. He thought if 1 slept with him and he gaveme this $200-$300 I should be grateful towards him because it\u2019s money right ... Hewas in the mentality that money can buy anything ... and you know I\u2019m not amaterialistic person as I said, and I didn\u2019t want his money right. I\u2019d rather have mydignity and feel, you know, good about myself. I\u2019m not saying prostitution foreveryone is bad, right, for me I couldn\u2019t do it but ... but it was really cool becausehe didn\u2019t get physical about it. Because if he did actually get physical about it hecould be charged right? ... they\u2019re not suppose to really because they can getcharged with picking you up ... I don\u2019t say all of them will be perverted and saying\u2018Oh yeah, you\u2019ve got nice tits and you\u2019ve got a nice ass\u2019 type thing, but they won\u2019ttouch you because they are working for this trucking firm and if they get chargedthen they can lose their job. Like a lot of the stuff about how you\u2019re gonna get rapedor something, a lot of it is not true because a lot of people do think about theconsequences of what happens when they do something to you. The hitchhikingpart was not too bad, I didn\u2019t mind it at all. Just some places, like you go nuts, stuckin the middle of Saskatchewan, on the highway, nobody\u2019s picking you up, gettingeaten by mosquitoes, you\u2019ve got no one to talk to and it\u2019s just like ... I\u2019ve got to talkto someone (p.6-8, transcript 1).Joanne gives graphic descriptions of her survival techniques. One can understand why shewould prefer Vancouver because the weather is far more palatable than other places that are90available for youth on the street. She gives an extensive description ofcircumstances, conditionsand interpersonal relationships on the street in different cities inCanada.When I was in Vancouver the first time, I was living on the street, I was just sleepingduring the day out in the sun and that\u2019s how I stayed alive. Then from there I wentto Montreal and I stayed with people that I\u2019d met on the street. That was pretty cool,but then I had a squat of my own because ... I always met a lot of really fuckeduppeople just because they\u2019d been on so many drugs for a while that they didn\u2019t knowwhat\u2019s up from down really. Some of the people I encountered were like... \u2018I\u2019m aWhite power anarchist, I\u2019m a nazi anarchist.\u2019 I didn\u2019t really trust any of those people.So I squatted there, then I met a guy there too that was really nice and he was alwayshelping me out by helping me find places to stay. Then I moved to Toronto. I paid$75 to live in a closet in a warehouse. Now that was cool (giggle) ... the $75 I\u2019d getfrom panhandling all month. Save up whatever couple bucks here, a couple bucksthere, pay my rent ... but you know I could sleep on their couch in the living roomor like wherever the kitchen floor. I went back to Calgary ... I stayed with my parentsor I stayed with my sister. I didn\u2019t really have to sleep on the street there becauseI knew people that always had apartments and they always invited me over. InVancouver I\u2019ve lived in two or three squats ... and they\u2019re really pretty cool. Like wenever got charged with anything ... by staying in abandoned buildings ... likebusinesses around this one squat we stayed in. They didn\u2019t mind our sleeping inthere because we weren\u2019t rude to anybody, we weren\u2019t into screwing anybody\u2019swork. We were just there and we\u2019d leave in the morning and do the sundance(giggle) we would climb off the roof. It was cool. Vancouver here too. I squattedand just lived with people. In Calgary ... I slept in a newspaper recycling bin too fora little while, cause of the warm papers you climb in and cover yourself with papersand fall asleep (p.5, transcript 2). How they\u2019re living on the street is always different,it always varies, cause it just depends on if you have a place to live for you mayhave a place to crash when you\u2019re on the street. But you don\u2019t have places to hangout really cause a lot of places you crash are bins and abandoned cars andabandoned buildings, alleys, dumpsters. Whatever you can find that\u2019s out of thewind and out of the rain ... doorways. I\u2019ve crashed in front of the like the Orpheum.We\u2019ve crashed in many different places ... in Stanley Park, in the trees. We crashedon the trees, benches and on the beach. That\u2019s where you can find us like out of thewind out of the rain. And if it\u2019s nice out, a lot of the time, when you live on thestreet, what I did was I\u2019d stay awake all night because night time was the coldesttime. You can keep walking so you can keep warm and then when the sun comesup during the day you sleep in the sun because you finally warm up and you cancrash out and it\u2019s warm and there\u2019s people around so you don\u2019t have to worry aboutsomeone coming up and whatever ... that\u2019s what I do because remember that timeit was just too cold and I tried to pull up a slab of concrete and crash. Like I\u2019ve alsoslept right in the sky train, in Montreal ... you can do this too probably on the metroand on the subways. When it starts in the morning and you\u2019re really tired you canget on to the sky train, subway or wherever you are and you bum a transfer, you geton and you go and you go to sleep right. Because it\u2019s warm and you know youdon\u2019t have too many people harassing you. Then if you get up and if your transfer\u2019sexpired you can go bum another one and if you\u2019re still tired you can go back tosleep. The transfers are good for about an hour and a half so that gives youaboutan hour and a half ... you can sit there and you can probably crash out most of the91day. Just depends on if this guy picks on you and kicks you off or chargesyou orwhatever they want to do with you (p.8, transcript1).Joanne is able to give a comparison of street life in Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver. Shetellsus that, in her experience, there are few Aboriginal street youth in Montreal.The time I was in Montreal was about three and half to four months and in the timeI was there I didn\u2019t run into very many Aboriginal street youth. The majority of thepeople that I\u2019ve seen that were Aboriginal street people were older ... guys in their30s, 40s, 50s bumming around. The street youth there are mostly White kids fromMontreal, from Quebec, from the suburbs (p.7, transcript 1) .... my travels inMontreal and Toronto I went to Montreal first and that was in late summer ... thepeople that I encountered in Montreal, first street people, the majority of them wereWhite French speaking Canadians. (In Montreal andToronto) you encounter coolpeople along with really like asshole type people who tell you to sell whateveryouown like shoes or whatever things that you need but ... I enjoyed myself ... I learneda lot about people and the attitudes towards others .... In Montreal there was a lotof kids that were strung out on PCP and alcohol and a lot of them were addicted toneedles like they would shoot anything like the beer because it wouldget themdrunk quicker ... a lot cheaper or they would shoot LSD like microdots ... I don\u2019tknow, it was kind of insane and then a lot of their beliefs in politics got fucked upby that... a lot of them would stab you in the back because they wanted their fix ordrugs, I don\u2019t know, kind of fucked(p.lB, transcript 2).Joanne also gives some insight into the social stratification of street youth, according to theirdefinition. She sees different interest groups that engage in street survival and then there are thosewho dabble in street life for short periods of time, usually on weekends or in the summer.Different kinds of street youth ... from my knowledge there is a lot of social standardstoo that go on ... like different creeps and like different levels of street people likeas ... how long you\u2019ve been on the street and ... if you sell drugs, if you prostitute.That\u2019s what they do, that\u2019s their thing and the prostitutes sort of hang out with otherprostitutes, the punks hang out with just everyone I think, but there\u2019s weekend kids,summer kids. Kids that think it\u2019s cool to be living on the street because they don\u2019thave to be home at 10 o\u2019clock, they don\u2019t have to make their bed .... A lot of peopledon\u2019t know how it is, they think it\u2019s all fun and games. Like you\u2019ve got a place togo and you\u2019ve got food to eat. They just kind of assume that happens (getting foodand shelter) when they get on the street (p.1, transcript 1).Joanne has experienced much death on the street. Death is a subject that comes up as sheis talking about her street family, which is extremely important to her. She laughs inappropriatelyas she begins to describe how many of her street family have died in the last two years. Joannementions several male friends, some of them Aboriginal, one of them her boyfriend, who have died92in various ways. The common denominator, accordingto Joanne, was the stress related to life onthe street, or perhaps the stressful conditions that broughtthem to the street.The most significant people in my life on the street at thispoint are my friends andas you\u2019d say like street family, street brothers and sisters. There\u2019sa couple of guyswe call grandpa and dad \u2014 because we all like sticktogether ... if someone gets introuble then everyone\u2019s there to make sure that nobody gets hurt or damaged ... ifyou need a place to crash and someone\u2019s got a stair wall that they\u2019ve got then youcan go with them ... if you\u2019re hungry, we all help each other out. If someone\u2019s gotmeal tickets and they\u2019re not hungry or they ate already then you know you give themaway. If you got a little bit of money you give it away ... making sure thateveryone\u2019s eaten and people are rested and ... everyone\u2019s pretty much got it togethermentally. Like this is my family... my street family it\u2019s, some of it it\u2019s kind of dying,cause people are dying (laugh) ... The people I live with now are really cool andthey\u2019re significant in my life because we\u2019re there for each other to help each otherout, give each other support, talk to each other whenever you know you gotta talkabout something. You can talk about anything with your street family, causeeveryone\u2019s like going through the same shit they\u2019ve gone through (p.10, transcript1).They\u2019re all my brothers and a couple of them were like in their mid-20s. One ofthem ... just turned 25 a couple of weeks before he died. He might have died of aheroin overdose but he was not a junkie. He tried it a few times before in his lifeand there was just one point when he was just really stressed and he wantedsomething to pick him up, to take it all away right and he did it. His last wordswere: \u2018Is it good?\u2019 and then he did \u2018the nod\u2019, and when you do the nod, sometimesyou don\u2019t pull out of it. He didn\u2019t pull out of it and he died. My other friend hewas about 21, that was a couple of years ago, he hung himself cause like he had justbeen going through a lot of stress. He was also a Native guy, I don\u2019t know .... Hejust didn\u2019t want to deal with life any more and died \u2014 hung himself. I had a friendhe was probably the same age as the first guy 25, 26 and he ended up shootinghimself in the head with a crossbow. We had seen him about three weeks beforethis happened cause he was living in Victoria and he came in to Vancouver andpartied with us ... he just didn\u2019t want to live on any more. My other friend Sean, hewas probably about 20, he died in a fire that had started in the squat because he hadgone drinking and then they went back to the squat and his buddy had left him atthe squat when he had passed out with candles on. The candles started the curtainson fire and his body didn\u2019t burn at all but it was just all the smoke that he inhaledand he died from that. It was pretty sad because a lot of these guys were still young.But you know you go through a lot of stress, a lot of bullshit, had bad trips and thinkabout a lot of weird things (laugh) the drugs helps too (p.11, transcript 1).Joanne expresses profound sadness about helplessness in just watching while \u201Cfriends aregoing down.\u201D She is aware of the characteristics of advanced drug addition and still she tries to bea support system. She sees the pain expressed by the acts that result in death for her friends.I feel very sad inside because my friends are dying and a lot of them are gettingcaught up in heroin and needles and it\u2019s kind of hard to pull them out of it ... unlessthey\u2019re willing to stop ... that makes me sad a lot of time because you sit there and93you talk with them right and you can see how they\u2019ve changed.A lot of the timeslike since they started doing it, all they want all they talk about is money, moneyanda fix, where they\u2019re gonna get their fix, how they\u2019re gonna get their money to gettheir fix and you know stuff like that, how high they are, and you know, I hope Idon\u2019t go in a knot or something like that .... Your friends are going down andthere\u2019snothing you can do and you\u2019re just standing there and you feelsad ... There is justa lot of confusion everywhere like a lot of people don\u2019t know what to do and wherethey\u2019re going (p.3, transcript 2).Joanne is knowledgable about birth control, sexually transmitteddiseases and AIDS. Muchof her awareness came through a job training course that she was involved in.Part of thecurriculum included speakers from AIDS Vancouver. Close contactwith street nurses and youthSexually Transmitted Disease(STD) clinics have also given Joanne a broad knowledge which sheneeds to protect herself. She says that she is not very sexually active and herboyfriend usescondoms.As stated above Joanne has had a problem with alcohol abuse, the severity of which she talksabout in explicit detail. \u201CI\u2019ve ended up in hospital probably four or five timesfrom alcohol.\u201D She\u2019stried many drugs but managed to stop at heroin. In the last while, she says, she still uses alcoholbut has begun the process of involving an alcohol counsellor and using restraint that has come fromwatching people die of drug and alcohol abuse. Joanne describes her addiction at its height, shegoes on to discuss why she discontinued using some drugs, her awareness of the disease ofaddiction, and her efforts to come to terms with her addictions.You\u2019d get up in the morning, right, and you\u2019d saved enough the night before so youcan get a couple of beers in the morning and get rid of your shakes and you feel alittle bit more calm then you\u2019d be panhandling and drink all day (p.8, transcript2).[On use of solvents] Not any glue or any solvents ... I seen too many people huffedout and it just doesn\u2019t look like too much fun. When I did rush a few times inMontreal ... you get like a really weird out buzz for a while, but you just the biggestheadache afterwards. So that\u2019s why I don\u2019t do it because it\u2019s useless paying moneyfor like a two-minute stone just to feel like shit afterwards. That\u2019s why I don\u2019t doheroin or anything because ... you pay lots of money to puke, you feel good for alittle while and then \u2018jones\u2019 afterwards. It\u2019s something I have no desire to do (p.9,transcript 2). Yeah, um... once you\u2019ve had a problem with alcohol you\u2019re alwaysgoing to have a problem with it whether you\u2019re dry or you\u2019re drunk right, you\u2019realways gonna be an alcoholic and you\u2019ll always gonna have the problem with it, it\u2019sjust whether or not you\u2019re gonna deal with it ... I still drink and I don\u2019t drink as muchas I used to, it\u2019s just like it\u2019s not my main goal every day, now I\u2019m starting doing stuff94with myself now. I am afraid to drink though becauseof what you\u2019re capable ofdoing when you\u2019re drunk, you know... courage the can type thing.You go out youdrink you know you\u2019re having a good time, you wakein the morning you\u2019re allboozed and bashed up ... ah, there was a party and youcan kind of laugh at it, butI\u2019m really fucking myself up right regular. People thatgo out and drink socially don\u2019treally do this (p.8, transcript 2). I have a drug and alcohol counsellornow and she\u2019sreally cool cause she\u2019s not gonna call you down for drinking, she\u2019sjust gonna askwhy you drink and make you think about why you do it and what kind offeelingsyou\u2019re trying to hold back or whatever right. But she\u2019s really supportive in helpingme try to find out things to do and helping me try to overcome the addiction(p.9,transcript 2).Joanne ends discussion on the topic of drugs by saying, \u201CI didn\u2019t reallyget into anything too heavybecause of the fear of addiction. That\u2019s something I don\u2019t really want to deal with ... I don\u2019t drinkeveryday any more.\u201D Among other astute observations and recommendations, Joannewould liketo see a recovery centre where youth could be taught to \u201CLook within and bring the power fromthemselves ... live life day to day ... [instead of] using drugs and alcoholas their crutch.\u201DJoanne knows many people in the sex industry; however, she is not directly involved inprostitution. Again, her understanding of the reasons people are in the industry is far beyond heryears. She shows compassion for the women who are trapped by circumstances. Joanne is not,however, \u201Cmaterialistic\u201D and she prefers her dignity to the empty promises she\u2019s been approachedwith. Joanne comments on the percentage of Aboriginal youth prostitutes on the eastside and in\u201CBoystown\u201D (the area where male prostitutes work) in Vancouver.I\u2019ve been approached once by a pimp, but he didn\u2019t push it upon me, and he didn\u2019tforce me to do anything but I turned him down because I was happy with what I wasdoing on the street corner begging for money. Because it was kind of promises of alavish lifestyle, you\u2019ll have clothes ... and there\u2019s nothing that I\u2019ve ever really wanted.So it\u2019s just like \u2018No\u2019! He\u2019s like, \u2018Okay, whatever,\u2019 and he walks away but I\u2019ve metquite a few people that do prostitute. A lot of the boys down there are Aboriginalsand like ... boys that work Boystown, the majority of them are Aboriginals. The girlsthat work in right downtown are mostly White and when you get down Hastingsmore Native females. Some of the reasons that I\u2019ve talked to them about why theydo it is some do it cause they\u2019re feeding their drug habit. They need their drugs tofeel happy about themselves and the way they\u2019re doing \u2014 that is to prostitute. Someof them I\u2019ve met a few that are trying to like give their kids a better life than welfare.A better life means for them money and that\u2019s how they\u2019re getting their money.Some I\u2019ve met that just enjoy sex and so \u2014 if you\u2019re getting paid for something thatyou enjoy, then do it, right. That\u2019s how they look at it. Some of them are doing itout of fear ... No one is going to accept them if they just go somewhere else, right.95So like these people are accepting them into their groups \u2014 these pimpsor whoever.They\u2019re accepting them, and you know people feel comfortable withthat for a while.Then they want to get out of it a lot of times it\u2019s hard. I\u2019vetalked to a few of thepeople downtown ... like the higher class girls... not higher classbut, you know, thehigher class people go to for prostitutes. A lot of them aren\u2019treally given moneyfrom their pimps, they\u2019re given what 20 bucks a night or something.That\u2019s whatthey have to buy their smokes and everything else with. But you know the pimpswill buy them clothing but the only clothing that they reallybuy them is dress upclothing, and they don\u2019t buy them anything that they can kickaround and feelcomfortable in. This is pretty sad when you look at it and sometimes it\u2019s notout ofchoice it\u2019s because of some of these pimps...(p.10, transcript 2).RacismRacism, yeah, you\u2019re going to experience it everywhere ... it makes me feel shittyyou\u2019re thinking who the hell is this person to be telling me that I\u2019m no good, forbeing myself, and everyone has no choice when they\u2019re born \u2014 as to what sex orcolour they are. If you let everything get to you, you\u2019d probably be dead by now(p.2, transcript 2).Joanne describes being harassed in school and she jokes about being told to go back to herown country. At least the experience in school was not directed at her exclusively, she had aPakistani friend with whom she could identify as a partner in oppression.There was me and my sister, my cousins in the school and there wasn\u2019t too manyAboriginal people in the school. We did get a lot of harassment because we wereNative and this wasn\u2019t [a long time ago] ... what, the early 80s and people stillweren\u2019t really aware of too much. We just kind of said, \u2018Screw you if you cannotaccept us for who we are then we don\u2019t really want to have anything to do withyou,\u2019 and if it came down to fighting then we were there altogether fighting side byside ... Whoever had a problem with this and who we were and what we were. Youknow we got called \u2018wagon burners\u2019 and whatever else right, I\u2019ve even got told oncewhen I was in my junior high by this guy, he knew I was Native and we were all aparty and ... it was my friend\u2019s party .... [intruders come in and refused to leave] theywere like, \u2018Fuck you, wagon burner.\u2019 One of the guys even told me to go back tomy own country. Everyone at the party laughed at him and made fun of him afterthat because it was just a major fuck-up on his part. But, you know, you do dealwith that because I grew up in a more White neighbourhood. One of my bestfriends, when I was growing up, was Pakistani Indian, so both of us got a lot of flackbut we didn\u2019t really care (p.11, transcript 2).Joanne corroborates the experience of racism that Etah talks about with regard to \u201CWhitepower\u201D groups and skinheads on the street in the major cities in Canada. She also tells of Aboriginalyouth who have bought into the movement in order to gain acceptance. She also(as does Etah)talks about some White youth, who while they will hurl stereotypical insults will send double96messages that Aboriginal youth are also \u201Cneat\u201Dbecause they (Aboriginal people) were here first.Romanticism aside, it is evident that the Aboriginal streetyouth participants in this study must endurea constant barrage of stereotypes of Aboriginal people withoutthe protection of adequate criticalhistory of their people. They have no defence, in their ownpsyches or knowledge base, as to thereason Aboriginal people hold the position that they do in Canadian society.there are street people out there that are White power and I think of a lot of theNative youths ... I ran into a lot of Native youths in Toronto, I ran into a couple outhere and a couple in Calgary that they are Native, but they hold a lot of thenationalist views you know they think that the only people that should be here areNatives and Whites. You run into a lot of people White people that think that they\u2019llthink you\u2019re cool because you\u2019re Native and that you were the first people here. Butthey\u2019re totally down on other nationalities like Orientals, Pakistani and Asians, they\u2019retotally down on them because they think of like immigrants coming over here takingall their jobs \u2014 raiding everything ... and we\u2019re going to treat our fellow WhiteCanadians with respect by screwing everyone else because everyone else just cameand they were immigrants, you know, they\u2019re no good, they\u2019ve got germs, anddiseases type things .... but if you\u2019re gonna run into racism about being Native you\u2019regonna run into racism that\u2019s like from people that are racist against a lot of people\u2014 like everyone of colour except White ... because there are a lot of nazis andWhite power. White pride they don\u2019t have a problem with because White pride isnot going around preaching that white is good. White pride is just going aroundsaying that, \u2018I\u2019m proud that I am White cause you got Native pride, Black pride,\u2019 orwhatever right (p.1, transcript 2). Racism includes violence from weekend warriorsand college university students that come down on the weekends to go to thedowntown bars and hang out and to be seen, whatever, pick up people and theywalk around and a lot of the time [they say] \u2018You\u2019re a Native and you\u2019re a lysolchugging fucking squaw ...\u2018 (p.2, transcript 2).Joanne becomes animated when asked whether she notices any differential treatment from peopleon the streets. Even as she understands the enterprenurial position of seeing street youth presenceas a detriment to business, she questions mainstream lack of understanding of their circumstanceson the street. She indicates that it doesn\u2019t take much to trigger a string of assumptions aboutAboriginals that show total ignorance about the history of Canada and of the different treatment ofthe Aboriginal peoples.I think that storekeepers treat you worse than everyone else on the street becauseyou\u2019re infringing on their business. If you\u2019re sitting around their stores then they\u2019regonna say, \u2018Well, get away from here because you\u2019re scaring away our customers,you have no money.\u2019 ... they call these other laws ... vagrancy laws just for sittingaround right because you have nowhere else to go to hang out except the street. I97like watching people because you know they are interesting.Ordinary people onthe street treat you the same and some people treatyou worse. I think it goes onsocial standards too, I think a lot of people with money treat youa lot worse becauseyou\u2019re not at the same social level as them, you\u2019re not livinglike them, you\u2019re notthinking the same way as them. Because people that havemoney are more moneyminded \u2014 materialistic. They think more along thoselines, they don\u2019t go anydeeper than that you know. They might be the most intelligentperson but that\u2019ssomething that they\u2019ve learned about you know ... but whenit comes down to reallife you know they know nothing. They treat you a lot worsethan if they\u2019re livingon welfare or just living like right above the poverty line.They know how it is tostruggle. They know how it is not to eat ... they know a lotof the things you\u2019regoing through, whereas the people that have had money in theirlife have never gonethrough any of that so they don\u2019t know how it is, and they, youknow, a lot of themtake it as, \u2018It\u2019s not my problem, I don\u2019t have to deal with it.\u2019 They\u2019ll treat you reallyweird just because they\u2019ve been asked 10 times that day for money right, and thenthey\u2019ll just lash out at you for asking them for a quarter. A lot of people tell you tosell our shoes for money to eat right. What are we going to wear on our feet? It\u2019slike, I\u2019d rather have shoes right now because I don\u2019t want to walk around the city inmy barefeet. It\u2019s not very much fun and I\u2019m hungry and you\u2019re telling me to sellmyshoes. So either way I\u2019m fucked right? That\u2019s all you own so you don\u2019t want to.Yeah, I think that a lot of people too, on the street, walking around, treat Aboriginalstreet kids bad because they think that since we\u2019re Native the government has givenall these handouts. We shouldn\u2019t be out on the streets asking for a meal, becausewe\u2019ve been given this land, and we should go and work the land, or you\u2019re gettingland settlements, like the government is using your land, and you\u2019ve got reserves andare getting money. But you know, I don\u2019t live on the reserve. I haven\u2019t got anythingfrom my reserve. When I was younger I got food and stuff from my parents, but I\u2019mon my own and I\u2019ve got to work for it all by myself, and a lot of people don\u2019t thinkthat\u2019s hard. They think because you\u2019re Native you\u2019ve been handed all this stuff, sogo back and use it .... There\u2019s nothing really for me there and I don\u2019t want to (p.17-19, transcript 1).Joanne has much experience with the stereotypical images that are common for Aboriginalpeople in Canadian society. She says, however, she thinks that Aboriginal street youth share in thecommon myths and stereotypes about street youth with all other street youth. This condition, ofcourse, means that Aboriginal street youth endure double oppression on the street. In additionfemale Aboriginal youth experience sexism and discrimination on the basis of age. Joanne thinksthat Aboriginal youth get the harsh stereotypical fallout from older Aboriginal street people in thecity. She also adds that in the city racism is more overt because of the ethnic mix; however, insmaller towns racism is more extensive and pervasive.Not really, I think what happens to you on the street happensto most people that areon the street. A lot of the people stereotype youth becauseyou are Native, that98automatically you\u2019re an alcoholic, or you sniffgas or glue, that you\u2019re good fornothing, that you\u2019re always going to be drunk and bummingmoney. I find a lot ofpeople add to the stereotypes of that among the older Nativestreet people. A lot ofit is like \u2018Urban, god-damn Indians ... fucking alcoholics,all they do is sit around theskids and do nothing, and they\u2019re not good for anything.\u2019A lot of people dostereotype but, I find a lot of the stereotype goes towards morethe older streetNatives. The younger ones, some people I think would givehope to you, becausethey are younger and they think these older people are fucked up, and they\u2019re nevergoing to pull themselves out of it, and they\u2019re stuck there forever, and they\u2019re morefucked up than these kids because they\u2019ve done more and they drink more. Ijustthink that what happens on the street basically happens to most people on the street,right, you get the same stereotypes because everyone is on the street together, you\u2019reon the same level. Some examples of racism is just a lot ... fromstore ownersbecause, they\u2019re a straight person and you\u2019re Native. They think that you\u2019re just likeeveryone, you\u2019re just like drunken, you\u2019re gonna fuck them up ... their business,andall you want is money to buy your cans of Aqua Velva or Lysol.... In bigger cities,it\u2019s more open because there are more ethnic people everywhere inthe cities. Yougo to smaller town and you experience a lot of racism because they\u2019re small townsand they\u2019re accustomed to having all White towns, with a black toby. But in biggercities you\u2019re gonna experience probably less of it because there are a lot of peoplewith ethnic backgrounds in bigger cities (p.1-2, transcript2).Joanne relates that racism includes violence when people choose to attack them in a racialencounter, or when Aboriginal street youth finally get fed up with the abuse and haveto stand upfor themselves.My boyfriend\u2019s lived on the street too and he\u2019s Chipwayan Indian and he grew upin Saskatchewan. From talking with him, he\u2019s grown up in a very violent lifestyle.He\u2019s always been react first and think later, but he\u2019s a really nice guy. He\u2019s had alot of trouble too, sometimes just because he\u2019s a Native and a guy ..., Since the factthat I\u2019m a female, a lot of people won\u2019t attack me physically. They\u2019re like, \u2018Yeahshe\u2019s a chick, so let\u2019s just sit here and yell and scream at her and call her down andhopefully we can make her cry.\u2019 With people like him, since he\u2019s a male, they\u2019ll[string of stereotypical insults], and go out and just attack him for nothing (p.7\u2019,transcript 2).In the final analysis, Joanne expresses sadness about what\u2019s happening to Aboriginal people,\u201CI feel sad too about what\u2019s happening with people in this country, like of the Aboriginal people,all of the drug abuse, the alcoholism She equates many of the problems with the way Canadiansociety is structured and the everyday struggle of facing racist assault, at least in the Aboriginal streetyouth population. Joanne, however, is tough about defending herself on logical grounds against99racism. Racist ideology and its accompanying arsenal, unfortunately, do not bendin the face oflogic, especially in a population of the most disenfranchised people in Canada.so I\u2019ve no problems with being an Aboriginal person and if anybody is gonnadislike me for it then I\u2019m gonna stand up and say, \u2018listen you have no right to call medown because of the way I am and for who I am... I had no choice of thiswhen Iwas born, so I\u2019m gonna make the best of it\u2019(p.11, transcript 2).Culture and identityI don\u2019t feel ashamed and I don\u2019t feel bad about being an Aboriginal person, like I\u2019mproud that I\u2019m Aboriginal person because Aboriginal people are really strongspiritually (p.11, transcript 2).Joanne gives the impression of being a well balanced young person where her identity isconcerned. Somehow she has gathered the strength of conviction that those stereotypes do notapply to her as an Aboriginal person. Nor does she give any evidence of harbouring a blaming thevictim perspective where other Aboriginal people are concerned. Joanne does refer to stories toldby elders that give a critical understanding of the present social conditions of Aboriginal people.And she also indicates self-study in Aboriginal history. She identifies with the non-materialistic valueof Aboriginal culture. Of this characteristic she is proud....if the Aboriginal peoples would look back on traditional values and stuff like that,then none of it is materialistic. It\u2019s all really spiritual and the stories, and it\u2019s reallycool if you sit around and you talk with the elders and they\u2019ve got rad [radical]stories about why things are the way they are. It\u2019s just the really creative ... creativeethnic group, right? (p.11, transcript 2).Joanne indicates that Aboriginal history was sparse in school, nor did her parents offer to fill in thegaps in self knowledge that were obviously missing. Her parents probably had even less informationabout Aboriginal people in their education.Ah ... no I haven\u2019t learned much about it, because in school they don\u2019t really teachyou very much about the history of Aboriginal peoples. They teach you history ofthe White English and French peoples but not a lot about Aboriginals. They mightmention a tribe here and there in history but they don\u2019t elaborate as much as theydo on the history of all the Whites. So you don\u2019t learn a lot that way. My parentshave never talked about it when I lived at home and I just really didn\u2019t have any ofthe resources before, but I think I\u2019ve got them now. I read a couple books abouthistory of Aboriginal peoples in Canada cause my uncle had a couple of them butthat\u2019s it(p.11-12, transcript 2).100Joanne does not currently practice Aboriginal cultural ceremoniesor go to Aboriginal events.She does though reveal a mature level of comfort and wisdom in being willingto learn more frompeople who are authentically qualified to teach her. And she indicates thatshe knows that she mustbe properly prepared to enter this process. Joanne would like to see more funding in providingcultural learning opportunities for street youth and people in general. Wisely, she does not thinkthat education only for Aboriginal people will effect the transformation needed in Canada. Shewould like to see education for everyone.No I don\u2019t [practice Aboriginal culture]. When I was younger we usedto go to powwows, 2 to 3 a year, and I would go and hang out and watch the dances and talkwith some of the people, but right now I don\u2019t. Yes I would [practice Aboriginalculture] but I\u2019d have to get into it and that\u2019s kind of like hard to do at timescauseyou say you will, but saying and doing are different a lot of the time. Yeah, I thinkI would if I got into it and I met someone that really knew a lot and could teach me.I\u2019d kind of recommend more funding to help get more elder people and more peoplethat know about spirituality and ceremonies. They know how to do them properlyand they know all about them and what helps and stuff like that. I think that itwould be cool if you get more funding to get some of these people in town teachingthe street people about our background and where you came from, and stories andhelp find yourself spiritually. And if you got more people around that would helpeducate in that way ... average people just to become more aware...(p. 12, transcript2).Joanne also shows maturity in that she can look at a reserve that is in poor condition and shehas still not internalized, to a great extent, the image. She can choose to dislike the conditions andthis does not reflect on the human beings that she relates to on the reserve. In the next chapter wewill meet Noella who tends to generalize the conditions on one reserve to all Aboriginal people andwants to dissociate herself from all that that means. Joanne is not unaffected, she gets despondentand wants to regress into an idyllic childhood where she doesn\u2019t have to be aware of the conditionsof her people.The last time I went back to the reserve was two years ago and it wasn\u2019t too badcause I got to see my grandmother, my aunts and uncles and stuff. But a lot of thestuff out there is like really depressing because a lot of the kids all ... they\u2019ve gotnothing other that drinking, or yeah, shooting back the beers and just basicallyfucking themselves up, and not making use of themselves. Like I don\u2019t know, there\u2019slots of dirt, lots of gravel, lots of dogs. You go into town, what\u2019s there to do in town,go to the arcade or so a lot of people are just wasting their lives away out there101doing nothing \u2014 drinking (p.19, transcript1). I also felt sorry like cause at timeswhen you sit back and you\u2019re thinking about things thatyou have to do and thingsthat you want to do, you feel like you don\u2019t want to do it any more,you just wantto go home, you feel like you want to be young again, not have any responsibilitiesand not have to worry about anything \u2014 only worry about who you\u2019regonna playwith and what is your mom cooking you for dinner or whatever(p.3, transcript 2).Joanne is comfortable with relating to all street workers, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal,butmakes a distinction when it comes to dealing with Aboriginal background, history,racism, identityand culture. Aboriginal workers are more \u201Cin tune\u201D she says. Particularlywhen it comes tospirituality, Joanne says, \u201Cbecause White people have their own god.\u201DFor the most part it feels about the same as talking with like regular street workers,but when it comes down to stuff like about your spirituality and your background,and where you\u2019ve been brought up \u2014 cause [Aboriginal workers] they know moreabout how you\u2019ve been brought up, if you\u2019ve been brought on a reserve, all thehardships that you\u2019ve gone through just because of colour. They know more aboutthat because they\u2019ve gone through the same as you right, and if you want to talkabout spirituality then they\u2019re more in tuned with that than other street workers(p.17,transcript 1).Joanne appears to be on the verge of leaving the street lifestyle. She is clear about heridentity, she is on income assistance and living in a place she shares with friends, and she isreceiving alcohol counselling. However, she loves to travel. By the time of this writing Joanne wassomewhere in the United States \u2014 gone to discover more about life on the streets \u2014 with friends.SocietyI feel sad about the way mankind is in nature ... \u2018what can we take, what can webuild, what can we make without thinking in long term effects of what\u2019s going tohappen\u2019 (p.3, transcript 2).Joanne shows her political perspective by the role models that she lists. She is not evenreally specific, except for her references to the biographies of Ghandi and Malcolm X. Theirperspectives and solutions reflect her vision of a better society. She ends with a tribute to her friendson the street.I think my role models right now at this point in my life are the free thinkersoutthere that aren\u2019t afraid to think of what they want and to do ... to just say what theyplease. I admire people who are non-conformists, people that know what they\u2019retalking about and they don\u2019t bend very easily to what society tells them to do. Who102I admire? I\u2019ve been learning about the works of like Ghandi and Malcolm X.I\u2019mreading about them and what they\u2019ve done, some of their ideologies and gettingangry with them as in, like, to make change. You have to, like,take over thegovernment, not really take it over, but change government, change governments inorder, like, get out of the wreck that you\u2019re stuck in and have it self-governed insteadof governed by a different nation or governed by a minority of people like it isnowadays. Governments right now are governed and ruled by power, money,wealth. They say that they\u2019re trying to look at social problems but a lot of the timeit\u2019s just like a lot of talk for the people with the money ... \u2018Oh, we\u2019re doing this,we\u2019re doing that and look at the results it\u2019s bringing and a lot of times it\u2019s not reallybringing useful results\u2019 ... They\u2019re going in circles so. I don\u2019t know, I admire theirworks cause of what they have to talk about. Malcolm X is a militant guy, it\u2019s kindof neat. I also admire my friends too, I admire them for who they are and I\u2019m notgoing to let anyone shoot them down just because they fucked up \u2014 everyone fucksup. And you know you just got to live with it and the fuck ups make the person,make them who they are \u2014 you know. You can\u2019t really change it \u2014 no one\u2019sperfect (p.4, transcript 2).Joanne says she wouldn\u2019t go back to school at the moment because she doesn\u2019t perceive thatthe school gives a sufficient critical perspective on the life that street youth, or youth in general, arefaced with. She does not trust that the school is not a coercive tool of the government. Much ofJoanne\u2019s dialogue suggests that historical educational and governmental misinformation aboutAboriginal conditions and history is the reason for her distrust.I don\u2019t believe in the instruction form of education in school \u2014 being taught. Schoolis just a form of mind control, thought control they\u2019re telling you this happened soyou know it didn\u2019t, you can\u2019t think that type thing. I don\u2019t think that because itdidn\u2019t happen right. What\u2019s real is what\u2019s written in these books and sometimes youdon\u2019t know if it\u2019s real or not because it just might be something that the governmentis giving you to make you think that it actually happened ... it\u2019s just like pretty boringbecause they teach you the same thing just about every year except maybe for a littlebit more or something else right. It\u2019s just really repetitive and I did ten years ofschool (p.4, transcript 2). So you should just educate kids on the way real life is, notthis school of paper, not the office building type(30 stories), suit and tie starch life,teach them about real life \u2014 about living and what goes on (p.16, transcript2).Environmental issues are of concern to Joanne. She shows her Aboriginal roots in the ethic ofconservation.I also feel sad about the way mankind is in human nature. Because it\u2019s just moreconsumption ... we are consumed with what can we take, what can we build, whatcan we make without thinking in long term effects of what\u2019s gonna happen, whatyou\u2019re gonna do with it afterwards. Man is ... I don\u2019t know, they\u2019re burning off thetop layer of the earth and wrecking it all, and wrecking everything, and they\u2019rethrowing all their junk out into space, when they shouldn\u2019t really be. Because it\u2019s103not for man to exploit, it\u2019s not for man to use, it\u2019s not for man to destroy. They\u2019redoing all that (p.3, transcript 2).Joanne is impatient with middle class people ignorantly wielding their middle-class workethic at street youth, without being cognizant of the reasons for theirexistence. Nor would she sayanything to a government person about education on the street.Some people think that you\u2019ve lived a good life all your life because they don\u2019t thinkin a broader perspective that something, you know, just happened. You might havegrown up in the perfect family ... functional parents and the brother and sister.Everything is all White and pretty and you\u2019ve got your dog Fifi sitting by yourside,you\u2019ve always got food on the table and a roof over your head. A lot of peopledon\u2019t have stuff like that ... If you sit around and explain your situation right that let\u2019ssay you\u2019re 15 or 16 years old and you don\u2019t have a place to live, you don\u2019t have aplace to shower and all you\u2019re worried about right now is eating, some people areunderstanding (p.6, transcript 2). I don\u2019t think I\u2019d say too much to a governmentperson about education on the street level because most government people werebrought up in middle class families where they had everything given to them ... [Shewould rather talk to] The people that live on the street, the people that have lived onthe street ... the people that haven\u2019t sold out ... and have not gone to this whitecollar bureaucrat fucking stage. [These are] people that have sold out that say \u2018I usedto be like you ... but now you know, we have to conform.\u2019 A lot more peoplenowadays are getting more knowledgeable. They\u2019re catching on to the lies of thegovernment, and they\u2019re finally getting connected with other people ... sit aroundand talk with them and share knowledge (p.16, transcript 2).At the end of the interview Joanne wanted to dispel a few myths about street youth andabout how the media distorts some of their lifestyle. Hitch hiking, for instance, according to Joanneis not as dangerous as it is made out to be. The main point in her argument is that she does nottrust the media. She blames the media also for blaming street youth for the destruction done bymiddle-class youth....Iike people who are not scared of picking hitchhikers because they know there\u2019sgood hitchhikers out there ... The media focuses more on people\u2019s despair and painand hurt and so like they\u2019re gonna focus more on that too with hitchhiking ... on allthe people that are murdered when they\u2019re hitchhiking, and got rolled or beat orrobbed or whatever (p.6, transcript 1). I just like to say that like a lot of the stuff thatstreet people get blamed for isn\u2019t actually what they did. It was kids from thesuburbs, jocks and so-called weekend warriors, that come down and destroy stuff andfucks it up and like are really rude to people and like beat up street people becausethey\u2019re street people and they don\u2019t have a place to live in. I don\u2019t know like we getblamed for a lot of the stuff they do just because you know they\u2019re supposedly goodupstanding citizens you know because their parents work for whatever or they\u2019regoing to college or the university and you know they\u2019re supposed to be upstanding104because of their social status in that sense that they\u2019re actually puttingback you knowinto the community so...(p.19, transcript 2).Joanne is a highly self-educated young individual, even thoughat times she seems a littleimmature when she gives one of her little laughs. And at times her idealism shows when inchildlike fashion she relates her so normal ambition, for a child of seventeen,to travel the world and visitmany cultures. It is, after all, a dream shared by so many middle-class youth.The best possible future for me right now, what would make me happy would be tobe able to travel to many countries, experience what they have, see the countriescause I\u2019ve only been in Canada and Montana. I\u2019ve never really been to the Stateseither, and don\u2019t really have too much of a desire to, but I\u2019d like to check out likeSouth American countries, Africa, Asian countries. I don\u2019t know if I\u2019d like to go toEurope, it\u2019s not very nice, it\u2019s very touristy over there ... I don\u2019t know really I haven\u2019treally given too much thought about my future, just to be happy(p.5, transcript 2).MISSY: Former street personI\u2019m back in therapy again ... I guess where I\u2019m at today is that I have two beautifulchildren and a partner and a nice home. But at times there are things that comeup that really really bother me inside so I need to talk about those things. I needto deal with a loss of childhood and to deal with the sexual abuse still(p.14-15,transcript 1).Missy, a 28 year old mother of two sons and partner to an Aboriginal man, is a statusKwakuitl woman who made the difficult and complex transition off the streets of Vancouver sevenand a half years ago. She presents a quiet confident image of a young woman who knows whoseside she\u2019s on when she is working with the less fortunate. She is down to earth in dress andmanner, and is firm and articulate in relating her story, without affectation, of being on the street,her subsequent recovery and the changes she sees as necessary to prevent more Aboriginal childrenfrom becoming entrenched on the streets of Vancouver. Missy\u2019s story speaks for itself. It needs littlecommentary, nor did she need prompting in the interview.Growing up in the Vancouver downtown eastside district, torn numerous times from anaddicted single parent family (with a succession of step fathers), surviving foster homes and grouphomes, and finally ending up on the streets at the age of thirteen, is still painful for Missy to talkabout. She has three brothers, one full and two half brothers by two of the four step fathers she lists105on the face sheet before the interview. Missy started runningat the age of eleven. By the timeMissy became entrenched on the street at the age of thirteen,she had had a baby who died(shedoes not say when or by whom) and she was well intoa cycle of addiction. Missy spent the nextfour years in entrenched street life and two moreyears in the struggle of getting off the street. Eightyears in all. She now, after seven and a half years off the street, workswith the social service systemfor youth who are desperately trying to follow her example.Historyall the time that I\u2019d been in care she hadn\u2019t made any visits, and everytime I wasbrought to visit her, she never showed up (p.2, transcript1) ...l missed being a partof my family. I wanted to belong in my family and I felt like the separation hadtaken me from my family (p.7, transcript 1).Missy began her journey through the child care system when she was apprehended at thetender age of two weeks, where she stayed until she was two and a half years old. Returned to hermother for one year, she then came into care briefly while her mother wasin treatment. From theages of four to seven she remained with her mom and finally was madea permanent ward of theprovince of British Columbia and placed in numerous White foster homes. The seven year old Missyhad already suffered much under the auspices of parental custody.Child care protection was toprovide no better.Rape at three years old, which continued \u201Cby a number of men in the family\u201D while in thecare of her mother, left Missy extremely angry at her parents(her mother and one of her step dadsthat she took as her father) for not protecting her. The rage compoundedas she met with four yearsof sexual abuse (ages7-11) at the hands of her foster father....it was really vicious abuse...he\u2019d hold me with guns and do all sorts of things...lwas really mixed up at that age (p.2, transcripts1).She disclosed her abuse to her foster mother and charges were laid. Justicemay have alleviated thepent up shame and bitterness; however, after pleading temporary insanity,her assailant received asix month sentence.106At the same time Missy was dealing with being informed, during one of the few \u201Cphonecontacts\u201D with her mother, that her \u201Cdad\u201D (mentionedabove) had committed suicide a few yearsearlier and she had never been told. \u201CHe had hung himself in my grandmother\u2019s garage and nobodytold me.\u201D This had been the first contact Missy had had with her mom in almost five years. Itwould be her last. Even as the ministry ended phone contact with her mother, her mom died ofanoverdose when Missy was eleven years old.Missy describes the interim years between her mother\u2019s death at eleven and the decisiontogo to the streets at age thirteen this way.So at that time I remember thinking, \u2018Well, why am I letting these people take careof me?\u2019 I\u2019d been in a foster place where I\u2019d been abused, and then I\u2019d been movedinto this sort of high class group home...it was totally different. I\u2019d been moved somany times to different homes at that point. From receiving homes to fosterplacement and temporary placement, it was always a different home and every timeI moved I had to change who I was. There was a new set of rules, there was a setof the way I was to be as a person. Not one of these families were Native. I\u2019d hada problem with wetting the bed and often I was moved because I wet the bed andbecause I had nightmares. And at [age] eleven the social worker said \u2018Well, lets puther in Maples ...\u2018 And I was really angry that they wanted to lock me up in Maplesfor counselling and to be seen by a psychiatrist regularly. I felt I was being lockedaway for what somebody else did. And I couldn\u2019t see why they wanted to lock meaway and why they thought I was crazy for what had happened. So I figured I\u2019dgiven the Ministry enough chances. I figured that they\u2019d done a lousy job of lookingafter me and there was nobody to depend on but myself and my dreams sort of diedalong with my mother. I think one thing that helped me survive all those years wasthat I had a dream that one day she would straighten out her act and we\u2019d livehappily ever after and I\u2019d be the best daughter in the world. So when she died thatdream ended and there was nothing else to hang on to. So I went out on the street,you know. And I thought I was safer that way, looking after myself than withsomebody else to look after me (pp.2-3, transcript 1).On the streetsI was running from group homes and I was running from the ministry.... I knew ifI relied on myself I\u2019d be safer than if I let other people take care of me (p.3,transcript 1).Missy had many reasons for entering the maze in the underbelly of Vancouver \u2014 the streetworld. Having lost the illusion of reuniting with her family, Missy\u2019s alienation from personal andcultural dislocation and sexual abuse intensified. She began to run and abuse drugs in an effort to107be free from \u201Cthe system\u201D and from her own pain. Missy wouldstay in this \u201Calternate system\u201D of\u201Cmasked pain\u201D for eight years (six years steady and two yearsoff and on).There\u2019s a lot of reasons why I ended up on the streets. I guessat age 11 is when Istarted to have the feelings of wanting to run and drink and use drugs(p.1, transcript1). I guess I wanted a sense of freedom, so that\u2019s basically why. I wanted to rely onmyself (p.3, transcript 1). There was a lot of grief ... I missedbeing a part of myfamily and I felt like the separation had taken me from myfamily. Even when I waswith my family, I felt like I didn\u2019t belong. I wasn\u2019t accepted forwho I was becauseI was raised differently ... as well as ... I missed my mother very much and I missedmy step dad and I just wanted to be with them. And I\u2019d had a baby that had diedand I grieved that very much. So I felt a lot of losses. A lot of anger concerningthese losses. As well as the loss of my own childhood, I felt that I\u2019d miss out on agreat deal of my childhood and I was really angry about that and I was always alwaysreally lonely. And I didn\u2019t want to be alone. I was scared to be alone. And so therewas a lot of pain there (p.7, transcript 1).The people Missy hung out with on the street were people of the street who were familiarto her.They too were living in the downtown skid row area of Hastings street.I had a number of new friends on the street and as well I had two uncles that livedin the area ... they lived in hotels. One uncle had been sober for a number of yearsand protected me and fed me and never asked me for anything in return. The otheruncle who used to take care of me ... used to always try and get me to sleep withhim. He\u2019d slept with my mother and he died while I was down there. So I used tovisit the one who used to look after me and never forced me to go home (p.3-4,transcript 1).From the mid 1970s to the mid 1980s AIDS was not an issue \u201C... so I didn\u2019t even hear theword AIDS at that time. It was basically STDs people were concerned about then. And I didn\u2019t usebirth control, as well as STD precautions.\u201D There were few specific street youth services, at least thatMissy knew about, or that she would approach for help. Any support that Missy would acceptwould have to come unconditionally and from the street itself. Missy did not have access to welfareat the young age of thirteen. Social Services was the enemy who would simply put her back intothe mess she was leaving.No, I didn\u2019t know about any street workers at that time ... being down there and Iwas very resistant to any sort of services. So I didn\u2019t use them and there was onlyone community drop in centre that I used where you could watch TV and theyoffered you cheap meals and laundry. The only thing that I was offered through mysocial worker was placement and I wouldn\u2019t accept it. So basically I didn\u2019t call veryoften. At the age of 16 and 17 I started receiving a little bit more services, like108clothing vouchers and bus tickets. They used to give me bus tickets ... they used togive me bus tickets back to my home town and back. And at theage of 1 7, theyoffered me underage income assistance (p.4, transcript 1) ... Depending on howthings were going, sometimes I lived outside, sometimes I would just walk aroundall night, other times I would have friends to go to or I had a hotel room (p.9,transcript 1).Early sexual abuse, alienation, poverty, drug addiction and the need to survive led toprostitution and drug dealing. Both hooking and selling drugs came to Missy through adult coercionabsent of the \u2018usual\u2019 promise of love and protection.The first time I remember doing a trick I guess I was about 14 years old.I was livingwith my grandparents for a short time and one of my grandfather\u2019sfriends wouldcome over and sneak in the house all the time and he started abusing me. At thattime, it was the first time that I had been reunited with my family after a number ofyears, so I was too afraid to say anything for fear that they might move me frommygrandparents\u2019 house. Well anyways, this man who was abusing me ... he used togive me money. He started to give me money and he used to buy me things so Iwouldn\u2019t say anything. And then... I moved out of my grandparents\u2019 house becauseI couldn\u2019t handle that anymore. But after a short time I went back to see this man.And he was paying me basically .... I think I\u2019d seen him until I went to treatmentbasically [age 20]. As well I\u2019d had a number of regulars that I\u2019d found ... justaccidental sort of walking on the street, men approaching me and then I wouldphone them once a week or once a month depending on how much I needed themoney. Sometimes it was twice a week and I would just meet them somewhere andthey would take me home. And then finally after I started to drink heavily, I wasn\u2019tgetting enough money coming in and so I went out and started working on the streetand I still continued to have my regulars as well at the same time (p.11, transcript 1).I used to work in the Chinatown area, anywhere from Pender and Main, alongKeeffer and most of the time it was up near Princess and Hastings. If I wasn\u2019tstanding on the corner, I used to hitchhike and I would hitchhike around and that\u2019show I\u2019d pick up my dates. When I first started working the streets, I\u2019d known thisgirl for a couple of years ... she sort of showed me how to work .... When I firststarted dealing I... it wasn\u2019t something I sort of decided to do on my own, it was sortof somebody who\u2019d come to me, \u2018deal these drugs and this is what you\u2019ll get for it\u2019(p.11, transcript 1).When the demands of drug addiction became overwhelming robbery supplemented Missy\u2019sbottomless need for drug money. \u201CI was really addicted to cocaine and all sorts of other drugs aswell as drinking very heavily.\u201D She was, however, never criminalized for her activity. This is morea statement of the acceptance of youth prostitution, particularly of Aboriginal kids(as Missy will laterelaborate) by Canadian society, than cunning criminality on Missy\u2019s part.109I used to also rob people. Many of the tricks I used to rob.I used to steal whereverpossible and I got tired of working the streets ... so I starteddealing drugs. At firstit was marijuana and then it was cocaine and other types ofchemical drugs. I wasnever charged. I\u2019d been under investigation a few times fortheft. I\u2019d been chargedfor shoplifting but the charges were dropped by the stores thatI\u2019d shoplifted at.When I was prostituting I was stopped a number of timesby the police and theycollected information in their little books on women who prostitute.They take yourname down and your picture and put it in their book in caseyou go missing. Butbasically I was never charged with anything, I always seemed toget away witheverything (p.10, transcript 1).Missy relates that violence was a feature of her time as a prostitute, \u201CAnd men wouldjustbecome violent, one minute they were fairly nice and the next minute ....\u201C Danger did not comeexclusively from johns, it came from those whom she allowed into her lonely life as lovers. It ismisogynist love-laced violence that she fears most. Missy talks about the physical violence fromboyfriends in the same vein as exploitation from various sources.I wasn\u2019t afraid of anything on the street. The only thing I ever remember being afraidof, when I was down there, was a boyfriend who was physically abusive. I had beenexploited through a number of people down there. I was exploited by dealers butI was never exploited by pimps or anything like that. Pedophiles ... I was exploitedby pedophiles. Basically I was preyed on by pedophiles ... and a few street peoplewho were trying to get me into doing certain things for them ... if you have moneydown there you\u2019re taken advantage of if you let people .... I found that people whoare street involved never give anything for free. There\u2019s always something they wantin exchange, some sort of favours of some kind. I also had boyfriends who tookadvantage of me .... Yeah, I used to go back. I had a boyfriend who beat meseverely for three years while I was down there and I kept going back all the time.I\u2019d never charged him, I\u2019d always protect him and make up excuses for the beatingsand blame it on myself. And part of me really felt like this was what love was. Mymother beat me and she, you know, beat us regularly and verbally abused us, thatI thought this was all I deserved. So I kept thinking well this person loves me, that\u2019swhy they\u2019re beating me. So I kept going back because it was the only sort of lovethat I knew. And to admit that this man didn\u2019t love me was to admit that my motherdidn\u2019t love me. So I stayed in that relationship for three years and then the followingrelationship was abusive also. The second one wasn\u2019t as severe (beatings) but withthe second one I used to fight back. With the first one I didn\u2019t. The second one, Ifought back at times, not all the time, until finally I couldn\u2019t handle it anymore andI got out of that relationship (p.1-2, transcript2).Another characteristic of the downtown eastside of Vancouver is that the majority ofprostitutes are of Aboriginal ancestry. Missy, having come from a life in numerous White foster110homes, was now just one of the many Aboriginal street youthwho were submerged in the sexindustry for whatever reason \u2014 for however long.In the area I was working, downtown and Chinatown, I\u2019d say approximately75%were Native girls and women at that time, as well as some Native transsexuals whowere working also (p.12, transcript 1).Eventually life for Missy became a blur of drug addiction andpartner abuse. She began to realizethat her mother\u2019s fate would be her own if she did not do somethingabout the disfunction in herlife.Well I think from every time... from every person who takes advantageof you ... youlearn. You learn something ... and it\u2019s usually not to trust the next personso quickly.As for the boyfriends I had for beating me up and I took a good many beatings, fornothing basically, until I finally learned that it was time to get out of thissituation.I was beaten until I couldn\u2019t take anymore ... and I was very scared that one of thesebeatings would eventually kill me if I didn\u2019t get out pretty quick so ... it took a longtime for me to learn you know (p.1, transcript 2) .... And I was really fedup with lifein general and I felt like one day I would not wake that I would die in my sleep fromusing too much drugs and I decided that it was time I did something about my drugand alcohol problem and as well as other issues that had been bothering me forsome time (p.9, transcript 1).Being on the street, for Missy, was sprinkled with attempts to get and keep straightopportunities. Missy would have qualified for social services as a permanent ward: involuntaryprotection to the age of sixteen and voluntary services, such as education and special incomeassistance, from age sixteen to twenty one. Between the ages of sixteen and twenty(when she wentinto addiction treatment) Missy began cautiously accessing services for education and employment.Still heavily street active, Missy met with inevitable failure.I went to a Native alternative school ... until I finished grade 10 and then one of theteachers told me that the social workers were looking for me and unless I wanted tobe picked up and caught that I shouldn\u2019t return to school. So I never went back toschool and then at the age of 16, I approached my worker about hairdressing school.And they paid for my hairdressing school for two years off and on ... Sometimes Iwouldn\u2019t make it for days, but I tried ... I never completed the courses because Ididn\u2019t get enough hours (p.4, transcript 1). I used some employment services ...used to get odd jobs delivering papers and working fire fighting camps and doingstuff like that...(p.5, transcript 1).111During Missy\u2019s time on the street she made visits to the reserveto seek out extended familymembers. She made sure, however, that she retained herindependence and freedom. The reservehad not been the safe haven that Missy needed so desperately.I used to hitchhike up to my reserve and hitchhike back andI\u2019d go up for a day ortwo, or a couple of weeks and return. With my family it varied,it depended on whowas in my family. Anybody who has any sort of authorityover me no, I won\u2019t haveany contact with them. Anybody who could boss me around, no. If it was a brotheror a cousin or somebody who was an aunt or an uncle, who wasn\u2019t gonna expectanything from me, I would have contact with them.Back from the abyssI think the big thing that changed in my life was when I had myson. I started tothink about who I was as a person as well as I started to realize by seeing my soneveryday that a lot of the things that had happened to me were notmy fault. Justby looking at his innocent little face everyday was very reassuring for me (p.15,transcript 1).At age nineteen Missy gave birth to her oldest son. Although she had begun navigating theslippery terrain between street culture and life off the streets one year priorto her son\u2019s birth, thetransition was painfully slow. Services do not simply fling their doorsopen the moment one is readyto go through the mandala. She made sure, however, that her son was well cared for as she slidback and forth into escape. \u201CI always was very responsible about who I left him with ... I didn\u2019twant him to grow up like I did ... I didn\u2019t want him to go through the pain.\u201DI was trying to get my life together and get my own place and so I was living withfriends basically and ... but I was still street active. I used to go out and go drinkingin bars and stay out all night and sometimes I\u2019d go home for a few days at a time(p.8, transcript 1).During this time Missy was hanging out in the Main and Hastings area of Vancouver(sometimes onGranville). The catalyst in the change that Missy was experiencing came in the form of a streetworker who had faith in her. She relates the story in this way.I had a couple of friends and also one of the street workers whoI\u2019d been in contactwith quite regularly and he took me out on a retreat. And I was supposed to beclean, like three days of that week while I was on this retreat andso I went on thecamping trip, and it was out near the ocean on this island which was really quitenice. I took some drugs with me but not very much. So I lastedlike the three orfour days with just... I think barely anything anyways and I wassitting out in the112mountain and decided, you know, well maybe I should really thinkabout treatmentbecause a friend of mine \u2014 a boyfriend, actually, I had at the time \u2014 had suggestedthat. I said to the street worker \u2018What do you think of me going to treatment, prettyfunny idea?\u2019 and he said, \u2018actually it\u2019s the best thing, I think, you\u2019ve ever said.\u2019 Soat that time we got back to Vancouver and he\u2019d made the arrangements and it tooka few months. Those, I think, were the longest months in the whole time I\u2019d beendown there, was waiting for treatment because I was pretty heavily addicted. I didn\u2019tspend very much time not under the influence of something. And then I went totreatment and basically that\u2019s when my life started to get together and I didn\u2019t godowntown anymore (p.9, transcript 1).Missy was twenty when she went on the mountain trip and six months later she went intotreatment.I went to Round Lake Treatment Centre in Vernon. It\u2019s an Aboriginal treatmentcentre and I stayed there for six weeks. And basically I learned a lot about myselfthere, a lot about my past. They do a lot of group work ... and they do a circlesession for a few hours and they also do workshops on different life skills (p.1\u00B0,transcript 1).Treatment and stable housing are not the only factors in recovery from the type of completealienation that Missy describes. Love and support are essential to surmount the punishment fordeserting the old crowd on the street. Family and friends must meet and respect the new personwho is emerging. Missy was lucky she had such a friend. Retelling the pain involved in loss aroundrecovery was painful for Missy.the boyfriend I\u2019ve been with ... so after I was outside of ... I\u2019d gotten out oftreatment, he became verbally abusive. He was also drinking and using drugs stillso we broke up (p.13, transcript 1). I really felt a loss, I felt rejected and angryand I kept asking myself why I\u2019d gone through ... the treatment and all the work I\u2019ddone on myself to get this. I felt that they didn\u2019t even want to understand how comeI changed and how come I went through treatment. There was also a challenge withthem as well, because they used to make jokes about me going to treatment, that I\u2019dbe falling off. People used to come over with drinks \u2014 trying to give them to me.So that was really hard. It was hard to let go of them for me. But eventually I startedto make new friends and there was one friend who was my best friend and stuckright by me all the way and was really proud of me and was always there to supportme when I felt like I was losing it, so that was, I guess what made me hang on \u2014was her support being there all the time. She wasn\u2019t shutting the door no matterwhat I did. So that was nice (p.1, transcript 1).Life, however, does not make a point of stopping and making sure the player is strongenough to take the curves that so often get thrown to Aboriginal people in this society. Missy had113also to deal with the pain that accompanies self-search and recovery,as well as other hardships thatbeckon the help of drugs.During this time I\u2019d lost a number of people in my family due to alcoholic anddrugrelated deaths ... just basically drinking themselves to death untilthey had cirrhosisor dementia. I also had one cousin a year and a half ago who was shot by thepolice. He had a walkman and he\u2019d been out drinking and been ina fight and waschased by the police and they killed him (p.14, transcript1). There\u2019s been about 10and they all... either cirrhosis of the liver or drug overdoses ... As well as a numberof deaths before those 10, there\u2019s been quite a few of suicidesas well (p.15,transcript 1).Missy\u2019s determination for removing herself from the street extended to volunteer work withsupport services for the downtown poor. Along with a stable living space and supportive friends,the community service helped to pave the way for a job.Well, after I came back from treatment, I got my son back who had been staying witha friend of mine while I was in treatment, he was only a couple years old at the time,and my son came home and I started to volunteer at the youth project. I organizeda big Christmas dinner for 500 people in the downtown eastside and we had all sortof Native drummers, dancers and different musicians. It turned out really really well.And then I\u2019d done some other volunteer work for the director of the youths project,and a short time later, I\u2019d been sitting in his office watching him sort of short listresumes, he and his co-worker at the time, and so after the dinner was all over I wentin and they asked me for my resume, and I asked them, \u2018What for?\u2019 And they saidwell there\u2019s a job for a youth worker down here. So I put my resume in, keptvolunteering whenever they needed me. Then I got a call for an interview ... Therewas about two people there that were interviewing me. I got the job which was kindof neat, although I didn\u2019t know a lot of the services that were available for kids. Sothey did a lot of training with me and they trained me for a couple of yearsthemselves, just on how to do Street work and how to get a hold of all the servicesand basically what I was supposed to do out there (p.13, transcript1).Even a successful job began to cause upheaval in Missy\u2019s life. Her child was not used to her goingout to work and being home all evening. Stability was unfamiliar. Job and family responsibilitiesbegan to compete with Alcoholics Anonymous(AA) support group meetings. Missy had to quitgoing to AA. But by then a new partnership was forming that was supportive to Missy\u2019s sobriety andcontinued growth.RacismAnd you can see it in peoples\u2019 eyes when they\u2019re looking at you like that (p.6,transcript 1).114Missy talks about experiencing racism in commercial establishments on the lower eastsideof Vancouver. She connects this behaviour with being poor and being Aboriginal. The skid rowbar is the only place where Aboriginal ethnicity is not a barrier to service. Here they are themajority. Here they inflict violence on each other. The business in this part of the city feeds ontheir pain.I find storekeepers treat you differently. You walk through the store and all ofsudden you\u2019re being followed by floor walkers because you\u2019ve got a pack sack andyou\u2019re Native. And you don\u2019t have very nice clothes, so obviously you\u2019re beingfollowed because of course you might steal something. Some of the restaurants I\u2019vebeen to, you sit down and you order a meal and they bring you the meal and theymake you pay. Yet a White person who sits right across from you orders a meal andthey don\u2019t have to pay until they finish their meal and they go up to the till.Basically I think it\u2019s all racism. People don\u2019t understand that some people don\u2019t havea lot of money you know. They\u2019re living in poverty so they\u2019re treated differently(p.6, transcript 1). I often was either turned away, followed or looked upondifferently. There wasn\u2019t really racism from other street people, from people whowere living in the same area. There was racism from restaurant owners andwaitresses and stuff ... when I walked into a department store or there was somebodythat wasn\u2019t from the same background or lifestyle\u2014 was very well off\u2014 they wouldlook at you differently. But that was about it, there was never any violenceconcerning racism. The only time I\u2019d experienced any violence was from anotherNative person who\u2019d raped me (p.7, transcript 1).Missy comments on a racist phenomena in Canadian society that is underground andunderstood by everyone, yet is not talked about in any forum. Structurally the Canadianestablishment supports Aboriginal child prostitution. In Vancouver, and even more so in Winnipeg,Aboriginal children (male and female) line the streets catering an Aboriginal sexual feast to middleclass working (primarily White) married men. She watches \u201Csupport\u201D services turn a blind eye andleave the youth sex trade in tact and unquestioned.One thing that used to bother me was that men looked at me differently. I alwaysfelt really dirty all the time, men used to look at me and undress with their eyes ortry and pick me up or thinking I was just easy. That used to really bother me. I thinkmen [mainstream] prey on Aboriginal kids. I still see them doing it today. You knowI see these men who are living very very well off in different communities, high classcommunities, and have well paying jobs, doctors and lawyers, and you knowpoliticians and then they still go downtown and they look for kids. And the onething ... Native kids are targets for them. They think Native kids won\u2019t talk. If there\u2019sa rape that happens in the area it\u2019s usually done to a Native kid because they feelthat Native kids won\u2019t report these things. I guess that I see these men here who115come down in the area or sometimes they evengot their partner with them andthey\u2019ve got a baby in the back seat(car seat) and they\u2019re all trying to pick up womendowntown or kids. Some of the men go down thereand they just look for kids.They\u2019ve got their own kids at home but they don\u2019t abuse thembut they go downtown and look for Native kids to sleep with and they pay them basically.The kidscan\u2019t charge these men if the man has given any sort of money. Well,they cancharge them but it doesn\u2019t usually get through court which you know,I know oneman who was raped by another man and he was drugged at first and then raped andhe tried to go report it to the police and this young guy ... he had a sore throat afterthis man had raped him and the man gave him ten bucks as he was getting out ofhis vehicle and the guy took it and went and bought a pop. He wentto the policeand tried to report it as a rape and they said \u2018Well, no, you took the ten dollars\u2019 (p.5,transcript 1).Missy does not only blame parents and care takers, she thinks that band councils,homecommunities, social workers, police, the ministry and the government have a responsibility to stopthe exploitation of youth on the street. She asks some big questions: Isn\u2019t it against the lawfor underage youth to be on the streets selling their bodies? and why aren\u2019t resources made available to takeaction against prostitution in the Aboriginal youth population? Missy believes this is blatant racism.I think the kids need intervention from both the ministry and the police. How comethat kids can go downtown and stay there all night and get into fights and deal drugsand work on the corner prostituting when... nobody stops them you know ... the kidscan just stay there and be invisible almost from the police and the social workers andthe ministry. Why are there all these police officers down there trying to intervenewith the adults and nobody\u2019s doing it with the kids? How come there\u2019s only oneyouth car for the whole Vancouver? You know \u2018oh there\u2019s not that much funding,\u2019I don\u2019t believe that, you know, when they\u2019ve got how many drug squad guys out onthe street every night? But they\u2019ve got only two police officers available on a car forthe youths in the whole of Vancouver (p.6, transcript 2)?Culture and identityI didn\u2019t know anything about my Native culture. I didn\u2019t know anything aboutwhat kind of a Native I was even or who my father was. There was loss of identityI didn\u2019t know what category I belonged to \u2014 from the White society or from theNative society, and neither one accepted me. So I felt really dirty about beingIndian. I wasn\u2019t proud to be Indian (p.2, transcript 2).Missy relates that during her stay on the streets she didn\u2019t know where she belonged. Theeducational system did not provide the knowledge that she needed to answer her questionsabouther tribal heritage or the history of her people. From a very young age her experiencetold her thatwhat she saw on the streets was the only reference point for her identity. During the years that116Missy was on the street there were no Aboriginal workers in social services or on thestreet and therewere no opportunities to experience Aboriginal culture. Of her Aboriginalidentity then she says:Very confused, I didn\u2019t know who I really was or what my reasons were forbeinghere. I felt that I lost my family and that I\u2019d never really belong in my family as I\u2019dbeen separated for a number of years. So when I returned I felt really out ofplace,my schooling was above my family\u2019s. I\u2019d go to an alternate school and IpretendedI was dumb. I would put the wrong answers down on purpose because I justwantedto be accepted there as a Native student and to be smarter and to be able to dothework quickly ... I would be referred to a regular school and I didn\u2019t wantthatbecause I didn\u2019t belong in the regular school, because I was under the academiclevel there and above it at an alternate school. So I really didn\u2019t belonganywhereyet I could fake it and be White as well if I wanted to depending on how smartthe person was you know. Some people could tell I was Native right off thebat andpeople would mistake me for Italian or something you know so it was different.Ididn\u2019t belong anywhere (p.2, transcript 2). No, I didn\u2019t know very much [history].The only thing I knew about Aboriginal people was what I learned in elementaryschool. When I went on a field trip to the Planetarium then I learned about theartwork a bit and I learned about what type of fish Native people eat, and how to makebannock, and how the Indians picked berries (laugh), and you know how to makesoap berries stuff like that. That\u2019s all I knew (p.3, transcript 2). No I didn\u2019t go toanything [Aboriginal cultural activities]. I didn\u2019t know of any sort of places to gowhere I could learn that ... and at home there was basically nothing. In the grouphomes I lived in they were all White and they were raised differently, verydifferently, from what Native people are raised like. Then when I was with my realfamily ... I didn\u2019t know about any of that either... there was just alcoholism,addictions, basically, and abuse so we never learned any of that (p.4, transcript2).Since Missy went into treatment at an Aboriginal treatment centre she has made great stridesin coming to terms with her Aboriginality. She has learned some history and traditional culture.One has to wonder why she had to go on such a destructive path in order to gain self-respect. Shemakes an analogy with street services. \u201CWhy are counselling and Aboriginal culture suddenlyprovided \u2018after\u2019 youth have landed on the street? It gives kids the wrong message, if you\u2019re behavingyourself, you\u2019re doing okay in school, you\u2019re at home and you don\u2019t run away that ... you don\u2019tdeserve these things.\u201DBut I think the best part of Round Lake was learning about my culture and the sweatlodges, the pipe ceremonies. That was, I think, one of the best things about RoundLake and they also do individual counselling there too(p.10, transcript 1). Now Iknow more than I did ... I\u2019ve travelled around to Alberta and then Saskatchewan andlived in those areas with Native people that live in those areas and learned a lot117from them ... how they live everyday and what they do. And I\u2019vegone out and livedout in the bush for months at a time with Cree people and hunted with them,smoked deer meat, gone hunting for moose and stuff like that (laugh). I know someabout the West Coast culture \u2014 quite a bit actually. And the differencein how thepeople live on the West Coast and the way they lived back east in Alberta andSaskatchewan is quite different (p.3, transcript 2). ... I\u2019veparticipated in sweatlodges ceremonies, and I find that very powerful, as well as pipe ceremonies, andI believe in them. It\u2019s just really hard to explain I guess, how you feel whenyou\u2019rein those ceremonies. But it\u2019s, I guess a sense of being alive and beingin touch withyourself. I live in the city so it\u2019s harder to be involved in some of those spiritualceremonies. But I believe in them (p.4, transcript 2).Missy has been reunited with her Aboriginal identity, as much as she has been able in the last sevenand a half years. She is still a young woman who still needs to continue with personal counsellingand she still lives in a city where full expression of Aboriginal culture is not easily accessible. Missyhas begun to carve \u201Cagain.\u201DAnother thing that I guess that\u2019s really important to me that I\u2019ve done is start carvingagain. I was fortunate to get a grant for my carving tools and I looked around forsomebody to teach me how to carve silver. I couldn\u2019t find anybody so I finallystarted carving myself. I\u2019ve been learning how to do that, so that\u2019s something thatbrings me a lot of peace and a lot of happiness and it helps me get in touch withmyself basically so it\u2019s very important for me to do that. Just for me and I\u2019m sellingit and that\u2019s nice too(p.15, transcript 1).This expression of Aboriginal identity and culture has brought some peace into her life. Even so,shades of her confused identity remain. \u201CI still don\u2019t feel comfortable in really large crowds ofNative people .... it\u2019s not that I don\u2019t belong ... it just feels very different. I\u2019ve never experiencedthat very many times though, I guess that\u2019s why.\u201D How does Missy feel about being an Aboriginalperson now?I\u2019m very proud to be an Aboriginal person and I wouldn\u2019t change that for the world.I\u2019m happy with who I am and I\u2019m happy and proud of my achievements, and eventhe things that happened to me when I didn\u2019t feel so good about myself, I\u2019m sort ofgrateful for it because I know I\u2019ve learned a lot from it. I wouldn\u2019t be as strong asI am today. I don\u2019t know, I\u2019m so very proud of my art work. It helps get more intouch with who I am and my own spirituality, and the way I feel towards people andthe world and the environment. So it\u2019s really ... you know, I\u2019m happy with who Iam (p.3, transcript 2).Missy\u2019s identity is not exclusively composed of Aboriginal traditional cultural elements anda sense of history, it is also about being an abused child, about having been in many White foster118homes, about being the daughter of a drug addict, about havingbeen a prostitute, about being anaddict herself. When she went into treatment and began dealing with the issues of shame and guilt,she had to deal with the secondary elements of her identity. She had to take on roles which werestrange and difficult with her new primary identity elements still fragile and growing. The roleofpartner in a functional family unit was frightening. Speaking of her new boyfriend she explains thefear involved in dealing with an absence of violence, which as she tells before, meant that shewasloved.He treated me really well and that was really hard for me because part of me wantedto run away from him because he was so nice. It scared me. I never knew what toexpect basically, so I spent a number of months trying to figure outa way to end therelationship (p.13, transcript 1) ... There were a lot of things I felt shameful about.I felt shame concerning the abuse that had happened to me. I felt ashamed everytime I seen a man look at me. I used to feel ashamed that I worked the streets. ThatI\u2019d done these sort of things. I also felt shame for hurting the people I hurt when Iwas there. I tried to find a way to talk about it with my social worker and she knewa lot of what had happened to me, but it was mostly finding out when and where ithappened and not really understanding why. So I always carried the shame aroundwith me and I could never tell anybody some of the things that I felt (p.?\u2019, transcript1) .... [About grief] And so this was all really hard to deal with, and stay sober at thesame time. I felt like I was going to have a breakdown because I was grieving fora lot of these people. So I went to therapy again and spent a year going throughtherapy ... you know it still bothers me when people touch me or men just try andbe a friend. They scare me, so I\u2019m still dealing with that along with losing a lot ofmy family who died. So that\u2019s why I\u2019m in therapy now .... [Loss of street extendedfamily] I continued to go to work and I went to AA and any support groups and metnew friends, because most of my old so-called friends had deserted and were veryangry at me. A lot of my family didn\u2019t know how to take me anymore, and a lot ofthem sort of shut their doors on me as well. So I ended up going to AA and I go todances and roundups at different... community centres and stuff and then it got reallyreally busy for me (p.1.3, transcript 1).Etah was right when she, in her sage way, gave us the statement that only food and shelter will notfix the problem, nor will simply hiding the street youth in holding tanks until they fall out of youthjurisdiction. Getting off the streets means a lot more than first meets the eye. Missy\u2019s institutionalhistory, street life and recovery path can tell us much about the needs of Aboriginal street youth ingeneral and how those needs differ from mainstream street youth.if people don\u2019t start taking a look at it [the street situation], we\u2019re going to see alot more kids dying from overdoses and suicides and violent death ... There are kids119out there who are dying, we see that everyday, but I think the otherthing is thatgovernment officials ... the people who are doing this research haveto come downand take a look too (p.14, transcript 2).SocietyMissy, having been through the child welfare system and through the ordealsof the street,knows very well how many children end up on the street and she also knowstheir experience oncethey become entrenched in street culture. As a helper on the street, Missy ishighly aware of theinstitutional barriers that exist for Aboriginal street youth. She has no illusions aboutthe nature ofthe relationship of Aboriginal street youth to the society that surrounds them.Missy mostvehemently condemns the social system that allows Aboriginal children tobecome abused,institutionalized, re-abused in the system, only to be victimized again in theirflight to somesemblance of safety.Many times in the interviews Missy comes back to the idea of a sexually predatory societyand of an entire social safety network that supports this value system. She does notbuy into theidea of scarce resources or that nothing can be done to prevent the escalating phenomena of streetyouth. Although Missy does not express the need for a fundamental change to the system(she isstill struggling to fit into this one), she thinks a lot more can be done with more resources. \u201CThey\u2019renot doing their jobs properly, you know,\u201D is her evaluation of the systems that work directly withstreet youth.Yeah, you know, the Aboriginal kids end up missing out because they don\u2019t get thatsupport, you know. And the police can make a difference too \u2014 if they do theirjobs properly, you know. If they don\u2019t go around and harass the kids ... if theywould go around and support the kids. Some of the kids are not even reportedmissing. They\u2019re not reported missing with the police so which means if the kid getsstopped when they\u2019re out there in trouble, they\u2019re not on the computer so they\u2019re notgoing to be held. they\u2019re just going to let them go, you know .... I think that thecommunities and the workers have got to start reporting these kids missing andfollow it up. I think the social workers got to start tightening up on their jobs anddoing what they\u2019re paid to do, you know. As well as all other workers. I also thinkthat they have the time to spend to go down and look for that kid if they knowwhere they are. Whether it\u2019s just to stop by the hotel room or if they\u2019re at a certainplace every evening. They can just stop and say, \u201CHey, you know, if you needanything, come on in. I\u2019d like to take you for lunch one day. And that\u2019s all that kid120(Street youth) needs to give them the proper message that they\u2019re cared for .... Andif they\u2019re already lonely, that doesn\u2019t make a good combination because they end upgetting really heavily involved and there\u2019s nothing else available to them, so they\u2019regonna stay on the street. I also think when kids get apprehended at a young age,they have to search harder to find somebody in the family to adopt these kids, youknow .... Because a lot of kids, they\u2019re moved from home to home to tome and it\u2019sdifferent every time and a lot of these homes aren\u2019t even Native. Sometimes they gothrough homes all their lives and they\u2019ve never come across a Native home. So theyreally don\u2019t know who they are, they don\u2019t know where they belong. They feelalienated, you know(p. 7-9, transcript 2).Missy expresses the idea that resources are misplaced in the child welfare industry and thatmore resources need to be placed with family support and cultural revival. \u201CI find I get really angrybecause it\u2019s too late when the kids are in the city and on the street, you know.\u201D She stays on thetopic of preventive strategies,Those kids are hurting inside and nobody\u2019s helping them, you know ... Why isn\u2019tcounselling being provided? They have to go through victim\u2019s assistance and applyfor that and it takes anywhere ... any amount of time depending on what\u2019s happeningAnd by the time they reach the street it\u2019s too late, it\u2019s too painful inside for themto deal with, so they rum away from it (p.12, transcript 2).In the end we are left with the feeling that Missy is getting along, managing to stay true toherself, as a survivor and as an Aboriginal person. She now lives further away from rough streetsof Vancouver and from the daily struggles of street life (in many ways, though the scars remain).Missy, however, commutes back to the streets and all its pain everyday to work with the childrenand youth who are still caught up in society\u2019s web of shame. Canadian society has not changedsince Missy was a child facing its demons. New and far more dangerous challenges have appearedand services instituted for street youth, but Missy still feels that the efforts are not enough and theycome \u201Ctoo late.\u201D121Chapter 4. WinnipegWinnipeg, Manitoba is the geographic centre of North America, lying midway betweenthePacific and Atlantic oceans. It is situated at the meeting of the Red River andthe Assiniboine Riverand 100 kilometres north of Minnesota. The city covers a land area of 571.6square kilometres or3294.82 square kilometres for the metropolitan area. The climate of Winnipeg is similarto manyother prairie locations: very cold in winter (January average of -18.3C) and moderately hot in thesummer (July average temperature of 19.8 C). In terms of precipitation there is, on average, 114.8centimetres of snow and 404 millimetres of rain (Canadian Encyclopedia, 1988). The hot drysummer makes it easy for youth to be out on the street.Winnipeg is the economic centre of the province of Manitoba containing half of thepopulation and 68 per cent of its employees. The major employers in the city are, by industry:service, trade, manufacturing, transportation, communications and utilities, public administration andconstruction. In the manufacturing sector alone the range of producers is diverse including: foodand beverage, metals, paper products, publishing, printing, wood, transportation equipment,chemicals, clothing, textiles and non-metallic minerals. In the city the average monthlyunemployment rate for 1992 was 11 .3 per cent. Housing costs were among the lowest in Canadafor major cities (12th out of 15 cities and 45.6 per cent below the Canadian average). Additionally,vacancy and rental rates are moderate to below average; in short, housing is quite affordable andaccessible compared to other major Canadian cities (Winnipeg 2000 Profile, 1990).Manitoba\u2019s population of Aboriginal people was 116,200 in 1991. The census puts thepopulation statistics for Winnipeg at 616,790 with just over 44,970 Aboriginal people living there(1991). However, a discussion paper presented to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples(Discussion paper, June 21-23, 1992) stated that approximately 60% of Manitoba\u2019s Aboriginalpopulation live in Winnipeg and that the population is more likely in excess of 60,000 \u2014 most ofwhom live in the central and northern part of the city. Morrissette and Blacksmith(1993) also122believe that mainstream population statistics underestimate the Aboriginal population in Winnipeg.According to them Winnipeg has anywhere from 60,000-80,000 Aboriginalpeople within the citylimits. Nearly 8,000 are between the ages of 15 and 24. The population changed dramaticallybetween the 1981 and 1986 census, during which there was a 67 percent increase in Aboriginalpopulation (The Social Planning Council of Winnipeg, 1990a) for different reasons which includeBill C-31 (the reinstatement of enfranchised persons \u2014 most as a result of section12(1)b of theIndian Act - women who married non status men) and changes in census information aroundethnicidentity questions. By 1986 Aboriginal people comprised 10.2 per cent of the innercity populationor 4.7 per cent of the population of the total metropolitan area. Winnipeghas the highestpopulation of Aboriginal people of any urban area in Canada (Valentine,1993).For the most part the reserves and Aboriginal settlements are sparsely dispersed throughoutthe province. Few are in close proximity to the city. Among the closest are the Brokenheadcommunity which is 65 kilometres north east of the city, the Dakota communities which areapproximately 80 kilometres west of the city and Rousseau River which is 80 kilometres to the south.The social problems of some of northern Manitoba reserves are well publicized. Forinstance, the Shamattawa, Sandy Bay, White Dog reserves have had much media attention forinhalant abuse, sexual abuse and gang activity in the youth population. The impression one getsis that the reserves have had a very long history of dysfunction and degradation; this is not so. Thetroubles started in the mid- to late-i 960s when alcohol was introduced to the communities. In justtwenty odd years healthy communities were left devastated. Mixed with the erosion of traditionaltechnologies, economies and culture, and the unrelenting racism in relation to the rest of Canada,alcohol has taken its toll on entire communities. Today\u2019s youth carry the legacy of this modern dayatrocity. The casualties of this war have nowhere to flee abusive situations or to go for treatmentexcept to the city. Many times Aboriginal families or individuals(sometimes children) from ruralcommunities come to the city for services not provided in or to their communities. The children,123however, do not have a choice. They end up in the city because of social services apprehensionor detention. Foster care and youth detention centres are, too often, not available in their regionsso they are brought to the city.When Aboriginal families arrive in the Winnipeg they come to the frontlines of the battle.At least in their communities they had each other, in Winnipeg they are isolated and they still facepoverty, unemployment, social disintegration and racism. It is estimated that 85\u00B0I of the Aboriginalpeople in Winnipeg are unemployed and on welfare rolls (McKay, 1993). \u201CThere are enormousadjustment problems for families coming from rural reserves and other than the Friendship Centre(on Magnus Avenue), Aboriginal people families get less help that those from other countries\u201D(Refugees aided, 1993).According to front page news paper headlines, Winnipeg is ravaged by crime (includingmurder), youth gang violence, prostitution and racial strife, particularly in the north and west areasof the city. The crime problem and exploitation of Aboriginal children has prompted communityaction. Special citizen units have sprung up to assist police to protect the ordinary person. BearClan Patrol, an Aboriginal, culture-based patrol who work the north end of the city, and the WestEnd Community Patrol, who patrol the west end community, are examples of the type of efforts totake back the community. A headline in the Winnireg Sun, on April 19, 1993 titled, \u201CBeaten withbats and metal bars: Kids watch as gang assaults youth because \u2018He\u2019s Native,\u201D is an example of thetype of violence fostered in the ghettos. In the assault fifty youth, in the 14-1 7 age group, watchedas an eighteen year old Aboriginal youth (a visitor from The Pas, Manitoba) was clubbed, by \u201Ccarloads\u201D of non-Aboriginal youth, at 12:30 a.m. outside a dry teen nightclub(Graham, 1993;Verhaeghe, 1993).A Winnipeg journalist describes the conditions of Winnipeg\u2019s inner-city core as \u201Cmore thanvaguely reminiscent of the problems of many third world cities\u201D(Smith, 1991). Manitoba has the124highest child poverty, teen pregnancy and youth runaway statistics in the country(Morris, 1993;Flanagan, 1993). In Winnipeg these social problems are manifested in theghettoized areas.Lord Selkirk Park community is almost 100 percent Aboriginal and is alsoa majorlocation for the city\u2019s sex trade. The majority of sex trade workers on the low trackas this area is referred to, are mostly Aboriginal children, some as youngas elevenyears. The majority of the men who come to this area are white and middle class(Morrissette &amp; Blacksmith, 1993).In a proposal for a street youth safe house the Native Women\u2019s TransitionCentre identifiedseveral areas of concentrated effort in the city that were frequented by Aboriginalchildren and streetyouth. Those areas are: the downtown skid row section of Main Street; the areasaround the WilliamWhyte and the Occidental Hotel; the section between the intersection of Mainstreet and JarvisAvenue to Salter Street; the Martha Street/Argyle area; Magnus Avenue, ManitobaAvenue, PritchardAvenue and Gilbert Park around Railway; Tyndall, Chudley, and Magnus. In short, this is an areawith boundaries that enclose St. John\u2019s Avenue on the north, Arlington on the west, Point Douglason the East and Notre Dame Avenue on the south(Native Women\u2019s Transition Centre, 1991).In this same proposal, the Native Women\u2019s Centre cited a 1990 Winnipeg Social PlanningCouncil research report, \u201CThe Needs Assessment on Homeless Children and Youth,\u201D which foundthat:*runaway behaviour among all youth is a serious and growing problem in Winnipeg;*the average age of runaways decreases each year \u2014 at the time of their first run the averagewas 12 years old;*females run more often and for longer periods of time;*youth run more often if they are running from a foster home or institution;*one in two youth have been sexually abused;*one in two youth have attempted suicide;*three in four youth abuse alcohol and drugs;*one in two youth run from a home where parents abuse alcohol or drugs;125*one in three wants to live with parents or extended family;*the vast majority, about 17 out of 20, are sexually active;*one in three had contracted a sexually transmitted disease;*one in five had exchanged sexual favours for shelter;*one in three participated in prostitution;*a minority, about 5 out of 20, practice safe sex;*three in five had put themselves at risk of contractingAIDS;*the general perception of services such as the police, schools and social agencies is poor;*having little or no trust in the above-mentioned resources, the majority of street youth usean informal network to survive (3-4).Case studiesIn the Winnipeg case studies I have decided to present Noella and Travis (the first case study)as a couple. Although this may be somewhat cumbersome, they did come to the interview togetherand it became evident that their relationship, street issues and their history were inextricably linked.They are both products of adoption breakdown in White homes and their current situation is entirelycoloured by the apprehension of their son by social services. Noella and Travis also present apicture of life for many Aboriginal people just like them. Axle, the second collaborator in the study,is Noel la\u2019s sibling. Again, I decided to allow the close relationship to be represented in the study.Not only did Axle follow his sister\u2019s footsteps in the process of adoption breakdown but heeventually landed up in the same detention facility and then on the streetsof Winnipeg. They arenow mother and father figures to each other as they help each otherto survive mentally andphysically in the westend of Winnipeg. This sibling group is an exampleof the experience of somefamily groups who are \u201Clucky\u201D enough to be adopted into the same home.126Jean-Marc is also a product of adoption. Although he has had a privileged middle class lifewith his adoptive parents, he still is very much alone on the streets of Winnipeg.Dale is an ex-street person from the streets of Winnipeg who found a \u201Chome\u201D in themetropolitan environment. Dale was not adopted, nor was he, strictly speaking, in care at any timeduring his life. He is from a traditional Aboriginal background and landed on the streets ofWinnipeg for different reasons from the rest of the youth in this study. He does, however, representa fairly large number of Aboriginal youth who leave Aboriginal communities because they cannotfind the supports they need to deal with their gay identity. We know that manygay young men andlesbians migrate to cities in an effort to find a community that reflects their sexuality and shares theirissues. Their common struggles with homophobia and discrimination bind them. Dale now worksto prevent other gay youth from suffering the same fate as he did and going to the streets becauseof identity issues.NOELLA:Street kids, they hide their feelings, they\u2019re probably really nice, nicer than peoplethat aren\u2019t street kids. But sometimes they hide their feelings, but when you reallyget to talk to them, they\u2019re really nice people (p.1, transcript 1).Noella, a twenty year old status women of Saulteaux ancestry, originally comes from areserve in north central Manitoba. She currently lives in a rented apartment in Winnipeg with herpartner Travis (also a street survivor from a similar background who she met three years ago) andher biological brother Axle. Noella presents herself as a quiet, conservative, in-charge \u201Clittle mother\u201Dwho looks after those in her environment. She speaks evenly and very quietly. Her classic attractiveAboriginal features, medium build and height, mid-length straight brown hair are complemented byher plain attire made up of a meticulously clean sweat shirt, jeans, runners and a ball type jacket.She wears no make-up. None of the over-sized tattered clothing, outlandish hair styles or make-upappeal to her. \u201CActually I think they\u2019re weird, the way they wear their hair and play their music,\u201D127she says of the modern yuppie youth get-up and music.\u201CIt seems like the White ones needattention, the way they wear their hair and they dye them blue,purple, yellow, green and stuff.\u201DStoic in nature, Noella remained in charge of the interview, sayingonly what was necessary.She describes herself to a tee in the opening quotation. She wasarticulate and straight forwardabout the events of her life (only those events she chooses todisclose). Noella lives in theimmediate present. There are many great gaps in the chronology sherelays and her past remainsin a passionless grey zone. Unlike her brother Axle who becomes involved with rememberedmental images, Noella does not have the energy or the motivation to go into detail. Nor does sheremember or corroborate some the significant events that Axle tellsabout. Understandably, Noellais preoccupied with the apprehension of yet another new born child. \u201CHe came three weeksearly,\u201Dshe says of the baby boy taken right from the hospital by Annishnabe Childand Family Services.She is probably still dealing with postpartum emotional and physical changes. Noella had givenbirth on May 6th, two weeks before the interview.Today, although the interdependent \u201Cfamily\u201D constellation(Noella, Travis and Axle) are tryingto straighten out their lives, they still have the street as their main reference. Street social services,soup kitchens and food banks are their source of social support.History \u2014 NoellaI was running from my [adopted] family (p.2, transcript1).Born to Saulteaux parents, who still live on the reserve, Noella and Axle identified as Metisas a result of not knowing their pre-adoption background. They are \u201Crepatriated adoptees.\u201D Noellaand her brother Axle were apprehended at an early age and were placed in several foster homesbefore they were adopted. They were placed together into an inter-racial family outside SwiftCurrent, Saskatchewan. Noella was about four, her brother about two. No memories of the peopleback home on the reserve remained as they grew up. She would spend the next eight years withher adoptive family.128Noella\u2019s adopted mother died of a brain tumour when Noella was 10years old. Heradopted father, himself a man of Aboriginal decent, sexually abused her, beforeand after hermother\u2019s death. \u201CHe started when I was about four.\u201D Although she disclosedto a counsellor whenshe was taken into detention and an investigation was initiated, for some reason the proceedingsjuststopped. \u201CThey started something and they just closed off the investigation or something... I wasmad.\u201D Noella began acting out overtly two years after her mother\u2019s death. Eventually,she stole herfather\u2019s car and landed up on probation. \u201CAt first they gaveme probation ... I breached myprobation so they gave me six months in open custody.\u201D Noella\u2019s anger was nowtwo fold: first herabuser bore no consequences for his actions against her, and secondly the courtdisposition placedher back in the hands of her abuser. Probation, of course, means you may go home.Noella\u2019s anger was somewhat abated when she came into contact with her adopted cousin,on a stay \u201Cfor about a year\u201D at her adoptive aunt\u2019s house, and she discovered she was not alone.Her cousin was also an incest survivor. At least she had someone to talk to. \u201CYeah, [the familyknew] cause I guess my [adopted] cousin stayed there and that happened to her from her dad andthat\u2019s my dad\u2019s brother\u201D.The aunt in British Columbia has remained a significant person in Noella\u2019s life. She wouldlater state, \u201CI\u2019m trying to be like my aunt right now, she had a baby at sixteen, is now a hairdresser.\u201DHer mentor, along with a social worker, helped Noel Ia locate her brother Axle after he had also runaway from their adopted home and was in the same detention centre, in Regina (where she hadabsconded from some years earlier). Together they headed toward Manitoba, she from BritishColumbia and he from Saskatchewan, to find their lost heritage.Finding her biological parents seemed disappointing to Noella. \u201CI don\u2019t have contact withher,\u201D she says abruptly of her mother, who is a forty year old alcohol abuser who exhibits the classicmanipulative and toxic behaviour of severe alcoholism.She\u2019s an alcoholic, my mom always drinks, and she lies to me and my brother all thetime ... she\u2019s just crazy (p.10, transcript 1) .... the way my mother is, she\u2019s so violent129when she drinks, she lies to me, she pawns off stuff to get her beer, she tries to askme for money but I always tell her no because I know she\u2019s going to go buy beer(p.16, transcript 1).She likes her real father, however. He too must endure the physical aggression of his dailyintoxicated wife. \u201CHe\u2019s the only one who cares ... like if my mom tries to fight me, he stops her.\u201DHer analysis of her mom\u2019s behaviour is astute as she, again disdainfully notes, \u201CShe has other kids[in care] and she won\u2019t try to get them back.\u201D She doesn\u2019t blame her father.Noella finished grade eight in Swift Current, likely in foster care or protective custody. Shedidn\u2019t feel protected in her adopted home or in institutional care \u2014 in her earlier life, now she iscompletely protected by Travis and Axle. Travis is her whole life now.TRAVISI just like to be myself ... if people don\u2019t like that ... the hell with them (p.17,transcript 2).Travis is a tall, long dark haired, muscular twenty one year old Cree male, from a reserve innorthern Saskatchewan, who spent five years on the street in Regina, beginning at the age of sixteen,before coming to Winnipeg in 1991. Travis is a cross between a defiant type person, a rock n\u2019 rollerand a would-be football jock (if he were into sports). He is very handsome and consciously posturesbeing able to look after himself. Even so, he seems vulnerable, he gives the impression that he isonly very loosely connected to the people in his past \u2014 his adoptive parents, his natural father andhis siblings. He too, like his partner Noella, was dressed in spotless jeans, sweat shirt and runners.For the last seven months he has lived in a rented apartment with Noella and (her brother) Axle.They live in the grey zone \u2014 on welfare, jobless, in low cost housing, still using soup kitchens andfree recreational services and spending most of their time on the streets Winnipeg \u2014 in the illusionof making it off of the streets.130History \u2014 TravisI got sent away (p.4, transcript 1)Adopted into a White family, north of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, at the age of six months,Travis doesn\u2019t remember exactly how many brothers and sisters he has. He has only spoken to oneof them by telephone. Ongoing \u201Cfighting\u201D with his adopted parents, culminating in Travis pullinga knife on his adopted father, resulted in forceable removal from his home at the age of fourteen.Travis was placed into a holding unit in Prince Albert. He then was sent, when a space cameavailable, to Ranch Ehrlo in Regina, Saskatchewan for two years. While in detention he asked thecentre to help him search for his natural parents. He found out that mother had died in a fire inEdmonton, Alberta when he was seven years old and that his father lived in Regina. Although Travishas \u201Cstayed\u201D with his natural father, \u201CI don\u2019t consider him like my father,\u201D he says. It appears theobstacle to a meaningful relationship between the two is his father\u2019s \u201Cdrinking.\u201DOn the streets \u2014 Noellaso I didn\u2019t want to stay there anymore cause he was abusing me. I startedrunning from home. When I got into trouble, I stole his car to get thrown into thedetention centre so I didn\u2019t have to go home anymore (p.2, transcript 1).At the age of twelve, after landing on probation for auto theft in the small town where shelived with her adopted father, Noel Ia was placed into open custody. Determined not to return homeNoella repeatedly ran from open and closed custody for a period of two years. During this timeNoella began running to the streets, first in Swift Current, then in Regina. She gives few detailsabout her whereabouts, how she fulfilled her survival needs, who she hung out with or how she gotfrom place to place.A lot of time is unaccounted for in her story, especially as a 12, 13 and 14 year old, thenagain from ages 16 to 20. It appears that she left the adopted home at age twelve, spent one yearin foster homes, none of which she will talk about, and two years in detention, before going to livewith her aunt in British Columbia.131In 1988, for \u201Cnot even a year,\u201D Noella went to live withher adopted aunt in Vernon, BritishColumbia, after getting out of closed custody in Regina.She does not mention the name of thedetention centre. During this year, at age sixteen, Noella hada child. The child was apprehendedand is now in foster care on \u201Cthe reserve\u201D [in Manitoba] in an Aboriginalhome. She doesn\u2019t saywhich reserve. She had gone to visit her three days before theinterview. Her own baby girl beingapprehended, in Vernon, soon after the birth, she set upon the bureaucratic trail, assisted by a socialworker, to find her biological parents. This search brought her to Winnipeg at the age of sixteen.Since her arrival in Winnipeg in 1989, Noella has gone to her reserve to spend time gettingto know her extended family. Now, at age twenty and two babies later, she will have been on andoff the street for eight years. She seems to just \u201Cstay\u201D with people in her life because she nevermentions having her own place nor does she ever say the word \u201Chome.\u201D Even with this typeoftentative and unstable lifestyle Noella appears to be a shy, conservative and innocent person.Noella seemed oddly resigned to her life state, perhaps beaten into submission by socialservice power and an unending cycle of poverty. Travis, Noella\u2019s partner, had accompanied her tothe premature birth of their baby intoxicated and had been asked to leave. They give this and noother reason was evidence enough to result in the separation of mother and child. Later we wereto receive information that would indicate possible solvent abuse and violence as primary factorsin the apprehension of their son. Nevertheless, Noella believes that the apprehension occurredbecause of her history.They say it\u2019s because of drinking, but sometimes I think it\u2019s because of the first babyI had, cause they took the first one and I told them that was while I was just a singlemother (p.22, transcript 1).Noella gives glimpses of her life on the street through discussion of street youth in general.Street people to her means people with \u201Cno place to stay ... It\u2019s hard to find a place to stay.\u201D \u201CIt feelsembarrassing sometimes\u201D to be called a street person, she says. She characterizes street youthbehaviour as \u201Cdruggies, getting stoned, drinking and maybe popping pills.\u201D Her analysis of kids on132the street exhibits a strict \u201Cblaming the victim\u201D stance \u2014 \u201CI think it\u2019s actually their ownfault the waythey live.\u201D She doesn\u2019t make the connection with her previous experience of purposeful criminalbehaviour in order to escape from an intolerable situation. This shows also in her self-blame forlosing her recently born baby because of a previous \u201Crecord.\u201DNoel Ia seems very young in her outlook when she shares her experience onthe street. Forthe most part, she seems to be only peripherally involved in any, what we might call, normal streetactivities. Noella declares that she won\u2019t panhandle. \u201CNo, I wouldn\u2019t do that ... I\u2019ma little too shy.\u201DShe does instead get food from food banks and soup kitchens.Nor will she use hard drugs or hard liquor. \u201CI always drink beer, I didn\u2019t like ... I tried hashand acid, just the normal street drugs. I used to see a lot of sniffing,\u201D she says, \u201Cdown by the bar,when I used to go see my mom,\u201D warning about the extensive damage that huffing causes and thatstreet youth ought to be warned about. \u201CThey just fry their brains and screw up their lives.\u201DThey\u2019re dangerous [drugs] ... like say a kid was going to experiment with acid for thevery first time, he took too much and OD\u2019d on it cause nobody told him about it, hethought it was cool ... Cause I had a friend she took so much acid, she took threehits, she was doing fine and she said I need to get some more acid, I said no, you\u2019rejust going to overdo it, and she said she already took three and I said well maybe itwas OK but not three. She went and bought another hit of acid and she OD\u2019d. Wehad to put her in a hospital. She stayed for over a month...(p.39, transcript 1).Noella has been in treatment for alcohol abuse in The Pas, Manitoba, in the past and is currentlyundergoing Alcoholics Anonymous outpatient counselling as a condition to gaining permanentcustody of her baby. \u201CI don\u2019t even think I have a problem with it [alcohol], but the workers wantme to do it or they\u2019ll take the baby back.\u201DAbout prostitution, Noella does not claim any connection through friends or otherwise. Theonly incident she mentions is being asked to work for a pimp in Saskatchewan. \u201CYeah, I got askedin Regina, but I said no ... I was only about twelve.\u201D This sounded like a long lifeless memory.Now she never goes out alone, she is protected by her partner Travis and her brother Axle. \u201CTravis133doesn\u2019t want me to go out and my brother doesn\u2019t wantme to go alone either. If I want to gosomewhere I would want one of them to come with me ... My brotheris like my father.\u201DThe only fears Noella has on the Street are \u201Cgetting hit by a car(kids are always getting hitby cars)\u201D and \u201Cdirty old men.\u201D Even personal violence on the street does not phase her. Casuallyshe describes being jumped by a couple of girls, \u201CI got in a few punches in... you got to learn howto fight if somebody jumps you.\u201D Whatever Noella\u2019s unshared perception of her past life on thestreets, she is optimistic about her progress. \u201CI\u2019m doing pretty good now, like before I never usedto buy anything ... clothes, stuff for the house, before I didn\u2019t even care. The house was alwaysempty.\u201DNoella\u2019s lifestyle and attitudes are oddly reminiscent of the life of poverty and transience thatis \u201Cnormal\u201D for so many Aboriginal young people in urban Canada. It bares little resemblance to thepunk-type stereotype of street youth. The conditions and the primacy of survival \u2014 physically,emotionally, and spiritually \u2014 however, remain the same.On the streets \u2014 TravisWhen I was young I thought street life would be right, until I got there (p.17,transcript 1).Travis\u2019 drift onto the streets, at the age of sixteen, was peer motivated, aided by a tentativerelationship with his adopted parents and an unreliable connection with his natural father. Travisdescribes the shuttle between detention, jail, and his father\u2019s residence. \u201CYeah, then I was back onthe street again ... I didn\u2019t ask much for myself.\u201D Travis does not place his adoptive parents, hisnatural father, any past teachers or any adult in his past on a significant persons list. Instead heplaces one of his detention peers as one of the people in his extended family on the streets, alongwith his partner Noella and their baby son. Although Travis seems to have positive contact with hisadopted family and he says that this [adopted] family has forgiven him for past indiscretions, he didnot tell them that NoeIIa and he had had a baby, nor did he tell them that their baby was134apprehended. The level of real communication about issues in his lifeis superficial. He and Noellaare essentially alone in their struggle.Travis describes street life as simply a proposition of \u201Cthis is the wayit is.\u201D Although Travisstates, \u201CI don\u2019t like authority,\u201D he betrays his caution and his submission to symbols of power andauthority when he says of their social worker, \u201CWell, she\u2019s a worker,\u201D conceding that whatever shedecides is beyond his control. He expresses powerlessness again when he comments onpossiblechanges for street people. He says, \u201CI don\u2019t know, some people just don\u2019t have any choice.\u201DTravis is very interesting, in much the same way as Noella, in that the streets have not madethem callous. When we asked Travis if there was anything in his life that he was ashamed of hereplied, \u201CWhat I\u2019ve done to my parents ... and things I\u2019ve done on the street\u201D (robbery, vandalism,group criminal activity) like when he recalls breaking an old woman\u2019s arm in a robbery. Travis alsois vague about the past except to say that he gets sad, \u201Cwhen you talk about the past.\u201D Travis isunique because of all the participants he does not recall any deaths of anyone that was close to himon the street.Racism \u2014 Noella and TravisBut I think he did it because I was an Indian (p.41, transcript 1).Noella persisted throughout the dialogue to exhibit an ambivalence toward any criticism ofthe status quo. This included any open-ended questions that may have given her an opportunity tomake reference to discrimination on the basis of her status as a street person, her ethnicity or thecolour of her skin. Only once did she actually say that her Indianness was possibly the cause ofdiscriminatory treatment.I was at Eaton\u2019s Place, me and Travis were looking at things and a security guardgrabs me, and I said, \u2018What are you doing? I\u2019ve seen you steal something,\u2019 and Isaid, \u2018Fuck you, I didn\u2019t steal anything. I don\u2019t even steal.\u2019 He said, \u2018Yeah, openyour jacket.\u2019 I opened it and he didn\u2019t find anything ... I think he did it because Iwas an Indian (p.41, transcript 1).135Otherwise Noella simply answers no to any reference to rude treatment in any context or of knowingabout racism against anybody else. \u201CI don\u2019t hang out on the streets, I stay home and mind my ownbusiness.\u201D Yet she has lived in Regina, which is called the \u201CAlabama of the North.\u201DNoella relates that she feels comfortable speaking with social workers(street or otherwise),Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. She notices no difference between the way they treat her and theway they treat others. The interviewer noticed Noella\u2019s high level of comfort at the office belongingto SKY street services where they met. There was, however, an invisible line that differentiated thearea where Aboriginal youth congregated and where the White youth hung out. Noella tells aboutpositive favouritism toward her in her school, where she achieved her grade nine. \u201CI was alwaysthe youngest one, they always called me baby.\u201D She also recalls a bus driver who gave her apackage of cigarettes out of the blue. Noella, along with her comfort in relation to Whitepeople, makes clear distinctions between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. \u201CThey probablystay with their own kind of people, like White people,\u201D she says of White street youth. She alsogeneralizes that Aboriginal street youth dress differently than White street youth. \u201CI think mostNatives I see all have long hair, and wear jeans, t-shirts, and jackets ... pretty casual.\u201D Of the reserveenvironment she says,I hate the reserve, it just sucks, nothing to do, no excitement, I stayed with mycousins .... I don\u2019t like the girls there, they all have bad names [reputations] becausethey sleep around, they were all talking Saulteaux and I can\u2019t. I felt like a dorkjust average reserve girls (p.12-13, transcript 1).Certainly Noella\u2019s continued good relationship with her adopted extended family, her lack ofAboriginal historical knowledge and her own mild-mannered personality have contributed to herperceptions of herself as an Aboriginal woman and of the society which impacts on her as a streetperson.Travis, also, simply answers \u201CNo,\u201D or answers in vague terms to any questions on topics suchas self-concept, experiences of discrimination on the street, or overt racism in school. He doesmention gang violence and adds, \u201CMostly it\u2019s ganging up ... all over ... it mostly happens to White136people.\u201D And he comments on treatment by social services saying, \u201CThey haven\u2019t given us a chanceThere should be a law against that ... I\u2019m still thinking of taking them to court.\u201D He is referringto an Aboriginal child and family services agency. Any negative experience that he chooses todisclose is meted out by his own people.Culture and identity \u2014 Noella and TravisNoella: At first I didn\u2019t like it [about being Aboriginal] cause I grew up ina Whitehome. When I found my parents I liked it because I learned about my background(p.15, transcript 1).Noel Ia presents a complex dilemma in her views of Aboriginal people in general. One canonly assume that the negative images she carries of reserves and the distinct differences that shenotices are internalized as part of her own self-image. She reports that she didn\u2019t learn anythingabout Aboriginal people in school. \u201CWhen I went to the reserve that was the first time, it was reallydifferent. They\u2019re not as rich as White people \u2014 the reserve is so dumpy ... I hate the reserve.\u201D Sheconcedes that kids are well cared for; however, the standards of cleanliness and behaviour that sheis accustomed to are not evident to her. Her voice changes and becomes tinged with disgust.They treat kids pretty good, most of them, but some of them are, some of the kidsare really bad, they swear, they fight, and they\u2019re really dirty (p.35, transcript 1).Noel Ia has had no exposure to traditional Aboriginal culture and confuses the Christian wakeof her great grandmother with Aboriginal culture. However, she once spoke the language of herpeople.They told me before I got taken away that I learned to talk Saulteaux, but I lost allthat. I don\u2019t talk any more ... I met all of my relatives, most of my relatives talkSaulteaux ... most of my cousins are all my age ... Everyone says I look like my mom(p.35, transcript 1).Elsewhere in the interview, Noella makes a statement about an \u201Cold\u201D street person where sheexhibits respect and responsibility for the elderly. Again her voice and facial expression changes toan innocent, deeply caring picture as she relates the circumstances of the gentleman in question.Yeah, the kids can take care of themselves, not all the old people can cause...by myhouse there\u2019s a old man, he sleeps in the apartment doorway and I told him the next137time I get money I\u2019m gonna go over there and give that man fivebucks to go buysomething for himself, cause I always see him and I always feel verybad. Just likethe old people can\u2019t take of themselves but the street kids can, soyou should takecare of the old people (p.18, transcript 1).This reflects the Aboriginal cultural characteristic of holding elders in highesteem and is contraryto the ageism reflected in mainstream society. Noella also identifies an awareness thatthere is aculture that makes a person distinctly Aboriginal in the statement about her Aboriginaladoptedfather. \u201CHe acts like he\u2019s White.\u201D Again, one can only assume that she does not actlike this.Noella states that \u201COne of my goals was to find my natural parents... the other isto live here\u201D[Winnipeg]. About these accomplishments she feels success, even so she says, \u201CI wouldn\u2019tstay overnight at home on the reserve at my parents ... but I would stay at my cousins. This is understandableconsidering the destructive behaviour of her mother. And in the end she wants to attendan \u201CallNative school.\u201DIt seems that Noella\u2019s self-image and her perceptions of reserve life would improve with anaccurate critical education in Aboriginal history in Canada, with exposure to authentic traditionalculture, and with contact with Alanon counselling (so that she could more effectively cope with hermother\u2019s alcoholism). In the meantime Noella laughs as she says that Chuck Norris is one of herrole models and \u201CI wish he was my father.\u201D It is still a White image she seesas the only worthyfather figure and protector for her.Travis has had no contact with extended family on the reserve after his mother died. Hevisited his grandmother, aunt, and cousins once in five years. Like Noella, Travis doesn\u2019t likereserves. Travis answers \u201CI like it\u201D when he was asked how he felt about being Aboriginal. Hisknowledge of Aboriginal history is limited to the grade school version of social studies. Hecomments no further. Travis has been to a pow wow and has been involved in a sweet grassceremony in an alcohol rehab centre. Of the rest he says, \u201CWell there is some stuff that I don\u2019tbelieve in \u2014 like the medicine.\u201D138Who are Travis\u2019 role models? \u201CAdmire most? Nobody.\u201D He states that the best possiblefuture for him is to be left alone to live his lifestyle \u201Cif I had a job.\u201D He thinks he has the experienceto be able to be a street counsellor,I could tell them what drugs are bad for you ... just tell people to stay away from thatsniffing ... so far since I\u2019ve been here I\u2019ve seen a lot of wrecked bodies up there onBeach Street where people sniff downstairs in the backrooms and that stuff just makesme sick (p.19, transcript 2).He sees himself as a former street person right now.Politically Travis is definite about whose side he\u2019s on in the sovereignty issue and the muchpublicized gambling controversy in Saskatchewan. He includes himself in the statements, \u201CWeshould be able to have self-government ... well, we should be entitled to it because it was our landThe casino bit, I think the government is too scared that we\u2019ll make too much money.\u201D On apersonal level, Travis does not know if he is status or not. He has no knowledge of his rights orwhere to access the information.Society \u2014 Noella and TravisNoella and Travis make no remarks (with the exception of Travis\u2019 self government comment)that would indicate that they disagree with any part of the Canadian status quo in relation toAboriginal people or any other issue for that matter. Perhaps Noella is being cautious about relatingany sign of \u201Crebellion\u201D against a system that has taken two of her children. Except for her commenton mainstream male behaviour toward females on the street, she is uncritical.Perverts ... there\u2019s lots, they\u2019re everywhere, dirty old men, even by the bus depot,when you go there ... men standing around. They\u2019ll whistle or something ... they\u2019llask you to come and drink with them (p.31, transcript 1).Travis simply answers \u201Csick!\u201D on the topic.Noella and Travis spend their lives trying to fulfil the prescribed conditions in order to getthe two children back. Noella states, \u201CI\u2019m mad at the social workers.\u201D And Travis reacts to theconstant surveillance which they live under. \u201CIt pisses me off.\u201D When asked what would make herlife easier, Noella confides wistfully:139We are going to AA and Travis and I go to parenting classes at MountCarmel house(p.12, transcript 1) .... supposed to get the baby back onJune 15 (p.23, transcript 1).[I want] To get my baby back, I\u2019d want to go finish at leastup to grade 10, cause Iwant ... I want to finish school, take care of [baby girl\u2019s name]. [Abouthaving morechildren] Yeah, when I get older I want to have more children (p.38, transcript1).Travis states that he needs a job above all else. \u201CI just need a trade.\u201D Onceagain Noellaemphasizes that she wants to be like her adoptive auntie.She had a baby when she was 16 and when she was 1 7 she finished school and thenshe took a hairdressing course and she started buying equipment and she set upabusiness. That\u2019s why I want to be like her (p.24, transcript1).What would Noella advise a government person to do for street youth in Winnipeg? Noellamakes a strong start in answering the question and mid-thought her resolve fades away.I think I would put my foot down and just tell them straight .... I really don\u2019t knowwhat I\u2019d say, I probably would just shut right up if they were sitting rightbeside me(p.41, transcript 1).Her last advice was to \u201CPut them [Street youth] in a group home, cause it\u2019s dangerous out there.\u201DThe dangers she refers to remain, for the most part, untold. We are left to guess about the kinds ofdangers she is referring to and if she is a survivor of any of them. Travis thinks that street youthneed to stay in school, that they need safe houses and drop-in centres. He blames family alcoholismand abusive lifestyles (violence against women) for the resistance of street youth.The normality of life on the fringe of a wealthy society \u2014 of the greyness that is not onlybearable but a staple diet \u2014 is haunting throughout the interviews with Noella and Travis. Noextremes in violence, crime, drug abuse, hunger, illness, homelessness or alienation; no profoundcriticisms of conditions on the street or the society that spawns them; no fancy dreams of a utopianfuture exist for this young family. Only the immediate problem of getting back their child andfulfilling the conditions that will insure a speedy reunion are important. What is more haunting isthe possibility that they are simply being realistic about their life conditions and the prospects oftruly entering mainstream society or indeed Aboriginal society.140As evidence of their relative progression off the street Noella offers, \u201CI neverused to buythings for the apartment.\u201D Although they are trying and Noellasays \u201CI think Travis and I will begood parents,\u201D the deck is stacked against them, both as a relationship and in gettingoff the street.Both survivors of adoption, sexual abuse, street life, racism, and current warriorsagainst the system,even Aboriginal agencies are destructive to their attemptsto make a go of their shattered lives. Theyare a fragile unit, precariously sitting on the ledge of a forty story life supportsystem, as it were.Twenty stories to fall, with the wrong move, and twenty stories up toreach the roof \u2014 anextraordinary hard climb before they reach safety \u2014 out of the reach of the street and of the \u201Csocialsupport system.\u201DAXLEMost of my life I felt alone (p.26, transcript 1).Axle is an eighteen year old male of Saulteaux ancestry who is the biological brother toNoella (also in this study). Axle is a 5\u20198\u201D tall, laid back type of person with a medium complexion,who exudes a sense of playfulness and optimism in the interview and in his relations with the Skystreet services environment. At one point he jokingly acts out a mock radio broadcast \u201CWe arecoming to you from MacDonald\u2019s,\u201D and he chose the pseudonym Axle in the same light heartedway. Although he seems shy, he is a person who would \u201Ctalk back\u201D if he felt imposed upon.Axle came to the interview dressed casually and clean in his Sunday best. He wore hismedium brown hair in a conservative, just below the ear, style. His voice is deep and smooth andhe is articulate in his communication. He laughs easily in the interview. Axle was eager to beinterviewed first because he wanted to tell his story and secondly he needed the money to get backto the reserve to go on a fire fighting job.It appears that Noella is the eldest of six siblings, Axle is the second born. They have twoother brothers and two sisters in their biological family. All are or have been in foster homes oradopted. Mother and father live together on an undisclosed reserve in central Manitoba. Unlike141his sister Noella, Axle finds hope in finding his biological family,however dysfunctional Noella\u2019sdescription makes them out to be. \u201CAt the time she gave me somethingto live for,\u201D he said of hisnatural mother, even though he indicates there\u2019s some things about her hedoesn\u2019t like. He looksforward to one day making his home on the reserve. \u201CActually, that\u2019s all I want,\u201D he says about theprospect of going home, \u201C... just as long as I was with them all.\u201DAt the time of the interview Axle lived with his sister Noella and her partner Travis in arented apartment. They are each other\u2019s protection and family in the urban environment. They stillhave the street as their main reference and use street services almost exclusively. Axle has manyfriends that make their living on the streets, and although he watches out for someyoung womenworking the streets \u201Cso they don\u2019t get into trouble,\u201D he is trying desperately to\u201Cget back on track.\u201DThe journey is difficult without adequate food and housing, which exceeds even the need foradequate mental and physical health, education and jobs. His mild and optimistic exterior does notbetray the story that is to unfold.HistoryI would say I\u2019m one of the lucky ones. I found my real family... I would say it\u2019s aboost. It gives me something to work for (p.12, transcript 1).It is unclear if Noella and Axle were adopted at the same time. Axle thinks he was adoptedat the age of three or four and he said that he remembers something of life on the reserve before hisapprehension. Noella, who is two years older, relates that she was adopted at three or four. It ispossible that they were adopted into the same adoptive home at different times. It is most probablethat they were adopted together at somewhere between the ages of two and five years old, in whichcase, Axle would have been two years old at the time of adoption. The adoptive family consistedof an Aboriginal father and a non-Aboriginal mother, with two natural children \u2014 a girl and a boy.The family moved a number of times, from Swift Current, to Regina, Edmonton and finally to a smalltown in Manitoba.\u00A9E142As stated in Noella\u2019s story, the adopted mother died ofa brain tumour in 1984. Axle wouldhave been eight years old. He harboured a great deal of angertoward his adoptive father becausehe knew about the abuse that his sister was suffering. \u201CIt bothered mea lot,\u201D he related, \u201CI felt likekilling him.\u201D The anger and unhappiness he felt in the adoptive homeled to extensive runningbehaviour, apprehension, foster care and detention.With his sister gone, during his time in open and closed custody and in foster homes, Axlebecame very self-destructive and suicidal. He simply didn\u2019t want to live anymore. Axle says thathe and his friends were not only into drugs and alcohol and petty crime, they were highly self-destructive as a well.Most of my friends, we all have something wrong ... we did something to ourselves,maybe try to hang ourselves ... did a suicide attempt (p.24, transcript 1).It was while Axle was in closed custody in Regina that their adoptive aunt, who Noella wasliving with at the time in British Columbia, found out that Axle was in custody. Noella phoned himwith the news that she had found their natural parents in Manitoba. He then left Regina to cometo Winnipeg in 1992. On his way to Winnipeg he stopped in Brandon, Manitoba and asked someAboriginal people in the bus depot if they had knowledge of his biological family. By coincidence,Axle met one of his cousins, who then took him in under his wing and took him to the reserve tomeet his family.On the streetsThey told me that my mom was murdered, that my dad murdered my mom and mygramma, that they were drinkers and that my dad was in jail.., at my young age Icould believe anything ... That\u2019s the reason I was on the street. I thought we weresurvivors (pp.22-23, transcript 1).Approximately two years after his sister left the adoptive home Axle began running at the ageof twelve or thirteen. He was searching for a happier place, he says.I kept on running away ... staying out with friends ... they\u2019d stay with me ... wealways did the same thing \u2014 running away. I was running away from badnessjust to get myself happier(p.3, transcript 1).143He was the only Aboriginal boy among the \u201Cescape club.\u201D They would run together,staying at eachother\u2019s houses, drinking alcohol heavily, landing in the drunk tank and startingover. This activitygradually escalated to renting hotel rooms and finally, after being apprehended, hespent time inyouth detention centres and in a \u201Cmillion foster homes.\u201D He stayed in both Aboriginaland non-Aboriginal homes, in urban and rural settings. Axle remembers a couple of foster homes that heliked \u2014 he liked the attention. But he had to keep running or he would eventuallybe sent backto his adoptive home. \u201CI did run away because I didn\u2019t want to live with our father.\u201DEventually Axle had to leave Regina because by this time his extensive running behaviour,drug abuse, criminal activity and suicidal behaviour had begun to give authoritiesthe idea that hewas \u201Ccrazy.\u201D \u201CI had to go to another place, because they thought I was crazy.\u201D Numerous suicideattempts (by hanging, wrist slashing, taking pills) and suicide threats resulted in Axle almost dyingseveral times. After one incident he was unconscious in the hospital for four days. After a near misswith his life Axle began to think that his best revenge was to stay alive. He figured that no onewould care if he died.I didn\u2019t like the people ... at the time I thought it was a good thing, I thought it wasa good thing for me to do, then when I was thinking maybe people are thinking, Ithought maybe how was it going to be like, it\u2019s just going to be like, \u2018Oh, that\u2019s justanother dead kid. Oh, that\u2019s nothing whatever.\u2019 I was thinking, yeah... so I thoughtI would bug them if I stayed alive (p.25, transcript 1).Of this time period, Axle relates that he was extremely depressed and lonely. It was a call for help.The help came in the form of news about his biological family. They were alive.Axle identifies his destructive behaviour, depression and street involvement as results ofbeing told, at the age of about five, that his father had murdered his mother and grandmother, andthat his father was in jail (quotation above). He claims that his adoptive parents and the socialworkers had told him the \u201Cbunch of crock.\u201D Certainly this was Axle\u2019s understanding during hisgrowing years. \u201CIt made me ... That\u2019s the reason I was on the street, that\u2019s the reason I was on myown. At the time I felt like killing myself.\u201D Noella makes no reference to this revelation. Whether144she knew or not is unknown. What is certain is that Axle was lonely and angered by his adoptedfather\u2019s abuse of his sister.Axle has been in Winnipeg for one year. He lives peripherally on the street. At least he hasa place to stay with his sister. He cites high rental costs compared with welfare rates as the reasonfor his not being on his own. Social workers have been working with Axle in order to assist himwith education and getting into the workforce. Axle, however, knows that he must continue hisrecovery from drug addiction, get his living conditions stable, get to know his family and work onhis mental health. \u201CI\u2019m not ready. I\u2019m trying to get myself stable, like the way I\u2019m living ... beforeI add another thing.\u201D It has only been a year since he has been repatriated. He is still in thehoneymoon stage and he is fragile.Axle thinks that his street family is his best day to day support at the moment. \u201CStreet peopleprobably care most for each other.\u201D His sister is his mother right now, she is the one who looks afterthings. We have been told by Noella that her brother is one of her protectors on the street, he islike her father. Significant people on the street, for Axle, are the people at Sky, a street youthagency. He is comfortable in the environment and he gets the support he needs when he\u2019s down.He said that they are like his brothers and sisters. \u201CThey would be like my family, while I\u2019m hereand while they\u2019re open.\u201DDrugs and alcohol have played a big part in Axle\u2019s life since he started running. \u201CI had a lotof help for my drug problem. I had a problem with smoking dope ... They put me in treatmentI used to do hard drugs LSD, snorting cocaine, etc. It totally ruined my life. My family helped me\u2014 to kick it. They helped me to get into different activities.\u201D During this time crime became a wayto pay for his drug habit. \u201CI used to steal.\u201DAxle has friends on the street who are working in the sex trade. \u201CI have a quite a few friendswho are prostitutes, I go there with a friend just to watch them so they don\u2019t get into any kind oftrouble\u201D [by writing down licence plate numbers]. He does not allude to further involvement.145Although he says he can\u2019t say their names he seems to accept the \u201Cway theylive.\u201D Axle gave nocritique of the system, no horror stories of incidents, just a casual comment.One gets theimpression that he is careful about revealing too much about criminal behaviour. Hewants to givea good impression, he wants to stay clean.Axle speaks in general terms about his life on the street. He has not done anyextensivetravel or exploration of street life in any other cities. His Street life isdriven by poverty andreconnection with his family \u2014 and not by the adventure of it \u2014 nor is he running frominstitutionsany longer: \u201C... and I\u2019ve got one year still ... I got one more yearout of my life so I\u2019m finally living?(p.12, transcript 2). Axle doesn\u2019t see himself as out of the woodsyet. He thinks it will take him oneyear to set himself up in his own place, get a job or go back to school. He isstill on hold until hislife really begins. The experience on the street has been valuable for Axle. Hebelieves that he haslearned \u201Cto be tough, to have respect, and to get along ... to have confidence.\u201DHe also wantspeople to know that \u201Cno matter how bad a person lived or how bad their life was they can get itback on track.\u201D He must believe.RacismI get mad at the government because those [Aboriginal] people that are on thestreet should have their jobs ... the governments\u2019 ... there\u2019s been enough of theirlife taken. I had seventeen years taken from me (p.l2, transcript2).Axle does not talk about racism at all. He stays in the immediate. He feels absolutelycomfortable in his relations with street workers of any ethnic origin. He says that people \u201Cused to\u201Dtreat him badly \u2014 probably referring to his time of his destructive behaviour. He does, however,not make an association of any of this bad treatment with his ethnicity.They\u2019re just like brothers \u2014 It\u2019s like you were never on the street ... like the otherday I was feeling down ... feels comfortable using street services. Other people \u2014I\u2019m treated better ... they used to treat me bad and now they treat me better [becausehe feels better about himself]. Security guards give me a hard time \u2018What are youdoing in here?\u2019 ... they think they have some kind of power over the shopping centre(p.6, transcript 1).146Axle gives a hint of knowing that Aboriginal people onthe street should be getting more than theyare. He says, \u201Cthey\u2019re not getting what they deserve ... some peopleare getting their lives ruined,destroyed, wasted because there\u2019s nobody there to help them.\u201DAgain he seems to allude toknowledge of the precursors of their condition, he believes thatmore helpers would alleviate thecondition. This indicates internalized oppression, in that he wouldnot question the presentcircumstances of Aboriginal people. He then would likely attribute those assumed weaknesses tohimself.Although Axle criticises child and family services, welfare and the police for inadequateservice, no racial connotation is present(that is overt). It is only that they are too tough, and theydon\u2019t give enough money to survive.Culture and identity\u201CThat\u2019s all that I want ... as long as I\u2019m with my relatives ... that\u2019s what I\u2019mshooting for right now (p.2\u00B0, transcript 1).Axle is totally preoccupied in the reunification process, everything else is secondary. Heseems to have no awareness of Aboriginal culture (or at least he doesn\u2019t discuss this explicitly),ceremonies, or any values that might be different from his life at the moment. He gives no evidenceof having learned any history of Aboriginal people. This absence of awareness may be attributedto his trauma of believing that his biological family were dead and in jail. He subsequently wouldfind a new world where he now had parents, siblings and an extended family \u2014 a place where hebelongs. Finding a place within this world would naturally take precedence over the esoteric valuesof culture, in the immediate. He does, however, want to learn \u201Chis\u201D language and everything thathe\u2019s missed.To get my life back together, to get back what I missed, try to get my language backtoo ... and try to get my image the way I want it to be ... Yeah, the respect ... stufflike that. Try to get everything ... just everything that\u2019s missing from me right now.I like ... I would rather stay somewhere else but... just the years that I\u2019ve missedjust the years that I missed with my family the way I should have been ... I\u2019d saythere\u2019s a couple of my aunties and there\u2019s a couple of my uncles and a couple of mycousins yeah, they tried to help me but ... they came at various emotional times147when I couldn\u2019t get along cause I was gone so long ... likeI just got back with myfamily not too long ago, my real family, and I can\u2019t tell whichpeople are helpingwant to help and which people don\u2019t (p.8-9, transcript2).Axle is still learning to navigate the new universe. He doesn\u2019t know whohis allies are. This makeshim vulnerable to disappointment.SocietyMy main interest is to get my life together ... toget back what I missed (p.8,transcript 2).When asked what would be the best possible future for him,Axle replies that he just wishesthat people in general would be nicer, that welfare rates would be higher,and that the governmentwould get Aboriginal people off the streets. The best possible future,he thinks, is to get married \u2014have kids and not lose them. He wants a normal family. Again,Axle demonstrates thepreoccupation with the immediacy of his problem, as does his sister Noella in her interview. Bothdo not have the luxury of philosophical dialogue about Aboriginal existence in Canada. This is theworld of the truly disenfranchised \u2014 the adopted \u2014 those whose relationship to their adoptiveparents have disintegrated.Axle persists (at times when he wants to relate something directly to anyonewho will listen,he talks directly to the tape recorder).I would say that the government ... the people ... whoever is in charge of thisplace of Winnipeg or so, they should see all the people that are on the street ... theyshould see how they live, they should see the stuff that they\u2019re plugging in their veinsand inhaling and stuff like that ... see how they keep themselves warm at night andthey should start opening their eyes and not being so blind (p.5, transcript2).His idealism makes him think that \u201Cseeing\u201D would result in changes.\u201CIt\u2019s out there but it\u2019s hidden,but I guess, and kind of shoved aside and forgotten.\u201DHe thinks that street youth should have a housing development that \u201Cthey\u201D should run, that\u201Cthey\u201D could pay the rent and have some self-determination. In a round about way Axledemonstrates that government people don\u2019t have the experience that is necessary to producethe148solutions. This corroborates the feelings of most of thestreet youth who were participants in theresearch.At the end of the interview Axle took the opportunity(when the question was asked if therewas something he wanted to add, something he had not hadan opportunity to talk about) to showhis subversive side. He tries a number of times to express that(at times he is interrupted by theinterviewer) he thinks that the time is coming where the tables will be turned on the people thathave wronged him in an institutional sense.There\u2019s a couple of things that I like to say, actually, that goes for the people that didThey should have thought about what they did, like how they wrecked people\u2019sfamilies apart and took their kids away and stuff like that. To thinkabout how theywould feel if it was the other way around ... if their kids were taken away, or eventhem. I wonder how they would feel and how that they wouldn\u2019t be in the spot thatthey are today and if it was the other way around and if I were in their spot. Theyshould try for about a week and see if they can last that long to do that, to try to getthemselves fed and everything else ... Yeah, have a thing to test their skills \u2014 likeour skills to see if they can do it, and see how long they like it .... cause maybesomeday they\u2019ll end up like that ... Soon that will turn around (p.11, transcript2).On the other hand he has an idealized image about how things could be and he doesn\u2019t believe theimage is possible. And still Axle\u2019s playful character comes through when he refers to Walt Disney\u2019slimitations.I\u2019ll bet you if the way I would want this to be, it would be so nice, it would beperfect. It\u2019s too much of a dream. I don\u2019t even think that Walt Disney could makeit into a movie of this (p.13, transcript 2).He also reveals that he has been involved in the fundamentalist religion movement on the reserve.\u201CIt\u2019s good ... actually that would probably be the thing that got me up a little bit ... I went there acouple times ... those are the people, I know for sure, that care.\u201DAt the end of the interview, Axle wants to dispel a myth about street people.I would say the people on the street, they don\u2019t act that bad, if they do act that badis because the stories are put wrong ... they\u2019re probably doing something right ... inthe newspaper or whatever the cops say something bad that makes it really badExaggerated, yeah (p.1\u00B0, transcript 2).In the end Axle defends street people against the press. After all, as a street person, he is not so bad.149JEAN-MARCI act like a kid. I think I\u2019m interesting. I\u2019m nevergoing to grow up ... I\u2019m nevergetting old ... I\u2019m going to stay young until I die (p.2,transcript 2).Jean-Marc is a dark, thin, over six foot tall eighteenyear old male from a Metis background,who first began exploring the streets ofWinnipeg at the age of eleven. By the age ofthirteen thestreet was a firmed reference point in his life. Hisone set of punk style clothes were ripped,raggedand dirty. He is proud of his appearancethough. His explanation of his \u201Cmongolianscalp lock\u201D hairstyle showed his desire to differentiate himself fromothers in his environment. At timeshe worea black baseball cap which had the beak severelycurled up and the word \u201CINJUN\u201D writtenacrossthe front in large white letters. Even his hathad an \u201Cattitude\u201D and set him apart. His generic ethnicfacial features and sophisticated behaviour would oftenhave people mistake him for Italian orPortuguese.Jean-Marc has an amicable character,a very handsome face and a theatrical low voice(hehas done some acting on film). His vocabulary and demeanour betrayhis middle-class up-bringing.He takes charge in the westend deli where the interviewtakes place. He gets along well witheveryone, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal,Street people and middle class business people. He\u2019s ananimated talker about his adventures on the street.He describes himself as \u201CTotally solo, I\u2019ve alwaysbeen solo.\u201D Jean-Marc is currently homeless but surviveson welfare and doing the \u201Ccouch tour,\u201Das he calls it. He finds a place to sleep with friends and will \u201Conlybreak into a place if it is 40below ... then I sleep in a stairwell.\u201D jean-Marc relates thathe has been \u201Cfree of hard drugs for ninemonths\u201D and he has now begun the process of finding his Aboriginalbiological roots.HistoryI was fed, I had clothing, I had toys and all that stuff but ... I hadno idea who mybiological parents were (p.8, transcript1).Jean-Marc was born to an Aboriginal mother andScottish father. All Jean-Marc was toldabout his biological mother was that she was an eighteenyear old university student, who gave him150up for adoption when he was one and a half years old. His father,he says, was not aware of hisexistence. \u201CI guess she didn\u2019t tell him ... My father does not know Iexist.\u201D He was adopted into a\u201Cfairly upper middle class\u201D Jewish home, where he stayed untilthe age of thirteen. Jean-Marcdistinguishes himself from other Aboriginal street youth by saying that hehad everything and thathis drift to the streets contained an element of choice.Comparatively speaking, I had more than they did cause you know I\u2019m talking aboutpeople whose parents ... welfare mothers and single parents and such (p.12,transcript 1).Even so, he describes a life of alienation starting with peer racial harassment in elementary school,identity confusion and adoption breakdown. The element of choice disappeared with a violent knifeattack involving his only adopted brother during a quarrel with his adopted father, at theage ofthirteen. He had to leave home.Jean-Marc was placed in the Manitoba Youth Centre where he became labelledas\u201Cpsychologically disturbed.\u201D His entry into a world of institutionalization and criminal ization hadbegun. The range of experiences gained in protective and rehabilitative custody were: \u201Cthe PenguinBuilding in P13 in the psycho centre ... strapped down ... pumped full of dope\u201D; foster homes; levelfour group home for psychiatric \u201Cproblems\u201D; seventeen charges ranging from possession of illegaldrugs to armed robbery (youth offender and adult); incarceration in both youth detention to thepenitentiary (eight months); and to this day on-going psychiatric visits. (Jean-Marc\u2019s early psychiatriclabel would later come in handy, today he can readily access welfare because of the label. He hasa history.) Later he would say, \u201CI learned a lot in jail.\u201DJean-Marc names racial harassment in school (ages5-8) as a catalyst in the process that wouldlead to adoption breakdown.I came running home, \u2018I\u2019m a Paki, mom, I\u2019m a Paki.\u2019 First thing she said to me is,\u2018First of all it\u2019s Pakistani,\u2019 and then she started to tell me cause she took Nativestudies in university and such and she\u2019d tell me basically, like they\u2019re very anti-racistand the reason I found out later, a lot later on, was that they adopted meas opposedto adopting a Jewish child is because they felt sorry for Native kids who were notgetting adopted .... Which I think is a very poor excuse to adopt a kid cause it kind151of screwed me up but ... I thought it was, you know ... she explainedto me whatNativity was ... what being Aboriginal meant, but first you know... basically she toldme the way I could understand it at 8 years old, that I should be proudthat I wasthere. I remember the next day, I planned out, I took my garbage mitts,soaked themfull of water and went to the front door of the schoolcause I\u2019d been used to leavingearly and running home from school through the back door and hidingin the schoolsomewhere till all the goons left. Putting on these gloves and shovingthem into thesnow bank and then I went to school just grinningcause I knew what was gonnahappen. I knew they were going to bug me .... Tuesday afternoonat 3:30 and I goWHACK!, hit him right on the side of the head with these frozenmitts and I said,\u201CI\u2019m an Indian you*!#*(pp.6-7, transcript 1).After being told of his adoption Jean-Marc\u2019s increasing curiosity about hisbiological parentshurt his mother. In the meantime, Jean-Marc noticeda dissimilarity between himself and hisadoptive family. To get relief from the widening gulf from them, he began hangingout with kidsdowntown. Peer pressure took hold. He and his friends began engaging in petty crime.\u201CI did breakand enter with these kids.\u201D When he was caught his parents would not support him.Basically my parents told me \u2018We\u2019re not even going to go to court. It\u2019s all up to you,you\u2019ll have to find yourself a lawyer\u2019 (p.13, transcript 1).The life that followed Jean-Marc\u2019s removal from his adopted parents\u2019 home was a far cry fromthe comfortable middle-class setting that included trips abroad. He lists the United States, France,Great Britain, Ireland and Amsterdam as places that they visited as a family. After receiving theproof he needed that his parents would reject him, \u201CIt just like ... I mean it was a reason for themto finally say, \u2018Get the fuck out of the house or else\u2019 ... I didn\u2019t want to be there anyway.\u201D Jean-Marcentered a life of drugs, crime, detrimental relationships, incarceration and street life.The only other incident that Jean-Marc mentions under the topic of shame, that might haveadded to his building anger, was that during his time in school he was approached sexually by ateacher at age 13, and though Jean-Marc got away, he was so ashamed of it he never told anybody.Later in the interview he mentions this same teacher.a while later it was like ... isn\u2019t this guy your teacher in the paper ... one year injail for child molestation, which pisses me off cause me if I get nailed for robbingsomebody ... or just say for breaking and entering ... I\u2019ll get five years. If these guysget charged with sexual molesting a small boy ... he didn\u2019t do any time, he got a year152suspended sentence and probation and he had togo to counselling. It\u2019s like, fuck,the guy should be shot you know (p.1, transcript2).Perhaps there is more hidden shame in Jean-Marc\u2019s past.His psychiatrist has suggested that possiblyJean-Marc had been abused in some way before he wasadopted. His self-destructive behaviourindicates many psychological problems that remain tobe resolved. Now he is trying to get back inschool, stay off of drugs and out of jail \u2014 or, in other words\u2014 get his life together.On the streetsI was hanging out there and they made me feel like I was more welcomethere.I know people would think it\u2019s a lot less of a safe environment.Well myenvironment was safe ... it wasn\u2019t me. It makes me think it\u2019s got tobe hereditary(p.10, transcript 1).While Jean-Marc would boast of Seattle, New York, New Jersey, LosAngeles and Vancouveras street stops before returning to Winnipeg in late 1992, his drift to the street wasgradual. He givesfew details of the life he led in the group homes and institutions, except tosay that he watched alot of television. He comments that Edgewood House in Winnipeg was areally good place to be.\u201CThat\u2019s when I was out of the house (age 13). So I was in foster homes, in and out ... and I startedgoing through lots of changes.\u201DOne of the changes Jean-Marc talks about was a life of crime. \u201CWe used to rob people leftand right.\u201D In one particular instance where \u201Cthe charges were robbery and attempted murder,\u201D hisadopted mother assisted him to go to his adopted grandfather\u2019s(dad\u2019s dad) home in Seattle,Washington. At age sixteen he was a fugitive from justice. He was, however,with someone wholoved him. \u201COh my dad\u2019s dad loves me. Loves me more than any other personin the family causeI\u2019m real to him.\u201D The reprieve was to last for four months. Heended up on the streets of Seattle.\u201CI didn\u2019t know what to do cause I lived on the street in Seattle. Scary street tobe on.\u201DJean Marc ended up in Matsqui prison, in British Columbia, for \u201Ca string of armedrobberies,\u201Dwhich he did alone. Now Jean-Marc is attempting to discontinue his life of crime.I mean, I\u2019ve tried it and I\u2019ve noticed I either end up in jail or in debt every singletime. I\u2019ve done lots of crimes and I end up in jail so I\u2019m not good at it,so I153panhandle on the street, if I need money I\u2019ll borrow from friends and make sure topay them back (p.4, transcript 1).Jean-Marc is vague about his movement to the various cities that he claims to have lived in.He was, understandably, involved in much drug abuse and crime. \u201CI was drunk all the time. I wasinto like pills, valium ....\u201C Elsewhere in the interviews he mentions, \u201CSee Vancouveris the hub ofthe heroin trade ... I started doing heroin and coke.\u201D He kicked heroinat the Vancouver DetoxCentre and was tested negative for AIDS. Jean-Marc was involved in the sale of drugs in Vancouver,but again insisted, \u201CI\u2019m not really good at selling dope ... I\u2019d get caught ninety percent of the time.Sometimes I like to escape \u2014 I smoke drugs but I don\u2019t freebase anymore ....\u201C Jean-Marcsays hewatched out for prostitutes on the low track [where the cheap hookers work] in Winnipeg,I used to live at the William Hotel I used to ... watch over a few girls that were doingit on a low track, Fields and Main (inaudible) building they don\u2019t have any pimpsyou have to rely on people like I mean friends who go out and will watch a placeto make sure we you know ... whoever\u2019s picking up ... make sure it\u2019s not a bad trick(p.3, transcript 1).He does not mention ever living off the avails of prostitution himself. He, in no uncertain terms,describes pimps as \u201Cleeches and people I despise.\u201DAlthough Jean-Marc has had many friends in gang activity he does not find this life appealing\u201Cbecause I knew if I got into a bike gang, it\u2019s pretty hard to get out.\u201D He seems to have extensiveknowledge of gang culture in the United States and was once approached to become an initiate bya \u201Cstriker.\u201D A striker is a person who kills for the gang and \u201Cpart of his being a striker was to recruitpeople that he knew were solid.\u201D Jean Marc was able to resist owning \u201Chis own Harley\u201D in favourof staying \u201Csolo.\u201D Likewise guns are not an option in his life. \u201CIf I carried a weapon it wouldjustmake me want to use it.\u201DJean-Marc describes a three year on and off relationship with an Aboriginal girl thatresultedin a knife inflicted scar on his jugular vein and in a baby who was eventually given up for adoption.\u201CIt was a weird fighting love-hate relationship.\u201D154I\u2019ve been hurt quite a bit. My ex-old lady, we had a child together and then I wentto jail. When I got back it\u2019s like she had thrown my kid to the dogs basically. Shewas drinking ... she didn\u2019t really try. Lost the kid to adoption which is the worstpossible thing that could happen, cause I was adopted. My son won\u2019t know who Iam. I was in jail at the time and I couldn\u2019t sign the birth certificate so there\u2019s no wayin the world. I mean I\u2019d love to try get his full name but who knows when somepeople adopt a child who\u2019s a year and a half old, they might want to change hisname ... I look care of him for eight months (p.33, transcript 1).\u201CShe,\u201D he relates, \u201Clived on the street, her background was more a reserve lifestyle .... I was reallydependent on that relationship.\u201D Although it was not clear, it appears that Jean-Marc was still withthe same woman when she had another baby girl, possibly from another man (while he was in jailagain), who was also taken by social services. The separation from both children affected Jean-Marcdeeply. In the interview he rarely showed much depth of emotion except when speaking of his sonand the adoption. \u201CHe\u2019s the spitting image of me, only he has more hair.\u201DThough Jean-Marc eventually had to leave the relationship, he is not so sure that even nowhe wouldn\u2019t give it another try even against his own better judgement. Much of the precedingrelationship took place in Vancouver. This is what he was running from when he returned toWinnipeg in the winter of 1992.Watching her go down wasn\u2019t good for me ... Cause she\u2019s gonna fall, you know, nomatter how much I love her, I can\u2019t let her drag me down to drown with her (p.36,transcript 1).However, by September 1993 Jean-Marc was back in Vancouver \u2014 his ambivalence about thisrelationship indicates that perhaps he would be back in a situation that threatens to destroy him.Jean-Marc talked rapidly accompanied with frequent lively gestures or facial expressions.During the interviews, however, the dialogue was scattered and shallow, particularly when tracinghis steps from place to place. The only details of street life occur in between incarcerations. JeanMarc\u2019s dialogue about street youth and street life is cryptic and puzzling. His philosophy about therisks and danger of the street is stated as \u201Ca street person\u2019s got to realize that pain goes away anddeath is inevitable. There\u2019s not too much they can fear or else it\u2019s gonna eat you alive.\u201D Jean-Marcechoes Etah\u2019s message that \u201CSurvival for us is in the mind not in the body.\u201D155We learn more by the lessons that Jean-Marc has learned during his timeon theStreet.I\u2019ve finally learned to respect myself. I finally learned to treat people the way Iwanted to be treated myself. Finally learned that number one person in lifeis me.I finally learned how to look at somebody and in two minutes of conversation knowwhat they\u2019re made of, know whether I want to know them, whether I don\u2019twant toknow them. I\u2019ve learned how to, you know, instead of stealing cars or anythinghow to walk by a car that\u2019s running, the window down and go and stillwalk on,cause I just don\u2019t want to do it, that is I don\u2019t want to do the time for a stupid fuckin\u2019silly car you know ... I\u2019ve learned self-control, I\u2019ve learned to drink and be merrybutnot get so fucking shit drunk I don\u2019t know what I\u2019m doing ... like drug and alcoholand charges. I\u2019ve learned so much from the experience on the street, I\u2019ve learnedfrom my mistakes. I remember talking about street people who do the same mistakeover and other again. But there are a lot of street people out there and on the otherside of the coin that know more than me...(p.9, transcript 2).He goes on to talk about a worker in a group home whom he holds as a role model.Like I mean T. S. when he worked and using the street, he was like you knowreally down and out worst than me you know ... and now he\u2019s a care worker inEdgewood group home and like he\u2019s done the same things I\u2019m still doing ... I don\u2019tsay I have a great place to stay you know ... and I still drink you know ... but I\u2019vealso learned that ... the first thing you do is weigh the option, money for food ... I\u2019velearned that even if it\u2019s Chinese noodles, spaghetti sauce or just Chinese noodles orwhatever ... I always keep something around ... that\u2019s another thing I\u2019ve learned, ishow to know who to trust (p.10, transcript 2).Jean-Marc talks of going back to school. \u201CI\u2019m getting a bit older now and it\u2019s time for meto reevaluate myself.\u201D The interviewer, however, felt that Jean-Marc might spend more time in hiscurrent lifestyle, especially with his being openly approached by frequent offers of cocaine fromstreet buddies. For, even though Jean-Marc was able to resist this day, his gregarious and affablestreet personality did not completely appease his \u201Cin-betweenness.\u201D Even as a solo, he both enjoysand needs people and their company.Racismit doesn\u2019t mailer, you know, I\u2019m not a racist ... like can that be my mother?That\u2019s always in the back of my mind you know (p.8, transcript 2).156Even though Jean-Marc claims to be confused about his own identity he is matter-a-factlyintrospective about the impact of racism on the identity of the Aboriginal people in his life.Speaking about his ex-girlfriend, who was brought up on the reserve, he says:That\u2019s pretty comparative to a lot of Native people like my ex-girlfriend ... she wasbrought up on the reserve ... taught \u2014 \u2018you\u2019re Native so you\u2019re lower class\u2019 .... She\u2019sfrom Ojibway culture and that caused her a lot of grief and she\u2019s going through ityou know. She was taught that being an Indian was something to be ashamed of...if you really want to change anything you have to know how people really feelIdentity crisis, you know, not being proud of who you are. I\u2019m not saying I wasreally proud of who I was. I was just sort of like, I\u2019m not a Paki at least. So I stillhad a bad idea towards it (p.7, transcript 1).Continual harassment at school made him sensitive to internalized oppression. \u201CI thought I was aPaki until I was eight.\u201D With bitterness, he describes feeling \u201Calienated\u201D in a \u201Cwaspy neighbourhood\u201Dand school.Jean-Marc recalls a couple of harsh incidents with the police: one where they wouldn\u2019tbelieve his Jewish name and middle-class address, and another where the police were extremelyphysically abusive.I say, \u2018Go get a warrant\u2019 ... Sure enough BOOT and then they grabbed me andhoofed me right in the nuts ... \u2018get down you fucking Indian or we\u2019ll fucking killyou\u2019.... Yeah I\u2019ve experienced racism with police officers (p.18, transcript 1).For this reason he believes that there should be \u201CNative awareness\u201D provided for all police officers.Jean-Marc also has a critical opinion of affirmative action in the recruitment of Aboriginal policeofficers.They\u2019ve got a lot of these police officers who are Native graduated, but then again,that\u2019s the token minority they\u2019re graduating. These guys may have not been the beston the force .. just the fact of the colour of their skin ... they\u2019re getting a job on theforce (p.19, transcript 2).The extreme incidence of overt racism and his experience with alienation at school did notinfluence Jean-Marc\u2019s lack of critical comments about this treatment. \u201CWe have a saying,\u201D he says,\u201CWell I\u2019m a street kid and I know street life but I\u2019m White, you know. Why should there be barriers,that is a barrier in a way you know \u2014 being Native.\u201D Jean-Marc notices that he is also subject to157the colour line, in reverse, when in the company of Aboriginal people in the northend of Winnipeg.I\u2019ve noticed that I\u2019m being ostracized in places, because I\u2019m lighter skinned andeveryone else is full blooded and they start talking Cree and I can\u2019t understand them(p.30, transcript 2).People cross the street when he is walking down the street, kick him out of waiting roomsbut he rationalizes \u201Clook at me.\u201D He does not attribute the idea that these actions might in any waybe related to racism. He blames their reactions on his height, his torn up clothing style, or upon hishair cut.Not so much as racism as it is the way I look, cause racism is a broad termPrejudism against the fact of my haircut, the fact that my jeans were all ripped. Thereason for that cause these are the only fucking jeans I own. I can\u2019t afford to washmy jeans you know... cause when I get money I want to eat ... I\u2019ve got to live withwhatever I\u2019ve got, but I experience that...(p.18, transcript 1).Perhaps the reactions are a little of both.Culture and identity[How do you feel about being Aboriginal?] Confused ... confused. I don\u2019t knowwhat I am ... I\u2019d like to know what I am ... but I don\u2019t know what I am (p.25,transcript 2).\u201CI hope you don\u2019t mind that I have a Jewish last name,\u201D Jean-Marc says apologetically at theonset of the interviews as if to disqualify himself as an Aboriginal person (for the purposes of thisresearch). Jean-Marc is a regular participant in the westend \u201Cgranola belt\u201D hippy-type culture inWinnipeg and performs rap music with a band at an alternative club. He knows everyone. Headvises on exactly what bagels are best to buy. It is life in relation to the larger society that is moreproblematic for him. It\u2019s in that world that he is asked to identify himself culturally and that causesconfusion. For twelve and a half years Jean-Marc lived with a Jewish family. Contradictions in hisadoptive parents\u2019 values and the expression of their culture made him start to question.And we\u2019d go on Saturdays and try and learn all this stuff, I mean my mom is prettyhypocritical about it cause once she went through the whole ordeal of ... I call it anordeal because you\u2019ve got the passover plate and the horseradish and the parsley andthe reading of the Torah ... Lord King of the Universe, a toast which was grape juice158because they don\u2019t drink. Then after like about 45 minutes we\u2019re getting hungry,ofcourse. Mom brings out a baked ham. Honest it\u2019slike I wanted to burn myyammicka (p.31, transcript 1).He goes on, \u201CMy mom is a really cool person but she\u2019sjust slightly eccentric.\u201D Along with noticinginconsistencies in beliefs versus behaviour, \u201CJudaism, which is hogwash to me... it works for somepeople okay, I mean true Hasidic Jews.\u201D Jean-Marc felt that there was favouritismexpressed by hisadopted father. \u201CYeah, he was real proud of his son ... I was the black sheep.His son looked likethem, liked the same music etc...\u201D Jean-Marc began to demand attention, even if it was negativeattention. The philosophical questions and the intra-familial problems combined to alienate Jean-Marc from his adopted culture and his family. \u201CThe Jewish way is to shun you,\u201Dhe says of hispermanent removal from their environment. He does not attend important culturalholidays orfamily functions, although he maintains some contact. \u201CMy dad, he\u2019s the one who hates me ... I wasdisowned.\u201D Jean-Marc laments, \u201CIf they\u2019d been more supportive of my interests.\u201DJean-Marc feelsuncomfortable in the company of his Jewish adoptive parents and in the company of \u201Creal Indians.\u201DThis indicates that Jean-Marc is really caught between two cultures, two world views \u2014 he feelsuncomfortable in both. It is no wonder that he would choose the relative ease of the street, wherehe says, \u201CThe street person sees a little bit of escape from the fact that where they are at\u201D and \u201CI canhonestly say I don\u2019t have any enemies.\u201D\u201CI don\u2019t believe in God,\u201D he says, although he indicates occasionally doing his form ofoffering in an Aboriginal way.Once in a while I\u2019ll take a cigarette out of the package If I\u2019ve got one and I\u2019ll breakit up and throw it in the garbage, that\u2019s my idea of trying to get back to the earth (p.25, transcript 2).\u201CI didn\u2019t say I believed in it, I said it seemed like the most reasonable,\u201D he quickly qualifies. He haslearned what he knows of Aboriginal philosophy during his eight month stay in the penitentiary.\u201CI\u2019ve done smudges you know and went to meetings in jail.\u201D Jean-Marc againbetrays some fragment159of \u201Cinsider\u201D information when he says of his former girlfriend, \u201CI kind of think she put medicine onme.\u201DJean-Marc indicates in a round about way that he knows something about the structuralarrangement of Aboriginal status in Canada.Being an Indian is kinda confusing ... The government makes a difference betweennon-status Indians and FBI\u2019s (full blooded Indians) (p.30, transcript 1).He does not, however, know how it works.My mother was Native, I don\u2019t think she has to be full blooded, do you? Bill C-31\u2014 as long as the father was Native then you\u2019re eligible but if the mother was Nativeyou also get it [status], I don\u2019t know. (p.39, transcript 1) .... You know getting mystatus isn\u2019t the reason I want to find my mother cause status to me, I mean, I treatpeople equally ... I don\u2019t really think it\u2019s so great that Indians get status ... there aresome who have it and abuse it (p.4\u00B0, transcript 1).His knowledge is limited, but he does think that injustice exists toward Aboriginal people. In hisown way Jean-Marc expresses that self-determination is a good goal.these laws, you\u2019re telling these people \u2014 you\u2019ve got your reservations, but you\u2019vegot to stick by our laws while you\u2019re in there. Even Indians don\u2019t kill people ... don\u2019tapprove of thievery .... Violence \u2014 I think the White man\u2019s way got in there ... Theviolence wasn\u2019t there before, it was usually wars against tribes and there\u2019s alwaysbeen war in civilization wherever he\u2019s [man] been (p.26, transcript 2).\u201CIndians are so patient ... too too patient\u201D is his lament. \u201CI think there should be totally freeexpression of culture ... but not from a book ... not from a piece of paper.\u201D He quickly adds that\u201CI wouldn\u2019t like to see the White government looking over it to make sure it\u2019s all cool.\u201DOff the record Jean-Marc impressed the interviewer with his version of Aboriginal philosophyand giving back to the earth. His belief system is a complex mixture of Aboriginal thought, westernphilosophy and a professed agnosticism.I control my own destiny, if I make a mistake I\u2019m gonna pay for it, I can\u2019t blamenobody else for it. I atone for my own sins you know, I\u2019m gonna deal with itthat\u2019s me (p.28, transcript 1).In the final analysis, Jean-Marc\u2019s self-image as a street person is not questionable.I wouldn\u2019t describe a street person as negative because I am one of them, I\u2019d putmyself down (p.2, transcript 1).160SocietyYou do what you can(on tape only).Jean-Marc is basically uncritical of the society he lives in. He simply doesn\u2019t fit into theFreedom 55 commercial yet. (This is the middle-class Canadian dream of retiring with comfortatthe age of fifty-five which is a popular finance commercial on television today.) He regrets,sometimes, that he doesn\u2019t have the education he could have had by now. On the street heclassifies people into bums, pimps and prostitutes, those who learn from their mistakes and thosewho don\u2019t, drug addicts, and criminals. He basically doesn\u2019t have an analysis of why they are thereor how their lives could be improved. His immaturity shows repeatedly, \u201CI can\u2019t wait till I get older,then I\u2019ll have a reason for being crazy.\u201DThe man-child in a 6\u20195\u201D eighteen year old body, who never wants to grow up, who reallywants to know who he is, for whom the street represents a place where \u201Cpeople look like me,\u201D forthe time being, continues on his \u201Cchosen\u201D path on the street.Fear on the street? ... nothing. Pain goes away ... like your skin grows back, deathis inevitable ... I mean if that\u2019s going to happen \u2014 I guess maybe something I fearwould be surviving the holocaust cause if I was the only survivor there\u2019d be lots oftoys to play with but no one to play with me. I\u2019ve always overcome that fear bymeeting people right away ... so there is really no fear now on the street with that(p.24, transcript 2).DALE: Former street personI\u2019ve never leaned towards what society demands that a man be ... I\u2019ve never givenin to that role that men play in society. I\u2019ve never identified with that, so I can crywhenever I want, I can laugh whenever I want, I can hug somebody whenever Iwant, because I have those emotions in me. I think that comes from ... a feminineside but ... I think that men are allowed to do that also. There\u2019s no rule or law oranything saying that we can\u2019t do that you know ... I\u2019ve never felt that I was wrongever, ever, ever (p.22, transcript 1).Dale is a twenty-eight year-old gay Aboriginal male who is from a Cree community innorthern Manitoba. He is a tall 5\u2019lO\u201D slender person, who wears his beautiful waist-long black hairdown most of the time. He is an age-conscious person who works out everyday to keep his bodyin the best possible shape. His very dark, attractive complexion lends an exotic appearance when161he goes out in drag. Dale\u2019s attire, speech and socialbehaviour were studied and meticulous. Thisadded a pleasant quality to Dale\u2019s slightly accented, low voice.Dale met the interviewer, for the first time, after a workout ata community gym, so he wasdressed in fresh casual workout attire. For the second visit, Dale invitedthe interviewer to hishouse. The interview took place as Dale sat posturing in front ofthe mirror, in a teddy, curling hislong hair. He was entirely comfortable and happy with himselfand eager to share his entireexperience as a gay Aboriginal male who had been on the streets ofWinnipeg. \u201CI don\u2019t want to bea woman, I like being a man ... I have no problems \u2014 qualms \u2014 about speaking about my life.\u201DHe was a gracious host as he showed the interviewer around hisspotless and homey abode. Daleis an actor/writer who also works occasionally for the Winnipeg Gay and Lesbian Resource Centredoing workshops on gay sexuality and AIDS prevention. He survived living on the streets ofWinnipeg for five years and now lives on welfare, when he isn\u2019t working. He lives in a gay cooperative household he fondly calls home. \u201CI don\u2019t have a place to stay, I have a home.\u201DHistoryFeeling uncomfortable about my sexuality was the main thing, cause I couldn\u2019t livemy life openly there, you know, as a gay man on the reserve (p.11, transcript1).Dale\u2019s mother and father live on a reserve adjacent to a fairly large town in northwesternManitoba. They have been married for forty-six years and have managed to keep their familytogether through alcoholism, domestic violence, child neglect and the normal poverty that besetsmany Aboriginal families in the Canadian north. They belong to a strong, cohesive, extended family,in which Dale plays the devoted uncle to many nieces and nephews. One other brother lives inWinnipeg. He is also gay identified. Dale does not speak of him much. They don\u2019t live together,however, there was no indication that the brother is on the street in Winnipeg. The rest of thefamily continue to reside in the north.Well ... my parents were actively alcoholic, when I was growing, [they were] fightingand abusive to us and stuff like that. We weren\u2019t well cared for because my parentswere always drunk, passed out or whatever. So somebody had to build a fire,162somebody had to cook us food, somebody had to wash our clothes, somebody hadto do all that stuff, so when we got a certain age we started to learn to do thosethings ourselves because nobody else would do them for us ... and the funny thingabout us is we never had curfews or stuff like that, nobody never reprimanded us forbeing out late .... Or bedtime or things like that because it was just you know thenormal, cause all the kids stayed out till twelve. It was very poor, it was very tragicwhen I see the pictures of us as kids, the way we were dressed, the house we livedin ...the poverty \u2014 it was incredible. It was isolated when I was growing up but notanymore it\u2019s grown so much ... then all it had was travel roads, bush and bush andbush. I went through the whole gambit like alcoholic parents and you know abusiveparents, sniffing and drinking and being exceptionally abused and all that stuff (p.7-8, transcript 1). I\u2019m from a large family yes and there was only so much attentionI guess, you could receive from your parents ... but my parents were there as muchas they could be, but when it came time for me to leave I had to for my own sanity\u2014 not my parents\u2019 but my own sanity (p.3, transcript 1).Dale tells of strong traditional grandparents, strong willed women who ran the roost, and afather who is a product of the residential school system. He describes his dad as a quiet person whoquit drinking \u201Cat about fifty.\u201D Although Dale blames the boarding school system for his father\u2019ssubdued personality, he admires his parents\u2019 wisdom and traditional knowledge. In 1987 the familywas struck by tragedy. One of Dale\u2019s brothers committed suicide. Dale does not talk about anyother loss of family.Dale\u2019s early adult life as a gay male on the reserve was miserable. He began abusing alcoholand he gradually sank into suicidal depression. He was forced to live in the closet. The only wayto find a community where he would be accepted was to leave the north and his family to cometo the city. This he did in 1981.On the streetsI couldn\u2019t deal with my sexuality in a positive way when I lived on the reserveit wasn\u2019t accepted and my mental state and my emotional state, as a teenagergrowing up, was very unstable and I felt very suicidal, very angry and depressedall the time so I had to leave there in order to survive. Another factor that had mego on the street was my alcoholism ... to find other people that drank the way I did(p.2, transcript 1).The first time Dale went to the big city of Winnipeg was to see a psychiatrist at the age offifteen. He had had a nervous breakdown. \u201CI had a nervous breakdown when Iwas about fifteen,163and I thought people were out to kill me.\u201D Over a period of a year Dale made the decision torelocate to Winnipeg. At sixteen he moved onto the streets in earnest.Dale describes being on the street as not having a home and \u201Cliving the life that you haveto live because of all those factors that affect your life.\u201D He means that people suffer different streetconditions because of various kinds of victimization that they bring to the street with them. Forinstance, Dale faced harsh discrimination particular to gay people in a homophobic society....You know they taunt me and they make really crude remarks and they swear at meand throw things at me ... I\u2019ve always thought that man fears what man does notknow and I think a lot of homophobia could stem from ignorance of the subject (p.2,transcript 2).And the discriminatory behaviour he describes was from the Aboriginal community. Others, maleand female, suffer greatly because of a sexual abuse background. Dale, then, had the burden of themultiple oppression of race, class and sexual orientation. Poverty, alcoholism and homelessnesswere simply pre-conditions as well as by-products of street life.I guess experiencing everything that\u2019s out there when you don\u2019t have a home baseor a job or you\u2019re uneducated ... I guess in simpler terms the street is not having ahome base, not having anywhere to shower on a regular basis, not having anywhereto eat on a regular basis, nowhere to sleep on a regular basis. That\u2019s running thestreets (p.1, transcript 1). I\u2019ve been beaten up, I\u2019ve been robbed you know, I\u2019ve beenraped, you know everything, everything in the book that could possibly happen topeople ... you know I\u2019ve been out in the winter time on the streets, I\u2019ve been out youknow in falling rain ... I\u2019ve gone hungry for days at a time (p.18, transcript 1). Yeah,of course, in my life, I think, I\u2019ve run the whole gambit of being gay like beingbeaten because I was gay, being verbally attacked because I was gay, sexuallyabused because I was gay you know all of those things. I think it isn\u2019t a typicalexperience of a gay man but that was my experience. Some of the gay men that Italked with have had that experience (p.11, transcript 1).Dale says that AIDS was just beginning to make the news when he came out in the city.Therefore he knew to protect himself. One wonders if Dale can be absolutely safe because of therape he talks about. When Dale sobered up at the age of twenty, he began going to workshops andeventually began to conduct workshops himself. Dale would then provide the support and a rolemodel for gay Aboriginal youth, that he lacked when he came onto the scene.164I came out in the days when AIDS was a really big thing,so right from the start whenI came out it was like prevention ... I think in that sense we knew rightfrom the startthat it was dangerous to have sex with anybody withoutbeing protected and I thinkthat drove me more to protect myself ... No, not actual workshops,they were justpamphlets, booklets, people talking to us. When I soberedup, I started takingworkshops then on safe sex and the prevention of STDs and AIDS andeventuallystarted doing workshops on safe sex and sexuality ... They were freea lot of timesand a lot of times I was paid honorariums to do workshopsyou know ... And toparticipate in panels and stuff (p.5, transcript1).In talking about shame, Dale relates the intense suffering he experienced because ofbeingraped, about being a prostitute, about homophobic harassment, about being uneducated andunemployed. With no one to talk to about the experience of shame frommany sources, heremained alone.a lot of times I think that\u2019s where shame enters... is that I\u2019m a man and this isn\u2019tsupposed to happen. There are a lot of things we can\u2019t talk about, like men don\u2019tget raped and ... feeling that emotion ... of terror, and you know hurt and shameI\u2019d have to be able to vocalize it. My demon, in a sense. I have to feel thatsomebody cares enough to comfort me and say that you\u2019ll get through this, and I\u2019mhere to listen to you and talk about it (p.36, transcript1). I was a prostitute andwhen you sleep with 300 pound dirty unclean White men .... It was a very shamefulpart of my life. Sitting at a bar at 12:00 p.m. on a workday, it\u2019s very shameful.Being uneducated and trying for a job and having no experience brought a lot ofshame to me too ... being beaten because you are a gay ... to being called down inpublic in front of a lot of people ... a lot of shame (p.19, transcript 1). Yes, yes, fora lot of years I went out dressed as a woman and I ran the streets looking like awomen and my hair was dyed and I wore these outrageous outfits, and so I guess itgave cause for people to look. Oh, definitely, [I did it] for attention. I outgrew thatphase fast (p.1\u00B0, transcript 1).During his time as a prostitute, Dale became a \u201Cmaster manipulator\u201D as a survivalmechanism. His cross dressing was one way to be up front and ahead of the game. Dale relatedthat he outgrew the outrageous flaunting stage as he was becoming comfortable with himself. Nowhe still cross dresses, but in a gentler fashion and because he simply likes it.Although Dale was an alcoholic, he was safe from hard drugs. His strict church-goingCatholic up-bringing was the buffer he clung to.My experience wasn\u2019t any different from any other person\u2019s, except for the fact thatI never did hard drugs, I was never ever into drugs ever ever ever(p.7, transcript 1).It was like the devil\u2019s ... it was the extreme because I was brought up Catholic,myparents were church going people and drugs were always the things that were going165to kill you, they\u2019re really harmful and so I was always wary of them, and what it didto people on the reserve that were using them ... I thought, \u2018Well, I never want to belike that so I\u2019ll stick to drinking,\u2019 you know. I never attempted to shoot up. Ismoked dope of course, you know, I did at that time, but it was very infrequently.There is the danger of falling into the trap of alcoholism and drug abuse ... I thinkbecause those are so readily accessible in the [sex] trade, as a bargaining tool (p.7,transcript 1).Out of DarknessI was one of the lucky ones because I\u2019ve met so many people that have guided mealong the way. So you know I\u2019ve been blessed in that sense (p.33, transcript 1).Dale quit cold turkey while he was on the street, he sobered up at age twenty. After twoweeks he went to the Alcohol Foundation of Manitoba to ask for residential treatment and theyturned him down. They wanted him to take an outpatient program. They thought he had his \u201Cheadscrewed on tight.\u201D Dale felt too fragile. \u201CIt was two weeks after I quit drinking, I wasn\u2019t in anyshape to live.\u201D He then turned to the Gay and Lesbian Resource Centre and joined a group calledNew Freedom.Like twenty was the mark when a lot of shit going on in my life that changed and myideas and my views about life changed because it was the time I sobered up. Istarted going to meetings at a group called New Freedom on Sergeant and Banning.It was a gay group and I\u2019m generally thankful that that group was there because itwas good for me. Because as a gay man I hadn\u2019t dealt with that full extent of mysexuality. A lot of my drinking was attributed to the fact that I wouldn\u2019t talk aboutmy sexuality. I couldn\u2019t talk about my sexuality, so when I went in. There wasopenly gay atmosphere and that these people were comfortable and sober being gay.I had a sponsor and there was another gay Native man there (p.6, transcript 1).At the Gay Community Centre Dale received the support he needed. He not only couldexpress his experience as a gay Aboriginal man, but he found the community that he had beencraving since he left home. And he found some mentors to help him build the self-confidence heneeded to feel like he belonged somewhere \u2014 anywhere. Dale says that he entered his first realrelationship after he stopped abusing alcohol.There\u2019s two people that I really care about and they\u2019re peers of mine that have taughtme a lot about life. They are two men I met along the way. One of them was reallyinfluential in my sobering up and maintaining my sobriety and then the other hastaught me about all the mannerisms and the fine points of relating with other people(p.2, transcript 1).166Many of the street services that exist today would have been beforeDale\u2019s time. The onlyservices left to him were child and family services, provincial welfare, theGay and Lesbian ResourceCentre and psychiatric services. As in the case of Jean-Marc, the psychiatric label legitimatedfinancial services. Once you have the label, getting welfare is relatively easy.I hung out there a lot and learned a lot \u2014 for which I\u2019m really thankful for \u2014 thisplace that they have and I eventually started working there ... the project was theWinnipeg Gay and Lesbian Resource Centre ... Yeah, and they were youth and theyspoke of what their feelings as gay people growing up. We had meetings and stuff,it was really wonderful. There was also a support group for the youth and that wasreally beneficial I think in getting an idea of what it was to be gay (p.4, transcript 1).so because when I sobered up \u2014 the street life \u2014 I didn\u2019t want anymore. So Iworked towards a place in my life where I could live a quiet city life, yeah, becausethose are things that society smiles upon. You know it\u2019s just live your life quietlyand speak your truth quietly and go to work and pay your bills. I\u2019ve struggled to dothat and I am still struggling to do that ... obtain some peace of mind ... peace ofmind in my life. I have a home ... a base on which to build and I value that. That\u2019sthe basic structure in my life, that\u2019s what keeps me together \u2014 if I have somethingto fall back on. I always have a home to come home to, I always have a place toshower, I always have a place to eat because I struggle to maintain those amenities(p.18, transcript 1).Safety is an issue for Dale even when he is not on the street. He is still a cross-dresser andhe is openly gay, therefore he is vulnerable to gay bashing. He says that Winnipeg is especially badin this respect. He has learned to be cautious.Street wise, yeah. Because like for me I\u2019m not scared to go anywhere. I have nofear of going anywhere by myself like that\u2019s no problem but the thing is that there\u2019sa lot of places I chose not to go by myself you know because I just don\u2019t feelcomfortable in those settings (p.24, transcript 1).Dale\u2019s recovery has entailed counselling for trauma, alcohol treatment, and sexualitycounselling. Personal growth, a stable home, a long-term relationship, positive relations with hisextended family and an accepting community have been the main stays of his continued sobrietyand stability. Dale seems happy and he is looking forward to continued growth in many areas ofhis life. His story demonstrates that specific services need to exist for gay Aboriginal youth, bothat the reserve level and in urban centres. He has become a much needed role model for gayAboriginal males.167I\u2019ve adopted a family in the gay community ... because I don\u2019t have that frommyfamily, I can\u2019t run to my parents, I can\u2019t run to my brothersand sisters for helpbecause they have no understanding of what my life is like or whatmy sexuality isabout or what you know goes in my life.., because they can\u2019t relateto it becausethey are heterosexual people (p.6, transcript 2). I\u2019ve incorporated a lot of stuff in mylife that to make a base for my spirituality and you know and my beliefs in ourcreator and I\u2019ve adopted a lot of Native beliefs, I\u2019ve adopted a lot of my own ideasand I think that works for me in a way to make me a whole person. I think that\u2019swhat I strive for in my life is to be a whole person (p.28, transcript2).RacismI think I experience racism everyday ... if I took the time to write down all theracism that I had in my day you know, I could write a book about racism. I couldwrite a book about racism and sexism (p.13, transcript1).Dale gives mixed messages when he talks about racism. On the one hand he feels that thereis a lot of racism, and on the other he gives the impression that he wants only to be acceptable inthe society that discriminates against him on the basis of colour. He begins by saying that he doesn\u2019tthink that people stare at him for any other reason than because he has long hair, and ends by givingexamples of discriminatory behaviour against him that are very overt. He could mean that hispersonal strength is strong enough to transcend the insult.I think the only reason people would stare is because you know I have waist lengthblack hair you know, other than that there\u2019s nothing outstanding about ... differentabout me. But it has taken a lot of years to learn that I\u2019m not different from anybodyelse you know. It\u2019s taken a lot of years to cultivate it (p.10, transcript1).Dale indicates that he felt an acute lack of social graces because of a poor reservebackground. He sounds like he has a lot of internalized racism as well. Dale seems to say that thesocial graces he lacks are White ways of doing things, and not simply polite ways(even in his ownculture) of doing things. This would be the case since his departure from the street also meant anintroduction into the White gay and lesbian culture. This is the place he would fit in with his gayidentity. But, since he came from a Northern community where Aboriginal ways of beingpredominate, he would feel ill at ease in the southern middle-class gay community that was \u201Cmoreeducated\u201D than himself. He would become self-conscious about being unsophisticated in his waysin an urban setting.168I think growing up we didn\u2019t have people that came in and said, \u2018Well, thisis theway life is supposed to be lived, this is the way you have to answer in places andcertain people, this is what you talk about and all those things. This is how you sitat the dinner table\u2019 ... all of those things were never taught to us. And we werenever taught to be, I shouldn\u2019t say for anybody else but for myself, and I always feltthat I was lacking in social graces amongst other people. I think that drew me intoa shell more. You know made me drink more and stuff because I always felt that I\u2019dnever fit anywhere (p.3, transcript 1).Dale admits that he felt ashamed of being of Aboriginal origin. \u201CYeah definitely. I was not alwaysas educated as the White people or I always felt in fear you know.\u201D Again, this shame is in relationto his relative lack of education. The examples of racism he gives in the foregoing dialogue wouldlikely also facilitate self-hatred as an Aboriginal person.Ok, you go to the store, there\u2019s three people there, two of them are White and I\u2019mNative, the two White people get served first ... Or they throw your change at you\u2014 like if you don\u2019t like that job then you shouldn\u2019t be here if you\u2019re throwingchange at people. A lot of time I\u2019ll throw it right back at them. Rude behaviour,yeah, another thing, it\u2019s in the gestures, it\u2019s in the eyes, it\u2019s in the body language,you\u2019re standing at an elevator with somebody and I\u2019ll kind of move to the corner sothat I don\u2019t have to be close to this person (p.13, transcript 1).Dale gives some examples of stereotypic images of Aboriginal women that he has been privyto as a male in a racist and sexist environment. He goes on to explain how Christianity has helpedto alienate Aboriginal people from each other \u2014 he is talking about the separation of straight andgay people in the Aboriginal community. The imposed values of Christianity is a form of racism.I think like ... the red hot blooded squaw or something like that ... and the long blackflowing hair and the brown copper tone skin and the high cheek bones and thingsthat are erotic things to people .... Native people because you\u2019ve always been boldand beautiful ... Sexual \u2014 there are so many fallacies I guess about Native sexualitythat as writers one of our jobs is to bring that back the Native love story. And I thinkthat\u2019s another thing that Christianity does to us is it alienates us from each other. Soit teaches us through their teachings to differentiate what is normal and what isn\u2019tAnd there are a lot of celebrated gay Native people out there, that people don\u2019tknow are gay ... Cause again we ... through advertising and through publicity that\u2019ssomething that would bring shame to the community, so let\u2019s not discuss that part.(p.24, transcript 2).Dale talks about the mixture of racism and homophobia that is a constant threat to his wellbeing in Winnipeg. He says, however, he still feels more fear in the homophobic Aboriginalcommunity. He makes a most saddening revelation of intra-group homophobic violence in169Winnipeg. In the same breath Dale reveals that Aboriginal males do engagein covert homosexualactivities in the anonymity of the city.One of the things that I really see, I think, and this is a sad fact but I really find it tobe true a lot of times. If you get beaten and robbed or raped one time this year, it\u2019llprobably be by a Native guy, that\u2019s especially in Manitoba. That isa sad fact ... asad observation that I\u2019ve made myself. Because every time I\u2019ve been beaten orrobbed or raped, it\u2019s been by a Native man. In the urban community then it\u2019s a sadfact ... I am weary of being in the Aboriginal community, the whole Aboriginalcommunity because I don\u2019t feel safe in that community (p.Z3, transcript1). Yeah,I\u2019ve talked with a lot guys that are Native men that come in fromout of town andstuff and have sexual relations with them or have a relationship with them for theweekend and stuff like that (p.7, transcript 2).Dale ends his dialogue on differential treatment by stating that his ethnicity is a barrier inintimate long-term relationships with White men.And with a White person, my experience has been with a White person that a lot ofstuff comes out like, \u2018How would my family react to you? What would they say?\u2019and stuff like that \u2014 it\u2019s not so much the Christianity, it\u2019s just racism(p.24, transcript2). Like again, you know, Christianity plays a real important part in our sexuality andour sexual conditioning as Native people. That\u2019s what I regret. I believe a lot in theChristian beliefs. I think of all of that stuff and work it into my spiritual life butthere\u2019s a lot of stuff that I don\u2019t agree with (p.18, transcript 2).Culture and identityI love being Native ... I love it ... you know I think it\u2019s beautiful, there\u2019s such ahistory and there\u2019s such a culture and the language that I speak is beautiful. Itflows off the tongue so well and it\u2019s beautiful to listen to when you hear it. Formyself to be able to speak that and also the traditional teachings and the dance andthe music and all that stuff \u2014 it\u2019s beautiful. The extended family, I think it\u2019s oneof the best scripts that we have. Just being able to live with all our family \u2014 notjust one person (p.25, transcript 1).Dale does not tell of early cultural alienation or identity confusion as an Aboriginal person.He speaks his language, he has a strong extended family system and he says that his grandmotherwas a medicine woman. Dale has a good relationship with his parents: they have visited him in hishome. He has had the benefit of great influence by grandparents who were traditional (althoughCatholic). Dale speaks fondly of cultural teachings in his value system. It is the influence ofChristianity that he repeatedly and strenuously criticizes. Dale has been, in the past, ashamed ofbeing Aboriginal; however, as stated in the previous section, this shame, as he calls it, is more of170a condition of feeling socio.-economically and behaviorally different. Thisis an important difference,since Dale continues to aspire to fit in perfectly.Dale presents as a person who is very comfortable and knowledgable in his culture andatthe same time feels inadequate in mainstream culture. This mild form of alienation is a product ofDale\u2019s separation from the Aboriginal community with respect to his homosexuality. His homecommunity at best \u201Ctolerated\u201D his difference. There was no opportunity to express himself on anequal footing with others. In the urban setting the Aboriginal community is dangerous to him. Hedoesn\u2019t feel physically safe in the Aboriginal community.Thinking about it, I really felt a lot of frustration and a lot of stress and a lot of mentalanxiety towards my sexuality and so I had to leave there in order to pursue or to getan idea of what it was to be gay because there was no role model, there was nocounselling factors, there was nothing, nobody ever talked about it, it was never atopic of discussion (p.11, transcript 1). Yeah, one other thing that\u2019s really good Ithink was with gay men \u2014 we\u2019re very up front together about our sexuality, and Ithink that\u2019s one of the thing that drives us ... dealing and learning about it and tryingto come to terms and understand why we are the way we are(p.21, transcript 1).Dale\u2019s experience with a psychologist in Winnipeg at the age of fifteen brought home thedouble alienation which he continues to deal with in his present day struggle to survive in the urbancommunity. The psychologist didn\u2019t understand Aboriginal experience, of living on the reserve, ofpoverty, of Aboriginal ways of thinking \u2014 \u201Cthe experience,\u201D nor did he ever say anything about thefact that Dale might be gay. \u201CNot at all cause he never said anything.\u201Dhe was just an old fat little bald Jewish man and he would sit there and he\u2019d askme really dumb dumb dumb questions, and they were because none of them everever had anything to do with my sexuality ... I guess I had some sort of a nervousbreakdown ... he says, \u2018it\u2019s just stress\u2019 .... He was very stupid like this man had noidea, I guess, what our lives were like. He had not an inkling of what it was to bea Native gay man or what it was to be Native on the reserve and growing in thatenvironment. He had no idea because he sat in his closed stuffy room at the healthcentre for the rest of his life and he didn\u2019t go anywhere beyond that (p.9, transcript1).Dale mourns the loss of position that gay people have suffered in the Aboriginal community.Traditionally, he said they held an honoured position and could contribute their skills meaningfully.He indicates that he has read extensively about the history of sexual diversity in North American171Aboriginal society. He cites Fancy Dancer by P.N. Warren;Spirit in the Flesh by W.L. Williams;Living in the Siirit and A Gay American Indian Anthology among the books he has studied.As a gay Native man, a lot of people don\u2019t understand, we have a history, that wehave culture, we have dance, we have ceremonies, we have all those things, andwe\u2019re gifted people, we\u2019re gifted story tellers, we\u2019re gifted readers, we\u2019re giftedspiritualists, we\u2019re gifted medicine people in our tribes. Long timeago, before theonset of Christianity, we had our places in the tribe. I think what\u2019s really importantfor gay Native men is reclaiming that spirituality, reclaiming those gifts that havebeen taken away from us since Christianity came into effect. And I think like peoplealways ask would you dance in a pow wow as a woman and they mean it as a joke.To me it\u2019s not a joke because I would not dance, I would not be allowed to dancein a pow wow with the other men as a woman, because if you go back into historyyou will see that we did not dance with the tribe. We had our tribe set off asidefrom the main tribe. We had a place where all the gay and us few people lived.And because it was sacred ... we were sacred people it\u2019s not because we wereshunned or anything it\u2019s because we were sacred and we could only enter certainceremonies (p.24-25, transcript 1). I\u2019ve never felt a part of that community becauseI didn\u2019t you know again traditionally we weren\u2019t part of it. We had our little tribes,like in modern times ... we have our little tribes set away from them(p.23,transcript 1).Dale takes exception to the suggestion of the interviewer that gay people in Aboriginal society werecalled \u201Ctwo spirit\u201D people. He suggests that even if one has predominant characteristics of theopposite sex, people in Aboriginal society accepted them. Dale shows how inextricably linked arevarious facets of his identity as a gay Aboriginal male.I can take offense to that because everybody has two spirits. Every man, woman andchild has two spirits and those spirits there is a man and a woman. And I think wehave chosen to adopt it because like the term is nice, it\u2019s fine and dandy. Peoplealways ask \u2018What do you mean by two spirits?\u2019 and I think it\u2019s because we work asgay men to balance that male and female side of our beings we\u2019re more aware ofthose both sides. Whereas a straight man would only work on the masculine sideand whereas a straight woman would only work on the feminine side. And we\u2019reworking both sides, and to be comfortable with that...(p.15, transcript 1). Peoplealways ask me how I define myself and I think that I\u2019m a gay Native that identifiesme. The thing is that I would like to be known as a Native writer, I would like tobe known as a Native actor, Native artist ... not just gay but just Native ... like I\u2019mperfectly happy with that but the thing is that I\u2019m not in the closet about it... ifsomebody asks I tell them yes I am gay, like that\u2019s no problem, but the thing is thatI have to think about how it will affect my career, as an artist. And how people reactto that because I choose not to live my life in a closet because a lot of times it drewme to a suicidal attempt (p.25, transcript 2).172Dale gives the Catholic Church credit for instillinghomophobic values in the Aboriginalcommunity. He also thinks the lack of ongoing exposureto gay discrimination in the media and onthe streets saves northern Aboriginal communities fromtruly integrating these values. He findsisolated northern communities more humane.One of the big things of being gay \u2014 it\u2019s getting back to our roots to our culture, andgoing back to where we came from, and understanding where our spiritualities lie.A lot of the Native community has been influenced by you know Christianity andtheir beliefs in that way ... in the Bible there\u2019s a lot of stuff likethat says that youknow two men lying together, you would burn in hell and stuff like that ... One ofthe gifts my granny instilled in me in a way was to always respect people regardlessof who they were or what they were. I\u2019ve always believed that if the creator madepeople different, he made people different for a reason and maybe that differencegives them power. As you go further up north from where we are and the moreisolated communities are, I think the level of acceptance for gay and lesbianpeopleis more so than the reserve where I came from .... They\u2019re so isolated from any kindof major outlet for information on gay and lesbian people, and society\u2019s abuse onhomosexuality. I don\u2019t think they\u2019ve had that belief to hate people instilled in themthat strongly. Whereas in my reserve it\u2019s like you know that you haveno businessbeing on this earth is their belief (p.1, transcript 2). I believe you know thateverybody has a gift in them you know and I think the level of acceptance in thosemore isolated places comes from ... those gay people abilities to share their gift withthe community ... whereas we were never in our community, we were never allowedto show our gifts to people... (p.2, transcript 2). If somebody shuns me in the Nativecommunity I automatically know that there is something wrong with their spirituality\u201D(p.26, transcript 2).Dale talks about the difficulty of two Aboriginal people being in a gay relationship. Peopleare usually socialized in the small intolerant places that he described earlier. He says thatChristianity, racism, alcoholism, homophobia and past physical and emotional abuse make arelationship within an ostracised group extremely difficult. Dale himself has enough to deal with\u201Ctrying to deal with that stuff in my life is such a painful thing a lot of times.\u201DDale finds Aboriginal language to be extremely important. He is very proud to be bilingual,but he feels most comfortable in his own language.It\u2019s a beautiful language and I think \u2014 you know \u2014 of times in my life when I washurting and struggling in my life somebody came and spoke to me in Cree and Ialways felt so much more reassured, so much more stronger. Like they say in Creeyou know in my language you know, it\u2019s so much more expressive, so much moreyou know down to earth. It doesn\u2019t have pretence you know, it\u2019s a beautifullanguage and spoken and spirituality.(p.26, transcript 1). I think our language life is173expressed so much more clearly and so much more strongly ... if anythingjust retainour language, that\u2019s a very important facet of our existence ... it\u2019ssomething that\u2019sbeing lost (p.25, transcript 1). I still have an accent you know and I\u2019mvery proudof it that I have learned Cree, especially being Native, I\u2019m very well spokeninEnglish but I\u2019ve learned English and it\u2019s always been one of mystrong points ... tobe bilingual and so I\u2019ve never had a problem expressing my ideas because I\u2019mwellread, well travelled. So I\u2019ve never had a problem relatingto other people especiallyWhite people because I speak the language just as well as they do (p.27\u2019,transcript1).Even those facets of the Aboriginal culture that Dale is good atand is proud of he findsblocked in the urban Aboriginal community. For instance, he says that it is taboo to speak Cree inpublic in Winnipeg (or even in Aboriginal organizations). The interviewer concurred with thisperception. \u201CThat\u2019s one thing that I miss the most in living in the city... it\u2019s not hearing peoplespeakCree cause it\u2019s very taboo, you know.\u201D For the love of his culture and language, Dale advises thecompete reclamation of Aboriginal culture in any effort in providing policy, service or prevention.especially sitting with the old people. I love sitting with old people and askingthem about the stories because they are fascinating. They\u2019re wonderful stories andthey have a lot of stuff in there that teaches us how to walk in this life. I think forus I think the most important job we have as Native people is to reclaim everythingthat was stolen from us, everything, every aspect of being Native. There are so manybeautiful things out there and people don\u2019t see them any more. Especially affectionand caring for one another ... was taken from us. I can\u2019t ... I can be affectionate withmy parents now but that\u2019s taken twenty-five years to learn (p.23, transcript2). Toretain the language and the culture and especially history you know. Because that\u2019swhere we came from and what we are moving towards \u2014 our future. We learn fromall those things that our history has taught us ... and that shouldn\u2019t be denied. Itshould be put up front and say look, this is what happened and this is what will nothappen, and this is what will happen, we have to look back on this and there are somany wonderful stories to be told, I\u2019m an artist, a performing artist, I\u2019m an actor andalso a writer so there are wonderful stories to be told in our history. So when we gointo our future from our past there are lessons to be taught as we\u2019re going along. Ithink that\u2019s what my parents gave me \u2014 are the lessons \u2014 that they\u2019ve learned intheir walk in their life ... Wonderful stories, about the land, and you know, medicinesand the trickster (p.27, transcript 1).SocietyYeah, because the basis for my sobriety is my honesty and my trust in people. Ialso trust people and I won\u2019t lie to people about how I feel about any givensubject. I won\u2019t lie to people about how I feel because I am ... I work at beinghonest with everybody that I come into contact with. So I have no problems noqualms about you know... speaking about my life (p.20, transcript1).174Dale seems to have a rather shallow knowledgeabout the system that pushes youth to thestreet, only in one instance he says, you\u2019re fifteen and beingabused by your father.\u201D Instead heis preoccupied with proper White behaviour. Dale seemsto equate crime and swearing with simplebad manners at the same level with saying please and thank you. Hesays street kids should betaught morals and the virtues of honesty.Teach them manners \u2014 ask to borrow things, don\u2019t steal, don\u2019t swear \u2014 it isn\u2019tproper social behaviour ... Always say please and thank you whenyou ask for things,and all those things that I\u2019ve never been taught Teach it to them because they\u2019venever been taught (p.37, transcript 1).If he were the counsellor he is in danger of duplicating the behaviour ofthe insensitive psychiatristwho didn\u2019t respond to him appropriately. He wants as much as possibleto aspire to \u201Cpropermainstream behaviour.\u201D He does, however, have a strong Aboriginalidentity to fall back on. Moststreet youth do not. Dale\u2019s only criticism is that social services don\u2019t give social workers enoughtime to work with street youth and that foster care is a legalized form of slavery. He says that streetyouth should have a safe house.Dale later goes on to discuss sexual identity and prostitution, in light of preventing moreyouth from prostituting. Identity, he relates, as a woman or a man is perverted in the act of sellingone\u2019s body. This kind of body alienation compounds all of the other problems that street youth haveto deal with.I think a lot of prostitutes go out and have no idea what their sexuality is like, that\u2019sreally sad but they have no idea about sexuality, they go out there and they put outevery night. How do I feel as a woman? How do I feel as a man? How do I feelabout using my body sexually? I don\u2019t think a lot of that comes into play becauseyou\u2019re nothing sexually, you are not practising your sexuality. But a lot of timeit\u2019s just I\u2019m here and I\u2019m providing a service ...lt\u2019s like a business office, it\u2019s like astore you go in and you buy your merchandise ... it\u2019s thrown away (p.36,transcript 1).When asked what would make his life easier Dale replies, \u201CA million dollars would makemy life wonderful.\u201D He goes on to discuss the conditions that would further enhance his life.What would make my life wonderful is a really good steady relationship, a goodsteady job ... A steady relationship I think is something that I crave because I\u2019m a175very affectionate person, I have a lot of love to give.I think I do a lot of that to mystreet group because of youth down there but like physical affection issomething thatI crave. I had real image problems from a lot of years in my life.., becauseI didn\u2019tlike the way my body looked, so I worked to improveon my body \u2014 the physicalaspects and emotional wellbeing (p.29, transcript1).Except for disliking the negative image of gay people on thetelevision media, Dale remainsvery uncritical of mainstream society. He strives andhe is content.I think the world now is going to be the perfect place and all that but I think inmylife I strive now to be fair to people, to be fair to everybody that comes into my lifebecause I think that everybody that comes into everybody\u2019s life is thereto teach thema lesson ... to teach them something and they learn something from that person also(p.19, transcript 2).176Chapter 5. MontrealIn 1992 Montreal celebrated 350 years since the city was founded.It is the world\u2019s thirdlargest francophone community with a population of 3.1 million in the metropolitan areaand1,018,000 in the Montreal urban community (387,245 or 13.3% are 10-19 years)(1991 census) \u201444,645 are Aboriginal people in the metropolitan area. The National Council of Canada, inacomparison of urbanization statistics, states that Quebec has had a 70% increase in urbanizationfrom 1986 to 1991. Quebec\u2019s total population of Aboriginal peoples in 1991 was 137,615,anincrease from 80,940 in 1986 (Native Council of Canada(NCC), 1993:14).Just outside the city of Montreal are the large Aboriginal communities of Kahnawake andKanesatake \u2014 Aboriginal settlements are sparse throughout the rest of the province. The islandofMontreal and two adjacent islands that form the metropolitan area contain 29 municipalities(themetropolitan area contains over 100 municipalities) and approximately35 cultural communities.Though French is the official first language, a significant percentage of the population speaks Englishand a multitude of other languages (Moving to Montreal, 1992-93).The city is also considered to be the economic, social and cultural capital of the provinceof Quebec, although Quebec City is the official capital of the province. Situated at the junction ofthe Saint Lawrence and Ottawa rivers in the southwest region of the province, the city covers a landbase of 490 square kilometres (3508 square kilometres for the metropolitanarea).With respect to climate, Montreal has four very distinct seasons with a January averagetemperature of -9.7 degrees celsius and a July average of 26.4 degrees celsius. The wintersexperience heavy snowfall of 200 centimetres on average from approximately December to March.Montreal is the \u201Ceconomic motor of Quebec\u201D; it is also a major international industrial,commercial and financial centre. Twenty seven per cent of the population of Quebec lives in thecity and 38 per cent of the people are employed there. It is economically diverse with a largemanufacturing sector that includes: transportation equipment, electrical and electronics, food,177clothing and pharmaceuticals. The main employmentsectors in the city are: manufacturing,construction, transport and communications, commerce, financial services,public administration andculture (Canadian Encyclopedia, 1988).Though the cost of living is lower than in most large Canadian cities,the unemployment ratewas 13.2 per cent in 1992. Housing is more accessiblein this city as there are lower rental ratesand higher availability than most large cities in Canada (City of Montreal AnnualReport, 1992).Even with the apparent prosperity of Montreal there are 615,000 people inMontreal wholive in poor households, 15,000 homeless people, one-third under 21. At least20 agencies inMontreal provide food and/or shelter to the homeless. Among them are the Old ReweryMission,L\u2019Accueil Bonneau, Benedict Labre House and St Michael\u2019s Mission (Abley,1993). Many of thecity\u2019s foodbanks are not accessible to homeless street youth because of an addressrequirement.The Inuit population in Canada is estimated at 35,000 with a 3.1 percentaverage annualbirth rate \u2014 three times the national average. Inuit youth are experiencinga particularly harshreality with extreme rapid change and infiltration of inhalants and drugs intotheir communities.Youth population under 18 years of age ranges from 50-60 percent. Unemploymentis 30-45 percentfor youth 1 5-24. joblessness, loss of traditional economy and boredomplagues the youth makingthe southern cities look attractive (Sarkadi, u.d.). Some sources liken Aboriginal people movingdown into the cities for any number of reasons from social breakdown to environmental devastationas refugees in our own country. Others express that Aboriginal people who have relocated intourban areas do not get the consideration and services that international refugees receive when theyenter our borders. An article in the Winnioeg Sun on March 2, 1993, \u201CRefugeesaided more thanNatives: Activist,\u201D stated that:There are enormous adjustment problems for families coming from rural reservesandother than the Friendship Centre, Aboriginal families get less help than those fromother countries (Refugees aided, 1993:3).This is particularly so with Aboriginal people in northernQuebec who do not speak French.178The elders of the northern communities are grounded in traditional culture. The parents,having had the benefit of traditional upbringing and having lived through the first phase of rapid\u201Cmodernization\u201D and its degrading effects, know how to handle what\u2019s to come. The children, someof them results of much of the destruction of the northern economy and culture, don\u2019t know wherethey\u2019ve come from and don\u2019t know where they are going. They come to thecity, experience cultureshock, as well as excited exploration of the big city lights and night life. Although the ones who stayenjoy the city, it remains a thorn in their cultural side. The youth crave continued contactofextended family and home lifestyle but become seduced into fast lane behaviour.Montreal was a difficult city in which to find Inuit street youth, first because the city layouthas many districts, islands and municipalities. The police(Division 25) stated that the many districtsmake street youth hard to find. There are more places to hide. Secondly, language barriers makeMontreal inaccessible to street youth who do not have adequate French language skills. In the casestudies those who have been on the streets of Montreal speak of discrimination against English-speaking people, especially visible minorities, Aboriginal and immigrated peoples. There has alsobeen backlash toward Aboriginal people after the Oka crisis of 1990.Districts are, in some cases, broken down by linguistic group. For instance the south shoreis a predominantly English community while Henri Bourgand, another side of Montreal, is strictlyFrancophone. This makes for a city whose services are not centrally located as they are inVancouver. Some serve French people only. The Native Friendship Centre, which ought to beaccessible for all Aboriginal people, did not have services for street youth or many specific activitiesfor youth at all.In 1985 the Gazette reported that there were 5,000 young prostitutes in the city; by 1993their the numbers have risen to an estimated 8,000 young women working the streets of Montreal(Leger, u.d.). Most of the youth prostitution and exploitation of youth is underground and rumours179of gang run youth bawdy houses and mafia type import/export ofyoung people for the sex industryabound. The research assistant wrote in her field journal,Last week I went to visit an agency called Passages. It is a house for prostitutestogo if they want to leave the streets. I met with a worker and two street workers, bothof them were French, so the third translated. The three of them all agreed that therewere hardly any First Nations kids that they ran into ... The workers had seen twoInuit (they thought) girls working, but I was unable to have contact with thembecause there was an underground ring that involved very violent pimps, bikers andalso some Asian men. It was much too dangerous to try and infiltrate(researchassistant journal).The Dans Ia Rue street van travels daily to street youth haunts in the city to distribute food,blankets and support to young homeless people. It stops at Atwater Avenue and Ste. CatherineStreet, Peel and Ste. Catherine Street, Parc Lafontaine(a well known male prostitution district),Amherst and Ontario Street (a favourite spot for transvestites), Clark street and Ste. Catherines, andSt. Denis and Rene Levesque Boulevard.The population estimates of street youth varied widely. Dans Ia Rue estimated 10-1 5,000visits in a year, the Salvation Army estimated 500 street youth, while En Marge stated it wasimpossible to estimate. En Marge stated that they served 303 different youth in 1992. Thepercentage estimates of Aboriginal youth were much lower that in other cities and none reportedserving Inuit youth (that they knew of). The large discrepancy in the estimates given by the agenciesare most likely due to Dans Ia Rue\u2019s inclusion of all people, such as prostitutes, strippers, drugdealers, who make their living on the street. A large portion of those are included in the 8000 citedabove. Nevertheless, most agencies simply would not hazard a guess as to the numbers ofAboriginal youth on the streets of Montreal and very few knew of any Inuit youth on the street.They usually came down south to go into detention. One worker estimated about10%Aboriginalyouth used their emergency street services. This estimate would include Inuit youth who are on therun from detention centres.180Case studiesWe met Natasha and Charnelle in Shawbridge Detention Centre through a Passages workerwho knew they were there. We decided to interview these two young women who were in activecustody partly because this gave us an opportunity to gain insight into the environment of youthholding units and running behavior from institutions. The second reasonwas we could not locate,by any means, any Inuit street youth age 12-18 on the streets of Montreal. Agency personnel,researchers and youth collaborators all corroborate that the only InuitStreet people (that they knewof) in Montreal are between the ages of 30 and 50. It is also said that Inuit youth who get intotrouble are sent back up North very quickly. Inuit people come down from the north to accessservices such as medical, dental, surgical, foster home, detention, employment, and education.Natasha speaks of Inuit youth who are fairly middle class (going to school, workingetc.) and liveat home and other older young people who have their own apartment. Both of the participants inMontreal are at the lower age parameters that we set for the case study project.NATASHAI can never make up my own choice. I\u2019ve been living like this forever. Everydaypeople say you have to do this ... like if you ask me, what do I want? I don\u2019t knowwhat I want, but people keep telling me what to do ... And now I can\u2019t even makeup my own mind what to do ... I\u2019m not in control of my life ... I don\u2019t know whatto do with my life, I just don\u2019t know (p.5\u00B0, transcript 1).Natasha is a fifteen year old \u201Cgoing on thirty-five\u201D female of Cree/Inuit ancestry from theChibougaumo area near James Bay, Quebec. She is an attractive(in an innocent type of way) 5\u20194\u201Dyoung woman of medium build who sports a shaven head in a Mohawk style. Natasha\u2019s creamysallow light brown skin adds a dramatic effect to the sullen mood that she carries around with her.Natasha does not wear make-up. In contrast Natasha\u2019s voice is clear and lilting, this could be thevoice of a young, bright and happy child. She wore institutional regiment clothing made up of trackpants and sweat shirt and black \u201Ccheap Chinese slippers.\u201D181Natasha was interviewed, first in a pleasant upstairs reading room that let the lightin viaskylights, at Shawbridge Youth Detention Centre, where she had been for \u201Ctwoyears, six months andtwenty days\u201D (excluding the time she spends on therun). The second interview took place in herroom which had a depressing atmosphere. The second interview reflected the sameemotional toneas the environment. Natasha talked a lot about death.The youth workers indicated that Natasha wouldn\u2019t talk much and that she was a time bombwaiting to go off. One of the statements proved to be inaccurate. After a few minutesshe talkednon-stop. Natasha related much of her story in the third person, as if the issues she talked aboutwere someone else\u2019s. This very well could be because of strict provincial disclosure of abuse laws.We warned the participants that if they disclosed to us any abuse that was unreported we would beobliged to report such to the relevant authorities.Major factors in Natasha\u2019s off and on, hot and cold presentation during the interviews wereher extreme hostility, depression and confusion about her life circumstances. Natasha had a fear oflooking a person straight in the eye \u2014 she was not friendly at all, unless it was on her terms. Withher peers Natasha was hostile \u2014 she always got into fights \u2014 and she would get possessive aboutthe interviewer whenever other people were around them. Natasha seemed totally unstimulatedrather than mentally unstable. The interviewer observed that Natasha was slow and lethargic;however, she was intelligent in her dialogue. She may be affected by Fetal Alcohol Syndrome. Itis more likely that her slowness is drug and alcohol induced or that depression was getting the bestof her. Her rebelliousness saves her from complete hopelessness.Natasha had been at Shawbridge since she was caught two weeks prior to the interviews.She had returned from a two month AWOL on the streets in Montreal and Quebec City. Herpreoccupation right now is to leave Shawbridge and to be reunited with her mother.HistoryI could of moved up back up north instead of coming back to Montreal, I justdidn\u2019t think there was any way out of it ... out of my stepfather\u2019s touchingme all182the time. The only way out was just don\u2019t go home. (p.37, transcript1). Well mystepfather used to molest me at home, so I never really stayed home... I didn\u2019t likemy stepfather and my father had remained up north (p.20, transcript1).Natasha is the youngest of nine children; she has two brothers and six sisters. Her parentsseparated when she was very young. Her father moved away to another location inQuebec,remarried and started a family. Since then there has been no contact betweenfather and daughter.It appears that Natasha\u2019s mother moved to Montreal and left her childrenwith the grandparents onthe reserve two years before Natasha came to Montreal. Duringher time alone in Montreal,Natasha\u2019s mother met and began living with a young Black man.Natasha\u2019s mother, a woman in her late thirties, has a history of instability in her life. Alcoholand drug abuse and sporadic employment have been a lifestyle. She has recently returned to school;however, she is still heavily involved in dealing drugs. She was very stoned when she met theinterviewer. She was sarcastic and asked what she was going to be paid for allowing her daughterto be interviewed. The interviewer had to call her bluff, saying that there was somemisunderstanding about payment for services and that the interview would not work for anyoneinvolved. At this point the mom said that she agreed that Natasha could be interviewed. Natasha\u2019ssixteen year old sister (who also lives in Montreal) also came to the introductory meeting and wasextremely restless, she was currently in the process of moving into her own place with her partnerand her six month old baby. She was Natasha\u2019s predecessor in many ofthe life events, past andpresent, including being a past resident of Shawbridge herself.Natasha came to Montreal to visit her mother for the summer in 1991. It was decided thatNatasha would stay in Montreal and go to school. Natasha describes the way she came to be inMontreal.I came by myself. I rode down on the bus ... and I ride the bus when I want to goback home. It would take me a whole day to get up North ... It makes a few stopsbetween Montreal and VaI d\u2019Or where we go for lunch and we go to Val d\u2019Orand I have to change buses and I get another bus and I go and stop some more andthen we have supper ... you\u2019re sitting there and you want to move around and youkind of have to sit there, then you want to have a cigarette soyou go into the183washroom and sneak a cigarette there and that kind of thing(p.3, transcript 1). [Icame here] two years ago. But the first year I was in Montreal I just looked aroundin Montreal and I found out how to ... how the city was madeout. But two yearsago that\u2019s when I started hanging around and last year is when I started living on thestreet ... like day to day all the time ... Well one day I decided I wantedto stay inMontreal cause I found it more exciting and there was more interesting placestohang out cause on the reserve there\u2019s hardly anything there excepta store, gas stationand another store. Like clothing stores that I found in Montreal \u2014 really fascinating.It had buildings and street lights and arcades and you can get liquor anywhere andmy mother used to live downtown. They [siblings] come back to visit my mother.My sister lives here also, she doesn\u2019t live with my mother and my school is finishedin June so I came from up North and my mother asked me to come back to Montrealfor the whole summer. So I get to Montreal and then we go back up North again.So one day I decided I wanted to stay. I wanted to come back to Montreal cause Ilove the city and it was something new. They had video arcades and all sort of stuffand I said, \u2018Mom, I want to stay here\u2019 ... and she said that she would find me aschool to enrol me in (p.2, transcript 1).Natasha would soon be leaving Shawbridge because she has stayed in the institution for themaximum amount of time that they can keep her. She will be returning to her mother who, bySeptember, had moved into subsidized housing in a suburb of Montreal. Natasha does not knowher biological father who appears to live in the north. She has recently initiated telephone contactwith him. A visit was discussed sometime in the future.On the streetsA street person is somebody who doesn\u2019t talk about their feelings ... and they don\u2019tknow how to talk about themselves and they don\u2019t know where to go except forthe street and getting high. Cause when you\u2019re high you don\u2019t care about anythingand you don\u2019t, I guess, have to talk about anything. Getting high ... takes away allyour feelings, all your emotions and your cares. I mean you don\u2019t care aboutanything when you\u2019re high and everything. (p.1, transcript 1).Natasha is a person who is in institutional care. She is running from institutional care. Hertime on the streets consists of time away from detention, on the run. She considers herself a twoyear veteran of the streets. Natasha says that she is a street person because of her stepfather\u2019s action.Some time in the first year of Natasha\u2019s stay in Montreal the stepfather began to molest her. Shebegan to stay away from home. Natasha takes part responsibility for her extended stay inShawbridge but says she hates her existence there. Mother and daughter have yet to deal with thesexual abuse that precipitated many of the problems that face them.184I think it\u2019s my stepfather\u2019s [fault]. I probably wouldn\u2019t be here or be livingon thestreets if it wasn\u2019t for him, it\u2019s all his fault. It could have been my fault but I justwanted to get out of here so badly and I shouldn\u2019t of, I don\u2019t know (p.49, transcript1). Yeah, I feel much closer to my mom when she broke up with my step father.I never really spoke to my mother about what had happened and I don\u2019t wantto tellmy mother what happened cause she\u2019s gonna say it\u2019s my fault ... it\u2019s because shewould blame me, because she blamed my sister cause I saw my stepfatherabusingmy sister in the middle of the night while my mother was away. I saw himgoto herbed and heard her crying ... We slept in the living room and that\u2019s where italwayshappened and she finally told my mother after a month,cause she couldn\u2019t fight himanymore (p.33-34, transcript 1). That\u2019s why I never told my mother, I neversaidanything about it because I didn\u2019t want her to blame me for it, cause I knew it wasn\u2019tmy fault (p.21, transcript 1) ... the first time he did it [to me], I never wentbackhome, I always stayed out, really out of the house ... I was twelve or thirteen. Well,at first, no [did not tell anybody]. I started talking about it more when I came to AAmeetings and my judge knows, my social worker knows now ... Paul [a worker]toldme that my mother knows and she\u2019s working with the judge. Well, I hate mymother, you know, cause she never said anything about it when I was talking to heron the phone (pp.20-21, transcript 1).Natasha talks little of the interim period between her molestation and finally ending up inShawbridge for an extended period of time. The only thing she says is that she crashed a car andsubsequently she kept running from institutional care. It appears that Natasha has beeninstitutionalized as a result of her abuse and because her mother has been unable to stabilize herhome life. Her sister had also been in Shawbridge for behaviour resulting from molestation in thesame home. Although institutional care should protect Natasha, it is an alienating experience.But when I first came here it was because of the car, I crashed a car by myself, I gotplaced in a group home and I never really liked anybody in there and I got intotrouble and they brought me here. And I got stuck here and it was about a weekinto it and I went AWOL so then they brought me back here and then they found outthat I had problems at home so they kept me. Like I was here for one year forthrowing rocks at a moving vehicle and after that I kept on running away andrunning away from here all the time (p.19, transcript1).We learn about street life from Natasha through her descriptions of what a street person is,what she perceives as motivating factors of being on the street, and how street youth cope with thetrauma for being societal fugitives. Natasha identifies street youth by \u201Cthe silent characteristic.\u201D Shesays:Yeah that\u2019s it ... nobody is gonna say why are you here for ... nobody is gonna sayor why did you run away from home, nobody is gonna ask you why you\u2019re taking185drugs you know, they just sit there and they ask us if we needa place to stay or haveanything to share... if we just need any kind of protection (p.1,transcript 1). Butmost kids ... most females get raped, molested or sexuallyabused but also males,boys too get molested or are being raped by their fathers or their stepfathers orthey\u2019re being beaten by their fathers and that\u2019s why they liveon the streets (p.22,transcript 1). Like, let\u2019s say I was molested, but other people, othergirls might bemolested that\u2019s why they live on the streets and they get high to forget abouteverything. I mean there has to be a reason for a kid to be living on the streets andgetting high. Okay, let\u2019s say you meet this little boy, and you say, \u2018Why are youtaking drugs?\u2019 and he\u2019ll just say, \u2018I don\u2019t know.\u2019 ... It\u2019s just funny andyet he seemslike ... you have to have a reason for why you\u2019re taking drugs ... And, cause ithappens to me a lot and people say to me, \u2018Why are you taking drugs?\u2019 and I finallyfound out why I take drugs, it\u2019s because I just forget about everything. One day, Iwas on the street and I saw everybody getting high and I\u2019m sitting there, I wasn\u2019thigh at all but I was going to and I didn\u2019t want to talk about my feelings, buteventually somebody came around and offered me some mescaline and I realizedwhen I got stoned, I was thinking it\u2019s true, I don\u2019t want to talkabout my feelingscause I don\u2019t care, I don\u2019t have to talk about anything (p.24, transcript1). [Questionwhether she know any Aboriginal street youth in Montreal]. ... not that I know of...there\u2019s only a few that come down every once and a while but those Native peopleare more like rockers and they have their own apartments but they go to Pops[Director of Dans Ia Rue street youth van], you know. But they don\u2019t hang aroundthe street, they don\u2019t have the money to ... they just have their apartments and theyget welfare so ... they can pay for their apartment but they can get food from Pops,so I don\u2019t know if they\u2019re really street people (p.1\u00B0, transcript1).Throughout the introductory period and the two lengthy interviews for this study Natashashowed a hatred for the institution that bordered on psychosis. When the dialogue brought her backto awareness of her incarceration she would become agitated and desperate. The interviewer wouldproceed by disclosing similar experiences and Natasha would settle down somewhat and continueto describe her attempts to escape. She related that being on the run was exciting. It wasexhilarating to be on the outside. Her lengthy monologue on institutional life and running areenlightening as to the deadening effect of long term closed custody on her and the danger involvedin the escape behaviour.it was me and my girlfriend and we ran up the hill [mountain] and all we hadwere these little slippers that we got because we\u2019re not allowed to wear shoes in thedetention centre ... and it was hard and it was foggy and it was really cold. It wasthe middle of the night and these slippers have no grip and there\u2019s a lot of leaves andwhen you put your foot on the rocks there was mud on the rocks and so you falland like there\u2019s this huge hole of trees and stuff all down there. It was really scaryand we got to the top and then... we got all bruises around our ankles and it was allswollen and cut ... Yeah, it did hurt a lot and then when yougot scratches from186branches also we were walking in the woods and my friend got a branch and she letit go and she was holding on to it and she let it go and it went right into my eye.I was pulling and I was slipping and falling on the ground. On the highway we sawthe patrol cars from the detention centre and the country cops looking for us andthey were going up and down. It was foggy and we stayed up on the mountain forabout an hour to watch it, to see if they would go away. As we sat there it gotfoggier and foggier and because you\u2019re all the way at the top of the mountain andwhen we looked down on the highway we couldn\u2019t see anything at all. We couldn\u2019teven see our hands right in front of our faces. It was really scary. It took about halfan hour to go up there and we stayed there for about half an hour, it took us another45 minutes to get down because the hill was way down on the other side and it goesright straight to the train tracks. When we went down we kept on slipping andslipping and we tried to grab a tree, so you don\u2019t fall down more. The tree is soslippery and so your hands don\u2019t stay on and when your socks are soaked and theslippers are cheap ... No, but it was kind of fun, cause I like fun things, I like theattention, I like the excitement, and it was great to be out of there. It was nice to dosomething to get out of this place ... Yeah, we had to plan it or you get caught. Ihad planned it before a couple of months before but it didn\u2019t work at all ... I stolea screw driver from the workshop and I took it home and I tried putting it in but thescrew driver didn\u2019t fit, so I went back to school the next day and I got another screwdriver and I took it back and it fit. I took the bars off my windows. I\u2019d go atseparate times and I took the whole bars off my windows and stuck it under mymattress and I closed the blinds and I closed my light ... and you can\u2019t see the barsare off or on ... and the last round around campus is around twelve o\u2019clock at nightfor the whole night so then in the morning they go home and when the securitygroup comes up for the day, so I knew what time that they switched their shift.Sometimes they go around campus and they stop at different houses because theyhave to lock the doors and make sure nobody comes in and tries to steal ... The nightI was gonna go they screwed us up because they go from the garage to the house inthe back to the gym, then they go all the way to the school then they go back aroundthe garage area. But this time they went to the duplex then they went to the garage,and it was getting late, and it was almost eleven thirty .... We were just standingthere. We were ready to go ... and we had the sheets ready in the windows ... alldressed in black ... [the night lady came in]. We just pretended that we weresleeping and she closed the door, she didn\u2019t say anything .... So we said, \u2018screw it\u2019because I thought she knew, so I pulled down the sheets, and was about to go outwhen the security passes by and ... he was looking at me, like I took all my stuffback in. Then ... \u2018Let\u2019s just run out, let\u2019s just go out the door run, run, run.\u2019 Becausethe last time, I just ran out the door and it was easier. She goes, \u2018No, no, no, don\u2019tdo it.\u2019 It was her first time, you know, she was too scared. So we got caught andthe security came. They search me and they brought me to the QR [Quiet Room]and I\u2019m claustrophobic so they stuck me in QR. It\u2019s a small room with no windowsor anything and they locked the door. I was telling them, \u2018I can\u2019t be in here.\u2019 I can\u2019tcause I\u2019m claustrophobic and I get scared and I get sick. Yeah, I get panicky and sowhen I went back to my room they stuck the bars back on the window but they gotdifferent screws ... totally different screws you can\u2019t get a screw driver for thatanywhere in the workshop. I was put on assist for trying to take off from the centre.On assist is a three-day program or it can last for five days or it can last for a month.It sort of depends on your behaviour so you stay in your room, you don\u2019t have adresser, you only have sheets and blankets. That\u2019s all in your room, you have187nothing to do. You don\u2019t have a clock you have nothing in your room at all. Allthey give to do is paperwork and more paperwork ... just to keep yourselfbusybut sometimes at night they stop giving me paperwork, so I can just sit there andyoudon\u2019t do nothing. You just start screaming like that, and you just feel the shits, andyou have an extra day in your room. It can last for a long time. If you start behavingreally well you\u2019re allowed to get out of your room. But if you can pass a whole shiftwithout arguing, screaming, fighting or anything like that you get out sooner. But itdepends sometimes three days for fighting. [I have been there] Five, six or seventimes ... Yeah, but it\u2019s fun when you have a roommate cause ... you can get to stilltalk to them and ... they have books. When you\u2019re on assist the lights go out at eightthirty. I have no idea why we have that stupid rule (p.l6-l8,transcript 1).While Natasha seems facetious at times about her escapades the pent up rage is a tangible featureof her being. She expresses a helpless and destructive anger at the system that keeps her prisoner.On being caught she says, \u201CI was just walking around the mall and somebody called the cops ...really don\u2019t know who called the cops on me.\u201D If she knew who it was, she says she would try tokill them. \u201CI\u2019m very angry.\u201DWhen escape is successful Natasha is free. Free to survive on the streets of Montreal, freeto mask her pain in drug abuse, free to find people who she feels protect her from a world that doesnot understand her. Natasha talks about panhandling and deals with the myth that street youthsimply use the money they garner from people to buy drugs (most of the people in this studyreiterate this fact). She says that anything other than food is secondary.Some people just look at you when I say, \u2018Give me some money.\u2019 They just lookat me like I want to buy drugs or some people will pity me, and they\u2019ll give memoney some times, or they\u2019ll just look at me and walk away. That really pisses meoff. Some times when we panhandle on the street, I just feel like standing up andsaying, \u2018Look I\u2019m not going to use this money for drugs at all or alcohol, I need thismoney for food\u2019 (p.31, transcript1). Sometimes though ... you know what I hate issometimes when you have the money and you\u2019re starving to death, or when youhave to pan for money and you\u2019re starving to death, but people think that you\u2019re justa bum and you\u2019re just gonna use this money for drugs and for alcohol, you know.But my money that I always get, I always spend it on food, and if I have a little bitleft afterwards I use it on whatever else I want to buy, mescaline or whatever, butfood always comes first. But when I do get money from the people, I don\u2019t knowwhat to do with the money, cause sometimes I keep it and then sometimes I give itaway after I\u2019ve had enough to eat, and after I bought whatever I wanted (p.13,transcript 1).188Natasha is cautious about the services that she uses on the street. She pretty wellsticks to streetfood vans and street youth hostels \u201Cwho won\u2019t call the cops.\u201D Natasha talks aboutsome of theservices she is familiar with and feels comfortable using. In her dialogue webegin to recognize thatNatasha, as in the case of Karen in Vancouver, seems to have at least two peopleon the street, astreet worker and a peer on the street, who protect her(in each case the protectors are male). Shegives examples getting help or giving support, while she is on the run, bothby agencies and byindividuals.I don\u2019t remember what it\u2019s called either, but it\u2019s just like a food van just like Pops.You can just go there and get some food, but I don\u2019t like to use that one. I alwayslike to use Pops because there\u2019s more room in it(the van). The other one didn\u2019thave much room at all, like half of it in the back was an office and there\u2019s only aboutfour feet and everybody is crammed in there. Only about nine people can eat inthere. The first one I ever found out was Pops and that\u2019s the one I always used. Ididn\u2019t have no place to stay, and so I go to Pops and I say to him, \u2018I\u2019ve no place tostay, nowhere to sleep,\u2019 and he showed me a place called lnmage. I stayed there forthree days, but after three weeks or two weeks at Inmage I went to Quebec City withsome of my friends. We took a car and they have a place Cactus in Quebec City(pp.8-10, transcript 1). Yeah, Pops was helpful, cause they gave you food andeverything, and you can get clean syringes, and you can sometimes get food andclothes from them. They\u2019ll give you sandwiches to take off the bus with you. Whensometimes you go to the other services, when you\u2019re on the street, they usual\u2019y callthe cops on you, and they don\u2019t give you any food they just let you sleep there. AtInmage I found it was helpful cause they would call Shawbridge where I wassupposed to be at and they let them know that I was okay and that was the onlything they would do. The cops weren\u2019t allowed to come into the centre. So theywould give me food and I was able to wash my clothes, and I was able to take ashower, and I was just able to hang out there (p.7, transcript 1). On the street?Pops, I trust him a lot cause he helped me a lot, he was always talking to me to goback up North(p.4, transcript 1). Like I have a street brother, you know, somebodythat I consider to be my good friend. We share things and we look out for eachother (p.4, transcript 1). Danger ... yes, I also protect him from any kind of dangeralso. But most of the time when I want to protect him I was really stoned, and I stilltried though. Because one day I was walking around town with my friend and therewas a whole bunch of guys that wanted to beat him up. I saw everybody waspushing him around, so I came around and I just grabbed him, and I just pulled himover and we started walking. I was just saying to him, \u2018Let\u2019s go, let\u2019s go,\u2019... I knewif I said anything it wouldn\u2019t make any sense and I just had to get him out of thatsituation. He\u2019s 1 7 and right now he\u2019s using drugs. He can only speak French ... andwhen I\u2019m out on the street I just speak French to him so I can catch up and correctall my French (p.6, transcript 1).189According to her testimony Natasha survives on the street with protection from her \u201Cstreetbrothers\u201D and by utilizing street youth services intelligently(in a street wise sense). For instance, shesays that during the winter months the institution offers protection from the winter weather.In the winter, I get caught and I spend my whole winter in the centre, and whensummer comes I get out. It\u2019s like a standard thing in the winter time, everybody getscaught. All my friends get caught and they\u2019re here. I\u2019d stay out of Montreal for awhile and go to Quebec City for a while, and then come back to Montreal. WhenI get out, I go AWOL and that\u2019s why I go to Quebec City. Then I spend some timethere and by the time I come back to Montreal everybody has stopped looking forme (p.14, transcript 1).Lest we get the impression that all is well for Natasha once she getsout of her intolerableconstraints, into the exhilaration of the hunt, and the wild lifestyle of the streets, she reminds us thatno matter where she is she is plagued with confusion and fatigue with regard to her lifecircumstances. She is too young to have to live in the harsh environment of the streets, even withthe anaesthetic effects of illegal drugs. The institution is confining and life witha mother who hasnot yet acknowledged her abuse is crazy making. Natasha becomes suicidal. Although shementions only one example in the following quotation, she indicates throughout the interview howclose suicidal thoughts are to her in everyday life. She feels invisible. \u201CNobody really is listening,\u201Dshe says of all of the adults in her life.I was kinda sick of living on the streets, cause when you live on the street too long,you get tired, you\u2019re depressed, you feel like committing suicide. I\u2019ve tried that,yeah, of course I\u2019ve tried that. I have the scars here. When I got caught I was in thelock up unit. I was sick of everything, sick of being on the streets, sick of beinglocked up, sick of everything. I was sick of my world, sick of my mother, she didn\u2019tknow what the fuck was happening. I never really wanted to die, I just wanted moreattention. I never really thought about it [on tape \u2014 not in the transcript \u2014extensive dialogue missing]. I did it here, when I was in Shawbridge, when I wasput on assist. I was there for a few days and I\u2019d tried with a piece of glass and theyfound me and they stitched me up and everything. But I guess that I really didn\u2019treally want to die, I just wanted the attention. I just didn\u2019t feel very good aboutmyself at all. I didn\u2019t feel like I was going anywhere and I wasn\u2019t happy being here.Now I feel good, I feel better, I\u2019m happier cause I\u2019m gonna be going home soon(p.34-35, transcript 1). I used to feel like that a lot, I used to always want to hurtmyself, but now I find it\u2019s not worth hurting myself(p.43,transcript 1).190Youth detention centres are conscientious about disseminating information on birth control,sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS. Natasha says she is still a virgin but always carriesacondom just in case and she knows not to share needles with anyone.When I came back from AWOL they brought me to the doctor and they did a checkup on me and said everything was okay. I got my AIDS test there, and I got myblood pressure, but my blood pressure is too low. You know, I wasn\u2019t gettingenough iron and vitamins and stuff (p.18, transcript1). [Cactus] I just go there to getsyringes and I always use my own syringe, I never share with anybody else and Ialways get a new one after I finish with it. I break off the tip and I just throw it awayin the sewer, in the garbage or something but I never, I never share my needles withanybody (p.8, transcript 1).As shown by the previous comment, the level of comfort in discussing drug use andprotection from HIV due to intervenous drug use is high. Drug abuse is the normal escape forhurting children. While alcohol use is often a peer group activity, the harder drugs are offered toyoung street youth. Often, as Dale (former street youth from Winnipeg) indicates, they are offeredas a bargaining tool for favours that will later be collected. Natasha indicates the effects of heralcohol and drug abuse. The extreme symptoms that she talks about are probably due to abusecombined with poor mental health and lack of proper nutrition.People that don\u2019t live on the street, they don\u2019t know anything, but they give medrugs and a little bit of food and they just want to be your friend. It\u2019s something like\u2018you look after me and I\u2019ll look after you later.\u2019 Yeah, so they can get somethingfrom you. So they can use me (p.5, transcript 1). My friends give me the stuffthey talk to me and they give me mescaline. They gave me everything I wouldmaybe need and they helped me find a place to sleep (p.4, transcript 1). Well, Idon\u2019t shake that much anymore, but I used to shake more like this \u2014 my hands. Icouldn\u2019t hold anything in my hand without having it shake and my voice was lazy.The staff said it was because of the drugs that I was taking. It\u2019s getting better, andI still have it, but I don\u2019t have it that much(p.19, transcript 1).Natasha is now attending Alcoholics Anonymous meetings in the attempt to confront herproblems. She likes the chance to speak out in the confidential atmosphere of the support group.Natasha indicates some change in her attitudes toward drug use and peer group activity. Whetheror not she continues to work on personal growth when she leaves the institution will depend on herrelationship with her mother. Should the fragile reunion fail, her sobriety will hinge on her return191to the north, to her father or to her grandparents. Luckily, Natasha knows exactly what her choicesare (as we will see by later dialogue).I used to consider them friends because they used to give me mescaline and acid,but I realized when I grew up more they weren\u2019t my friends at all (p.5, transcript1).The first time I came here (Alcoholics Anonymous) I didn\u2019t have to say anything atall. Everything that is said in the AA group is confidential, it doesn\u2019t go out. So far,nobody said anything and that\u2019s pretty good. And they always talk about differenttopics, like boyfriend\u2019s sexual abuse, beatings, or they talk about shame, they talkabout guilt, or sometimes they talk about rape. Sometimes they talk about abuse andthey talk about abuse in their homes. If you want to talk, you can talk whenever youfeel like it. (p.29, transcript 1).Survival on the streets often makes street youth susceptible to the \u201Ceasy\u201D money of theprostitution industry. It is not like they have to search for the opportunity. Theyare approached ona regular basis. Natasha tells of an incident of being approached to work on the street for twopimps. \u201CDo you want to keep on living on the street? Do you always want tobe a bum? You don\u2019thave to live on the street, you can have beautiful things ... I\u2019m going to make you a woman.\u201D Shedeclined the offer. That being the case, it was disconcerting to hear a fifteen year old actuallyinclude prostitution in the same sentence as job opportunities. She said that she was too young tohave a social insurance number, that jobs at MacDonald\u2019s or in a day job agency were not possible.In the same breath she mentioned prostitution as a possibility and quickly retracted the statementto say that she had done it once of her own free will and that she wouldn\u2019t do it again. At the timeshe was thirteen or fourteen.Any kinds of jobs? Well ... uh, prostitution but I only did that once in my life, andI never ever want to do it again cause, I don\u2019t have a pimp and I\u2019d never want to dothat again in my life. I just did it by myself cause I needed money. I didn\u2019t have noplace to go and so this guy comes along and asked me to go into his car and I justjerked off this guy for $20 ... and after that I just went to MacDonald\u2019s and got somechips ... (p.13, transcript 1).Contrast this account with the complexity of getting a legitimate job.there\u2019s a place I was going to go to but I came too late. You have to be there atfive o\u2019clock in the morning, and you can work through the whole day like cleaningpots and mopping floors, sweeping floors and wiping counters and all that stuff. Youget $20 at the end of the day. I was too late and so I just never bothered going backagain. I was gonna work for MacDonald\u2019s but I don\u2019t have a social insurance card192at all ... I have to wait till I\u2019m sixteen and right now I\u2019m in the process of startingtheapplication. I have to get permission from my mother. Yeah, they gaveme atemporary card, and I also have my status card and a birth certificate. I\u2019m notsureexactly how long it\u2019s gonna take to get me that card though (p.11-i 2, transcript1).Later Natasha is to retell of the shame that the one act of survival had onher. \u201CI felt soashamed, I felt disgusting, I felt like committing suicide, I felt dirty, I tried to forgetabout it.\u201D Onestill has to wonder, however, how safe Natasha is from entering into a prostitutionlifestyle when sheso nonchalantly drops the phrase \u201Ccause I don\u2019t have a pimp\u201D in the passage above and has to dealwith the effects of the triple oppression that is her legacy. And Natasha is exposedto the lifestyleeven in some of the street services she chooses to use.Passages, I went there a couple of times. They were pretty nice and they let me hangout there. Passages is a centre for some of the hookers on the street, if they want toget off the street for a while or permanently. Yeah, I found them nice but I didn\u2019twant to stay there too long because I\u2019m a minor and after twenty four hours they cancall the cops. I only went there a couple of times to visit or to go eat or to changemy clothes or a for place to sleep...(p.8, transcript 1).It appears that Natasha has been exposed to the street life in its harshest form. She does notadmit to being absolutely involved but she tells of the presence of drug dealers, prostitutes, johns,poverty, panhandling, drug abuse, exploitation and street violence in her time on the street. In thepresent, Natasha is biding her time, waiting to go home to her mother. Even so she gives everyindication, with a couple days to wait for her release, that she would run instantly if she had halfa chance.When I get to home you know, I\u2019ll be more free. Cause this place is driving me upthe wall. It drives me crazy. I can\u2019t believe it. Maybe a control officer would beokay, cause they come check on you every night to make sure that you\u2019re in bed ontime, and that\u2019s how they help you get off the streets (p.49, transcript 1).The day after the last interview Natasha was about to leave Shawbridge. They had kept herbeyond the legal limit that the law provides. \u201CThey can\u2019t keep me anymore ... I\u2019m just trying to gohome, trying to stay out of trouble ... and stay clean.\u201D193RacismI don\u2019t understand why people are so racist against Natives (p.36, transcript1)if somebody needs help then and has been left on the street, there\u2019s a lot ofpeoplewho can be there to help you but that they\u2019re racist (p.1, transcript1).In her opening statement about Aboriginal street youth Natasha concludes that everyone ina position to help is racist. It appears that Natasha is subjected to ongoing racism.She perceivesthat her Aboriginal ethnicity is a salient feature of her interpersonal relationships onand off thestreets. Although Natasha makes only one reference to herself as being \u201CWhite Peace.\u201D\u201CI\u2019m WhitePeace now so I can get out.\u201D [A group of kids who are proud of being White but believe that othersshould be proud too.] She does mention a feeling of danger in the presence of skinheads.Most people on the street don\u2019t know I\u2019m Native. They think I\u2019m either Chinese orGreek, and some of them like Indians. On the street, punks, some of them I knowthat I am Indian and they don\u2019t care. Either you\u2019re part of the punks or you\u2019re partof the skinheads. Punks don\u2019t like skinheads, so skinheads and punks don\u2019t mix verymuch. The group I hang out with is mostly punks. I don\u2019t hang around much withskinheads, but I know a couple of other friends who are skinheads. The first time Imet a skinhead I was fucking scared shitless. He just picked me up and he justslammed me against a wall. But skinheads are cleaner than punks, punks are reallydirty. How do I feel about that? Scared, because you never know if they\u2019re gonnakill you or if they\u2019re gonna rip you off for whatever you\u2019ve got. But most of theskinheads I know are nice to talk to (p.32, transcript 1).Natasha tells us about the stereotypes of Aboriginal people that were aimed at her in schooland are ever present on the street. She feels that people just don\u2019t understand the conditions thathave affected Aboriginal people and that mainstream people need to begin to talk with Aboriginalindividuals in order to gain more awareness.There was lots of racism when I was a kid, when I was younger in school inMontreal. I failed so much when I was a kid. Kids used to make fun of me causeI was Indian. My teachers didn\u2019t really like me. I was more like alone all the time.People never really wanted to talk to me because I looked different. Because whenI was a kid I had much darker skin and I guess I had an accent. Not that muchpeople ever paid attention to me ... [on tape, not in the transcript]. People on thestreets, if they saw that I was Native they would say I was just one of those drunkenIndians and I couldn\u2019t keep a job and I was a rotten runaway and I was alwaysstealing and things like that (p.36, transcript 1). I\u2019ve seen a lot of people who areracist. Some of them say, \u2018You fuckin Native,\u2019 and walk away. I feel like, why arepeople so racist, you know. Just like this one person I was talking to, \u2018I\u2019m Nativeyou know,\u2019 and they say, \u2018Okay I have to go.\u2019 Why be so ignorant? That\u2019s stupid194cause he got along with me before ... why be racist becauseof colour? I just findthat so stupid. I used to be racist of Blacks becausemy stepfather molested me. Butwhen I came across other Black people and I found themnice. Because one Blackperson is like this I don\u2019t think all of them are the same[on tape, not in transcript].They [people in general] probably need Indian peopleto talk to that understand whatthey\u2019re [Aboriginal people] going through and people that listentoo ... Because theydon\u2019t understand really Native people. Like some of the socialworkers they justdon\u2019t understand and they don\u2019t know anythingabout our background (p.45,transcript 1).Natasha does not go into detail on the subject of differential treatment. She does indicatethat racism is a phenomena that she simply does not understand. With respectto street services onthe street, however, she makes repeated references that she feels more at ease relating to Aboriginalworkers because they know what other Aboriginal people have had to go through.Natasha doesnot understand why Aboriginal people do not want to talk about their feelings.She [Aboriginal worker] was okay, cause she spoke Cree also ... It was better causewe have most things in common cause we\u2019re Indian, and we know how tocommunicate. But ... like Barry [friend], he\u2019s White so he doesn\u2019t know very muchabout Indians ... Well cause they\u2019ve [Aboriginal people] never had a family whereyou talk about their feelings, like at night you don\u2019t talk about it, why did he do thisand why did you feel this and ... why are you angry ... Yeah, I\u2019d say it would bebetter if they had a social centre for kids where Indian workers should be workingthere, so the kids would feel more comfortable with another Indian worker insteadof speaking to a White female, you know. Cause there\u2019s lot of Indian little girls andthat they don\u2019t talk very much you know .... And that\u2019s quite common with a lot ofIndian kids ... Well some of them are alcoholics \u2014 most of them are alcoholics \u2014their parents. I think, they should have like a Alcoholics Anonymous up North tomake them try to help them to stop drinking ... They have nothing \u2014 absolutelynothing.Culture and identityI feel proud to be Native. I don\u2019t see why people should be racist about otherpeople (p.36, transcript 1).Natasha presents a very interesting picture of a young woman who has been brought up ina very esoteric type of traditional Aboriginal environment rich with myth and ceremony and closeto nature. She has had extensive influence from her grandparents and she is highly respectfultowards them. \u201CYeah, the wisest people I know are my grandmother and my grandfather. Becausethey know a lot more than I do about their culture and about their environment where they\u2019re living195in.\u201D Her wish is to go home for a visit and to go camping with her grandparents. On the otherhand, Natasha, a very intelligent and articulate person, sings, she speaks English, French and Cree,and she has lived in the urban environment, in institutions and on the street. There is an othersidedness about her. In this urban environment she is angry, injured and destructive; when shebegins to relate stories about the spirits and mysteries in her culture she becomes involved, brightand positive.Natasha\u2019s identity as an Aboriginal person, while seemingly intact, is in a state of tension.She expresses rage and sorrow about racism, she wants to go home and yet her mother lives in thecity and she loves the big city excitement. \u201CI don\u2019t feel Native anymore cause I can speak Englishnow and I can speak pretty good French. I just don\u2019t know, I just feel White.\u201D She says this is dueto the fact that \u201Cin the last couple of years since I\u2019ve been at Shawbridge, I\u2019ve been around a lot ofWhite people, it\u2019s mostly White ... White, White, White.\u201DIn school, Natasha says, she did not learn anything about Aboriginal history or her culture.Her attitude, in telling about this omission, was openly hostile. \u201CHistory, no, it was mostly aboutRomans and Vikings,\u201D she makes a expression of disgust. \u201CThe only other things was ChristopherColumbus and Christians.\u201D The invisibility that results from the overt racism that Natasha describesand the lack of Aboriginal presence in the school curriculum would have profound effect on a childwho is estranged from family, community and culture.Natasha gets extremely confusing messages from her traditional grandparents, whom sheidealizes, and from an addicted mother struggling to straighten out her life, whom she desperatelywants to go home to. Her mother told the interviewer that all the Aboriginal people her kids hadcontact with were no-good and a bad influence and that she didn\u2019t want her kids hanging aroundAboriginal people. She would let Natasha hang around those Aboriginal people who had aneducation, but she didn\u2019t know any.196Natasha expresses great sorrow about the socio-economicstate of her reserve environment,the lack of opportunity and stimulating activities for youth,and the extensive abuse of alcohol.Natasha retells of attending funerals of people who diedin senseless alcohol related deaths. UnlikeNoella (Winnipeg participant), who has little general knowledge of life on the reserveand who seesfew redeeming qualities of the people there, Natasha recognizes the lackof opportunity and ofservices up north. She also says that not all people live in poverty and dysfunction. Natashaindicates also that she knows that there are reasons buried in the past that explain the conditionsexperienced by her people. The difference is that Natasha still identifies favourably with hercommunity \u2014 culturally and spiritually \u2014 but she dislikes the lack of opportunity.And, I was there and I was crying cause it was hopeless, there\u2019s nothing \u2014 anythingfor Indian people up North, to help them stop drinking or like AlcoholicsAnonymous...(p.27-28, transcript 1). Nothing was really going on there up North.Kids weren\u2019t allowed to stay out after nine o\u2019clock. The cops up North are Indians,so they go around all around the reserve looking for the kids. Like after nine, if theyget caught after nine, they just grab you as you\u2019re walking along the roads and theybring them back home, and they get a fine for it ... (p.3, transcript1). Yeah, butsometimes, some of them are okay, some of them have good money, they have goodhouses, they don\u2019t drink, they just drink at parties and stuff like that. But otherfamilies, the kids are starving because the father is beating up on the mother, andthey\u2019re beating the kids, and they spend all their money on their alcohol. Which isdisgusting (p.29, transcript 1). I think it\u2019s because a long time ago we didn\u2019t have anIndian school, priests and nuns or anything so people just felt a loss when they didn\u2019tknow who to talk to (p.45, transcript 1).When the subject of Aboriginal culture surfaces Natasha begins to tell stories, she takes ona different aura and becomes very esoteric. After a lengthy session of Natasha telling Aboriginalstories, she says that \u201CNo White man has ever heard or seen any of this Indian stuff, I don\u2019t knowwhy.\u201D Excerpts of her stories shows the extent of Natasha\u2019s belief in the spiritual elements of herculture.there was a little hawk, a little Indian bird. If you stop and he\u2019ll come to you andhe\u2019ll talk to you. If you\u2019re a good person, he\u2019ll give you good power \u2014 magic. Ifyou are bad person, he\u2019ll give you evil power ... And then there\u2019s this big gust ofwind, and he started walking back. All of a sudden somebody, a small person, saidsomething to him. He said that if you stayed there you\u2019re a good person and I\u2019ll giveyou good powers and I believe in it, cause it\u2019s my culture. I believe that nobodywould go around telling stupid stories like that [for nothing]. There was one timeat197the reserve a long time ago, my aunt was sitting with my grandmotherin the kitchenand they had peas on the stove and my uncle was in the kitchen. He looked out thewindow and he saw a little little person walking and he thought it wasa little kid inthe middle of the night. He looked out and he saw somebody walking and walkingaround, and he ran out and he started trying to get this little person, but then hedisappeared by that time. But it was in the winter time and he saw the tracks of littlelittle feet\u2014 but wide. You could tell he was wearing moccasins, because moccasinssometimes make tracks like that. It was really small feet but wide, like babies\u2019 feet,but wide, very wide. There was nobody with that type of feet at all. There\u2019s anothertime my brother Dave ... All of a sudden, a big, big, big giant came in his dream,and he was taller than a tree and he was walking around, BOOM, BOOM, BOOM.He was just looking and he said, \u2018Holy mackerel.\u2019 He didn\u2019t know where to hide.The giant he was just looking for somebody, you know, and the next day when hewoke up, he heard somebody died and that the police were trying to figure out howhe died. He was only like twenty or something. I don\u2019t know, they have no ideahow he died, probably had a heart attack. His sister and my sister Tina had the samedream. And my grandmother said, \u2018It\u2019s probably, it\u2019s cause the big giant was lookingfor somebody and the giant was really there, and when he saw somebody he wasgoing to grab and when the person saw him the person died of heart attack.\u2019 Thishappens to me, it happens to my sister Tina and it happens to my brother and atnight sometimes when we sleep ... feels it go like a spirit walking around him thewhole night. It happens here in Montreal and up North or whatever, but the spiritwas walking around at night. I told this to my grandmother and my grandfather, andmy grandfather said, \u2018If you panic too much, it\u2019s like it\u2019s the soul that comes overyou, then your soul is going to be captured by a beast and you have no way to goto heaven right now,\u201D or whatever. Me, it doesn\u2019t happen that way with me.Sometimes it doesn\u2019t always happen, but when I go to bed some times and try fallasleep, I feel my bed shake. I just feel like the bed is shaking, if I open my eyes, it\u2019sstill shaking, if I get up, it\u2019s still shaking my bed all the time, not all the time but ithappens like once every six months, but I never told anybody really, but I only toldmy brother (pp.38-39, transcript 1).Natasha feels confused about her identity (demonstrated in her vacillation between feelingWhite and also feeling proud to be Aboriginal) but she is firm about what she sees as Aboriginalculture. She says the difference between White people\u2019s way and the Aboriginal way is, \u201CWell, theNative way is very, very spiritual.\u201D She doesn\u2019t understand racism and wants a safe environment.She would like to go back to the old way and she would bring up her children in this environment.Yeah, I want them to grow in a safe environment place where there\u2019s no alcohol andno kinds of abuse and that\u2019s why we have the curfew at 9 o\u2019clock. A lot of times,the kids ... that\u2019s the reason why they leave the reserve and they go to Montreal(p.39, transcript 1).When Natasha was asked to give an opinion on how to revive and preserve Aboriginalculture she answers that language is one of the critical elements, that every effort must be made to198save it. \u201CI don\u2019t know, there\u2019s a lot of Indians that can\u2019tspeak Cree or their own language anymoreI mean teach them to speak ....\u201C Natasha is trilingual andfeels that language is important.Secondly she believes that elders must be approached to teachpeople the traditional ways. Herthird comment indicates a protectionist stance whereby shethinks that any influence of Whiteculture ought to be minimized.I\u2019d buy a big piece of land but there wouldn\u2019t be any White people, we would allowWhite tourists but we don\u2019t allow White people to live there because as soon asWhite people live there everything becomes White, White, White and White (p.39,transcript 1).Back in the present, when asked how she could make her life better, Natasha replied,\u201CGoback up North and live with my grandmother and my grandfather ... I love to goup North to go visitmy father.\u201D She\u2019s not sure that she would feel fulfilled up North but this seems to be the lesseroftwo evils. Natasha seems genuinely unsettled about what is best for her. Ideally she should reunitewith her mother, now that her stepfather is out of the home, but her mother continues to abusedrugs and live an unstable life style. Going back to her grandparents is not entirely unpalatable;however, she hates the reserve. There is nothing to do for a young woman who has been around.Natasha leaves open the possibility of exploring a relationship with her father.Cause I never seen my father in my life and I just start talking to him a couple ofweeks ago \u2014 no, last week. I found out his address from my mother so I sent hima picture and I stuffed it in my letter, and I put my phone number and address hereand I sent it up North. He got it and he phoned me and I said, \u2018Oh, my God, Ihaven\u2019t seen you for so long.\u2019 I told him I wanted to go visit him for his birthdayand stuff like that ... I forgot. I don\u2019t have my letter anymore. But I am going, I amfifteen years old now and I can go up and see him. Yeah, he said he was going totry to get me out but I\u2019d have to do my part too ... He\u2019ll just help meget out of here(p.43, transcript 1).The bright lights of the city beckon to Natasha in equal force to her need to go back up northwhere she identifies. This assimilating alienating phenomena\u2014 the choice between the urbanwasteland and marginalized rural racism and poverty \u2014 isthe fiercest modern dilemma thatconfronts Aboriginal youth from Aboriginal communities. Urban Aboriginal youth in dysfunctional199settings have no tangible choice. Natasha demonstrates the dilemma clearly in the followingstatement.Yeah ... now I feel I belong here. I don\u2019t know. I\u2019m not sure. I\u2019m lost between theWhites and the Indians. I\u2019d still like to live in Montreal but I find that it\u2019s nota verygood place for me, but I\u2019d like to go up North too so, I don\u2019t know (p.43,transcript 1).SocietyYeah, there\u2019s a lot, there\u2019s a lot of those [perverts] on the streets right now, peopledriving in their cars, looking at you, chasing after you with their cars (p.Z3,transcript 1)Unlike other street youth participants in this study, Natasha is very much preoccupied withher institutionalization and getting out, and not about removed philosophical arguments about whatis wrong with urban society. How would she fix things? At first she simply says \u201CI don\u2019t know\u201D toa question about how she would advise the government to improve conditions for street youth.There seems to be an unwritten, unspoken code of not speaking to any authority, especially thegovernment, about anything. Certainly, other case study participants indicated this phenomena,especially in the younger age group. Natasha, however, does corroborate the views of many of theparticipants about the street youth environment being over run with sexual predators.I was going down to Cactus and there was this long road, it\u2019s like downtown, butthere\u2019s like a little street and it\u2019s all black. There\u2019s hardly any lights. So I waswalking on there and I saw a car, and somebody was looking at me in the car so Istarted walking away. He started waving at me and calling to me and I just kept onwalking and I got to Cactus. I thought the car was gone, so I started walking rightdown town street. He was right at the corner of the street, and he\u2019s waving me over.I just wanted to see what he was going to do, so I opened the door but I didn\u2019t goin. I didn\u2019t sit in ... never in my life. He goes, I\u2019ll give you as much money as youwant if you get in and you jerk me off,\u2019 and I go, \u2018No\u2019 and I just closed the door andI left. I think it\u2019s so stupid, how he would want to touch a fifteen year old and he\u2019slike sixty years old (p.23, transcript 1).Natasha comments on the child care system and the way children get lost in the maze oflaws, programs and workers. She sees the value of having one primary worker who would at leasthave a vested interest in tracing the developments of the child who is having difficulties in life. She200seems to indicate in different places in the interviewthat she means social workers from homecommunities.I mean this poor kid always getting into trouble and you knowyou can\u2019t keep yournose clean ... they switch you to different places and you neverstay in one place forvery long. Like I\u2019m a bag of potatoes or something. Likeif I say if a new kid comesto the system, they should always have a social worker stick with them, stay withthem until we get out of the system so they know what\u2019s really going on with them.Cause most of them are really tired of being exchanged by the social workers andchanging lawyers and they change people and blah blah blah. What they don\u2019tchange is the judges. You should really have somebody like a social worker thatstays with you, like know what\u2019s going with you everyday ... Because judges don\u2019tstay with you, the only time you know they see you is when you go to court. Allthey do is repeat whatever is on your file and they don\u2019t know who you are, theydon\u2019t know how you\u2019re like. They don\u2019t know anything aboutyou at all (p.48,transcript 1).Going home is the one thing that Natasha is looking forward to and she wants only to getout of the institution, off the street and into a \u201Cnormal\u201D life. She describes, almost like a fantasy, thelife she will begin as soon as she gets out.First when I get out I\u2019ll have to help my mother move ...Yeah, cause my stepfatheris not living there any more, and so I feel safer about staying there and I find it easierto relate to my mother ... Yeah, as long as I get out of here, as long as I get to gohome ... I\u2019d end up changing my lifestyle, I would dress the way I wanted to dress.I would go to school. I wouldn\u2019t hang around with friends that I hang out with. I\u2019dlive in a different area and I\u2019d just become a different person ... I\u2019d like to wear theruffles on my blouse. I\u2019d grow my hair long and I\u2019d start wearing some make-up.That type of thing. I\u2019d stop taking drugs and I\u2019d stop drinking and I\u2019d quit smokingand I\u2019d just listen to my mother more and go to school (p.34, transcript1).Natasha does not have a clear vision of her future as an working adult. She does want a normal life,to go to school, get a job, with marriage and children, and simply to love life. As we have heardfrom her, she would like to return to a traditional lifestyle somewhere where children are safe.Natasha, once again, becomes sullen and she expresses gloom about the real world within whichshe must navigate. Like many kids she is uncertain about how she will achieve the things that shedreams about in a complex modern world.I don\u2019t know what to do with my life. I don\u2019t know ... I don\u2019t know I guess get ajob, I have no idea ... I never thought about going to school, I never liked it verymuch and I was never very good at it (p.50, transcript1).201At the end of the last interview the interviewer asked what Natasha thought wouldactuallyhappen. Natasha said, \u201CI don\u2019t know, drugs are in my system, I need them, I\u2019ll probablydie young.\u201D\u201CShe was looking at me very frankly and right in the eyes,\u201D said the interviewer.Natasha, byNovember 1 993, had gone AWOL and was reportedly inbad trouble of some kind \u2014 she was foundon prostitution strip. She was then placed into very strict detention centre (JeanSauve DetentionCentre). Shawbridge is nothing compared to this place.CHARNELLEI like doing things like running around. Just hanging around having a goodtime.I\u2019m a very hyper girl. That\u2019s me (p.9, transcript 1).Charnelle is a thirteen year old girl of Inuit ancestry who was born in Frobisher Bay, Quebec.She is 5\u20197\u201D tall and weighs about 140 pounds, she looks like an 18 year old. \u201CThey think I\u2019m olderbut I\u2019m not,\u201D she says. Charnelle has accented Inuit features, a very dark pretty face(due to AfricanAmerican heritage, see history) with slanted brown eyes, and long straight darkhair usually tied upin a pony tail (she wears bangs). She doesn\u2019t wear make-up. At each interviewshe wore themodern day teen fashion \u2014 made up of big baggy jeans, t-shirt and Reeboks.Charnelle is basically a very friendly and optimistic person who knows what she wants andis very direct in her expression. This directness can seem abrasive at times. This may be the reasonthat her primary worker doesn\u2019t like her at all. Charnelle is a synchronized swimmerand very muchinto sports of all kinds, and shows considerable artistic abilities. She draws very well. Charnelleis very intelligent and achieves at least an 80% average in her grade eight class; however, schoolbores her. Charnelle is trilingual \u2014 English, French and she understands her own language.Someday she wants to be a marine biologist.We had interviewed Charnelle in June 1993 and due to technical difficulties we needed toreschedule an interview with her in November later in the year. In June Charnelle was atShawbridge Detention Centre. She had run away, been recaptured, sent toJean Sauve DetentionCentre and now was in a group home. The second interview took placeat the group home. A202casual atmosphere permeated the house whichhad a cozy kitchen, a pooltable downstairs, a largeback yard, basketball hoops in the yard, a piano in the livingroom where the workers coming onshift brought videos for the evening\u2019s entertainment. Charnelle\u2019sroom was pleasantly decoratedaround a bed, a dresser with a large mirror anda desk.Charnelle is a very today type of person. Even with her sunny disposition her situationdepresses her, and at times she can become listless. She wants nothingmore than to go homewhere someone loves her, but she does not harbour any deep-seated angerthat we could detectfrom the interview. This young girl is very different from Natasha,who we met in the last casestudy.HistoryI think I\u2019m related to almost everybody. There\u2019s lots and lots of people (p.27,transcript 1).Charnelle, her sisters and her mother left Frobisher Bay and moved down to Montreal whenCharnelle was too small to remember (possibly at age4). Her father stayed in the North. Herparents separated but never divorced. Her father now lives in Cape Dorsett, Quebec within anotherfamily. When Charnelle is home she lives with her mother and two sisters, ages 14 and 16, whohave \u201Cnever been in trouble.\u201D Charnelle lists one brother on her face sheet. He is a young manwho has informally stayed with them for years but is not legally adopted. Both Charnelle\u2019s parentsidentify as Inuit. Her father is full Inuit, while her mother has African American ancestry. Hermaternal grandfather was a African American man from Montana, who died when she was six yearsold.Charnelle does not clearly remember her own father whom she has not seen in 6 years. Hehas not spoken with her in over a year \u2014 she is bitter about this.I don\u2019t know. I haven\u2019t spoken to him for a couple of years. Like he called ... Ithink it was last year for my birthday. He wished me Happy Birthday. He\u2019s a manthat says something, but doesn\u2019t do it. All talk but no action. I haven\u2019t spoken tohim for the longest time. My birthday is coming up in February, he\u2019s probably notgoing to call me or send me a card even. He hasn\u2019t sent me a card for I don\u2019t know203how long. He hasn\u2019t written a letter. He hasn\u2019t called.I don\u2019t really talk to him.I don\u2019t really like him for that, but I can\u2019t say I don\u2019t likehim, because I don\u2019t knowhim. I hate him, when he heard I was in Jean Sauvehe had the nerve to tell mymom, \u2018I want her home\u2019 (p.25, transcript1).There is some animosity toward the father, from motherand daughter. They speak harshly abouthis current lifestyle with his family, consisting of five children(mostly adopted). \u201CShe\u2019s a witch,\u201DCharnelle says of her father\u2019s partner, \u201Cshe tried to kill him.\u201DShe does not indicate at any time thathe abuses alcohol. In fact, later in the interview she seemsto indicate that he does not use alcoholor at least he helped to instill caution about alcohol abuse in his daughter.Charnelle hasn\u2019t been back to Frobisher Bay for six years although her motherwent homefor a visit in the past year. Her memories of the place, however, are pleasant.She remembers skidooing and sliding down the mountain with her cousins. She has many relatives there.My cousins. I have so many cousins. God, it\u2019s weird. I have cousins up there. Theyall live around the same community ... My cousin lived up the road in one of thebuildings and one of my cousins lived up the road in one of the other buildings. Ithink I\u2019m related to almost everybody. There\u2019s lots and lots of people (p.27\u2019,transcript 1).So how did she end up at Shawbridge and later at the group home? Charnelle attendedRosemount High School in Montreal, but was not allowed to return because shemissed too muchschool. Also she went AWOL from home, she was sent to Luchene Shelter, where she ran \u201Cveryoften.\u201D \u201CThey got tired of it and put me in Jean Sauve [Jean Sauve is a strict detentioncentre] for amonth, I got out and they put me in another shelter, again I AWOLed ... and thenthey put me inShawbridge.\u201D In September 1993 she was sent to the group home, where she will stay until herrelease in February 1994.On the streetsI\u2019m just there. Just walk around, but not really a street person (p.3, transcript1).Charnelle began staying away from home at age twelve, she began staying over with oldermale friends (ages 16 and 18), one of whom lives on his own. The first jaunt lastedtwelve days.Her mother reported her missing. In the meantime Charnelle\u2019s friends fed her,while she just hung204out. Sometimes she would go to a family friend\u2019s houseto eat. Charnelle fits into the \u201Cin and outer\u201Dcategory of runaways. She, in effect, lives at home \u2014 with varyinglengths of absences. She doesnot use food banks, she did not live in squats, or panhandle,neither did she qualify for welfarebecause she was too young. It appears that mother and daughter had a communication problemwhich they have since begun to deal with. \u201CI wasn\u2019t getting along with my mom, because likeweweren\u2019t talking too often and now we\u2019re talking almost every day.She asks what I\u2019m doing. It\u2019sgetting good between me and my mom.\u201DCharnelle\u2019s behavior is a mixture of seeking adventure and a call for attention.She describesher flight to freedom in this way:I AWOLed from Luchene Shelter after I AWOLed from home. They put me inLuchene Shelter, so I AWOLed very often... so they put me in Jean Sauve for amonth, then I got out. They put me in [another detention centre] and then IAWOLed from [there] and they put me in Jean Suave again, then they put me inShawbridge\u201D (p.3, transcript 1).Charnelle\u2019s outward behavior began as peer motivated attempts at freedom. To her goingmissing is just a teen thing to do. \u201CThis generation is more mature, they mature faster. Most of myfriends are like me. Two of my best friends were at Shawbridge with me \u2014 the same age. That\u2019swhat\u2019s happening,\u201D she adds matter-of-factly. Another reason may be that she had experiencedsexual abuse as a young child.Yeah, when I was living with my mom\u2019s boyfriend. My mom\u2019s boyfriend, hemolested me and my sister, but I never really got raped by anything enteringanything. He was touching me more ... [I felt] Uncomfortable. I used to cry, but nowhe\u2019s in jail ... I told my social worker and then I told my mom about it. We went tocourt and he went to jail. I don\u2019t know when he\u2019s coming out. He went to jail forfive years ... When I do think about it, I tell my mom. She tries to get me to talkabout it more. Then I talk about it a bit, but I don\u2019t think about things like that. Ihardly ever think about it because I don\u2019t remember it too well. I was young (pp.34-35, transcript 1).The fact that her mother supported her at the time of the crime and thereafter, and the fact that shesaw that the perpetrator experienced consequences for his action, have allowed her to move on withher life.205Charnelle\u2019s life right now is, however, made of running andinstitutional care. On her facesheet she filled out all of the categories which showsocial service institutional care she has used inthe last year (see appendix D, question10). During her time away from home and away fromdetention she hangs out with friends and downtownon the streets. Although her life is not asharrowing and survival-oriented as some of the streetyouth we have met in this study, the potentialfor serious life-long or life-threatening consequences await herat every corner.Charnelle tells of the strong pressures for engaging in sexual activity.\u201CGuys here is sex, sex,sex.\u201D In an era where AIDS is a real possibility, this is dangerous enough. But when shetells abouta guy who pulled a gun on her and insisted on sex, that is a different matter.He took the gun out and he said, \u2018If you don\u2019t have sex with me I\u2019m going to killyou.\u2019 And I said, \u2018You can kill me because I\u2019m not going to have sex with you.\u2019 Hesaid, \u2018Yeah, yeah.\u2019 He goes like this, shoots to the door. It went out right throughthe door (p.29, transcript 1).Charnelle was on the pill but couldn\u2019t remember to take them regularly, now she uses condoms withno problems, she indicates that she knows the dangers of STD\u2019s [sexually transmitteddisease] andAIDS. \u201C... no venereal disease or anything or HIV or any of those nasty STDs. I don\u2019t like those.\u201DCharnelle is young and doesn\u2019t talk extensively about drug abuse in her network of friends.She admits to experimentation.I used to take drugs, nothing bad, just like weed. I tried and I used to take it if Icould get some. But not anymore. I don\u2019t feel good like that. And I don\u2019t takeanything else because it really rips up your life (pp.8-9, transcript1).She indicates that her mother talks with her children about drug abuse and that she can have funwithout drugs. Later in the interview she laments about general Aboriginal alcohol abuse by sayingshe wonders why they don\u2019t have parents like hers. \u201CI was brought up not to drink, so when I seethese people, I say, \u2018How come their moms couldn\u2019t be like mine?\u2019 or \u2018How come their fatherscouldn\u2019t be like mine?\u2019 I don\u2019t think it\u2019s good to drink ... it\u2019s weird.\u201DWhen we asked if anything happened to her that she thinks mightnot have happened toother youth on the street she replied,206Nope. Because I heard that lots of people get put out on the streetfor prostitution.People make them for drugs. I never went on the street for prostitution.I never solddrugs. I might of took drugs, but I never sold any ... because I don\u2019t really want toget in trouble (p.9, transcript 1).Charnelle does not talk about crime in a familiar way. When asked about shame, guilt andangershe answers like a child with little but early teen concerns to worry about. Her greatest shame ishaving slept with her girlfriend\u2019s boyfriend. She has a distinct lack of rage and shame that is likelya reflection of the support Charnelle received in her abuse case and her mother\u2019s concernedinvolvement in her welfare. Charnelle shows an intelligent note of caution in her dealings on thestreet. Contact with street workers, outside of her primary worker, has beenminimal. She does notknow any Aboriginal street workers.Even though Charnelle has not had experience with death in her immediate peer group onthe street or in the detention centres she has known sadness at the suicideof her mother\u2019s exboyfriend and a twenty year old cousin in the last year. She has fond memories of her cousin.I didn\u2019t really know my cousin, but he, when he came down to go to the hospital orsomething, I met him when he stayed at my house. I really liked this guy becausehe was really funny. We played basketball together. He played basketball with myfriends. He was so funny because he was really beating us. He was a nice guy andwhen I found out he died, I was, like, oh my God. I was, like, really freaking outbecause I didn\u2019t really know him. What I\u2019ve seen him to be, he\u2019s a really nice guy(p.31, transcript 1).The prognosis for Charnelle\u2019s repatriation and likelihood that she will stay off the street isgood. At least she has begun to talk with her mother and is taking responsibility for her behavior.She has begun to make plans for behavioral guidelines when she returns home and she has weekendhome visits. And mother and daughter are attending weekly meetings with a counsellor to helpthem communicate.Me and mom went to an interview on Thursday with my social worker and maderules for me if I go home on weekends because my mom works on weekends,because usually on Fridays I go out ... to a dance. I\u2019m fighting to be home back byone after a dance. And if I don\u2019t go to a dance, I have to be home by 11. And Ihave to eat first and do my chores first. Saturdays, I have to be home by supper,have to eat, have to do my chores and then I can go out until 11. On Sundays, mymom doesn\u2019t like me going out at all because I have to get ready to go back. But207if I do go, I have to be back by 3 or something like that ... It\u2019s whatI got to live withit. But I think it will be good for me because when I go home I can listen more.Usually, I don\u2019t really listen to my mom and I don\u2019t really listen to my curfew, andnow I think I should just listen. Would be better for me. ... Ohgosh, it makes mefeel responsible. I would say I do something like, \u2018I\u2019m not supposedto do this. Ishould call my mom.\u2019 It so different now because usually I don\u2019t call my mom, Idon\u2019t think about my mom and now it\u2019s like, \u2018I should call my mom, I should gohome, oh my God, what time is it? Am I going to be late? Is my mom going toscream at me? Oh my God, I better go home now.\u2019 It\u2019s weird (p.12, transcript1).Charnelle is doing everything she can to get her mother\u2019s trust back. \u201CI want to get out,\u201D she saysof the group home. Although Charnelle and Natasha know each other they are like day and night.Natasha is a victim to drugs, doesn\u2019t trust her mother, cannot communicate with her mom nor doesshe have her support. Natasha has the added difficulties of so much rage to deal with and severedepression about her institutionalization. Charnelle is antsy about getting out in February 1994 andgoing back to school but there is a feeling of hope and love that is evident in her voice. Charnellehad matured in a span of four months and had developed a realistic view about her future.I\u2019ve calmed down. I don\u2019t get into as much fights and I don\u2019t talk to many peoplethat get me in trouble. And the people that I used to talk to that got me in trouble,don\u2019t get into trouble or if they do, they don\u2019t call me very much any more. I don\u2019tspeak to them any more (p.4, transcript 1).The interview ended pleasantly with Charnelle and a group home worker driving the interviewerback home.RacismThey mistake me for a black person. Hey negro! (on tape only).Charnelle talks extensively about the racism manifested in her life. She does not tell ofdramatic confrontations in squats or life threatening encounters with police or skinheads; she doeshowever, give us insight of the everyday experience of a young child at school and on the street.The normality of racial harassment and the silent coping with self-esteem murder is frightening. Andout of the participants in this study, Charnelle is the lucky one. She has the invisible protection ofcaring from her mom. As stated before, Charnelle has mixed heritage, Inuit and African American(although she does not explicitly say so, her Black heritage may be Jamaican). As a result of this she208experiences racial harassment on both accounts, first for being AfricanAmerican because her darkskin is a prominent feature. Secondly, she is also visibly Inuit andthis is how she ultimatelyidentifies. Most of her friends though are African American. Thisis where she feels mostcomfortable in the city. (There are few lnuit youth inMontreal.) Charnelle indicates that her darkcolour is also an issue when she is with Aboriginal people. \u201CBecause I\u2019mso dark and my mom\u2019sdark, it\u2019s like these people are looking at me. It\u2019s weird because I\u2019mnot around too manyAboriginal people.\u201DShopkeepers in particular manifest the suspicion of \u201Ccoloured\u201D peoplein this society. All ofthe participants report negative reactions, ranging from mild to harsh, from the commercialsector.Some of the abusive behavior is meted out to street youth in general becauseof poor hygiene andragged clothing, but in the perception of Aboriginal youth racial factors playa large part.They keep following me around because most of my friends are Black and they keepa good watch on them too. Usually the stores that don\u2019t make you put the bags atthe cash tell us to put our bags at the cash. They think that all Black people stealand all that. They really don\u2019t understand...(pp.1\u00B0-il, transcript 1).She believes this constant surveillance is racism.Charnelle told us about racial harrassement in school in 1990 when the Oka crisis wasbrewing in Quebec. She became subject to name callingand threatening behavior from fellowstudents in a Montreal elementary school. She goes on to explain the kind of stereotypes that shehas to put up with and how they affect her.When I was in grade school. When the Oka or Kanawakae was happening and thatsiege was happening. People in my school knew I was Native and they startedcalling me names. \u2018You Native this, you Native that. It\u2019s all your fault that this hasstirred up,\u2019 and something about becoming a real troublemaker(p.15, transcript 1).Once in a while [at school] I tell them I\u2019m Native and they say, \u2018Oh, they kind oflook funny,\u2019 but I don\u2019t really notice those things. They shouldn\u2019t bother me but itdoes ... [How does that make you feel?] Uncomfortable, makes me want to go, \u2018Oh,don\u2019t you do that to me. It\u2019s not my fault.\u2019 People are ignorant, very ignorant, goshit\u2019s disgusting. All we\u2019re trying to do is save our land. Usually, let\u2019s say me and myfriends are sitting around talking about Inuits and Indians and all those things that,saying how White people are trying to portray Inuits and Indians, because Whitepeople saying that Inuit live in igloos. And if you say that we lived in houses, they\u2019llbe like, \u2018I thought you lived in igloos.\u2019 And if they find out we have microwaves,209we make jokes about it. \u2018Yeah, we have microwavesin our igloo, and HydroQuebec pays for our Hydro\u2019... we make a big thingout of it. People feel so weirdafter it (p.15, transcript 1).When asked how she copes with stereotypes she says,Usually, I just punch them out. But now, whenever anybody comesup to me, I tryto talk to them and I try tell them it\u2019s not because I\u2019m Inuit, it\u2019snot because ofanything, people are just trying to be racist. You know,just walk away and not sayanything (p.16, transcript 1).Although Charnelle is later to tell us that she has no role models, shedemonstrates in thefollowing passage that she distinguishes between hero worship and adopting ordinaryrole modelsthat make one believe in the inherent abilities of one\u2019s ownpeople, that Aboriginal people can doanything they set out to do. Charnelle articulates the mainstream imagesthat Aboriginal childrenhave to surmount in their quest for self-esteem. She astutely tellsus how important it is to have rolemodels in the professions and in the mainstream media.I\u2019d like to be a marine biologist. Because they don\u2019t think that Natives aresmart,right? They don\u2019t think that Natives can do anything, they don\u2019t think they\u2019re smartenough even to be a teacher. I know a couple of Natives that are a lot smarterthanmost White people ... I think that they got somewhere in their life, and the Whitepeople don\u2019t see this. They just see the poor little Inuit boy sitting on the cornerwith his father pissed drunk in the bar. That\u2019s all they see. Yeah, because, likewhatmost White people see is drunk Natives and they think that\u2019s all they do, andthat\u2019swhy they\u2019re all bums and they say that they\u2019re never going to get anywhere inlife,but there are some Natives that are in movies. There are some Nativesthat arelawyers. There\u2019s some Natives that are doctors. They don\u2019t see those people.Allthey see is the people that are drunk ... They\u2019re just there because they live here.They don\u2019t see the people that are successful (pp.Z3-24, transcript 1).Charnelle discusses how she doesn\u2019t know enough Aboriginal history and what she doesknow is not very complementary to Aboriginal people. \u201CI know that we traded our lives for alcoholand all that,\u201D she says of the impression that is reenforced by her social studies courses in school.She also has difficulty in finding Aboriginal history written from an Aboriginalperspective \u2014 byAboriginal people.I don\u2019t really know too much about Aboriginal history or Inuit history because I can\u2019tfind any books about it. Because usually I go to the library, there\u2019s Whitehistory,there\u2019s European history, there\u2019s Spanish history, all this other historyexcept forAboriginal history. Maybe they don\u2019t think that it\u2019s important (p.17, transcript1).210She wants to read the real truth written by Aboriginal people.Charnelle talks about landappropriation and unjust treatment of her people.Certainly not the White people because they\u2019ll say they didn\u2019t do this and that, butif the Native people were to, they\u2019d write everything bad. Like the White peoplebringing over alcohol for when they trade. All these, first, were little dinky things.Because in the past ... I\u2019ve read a couple of things that they sold furs, like, I don\u2019tknow, a pile of furs for one rifle. I think that White people really cheated them outof what they could have gotten, what they should have gotten. Yeah, I don\u2019t thinkthat they\u2019re being taken seriously because remember the thing about the golf course?It\u2019s their land, right? So, they want a golf course, they should put it somewhere elsebecause a golf course, there\u2019s so many around. A golf course? What\u2019s that going todo to the world? They need that land to make houses ... but the White people don\u2019ttake them seriously. They just keep on pushing them out. I don\u2019t think that\u2019s good(p.21-22, transcript 1).Charnelle alludes to Aboriginal alcoholism being a result of bad treatment in Canadian society. Shethinks Aboriginal people abuse alcohol in order to feel better about themselves; however, she saysthat individual responsibility is also a part of the problem.I think they drink because White man introduced it to them and they drink and itmakes them feel good. So, they drink and when they don\u2019t drink, they feel weird,so they keep drinking and drinking and they get to the point where they have todrink and they have to have a beer and they have to try to get one. So, I think it\u2019spart of the White man\u2019s fault, but the other part would be the Inuit\u2019s fault or theIndian\u2019s fault, because they\u2019re taking it and drinking it and making their life out ofit. If we didn\u2019t have alcohol, it wouldn\u2019t be as bad. It\u2019s both of their faults (p.22,transcript 1).Charnelle shows intelligence and courage in dealing with the pressure of stereotypes, culturalracism and the burden to defend Aboriginal struggles depicted in the media. It is a wonder that shedoes not exhibit a great amount of self-hatred. She does, however, feel different talking toAboriginal workers, \u201Cbecause I\u2019m so used to talking to White people. It\u2019s weird. I don\u2019t really talkto Native people because I don\u2019t really know too many.\u201D On the other hand, she says, \u201CNativepeople are a lot more understanding.\u201D She, like other youth in the study, feels like Aboriginalpeople \u201Cknow what we\u2019ve been through.\u201D She admits some shame when she sees drunk Aboriginalpeople on the street. \u201CWhat most White people see are drunk Natives.\u201D Some evidence of211internalized racism surfaces when she refers to her colour in a hushed sort of way. \u201CShe has thecolour also,\u201D she says about her aunt at one point in the interview.Charnelle also begins to share that in the detention centre youth from all cultures cometogether and begin to understand that all people are alike in some ways. She likes the experienceof getting to know other people\u2019s culture. Charnelle corroborates that there are mixed messages forher as an Aboriginal person in that she is subject to racial stereotypes and yet somewhere in themessage the perpetrators also want to give some respect to First Nations because they were here first.Even this small confused measure of respect would enhance the self esteem of healthier Aboriginalchildren. For others it makes for angry youth. Charnelle indicates just how much mainstreamignorance of Aboriginal issues and history hurts her by her answer to a question we asked eachparticipant. [Is there anything you want to talk about that you don\u2019t think we covered?] She answers\u201CNot really except ...\u201CLike kids ... people say they live in igloos, they live in tents, they live in teepees,they dance around the fire going ah, ah, ah like that? They shouldn\u2019t think aboutthat. They should just think about they\u2019re the same people as that. They live in thesame place, they have the same clothes, they eat the same food, except for somethings may be different ... And they don\u2019t see the person. And they might just sayall these people are troublemakers and they don\u2019t care. People in Shawbridge, theycare. Because they don\u2019t like prejudice. They\u2019re not prejudiced at all. They likeevery kind of faith. And people say they don\u2019t like the Jamaican, they don\u2019t likeHaitians because of their colour, but I don\u2019t think that\u2019s right. But when it comes toNative people, they think that they\u2019re really, really powerful, because you were herefirst ... but in Shawbridge you live with them and you can learn how they talk andyou could see how friendly they are (p.4\u00B0, transcript 1).Culture and identityI don\u2019t feel any different as any other person. If I\u2019m happy, then I feel happy. Itdoesn\u2019t feel weird. The fact that I\u2019m mull, I say it with pride. I say I\u2019m Inuit andI\u2019m happy to be one (p.16, transcript 1).Although Charnelle identifies as Inuit and her personal self-esteem is intact, she seemsculturally estranged. She has superficial contact with Aboriginal people through her mother\u2019sattendance at functions at the Montreal Friendship Centre and she remains uncomfortable withAboriginal people (who are not from up north). Charnelle hangs out with Black youth in Montreal212and says that her discomfort around Aboriginal people is due to lack of contact. \u201CI was broughtuparound White people and Black people,\u201D she says. \u201CI\u2019m proud and should be happy, even if I\u2019mNative we could be friends. It\u2019s hard for me ... I can\u2019t talk because I\u2019m shy.\u201D Only once shementions that her reticence around Aboriginal people may be because of her darkness and theattention that gets.Her mother speaks lnuktitut and works in Montreal translating for people who come fromthe north to receive services. Charnelle understands her language and she could probably speak ifshe had to. In their home, they use sweet grass on a regular basis and theyget regular shipmentsof dried caribou meat from the north. She identifies this unique food as part of her culture.Yes, most kids I know, eat \u2014 like White food. I was brought up on Inuit food. Bythe time I ate this kind of meat and that kind of meat, I\u2019ll start grossing out. I thinkI\u2019m different in that way (p.19, transcript 1).Charnelle recognizes that there are significant cultural differences in world view and in theexpression of interpersonal relationships. She indicates that she appreciates the difference andidentifies more with the basis of equality in Aboriginal philosophy. The first difference that directlyaffects her as a youth in the city is peer pressure to engage in sexual activity. She contrasts thepressure to have sex down south to up north. \u201CIt\u2019s good up there because they don\u2019t, they\u2019re notintroducing you to guys pushing you to have sex like that kind of thing.\u201DA Native community would all know each other. They wouldn\u2019t, like, reject eachother, but in a White community, if you don\u2019t like what they dress, if you don\u2019t liketheir food, if you don\u2019t like the way they\u2019re living, like, if there\u2019s a poor part of townand there\u2019s a rich part of town, you wouldn\u2019t like them because they\u2019re poor or rich.And most of them are hypocrites, because, like, they say something and then theygo and say something else, then the other person tells the first thing and they don\u2019tadmit to it ... In the Native community, if you say something about somebody, yousay it straight to their face, because you all know each other because you\u2019re almostall related. So there\u2019s some differences because White people think they\u2019re all it.They\u2019re up there, they\u2019re superior, and in the Native community, they\u2019re all equal.Yep, that\u2019s what happens when you\u2019re superior. We all come from the same blood(p.42, transcript 1) ... People in the city don\u2019t know that, that\u2019s why. That\u2019s what\u2019sgood about the Native culture. They have a completely different culture than theWhite people or the Black people, because they don\u2019t sit around the fire going ah,ah, ah all their lives. They don\u2019t live in teepees, they don\u2019t live in igloos. But theystill keep their language, yeah. Most people do. Like, the French people, the English213people ... but when you find out what their food is like, it\u2019s really weird,because,like, \u2018They eat that!?\u2019(p.l5,transcript 1).Like Natasha, Charnelle speaks of esoteric beliefs that exist within herfamily \u2014 within herculture. They do not simply rely on what is known with the ordinarysenses. Dreams aremeaningful. This indicates attitudes that exhibit unconscious cultural traitsand extensive use ofintuitive faculties.My mom had this dream about a month ago. Before she went to Frosbisher Bay,because the reason why she went up there was because my cousin committedsuicide and she had a dream that two of her friends committed suicide, but shedidn\u2019t know who. The next day she found out her ex-boyfriend, Johnny, committedsuicide. And my cousin committed suicide, so...(p.31, transcript 1).So although Charnelle appears not to have much contact with the outward symbols of her culture,her identification is based on lived expression of culture. Charnelle does not have extensiveinfluence from her grandparents. There appears to be a falling out in the familythat is not discussed.Her mother talks to her sister in Frobisher Bay, but that is the extent of contact with family. Hermother occasionally visits the north but doesn\u2019t want to live there. Once in awhile theyget visitorsfrom back home. Charnelle craves more contact with extended family and eldersup north. Shewants to find out more about her history and she wants to become involved, whenshe get older,in helping down south (like her mom).As can be seen in this case study, Charnelle exhibits a balance in her personal self-esteem.She has a good self-concept and does not over-identify or denigrate Aboriginal role models, sheadmires them but also believes she too could become successful.I think myself that if I\u2019m different than this person or that person, I\u2019m different. If I\u2019mthe same as that person, I\u2019m the same. Why can\u2019t I be the same as any other person?I can have a good education. I could become anything I want to, like anybody else.So, I just think that way, so I don\u2019t need any role models .... Native actors? They\u2019regood actors just like any other actors and something special about them becausethey\u2019re Native and not too many Natives pursue what they wantto be, like, theywant to be an actor. They may just say, I want to be an actor, and they\u2019ll go anddoit. I admire them, because you don\u2019t really know how they got there. I don\u2019treallyenvy or admire too much people. I just do what I do. I\u2019m not the type of personwho judge people just by what they do. I judge peopleby their personality. If theirpersonality is good, I admire them a lot (pp.37-39, transcript1).214In the end, Charnelle appreciates her culture and states that \u201CWe need our traditions.\u201DShe wouldlike to see people learn to appreciate each other\u2019s culture and learn from eachother.SocietyAdults? Some adults are really sick persons. I don\u2019t know too many people, anyadults or who are ... kind of a nice person. Sometimes you see them when they\u2019reslightly nice (p.38, transcript 1).Charnelle does not show overt rejection of mainstream values and cultural expression;however she says that she doesn\u2019t like the contradictory messages that she getsfrom adults aboutdrug abuse. She indicates that adults preach that youth are not supposed to drink and then they usemany types of drugs. About street youth, Charnelle\u2019s attitude is \u201Cthat\u2019s just the wayit is now-a-days.\u201DExcept for the friends I have. They\u2019re 13, 12 and they do all those things. Becausethis generation is more mature. They mature faster, so ... Most of my friends are likeme. Two of my best friends were at Shawbridge with me \u2014 the same age. Thatwhat\u2019s happening (p.30, transcript 1).Charnelle believes that youth go to the street to find excitement and freedom to experience life.I don\u2019t think that people will be able to keep them off the streets because they\u2019ll begoing back to drugs, booze, freedom and parties. They think that\u2019s all the fun.They\u2019re living in the fast lane. They\u2019re not like going to school and learning andthen having fun afterward. They just have to party, party, party (p.13-34,transcript 1).Charnelle does concede that youth on the street have problems and that they need help. Hersolution is to send them back to group homes or wherever they came from. We get the messagethat Charnelle herself goes to the street to find freedom and that her home situation is not athreatening place to go back to.They have problems and they don\u2019t want to deal with them so they just leave andtake drugs. They should try to help them. Tell them to go to the Pops or something.They usually go to Pops, and at Pops they should have somebody there saying theyshould go back and that it would be better. I think they have that, but I\u2019m not sure.But it will be better if people started telling them that they should go back home andstraighten out their life ... or back to their group home or Shawbridge or home,because people worry about them and I realized that when my mom called thepolice to say that I was AWOL (p.36, transcript 1).215What should youth do if they are being abused? Charnelle reflects herexperience onceagain. She advises youth to talk to a social worker and to press charges againsttheir assailant. Shecannot imagine a child not having the support she had when she was going throughher court case.I think that they should go and talk to somebody and ask their social worker to gointo some sort of place, you know, with a foster family, or in a shelter or ina grouphome so that they get help. Try to get the person that\u2019s bothering them or rapingthem or whatever to get into jail and try to get the person to talk about it and see ifthey want to press charges or whatever (p.34, transcript 1). They should tell thepolice that they\u2019re being molested or raped. They could talk to a friend\u2019s parents.They could talk to a friend or their aunt. They could talk to almost everybody (p.36,transcript 1).Charnelle expresses the need for alternatives to detention or jail for youth who haveproblems. She also believes that jails for adults, without proper treatment, do little to rehabilitatesexual abusers. She doubts that molesters get help in jails.Kids ... people in the jails... they think that jail makes them better. It just makesthem go crazier ... In the jails, they don\u2019t help you. They don\u2019t help you talk aboutyour problems. They put you into a, like, psychiatrist. They don\u2019t help you at all.Like, if a rapist goes out and rapes people, then goes to jail, comes out 20 years later,he\u2019s most likely going to do it again because he didn\u2019t get help. People might havebeat him, really beat him because he raped children, but that doesn\u2019t mean he\u2019ll goout and not do it again. When I was at Rosemont High School, my moral educationteacher told me that they don\u2019t let the people talk about their problems \u2014 about whythey did it. They don\u2019t give them any help, people who molest people. The peoplein jail won\u2019t give them any help so that they can stop doing it. They\u2019re just there todo their time. So they stay there for 20 years, they\u2019re going out and doing it again.The jails should have something like a psychiatrist for people who rape people andtry to get them on the right track so they don\u2019t rape people anymore (p.34, transcript1).When asked what she would advise a government person to do to help youth on the streetand to prevent more youth from ending up on the street, we received straightforward answerswithout the strong resistance that we noticed in other participants. Charnelle would like to seeefforts in job creation, affordable housing, youth detox centres, safe houses for youth, communitycentres and more services on the street. She intersperses her answers with requests for more culturalactivities and recognition of Aboriginal rights.216I\u2019d try to tell them, to ask if they could put more services for Aboriginalpeople.Like, if they could help them find jobs and places that aren\u2019t very expensiveto stay.Different kinds of things, but I\u2019d most likely try and get more services for Aboriginalpeople because there\u2019s lots of services for Black people, White people, all kinds ofpeople, but I don\u2019t really see too many for Native people. And they don\u2019t really talkabout Native people so often ... Like, community centres, pow wows. They shouldhave lots more of these things because we need our traditions because theyjustcame here, like, Christopher Columbus came here. He discovered us. Ifhe didn\u2019tcome here, we\u2019d still have our traditions. But now, since they came, wehavemicrowaves, we have all this stuff and they don\u2019t let us really do too much, like powwows or having ceremonies or ... They don\u2019t think it\u2019s important, but it is,becausewe need to fish, because usually in Newfoundland, they have international placesto fish. They should make part of it or most of it for us so that we can keepfishingand we can keep hunting, that\u2019s what I want, things that would be fun(p.2\u00B0,transcript 1). I\u2019d try to get him [a government person] to get more places likecommunity centres, places where they can sleep, places where they can getgoodfood, clothes, money, all those kind of things. And somewhere where they couldtalk to people, where the people would understand and not just sit there and yeah,yeah, yeah, yeah, just listening to them, not doing anything about it. They shouldget a place where people could do something about it, like, you tell them somethingand tell them you want to go here, you want to go there. Instead of just tellingthem, \u2018Oh, wait it out, wait it out,\u2019 because you don\u2019t like the group home thatyou\u2019re in that\u2019s helping you and you don\u2019t like the way they\u2019re helping you. Justwait it out maybe a couple of days or couple of weeks and if it\u2019s really, reallymiserable for the person. I think that they should try to get them to make it feelbetter like putting culture into activities at a community centre, activities at school\u2014 put them in a good school (p.32, transcript 1).How might she do this? She feels that a lot of education is needed and that political action willmake the difference.Write to the government and get a whole bunch of signatures from a whole bunchof people. Try to get them to know that people want to work and that other peopledoesn\u2019t want them to succeed. I think that would get their attention. And then sendmore and more letters, and have more and more people talk about it (p.32, transcript1).For the present Charnelle wants to return to the loving home of her mother. She feels thatshe can stay out of trouble and try to influence her friends to do the same.I just want to go home ... [Will it be different?] I think so because all the people thatused to get me trouble are in Shawbridge or in group homes themselves and theywant to get out also so ... I don\u2019t think there\u2019s any more trouble (p.31, transcript1).I\u2019d try to get more of my friends out of trouble and I\u2019m trying to get my friend notto, like, get into the trouble with the cops or whatever. I\u2019m going to try and get myfriends on the right track (p.39, transcript 1).Charnelle still believes in the system, it has not failed her. She believes in herself.She is a survivor.I think that I could be a lot of things, because I have talent.I can sing and I candraw. I\u2019m a nice person. I\u2019m good with children and I\u2019m smart,so I can probablybecome lots of things. If I want to do something, all I haveto do is keep my mindset on it then I could do it. Because I\u2019m the type of person, if I want todo something,I really go for it. So, I could probably become anything I want.217218Chapter 6. Life on the streetIn chapter six I discuss implications arising from the case studies by pulling out themeswhichrecur in the interviews and that are salient to life on the street. The summationfollows under themajor headings of: the guiding questions; research revisited; street cultureand myths aboutAboriginal street youth; and street youth needs. The first section connects thecontent in the casestudies with the questions that were identified at the onsetof the research. The second piecejuxtaposes Aboriginal street youth experience with the substanceof the literature on street youth ingeneral. The third part speaks to the specificity of street youth culture as shownin the case studiesand also discusses what the youth perceive as societal myths about themand their environment.The fourth and last section in the chapter examines the lives of Aboriginal streetyouth encompassingfour types of needs: survival needs (food, clothing, shelter); safety needs (protection from society,from police, from care givers); self-esteem and intellectual integrity needs (mental health, education,employment); and spiritual needs (culture, tradition, creativity).The guiding questions (introduced in chapter 2)1. What are the most significant life experiences that have impacted on the current situation ofstreet youth? The significant life experiences might be categorized under the heading of antecedentsfor going to the street \u2014 removal from parental and extended family community, institutionalization,criminalization at an early age, adoption breakdown, foster care alienation, extreme poverty offamily, racial harassment in schools, alcohol and drugs abuse in family of origin, death of parent(s),violence, and child abuse. There are the multiple and overlapping reasons for Aboriginal youthoverrepresentation on the streets. As explained, the participants in this study were referred by streetworkers. Therefore there was no prior knowledge of who were from adoption breakdown or fostercare settings. Eight of the eleven participants went to the street by way of state care. Three (Karen,Joanne and Dale) had not been institutionalized. Their primary causes for running to the urbansetting were poverty, possible Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (in Karen\u2019scase), and sexual orientation.219Rage, shame, invalidation, homophobia, predatory behaviour(toward them) and exploitation,separation and loss, cultural shame and alienation all impact on Aboriginal streetyouth self-conceptand contribute to the struggle negatively to staying alive. The death of street familyand extendedfamily are a major force in street youth lives.2. What are the greatest challenges facing street youth today? The challenges are made up ofthe consequences of being on the street and imply multiple oppression: hunger, shelterlessness, dailyracism, sexism and homophobia in all forms, violence and exploitation, physical and mental healthproblems, lack of relevant re-entry education, lack of training and joblessness, drug and alcoholaddiction and the availability of new and stronger drugs, lack of culturally appropriate andsociologically similar counselling (much more than cultural insensitivity and marginalization \u2014counsellors who do not know their circumstances and background), despair, depression, grief andsuicidal thoughts. The danger of AIDS, rootlessness, the search for biological, cultural and racialidentity and dignity, escape from institutional care, and the desperate yearning to go home are theintangible challenges that await street youth every waking moment. With recession and a trendtoward more conservative social policy, one of the greatest long range challenges is hope in thefuture.3. What are the most critical forces/institutions that influence the thinking and behaviour ofstreet youth? The forces which impact on Aboriginal children on the streets are elaborated inchapter seven. The Young Offenders Act, foster care policy and practice, adoption and all itssurrounding issues from obscured identity to sexual abuse, repatriation, and reconnection withnatural parents are frontline institutions that directly impact on Aboriginal street youth. Indirectlyyouth are affected in their collective ignorance about their Aboriginal rights and through aneducational system and school policy which ignore racial harassment. Many of the impacts resultin youth who are resistant to education and training and who resist street services which aredesigned to helped them.220Most of the participants agreed that services which would help families stay together in theircommunities are the primary focus of need. Services for addictions, family violence and childabuse/neglect are missing. Employment for young adults and their parents are the most needed inorder to facilitate healthy families. When asked what would prevent youth from coming to the urbanstreets, the answers led to community solutions.4. In what terms do street youth define their social, cultural and spiritual needs and howdothey perceive the effectiveness of services available to meet those needs? Aboriginal street youth\u2019ssocial, cultural and spiritual needs are defined as: adequate survival needs, return to birthcommunity, need for extended family, eradication of racism, acceptance from the mainstreamcommunity, culture revival, contact with elders, language retention and development, a sense ofhistory, cultural relevance in street services, and respect for their person, skills, and integrity. Theoverall sense was that street youth do not see their needs being met by the existing services on thestreet. They experience constant hunger and they lack clean and safe long-term housing facilities.Hostel services on the street have a vastly inadequate number of spaces in comparison to the needon the street. Aboriginal youth are forced to compete for space with the growing numbers ofmainstream youth in an environment that is culturally and racially different for them. (It is verytempting to say hostile to them.)Getting off the street is difficult with extremely few role models such as street workers,police, judges, social workers, foster parents and detention workers. Aboriginal street youth do notperceive that their experience as Aboriginal people is understood.5. What or who do the street youth of today model themselves after, and what factors shapeand influence this process? There are strong indications that Aboriginal street youth do not haveclearly defined role models except for those among them who are surviving well, at least not fromour definition of role model. Whom do they admire? For the most part, street youth admire each221other and sometimes those who have done what they see as nonconformistdeeds. While some haveindicated their grandparents are significant, most have lost faith in theadult world and its values.More specifically the case studies reflected, in addition to poverty anddangers in the streetenvironment experienced by all other street youth, evidence of identity confusion, extensive impactsfrom racism, disillusionment with mainstream education and child welfare, and the need forculturally appropriate services. Multiple levels of abuse and oppression made recovery moredifficult, particularly in the absence of culturally relevant treatment and retraining. Missy tells usclearly that the only time she was able to respond to education and treatment was in Aboriginalprograms. Even then (at that time) she likely didn\u2019t receive a critical education. Her road torecovery was very long \u2014 and she was one of the lucky ones. Most of the youth had difficulty inidentifying with mainstream values, culture and services.Research revisitedIt is helpful to compare Aboriginal youth experience indicated by the case studies withcurrent social science definitions of street youth behaviour. Why do Aboriginal youth run to thestreet? This question is examined from several perspectives. Of the five reasons that McCullagh andGreco (1990) give for running to the street \u2014 running from an intolerable situation, running toadventure, throwaways, absconders from care, and curb kids \u2014 the youth in this study might fit intotwo main categories. The vast majority would be escaping an intolerable environment, and twocould broadly be described as absconding from care. While Missy, Etah, Jean Marc, Noella, Travis,and Axle fit into the definition of escaping an intolerable situation, they were also absconding fromcare. They entered street life by way of foster and adoptive parents. These are in-care alternativesto Aboriginal parents, extended family or other Aboriginal resources. And as the Safe Home SteeringCommittee (Native Women\u2019s Transition Centre, 1991) of Winnipeg have articulated, when culturallyappropriate treatment and services are not available, and racial marginalization is the norm in222detention services, even Natasha and Charnelle could be describedas escaping an environmentwhich would further alienate them. Legally they were abscondersfrom care.Mainstream labels for running behaviour, definitions ofchoice, and antecedents areinadequate when variables of colonially-determined policy, culture,and race are added to theequation. As demonstrated in the examples above, definitions aredependent on a viewpoint. Forexample, the term \u201Cthrowaways\u201D has at its base a rejecting parent.This situation is not necessarilypresent when foster care or adoption breakdown occurs because ofabuse or cultural alienation. AnAboriginal child in a cross-racial and cross-cultural setting becomes rejected, from their mainstreamreference point along with being displaced from a home and family, when a breakdown occurs.They lose everything in one culture and they have not had the opportunity to gain a footing in theother. From the stories presented in this study it has become evident that the term \u201Cthrowaways\u201Dlacks the cultural dimension that the adoption breakdown survivors and other in-care experience.In fact, Aboriginal children become \u201Ccultural throwaways,\u201D \u201Cabsconders from care\u201D as well as\u201Crunners from an intolerable situation\u201D if they run from abusive mainstream alternative care givers.In cases such as those given above, and there are many, the element of \u201Cchoice,\u201D asRobertson (1991) presents, is also in question. Many avoid capture because they would be returned,as in the case of Noella, to be abused once again. Did she \u201Cchoose\u201D to leave by stealing a car inorder to be removed from her adoptive home? Her brother Axel \u201Cchose\u201D the same route out. Daleon the other hand claims to have gone to the street by choice. But the lack of support and servicesfor him and the abuse due to his identity as a gay person left suicide as a choice. And Dale wasleaving a culturally same community. Similarly, McCarthy\u2019s (1990) four categories of individualpathology, pathological family, sociological approach, and healthy individual approach are blurredand can all apply to most situations of Aboriginal runners to the street.All of the participants in the case studies were running away from harm and not to adventureor any utopian dream. The various definitions of the \u201Cstreet youth\u201D offeredby the collaborators give223us clues as to their perception of street life, street youthand current meanings of this culture. \u201CNoplace to sleep,\u201D \u201Cno money,\u201D \u201Cno food,\u201D \u201Cdon\u2019t tell theirfeelings,\u201D and \u201Cthey don\u2019t understand\u201D werethe common themes. These subjective definitions have littleto do with the common definition \u201Cayoung person without responsible supervision,\u201D or definitions that are indicativeof types of runningbehaviour. The causes for ending up on the street, the age distinctions, oreven the different waysof surviving are absent in the self-defined meaning. Their definition indicatesonly absolute necessity\u2014 it indicates lack of survival resources, appropriate treatment,cultural recognition and racialdignity.The participants \u2014 Etah, Karen, Joanne, Missy, Noella, Travis, Axle, Jean-Marc, Dale, Natashaand Charnelle \u2014 have brought to light some of the conditionsthat Aboriginal street youthexperience prior to street life. They have illuminated some of the alienationin their lives and someof the degradation that characterizes street existence. The motivating factors for Aboriginalyouthtaking on street life are often embedded in at least five types of identifiable behaviour(while on thestreet) which came to the fore in this research.1. Incarcerated children or children in substitute care \u2014 escaping from detention, socialservices foster homes and group homes. Research states that youth placed in care, inparticular facilities that use isolation, are more likely to run(Kufeldt, 1991:41; Webber,1991:242). Shawbridge is one of those institutions. With the high numbers of Aboriginalchildren in care and criminalized by the Youth Offenders Act, the trend of running to thestreets is likely to keep on rising. Youth like Natasha and Charnelle want to go home tofamily.2. \u201CNormal\u201D poor or those just staying on the street like Noella/Travis, Axleand Karencharacterize these marginalized youth. An Aboriginal social service worker in Winnipegreported that there is pressure to conform to a marginal lifestyle in order to be accepted. \u201CAttimes, it is unclear who is actually an ex-street person as there is a lot of pull on Native224people to practice that lifestyle.\u201D Another street worker said,\u201CComparing mainstream streetyouth to First Nations street youth, it seems that identityproblems for Native youth areexpressed by their more conservative dress styles. To fit intothe Main Street scene especiallymeans less calling attention to one\u2019s wardrobe. Exceptfor Karen, all are White adoptionbreakdown survivors.3. Alternative community seekers are those like Joanne, Jean- Marc,and Dale who cannot gettheir needs met in their home environment. For Joanne poverty and violenceat home makesthe street community a viable alternative. Jean-Marc feels more at home on the street wherehis identity is less in jeopardy. Dale seeks a community where his sexual orientation isaccepted and services are available.4. Radical counterculture and home substitution characterizes Etah\u2019s life on the street. She hasfound the family and community that she never had and she does not have to conform toa society which she despises.5. Occupational crime and/or pathological abuse of drugs \u2014 prostitution, heavy addiction andoccupational crime are many times the only means of survival, particularly for those youthlike Missy. She was sexually abused from an early age, in and out of the child care system.Her Aboriginal identity and self-esteem were non-existent. She gave up on the system.Street culture and myths about Aboriginal street youthThe culture adopted on the street is indicative of the undesirable conditions youth areseeking to replace. Next to partnership (in securing and sharing food, clothing, blankets, and a spaceto sleep), physical safety and the need for affection and community were essential components forsurvival. The shared duty of keeping the body alive and physical safety on the street are critical.Entrenched in street culture, Etah offers insight of foraging for a living and the nuances of secrecysurrounding one\u2019s real name or age, and of teaching and protecting the younger ones. All of theyouth allude to fighting for each other, watching out for prostitutes, safety in numbers, and the225danger of violence and exploitation. Distrust and caution arenecessary features of safety \u2014 not onlystreet generated violence, but from middle-class youth and the \u201Chelping\u201Dprofessions. Sharing andprotecting one another is a means of seeing the next day.The means to replace love, family ties, and community are expressed in extendedfamilyadoption on the street. For example, some participants spoke of calling older Aboriginalpeople\u201Cdad\u201D or \u201Cmother.\u201D Etah talks about her adopted daughter and Noella and Axle think of each otheras mother and father figures. For others, abusive relationships, with lovers or pimps, becomeadistorted substitute for the affection lacking in their lives. The culture isa collage of learningnecessary survival skills, mutual protection, and kinship. Some seekfamily and community toaugment a sense of belonging and others seek to kill the pain of alienationand shame.The youth in the study want people to know that there are myths about street youth culturethat need to be dispelled. Panhandling is a necessary means of subsistence and shelter, contraryto the popular belief that street youth habitually use panning money to buy drugs. In fact, thechances are that youth who panhandle are not, currently or ever, in the sex industry nor are theynecessarily abusing drugs, and it is their way of holding on to some semblance of dignity. As Joanneand others aptly note, the middle-class work ethic gets thrown at them without regard to the issuesthey are facing in a society where competition for jobs is fierce and street youth don\u2019t have even thebarest resources needed to compete. They are rudely told to sell their meagre belongings in orderto have food and shelter, while the excess of middle-class suburbia is flaunted in their face.(Middleclass men would rather see them on a street corner selling their bodies than to give them adollar.)In short, alternatives are far more degrading and dangerous than sticking out one\u2019s hand to ask formoney.Squats are real homes to the youth who need them and not just empty buildings haphazardlyoccupied by mindless young hooligans. These homes are valued \u201Ceven more,\u201D as a participant said,than a residence one takes for granted. A squat can also be safer than begging for a place to stay226with a stranger or joining a party in order to securea bed. The safest alternative is a safe house orindependent living unit, but these spaces are extremely limited inmost cities, particularly Aboriginalspecific hostels. In Winnipeg an Aboriginal safe house hasjust opened its doors to 16 residents.This gesture from Winnipeg is commendable, but consideringthe large Aboriginal street youthpopulation in Winnipeg, 16 beds seems inadequate.Not all street youth chronically abuse alcohol or drugs. Most haveused and experimented,but among the people we interviewed some did not use drugs at all, and most had alcoholand druguse under control. Many had come to a point where they were involved with an alcohol counsellor.This trend is due to extensive addictions counselling at the street level in recent years. Aboriginalstreet youth are equated with the \u201Cdrunken Indian\u201D image and are thought to be dull and drug-ravaged young people. In fact, they are highly intelligent and cognizant of the contradictions inCanadian society: beginning with mixed messages from adults around alcohol consumption.Particularly obvious to them are sexual predatory behaviour by White, middle-class men versusmoralistic standards set for women, families and street youth. All participants, particularly Missy,made comments about male predatory behaviour aimed at them. Environmental destruction causedby societal greed seems reprehensible and deepens their distrust for mainstream values and services.Etah speaks to a society of lonely people driven by material gain and mindless linear corporatebehaviour. Aboriginal street youth see through the rhetoric of multiculturalism to the racist valuesinherent in Canadian society. Their critique is more severe, more honest, and more experiencebased than any middle-class sociologist or politically-correct social movement. And why wouldn\u2019ttheir analysis be more astute? Their very lives are the embodiment of all of the contradictions inwestern \u201Ccivilization.\u201DThe media, they say, blame street youth for the crime and violence perpetuated by \u201Cweekendwarriors,\u201D college kids, and middle-class suburban youth acting out against the system or usingAboriginal street youth as scapegoats for their anger and racist venting. Weekends become a barrage227of racial harassment. Without exception the youthwe interviewed had experienced stereotypicalname calling \u2014 awful names which attacked their identityas Aboriginal people.The media also portrays how dangerous hitchhiking is, thatteenagers are in danger of gettingkilled by truckers for example, or conversely that streetyouth are dangerous. The more transientparticipants travelled freely and told of many positiveexperiences on the road. The \u201Csleazy\u201Dpropositions which are common for them are simply inconveniences tobe tolerated.There is a myth that street youth are all sexually active, infact, many of the youth indicatedthat they were not sexually active and when they were,it was within a meaningful relationship.Whether we had a particularly mature group of peoplein each of the cities is not known. In anycase all of the youth indicated they were knowledgable about sexually transmitteddiseases and birthcontrol. All of the participants indicated knowledge about AIDS transmissionand correspondinglyspoke of taking precaution with needles and safe sex(under normal conditions). HIV and AIDSeducation seems to be paying off.Another myth is that street youth are sexually sophisticated. Aboriginal Street youth are seenas sex objects. Even though youth are knowledgable about sexually transmitteddiseases andpregnancy, or they may be prostituting, it does not necessarily mean that they are matureabout theirsexuality. Dale talked about the fact that males or females, whether gay or straight,who have nothad the opportunity to develop normally \u2014 those who have experienced incest,molestation, rape,and constant harassment about being recruited into the sex industry \u2014 maybe very immature whenit comes to their sexuality. They may have misinformation about what to expectfrom a sexualrelationship which are manifestations of the distortions in their sexualdevelopment.Yet another myth is that only White men victimize Aboriginal youth. Participants inVancouver and Winnipeg explicitly stated that Aboriginal male involvementin perpetuating sexualviolence upon street youth is becoming more common in the cities(as it is in rural areas). Thisphenomena is not surprising since patriarchal culture has been imposed on Aboriginalpeoples, and228the sex/pornography industries, which reinforce and legitimizethe power differential between menand women, are unrelenting socialization factors in westernculture. Gender dominance andpredatory behaviour are probably the only arenas in which Whiteand Aboriginal males enjoy powerequity. Since degradation of women and children, particularly thoseof Aboriginal descent, isconsidered a right by White males, they are not held accountableby Canadian society. Neitherfamily nor the criminal justice system deter the long lines of middle-class males waiting for anAboriginal child to have sex with. Why wouldn\u2019t Aboriginal males be attracted to join this bastionof power? Only through the authentic recovery of Aboriginal values associated with respect andprotection of children will this type of collusion end.A most pernicious myth is that Aboriginal youth are going to the streets because of massiveneglect and abuse due to alcoholism; that Aboriginal parents don\u2019t care for their children; thatparents simply don\u2019t try to keep youth off drugs and off the street. A corollary to this version ofreality is that residential schooling in the past (and loss of parentingskills) is the cause of massivechild apprehensions. While there are some very dysfunctional families who are immersed inprostitution and drugs, the majority are not. Many alienating factors described in this researchoriginated from mainstream care-giving institutions like foster parents, adoptive parents, anddetention centres. Mainstream institutions such as schooling, the criminal justice system, and socialwelfare were also implicated.Another misconception is that all Aboriginal youth who are on the street are culturallyalienated. Although many factors surrounding street life inhibit the development of a healthy culturalidentity, some of the youth we met exhibited healthy attitudes and behaviour with regard to theirculture (Dale and Natasha for example). Some of them speak their language, practice their traditionsand through contact with extended family continue to grow as Aboriginal people in an urbanenvironment. They remain strong even though they suffer racism and inappropriate service deliveryin the city. Street workers and police personnel have stated thatyouth who have been through229White foster homes and adoption breakdown have pronounced problems withself-esteem andidentity issues. \u201CAboriginal youth who have been adopted by non-Native familiesespecially are theworst off. These youth seem to have the most problems,\u201D said a street worker in Vancouver.Children who have had cultural experience and continued support do not necessarily exhibit identityconfusion.Street youth needs on the streetThe four areas of need discussed in this section were chosen because they werea recurringthemes in the case studies. They are similar to Maslow\u2019s(1954) hierarchy of needs and provide uswith a framework for analysis. In our conception, however, they are different. In Maslow\u2019s modelthe needs are presented as a descending or ascending order needs where one could not experiencethe succeeding need fulfilment until a more fundamental one is completed. The street youth spokeof their needs in a more circular or spiral conception \u2014 that is, none was more important than theother. Absolutes are uncommon on the streets of the urban centres involved in this study. Howmuch food and what kind is sufficient for survival? What is adequate shelter? Pain is anotherexample; the primary importance of killing the psychological or spiritual pain of living on the street,or the memories of why one is on the street, may override the need to eat at any given time.\u201CSurvival is of the mind not the body.\u201D From this perspective all of the need categories are not moreor less, in value or importance, but qualitatively different. The circular and interrelated qualities ofour needs paradigm can best be conveyed in the image of a circle as follows in figure 2.Street youth, for the most part, cannot depend on a family or adult caregivers to help themfulfil all of the needs listed in figure 2. They rely on themselves, their friends on the street and ahandful of street services (this research has shown that they use very few of the services offered fora number of reasons including lack of trust and cultural inappropriateness). Many of the youth wehave spoken with have \u201Cfallen through the cracks\u201D so many times that they come to the realizationthat they can\u2019t trust any of the people who are supposed to be protecting or caring for them. The230SPIRITUALNorthINTELLECTUAL SPIRITUAL INTEGRITYINTEGRITY culturally appropriateeducation, services, access toemployment cultural resourcesWEST - Mental Physical \u2014 EASTPROTECTIONfrom society, from SURVIVALabusers of power food, clothing,and authority shelterSOUTHEmotionalFigure 2: Four need categories beginning at the east door with survival (physical); at the south doorwith protection (emotional); at the west door with intellectual integrity (mental); and at the northdoor with spiritual integrity (spirit) (Absolon, 1993). Additionally, there is the social safety net that,by nature of the fact that they are on the street, has been ineffective in their lives.institutions that set out to be agents of care and protection, the social safety net, are oftenexperienced as agents of control by these young clients who they seek to \u201Chelp.\u201D231Given that street youth lack the security and direction that othersget from a stable family,they are vulnerable to the whims of a society thatwill prey on its weak and defenceless.Fundamental to North American culture are the ethicsof individualism, exploitation and ownershipthat, on the street, translate into a drug and sex trade that festers twenty-fourhours a day. On thestreet there is a commodity market of human fleshthat is fuelled by \u201Cpoverty, sexism and maleviolence\u201D (Webber, 1991: 133). Kufeldt and Nimmo(1 987) reiterate this tone emphasizing the factthat the youth are essentially treated as \u201Cdisposable\u201D childrenas they are a product of the culture ofcapitalism and disposable consumerism(157). For Aboriginal youth racism is yet another of themajor structural impacts that have shaped generationsof their families and communities and haveultimately steered them to a life in the streets.The desperation of trying to fulfil simple survival needs with limited education andjob skillsis what drives these young people to break the law or exploit themselves ina variety of dangerousand oppressive livelihoods. Beyond mere survival there are the needs of protection fromthis societyand, at times, from those entrusted with the protection of its most vulnerable members. In additionyouth also must strive for a level of mental health and self-esteem that enables themto continuesurviving the hardships of their predicament with the potential of some day creating something betterfor themselves. Finally, and closely relatedto their esteem and mental health, Aboriginal streetyouth have a need to nurture their sense of spiritual integrity, possibly one that will incorporate acultural element rooted in their Aboriginal identity.I Survival \u2014 food, clothing, shelterThe act of physical survival involves finding enough food, clothing and shelter to stay alive.Money is a guarantee of all three but in the midst of poverty it isa rare commodity. Poverty is a factof life for Aboriginal street youth. Some youth get involved in illegal or dangerous activities suchas prostitution, the drug trade, robbery or theft to earn money; others will work at demeaning, lowpaying jobs, some will panhandle, one youth we met sang on thestreet corner to earn her money232in a way that allowed her to maintain somedegree of self-respect. Social assistanceis anotheroption available to some of the youth but not withoutobstacles for those under theage of majority.For example, in British Columbiayouth under the age of 19 are eligible for financialassistance, butit is dependent on the discretion of the financial aidworker who must assess their situation becausethey are considered to be an exception under the GuaranteedAvailable Income for Need Act (GAINAct). In cases where youth are under the age of 1 7, they are referred to a socialworker who musttry to contact their parents in order to review their abilityto help with the support of their child.As well, financial aid workers often do not have sufficient timeto make a thorough assessment ofthe young person\u2019s needs. Clearly, the resources available to help these youngpeople meet theirmost basic needs are not readily accessible and they come conditionalupon making significantcontact with the child welfare system and/or one\u2019s family\u2014 both options thata runaway may wantto avoid (Community Panel, Family and Children\u2019s Services Legislation Reviewin British Columbia,1992:72). Similar discretionary policies exist in other provinces for young people between the agesof 16 and 19.In general, adolescence is a vulnerable age range in terms of our social safetynet as youngpeople are not eligible for much of the service offered \u2014 namely welfare,employment andeducation services \u2014 except under special categories. The gaps in the safety netaccount for muchof the 18.3 per cent of children under the age of 18 who were living in poverty in1991 (NationalCouncil of Welfare, 1993). Additionally, one must consider that thereis a general sense ofresentment, frustration, anger and mistrust of the\u2018tsystem\u201D that has failedmany of these youngpeople. So it is not surprising that they rarely speak of any formof financial assistance as it is noteasily accessible to them. Even if they access the welfare income they need,they will live wellbelow the poverty line if they don\u2019t supplement it with illegal earnings. Asthe table belowillustrates, there is an enormous gap between the welfare ratesin various provinces and the povertyline of the respective provincial economies.233Table III. 1992 Welfare Incomes(Canada, Welfare Incomes 1992).)eProvince Total Income*Poverty LineQuebec$6,186$15,175Ontario 8,395 15,175Manitoba 7,098 15,175British Columbia 6,500 15,175:Ratesfor Single Employable PersonNeedless to say, single people who depend on welfare assistance are insufficientlysupported to meeteven their basic needs of shelter, food and clothing.Street family as safety netIn the absence of money or the likelihood of sufficient financial assistance in theforeseeablefuture, street youth use a variety of creative resources to ensure their own and theirpeers\u2019 survival.In fact, in reviewing the interview responses given by the participants in thisstudy it becomesapparent that the street family is a much more reliable safety net than the welfare system for thesepeople. Repeatedly, there is a strong ethic of familial support expressed by the youths weinterviewed; it is clear that when on the street \u201Cfamilies\u201D of peers develop andbecome a moredependable replacement for the biological or adoptive families, foster families, group homes, ordetention centres they have left behind. This point is clearly statedby Joanne:The most significant people in my life on the street at this point are my friends andas you\u2019d say like street family\u2014 street brothers and sisters. ... we all stick together...if someone gets in trouble then everyone\u2019s there to make sure that nobody gets hurtor damaged ... if you need a place to crash and someone\u2019s got a stair well ... thenyou can go with them... if you\u2019re hungry we all help each other out. If someone\u2019s gotmeal tickets and they\u2019re not hungry or they ate already then you know you give themaway. If you got a little bit of money you give it away ... making sure everyone\u2019seaten and people are rested(p.10, transcript 1).To obtain food, young people do anything from \u201Cdumpster diving\u201D (searching throughgarbage bins of restaurants and foodstores) and obtaining food tickets from emergency services, toeating at soup kitchens or getting food from food banks. Theyalso ensure food by sharing with234friends or stealing it if they have to. In1990, 38 per cent of the 590,000 peoplewho regularly usedfood banks were children under 18 \u2014 eventhough this age group was only 25 percent of the totalpopulation (Library of Parliament, 1993:9).Clothing is the only form of ownership for some ofthe young people we spoke with. Onegirl spoke with disbelief about a person who suggestedshe sell her shoes to get food, conveyinginthe interview that her shoes were her most valuableand practical material possession. For thosewhose lives were the least stable clothing could beobtained, like food, from dumpster binsoccasionally stealing it, sometimes from friends,or maybe from an emergency service agency.Though some of the youth came to interviews reasonablywell groomed, others clearly had(or chosenot to access) sparse resources to obtain andcare for their clothing \u2014 in these cases they simplywore their clothing until it literally disintegrated beyonduse and then they would find somethingto replace it wherever they could.Shelter is also integral to survival; for street youththe range of shelter is immense and ideallyfulfils at least two basic criteria: that it is warm and dry.With these criteria as a minimal standardthe abodes of these people range from park benches, to card boardboxes and trees at one end, toabandoned vehicles and buildings, to an immense varietyof arrangements that entail some form ofshared rental accommodation with friends including warehouses,studios, apartments and houses.Even for those who obtain social assistance theyexpress a basic incongruity between rental marketaffordability and availability in major urban centres and the allowablehousing stipend they receive.In short the shelter that is accessible to these peopleis the cheapest and usually the worst in thehousing market.One other significant aspect of survival is health; though homelessyouth are more likely toneed health services, they also face greater barriersto getting service including administrativebarriers, lack of information about theirrights and the services available, and ignorance orinsensitivity of service providers. Specifically,some of the health problems faced by street youth235include: sexually transmitted diseases, AIDS, depression,suicide, substance abuse, pregnancy,violence related injuries and poor nutrition. In thestreet level economy of the sex and drug tradethese health problems are rampant. As well, one must consider thatamong Street youth there is apervasive use of drugs as painkillers and aids for escaping the bleaknessof life on the street. Onemust also consider the impact of the rage these young people feeland how it is expressed inviolence against themselves and others when iteventually boils over. Still, the lifestyleofadolescents on the street is not conducive to the bureaucraticnature of most health services. Thissystem is often experienced as a series of barriersto street youth who are not in the practice ofmaking and keeping appointments, who often do not wantor cannot get parental consent or whomay have literacy issues that motivate them to avoid any form of paperwork. These are only asampling of the issues service deliverers must be aware of. Though they area significant part ofsurvival on the street, a comprehensive look at health issues is beyondthe scope of this discussionas the issues are wide ranging.ServicesOn a short-term, crisis-oriented basis there are street services that meet most of the basicneeds that street youth may have. These services include: safe houses, emergencychild welfare andprotection services, multi-service hostels and mobile street services.Often these services providesome combination of food, shelter, clothing, bus fare, health information andservice, referralservices, a telephone, a washroom facility, and sometimes counselling. This varietyof store frontemergency services are ideally flexible, non-i udgemental and reasonably safe. Theyare usuallyunder the mandate of the ministry of social services, the police force, church organizations or privatenon-governmental organizations in each of the provinces. In general the youth in our study usedonly one or two of these types of services even though they were aware of others. Ona long-termbasis the alternatives for street youth include: foster homes, open and closed custody options \u2014group homes, detention centres, nature retreat facilities \u2014 and going backto live with one\u2019s family.236The question one has to ask is why theyconsistently want to leave these typesof longer termoptions in favour of surviving on the street?In the end, the youth are on the street becauseof thefailure of our society to provide for theirmost basic needs at a time in their livesthat is most critical.ii. Safety \u2014 protection from institutions,caretakers, police, societyThe ensurance of physical safety is another areaof need that is central to the lives of streetyouth. Without question, the downtown core ofany large urban centre in North Americais apotentially dangerous place to be for anyone, especiallyat night \u2014 more so for young peoplewithout proper shelter or other basic survival resources.On their own, these young people arevulnerable to a host of potentially dangerous situations.Additionally, the youth who are living onthe street have in common the fact that most of themare running from some form of abuse orviolence suffered at the hands of an adult caregiver.For example, Manitoba has the highest percapita number of teenage runaways and missingchildren in Canada; most of them are living inWinnipeg which has been called \u201Cthe runaway capitalof Canada\u201D (Bergman, 1990). In a SocialPlanning Council (1990) study of street youthin Winnipeg (over half of the 127 youth interviewedwere Aboriginal) 73 per cent of the youth who leftplacements and 78 per cent of the youth wholeft home gave as a reason that they were running awayto escape situations they found intolerable.The essence of \u201Cescape\u201D may best be definedby ex-street youth Missy who felt that the street wasthe best possible solution when comparedto her life at the mercy of a string of inept caregivers andinstitutions:I figured I\u2019d given the ministry enough chances .... they\u2019d done a lousyjob of lookingafter me and there was nobody to depend onbut myself... I went out on the streetI was safer that way, looking after myself than with somebodyelse looking afterme.Young people on the street are also entitled to protection, from societyin general, by thepolice; but what recourse do they have if they experience violenceat the hands of the police? Thisis in fact the case for more than one ofthe participants we interviewed (for example, Etah and JeanMarc both have experienced policeviolence). Further, given that many of the youths are on the run237from authority figures who have abused their positions ofpower, one has to ask how likely is it thatthese young people will seek the help of police officers who holda high degree of status, power andauthority in any community? In short, police officers, who are middle-class malein the majority,are the street level arbiters of a \u201Cjustice\u201D in the mainstreamculture that sees Aboriginal people wholive on the street as the losers in the game. Researchand documentation of the systemicdiscrimination and over representation that Aboriginalpeople experience in the justice system issignificant. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, the ManitobaJustice Inquiry, and theSaskatchewan Justice Inquiry are recent examples of fullscaleinquiries (Province of Manitoba, 1991;Province of Saskatchewan,1992). These studies and others document the destructive clash ofcultures and racism that feeds the pervasive racial oppression experiencedby Aboriginal peopledaily. Given the substance of Aboriginal people\u2019s historical experience with the securityforces thatare supposed to protect them, it is clear that any person, especially a personwho holds very lowstatus within the community (such as a young, alienated, homeless, poor person), would beapprehensive about using this service.iii. Self-esteem and intellectual integrity \u2014 mental health, jobs, education, critical history,tribal self-esteem,In the course of interviews, both Jean-Marc and Etah made the same statement: survival onthe streets is survival of the mind not the body. Though basic physical survivaland safety areprecursors for mental health development, these youths have learned repeatedlythat they sometimesneed to protect their self-esteem and integrity by starving or sleeping in precarious conditions.There is a lethal chain reaction that is at play in the lives of many street youth; the chainbegins with poverty. Statistics show that among the unattached individuals under theage of 25 thepoverty rate is 40 per cent (Webber, 1991; Library of Parliament, 1993). Without money andresources young people cannot always afford to eat healthy food, but a dietthat is nutritionallydeficient cannot sustain physical health. Also, without sufficient nutrition andphysical health youngpeople experience developmental barriers such as learning disabilities which,in turn, negatively238affect their ability to do well in school. Without at leasthigh school education the chances ofgetting a job are low. The education levels of young people livingon their own are also belowaverage simply by virtue of the fact that it is extremely difficultto fend for one\u2019s survival and attendschool regularly in the absence of a secure home base. Though theexact statistic for Aboriginalstreet youth is unknown, front line street workers state that illiteracy ratesare higher among thisgroup, perhaps simply because of the disruptive lives they lead orbecause of the negativeeducational experiences conveyed by most of them.The next links in the lethal chain we are discussing are poverty and crime. Having littlechance of getting meaningful work leads some people to live with degrading levels of poverty; forothers who wish to rise above the oppression of poverty, they must find other ways of getting themoney and resources they need to live \u2014 often this means breaking the law. This chainisparticularly potent in the lives of Aboriginal street youth who may not only lack the education levelsrequired by the labour market but who also face racism-induced barriers to employment.EducationThe majority of services on the street pertain to the first two categories of need discussedabove, namely, survival needs and protection needs. At best there is some short-term crisisintervention counselling or information and referral services available from storefront agencies forfinding employment and education. One successful type of street education strategy that has workedis the Beat the Street literacy program developed in 1985 out of Toronto\u2019s Frontier College. Thisprogram focuses on increasing the functional literacy of street youth through peer tutoring. In short,the students learn from other youth who are in the same predicament but one step ahead of themin terms of their literacy skills. The material used to teach the students are very practical examplesfrom the street \u2014 a phone book, an arcade game, a street sign, a bad date sheet. This program isextremely successful as it offers practical, meaningful, accessible and flexible service.239Most of the youths interviewed conveyed negativeexperiences in the elementary and highschools that they were exposed to. All of them expressed some recommendationthat there be moreculturally appropriate educational services available to them.Most of them simply did not want totake part in the education system as it was such a bad experience for them.These young peopleare exposed to racism not only in the education systembut also on a daily basis in the streets andthey do not have sufficient defenses to protect themselvesfrom it \u2014 namely, they lack a criticalhistory of colonization. This is one of the main differencesthat sets Aboriginal youth apart fromother street youth \u2014 they have lower racial self-esteem becauseof the overt racism that they areexposed to daily. Those who expressed some cultural pride or critical historicalunderstanding wereself-taught as this information is essentially suppressed in mainstream education institutions.Lackingcritical information they cannot begin to respect their cultures as they havenot been taught howtheir culture was systematically downgraded in the first place. In short, manycontinue to carry andact out the extreme shame that has burdened generations of Aboriginal people.EmploymentIn April of 1993 the youth unemployment rates included: 26.1 per cent in Atlantic Canada,18.8 per cent in Central Canada and 16.0 per cent in Western Canada(Library of Parliament,1993:11). Additionally, for Aboriginal people 15 years and older, the unemployment rate in 1991was 24.6 per cent in contrast to 10.2 per cent for the general population in Canada(Statistics CanadaNo. 93-324; Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 1991). The Aboriginal Peoples Survey also found that 16.3per cent of the respondents cited \u201Cbeing Aboriginal\u201D as a barrier to employment \u2014 in short, just over1 in 6 Aboriginal people felt that racism was a barrier to getting work. Other significant barriersincluded lack of jobs available, skills/jobs mismatched, lack of child care and lack of information(Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 1991). Again, these statistics focus on the age range from fifteen yearsand over; though they are not specific to the street youth in ourstudy they do shed light onto theemployment realities faced by youth and Aboriginal people. Frankly, the employmentpicture is240bleak for young people who have low education andfew work skills; the choices left for theminclude exploiting themselves in the sex trade, running drugsor other illegal activities or takingminimum wage jobs with no future. Natasha genuinely expressesthis dilemma; in speaking abouteducation and employment, she talks about job opportunities at MacDonald\u2019s,a water slide andprostitution in the same conversation:I never thought about going to school, I never liked it very much and I was neververy good at it. [About a job] ... there\u2019s a place I was going to go to but I came toolate and you have to be there at five o\u2019clock in the morning and you can workthrough the whole day like cleaning pots and mopping floors, sweeping floors andwiping counters and all that stuff. A place for street kids and you can clean upboth places and you get $20 at the end of the day. I was gonna go there, but I wastoo late and I just never bothered going back again. I was gonna work forMacDonald\u2019s but, I don\u2019t have a social insurance card at all. Yeah, I have to wait tillI\u2019m sixteen and right now I\u2019m in the process of starting the application, I have togetpermission from my mother. So when we went to the water slides one day at StJerome, there\u2019s also an office there where I went with one of the workers to applyand to get all the paperwork in order for my application for a social insurance card.Yeah, they gave me a temporary card and I also have my status card and a birthcertificate and I\u2019m not sure exactly how long it\u2019s gonna take to get me that cardthough. [Other jobs?] Well, uh ... prostitution but I only did that once in my lifeand I never ever want to do it again cause I don\u2019t have a pimp and I\u2019d never wantto do that again in my life. I just did it by myself cause I needed money and I didn\u2019thave no place to go and so this guy comes along and ask me to go into his car andI just jerked off this guy for twenty bucks and I got the twenty bucks and after thatI just went to MacDonald\u2019s and got some chips. Sometimes though ... you knowwhat I hate is when you have the money and you\u2019re starving to death or when youhave to pan for money and you\u2019re starving to death but people think that you\u2019re justa bum and you\u2019re just gonna use this money for drugs and for alcohol you know...but my money that I always get ... I always spend it on food ... and if I have a littlebit left afterwards I use it on whatever else I want to buy ... mescaline or whateverbut food always comes first but when I do get money from the people I don\u2019t knowwhat to do with the money cause sometimes I keep it and then sometimes I give itaway after I\u2019ve had enough to eat and after I bought whatever I wanted (p.11-13,transcript 1).In the last part of this quotation Natasha sheds light on the desperation of hunger that pushesother young people like herself to do humiliating and shameful acts simply to survive, It is this samesense of desperation that also drives young people to break the law. Natasha\u2019s statements poignantlyillustrate many of the issues that face young people trying to find legitimate work, including the agebarriers, lack of experience and education. Other barriers affecting access to employment for street241youth include: the instability of their living situations, emotional problems, medicalproblems,psychiatric problems, criminal records, addictions and family dysfunction. Accordingly,street youthneed a more comprehensive approach to service delivery with respect to their employmentneedsbecause of the complex of issues they face daily. This means that front line workersneed to takea more holistic approach to working with this client group to help them accessa variety of otherservices (housing, financial, legal, mental health,medical) in order to insure equal opportunity inemployment (Wojick, 1986:227-235).iv. Spiritual integrity \u2014 cultural aspects, tradition, spiritual nurturance, healingA consistent theme from our interviews with the young Aboriginal people we metwas a lackof culturally appropriate services in existence for them. As well,the participants repeatedly spokeof a turning point that they experienced as a result of using a service that is sensitiveto their culturalhistory and experience and is staffed by people who can understand, and provide insight into, theirlives. Regardless of the type of service \u2014 a school for Aboriginal adolescents, an Aboriginal alcoholand drug treatment centre, or maybe a counsellor at a Friendship Centre \u2014 it is often the first timethat many Aboriginal people are able to put the generations of suffering that they have witnessedand endured into a historical context. With this new information they are able to release some ofthe burden of personal shame and blaming that they have carried for so long. Additionally, racism\u2014 at the hands of institutions, groups or individuals \u2014 serves as a constant reminder and reinforcerof the shame and confusion they live with. For example, very few of these youths were taught abouttheir tribal heritage or the historical experience of their culture in their education experiences andthey felt a significant lack as a result. Most of the Aboriginal street youth we spoke with relayexperiences of moderate to extreme racism and misinformation in the education system(see Missyand Karen for examples). Ironically, young people are only exposed to more culturally suitablelearning and counselling opportunities when they act out in the mainstream systemsthat are unableto accommodate them \u2014 this is a damaging and circuitous route to having theirneeds met. Missy\u2019s242conception of this phenomenon focuses on the issueof who deserves appropriate services(counselling and Aboriginal culture). Specifically, she feelsthe message we give to youth is if theydo okay in school, live at home and stay out of trouble theydon\u2019t deserve to get the services theyneed. \u201CWhy are counselling and Aboriginal culture suddenly provided\u2018after\u2019 youth have landed onthe street? It gives kids the wrong message, if you\u2019re behavingyourself, you\u2019re doing okay in school,you\u2019re at home and you don\u2019t run away that ... you don\u2019t deserve these things.\u201D A n o t he rdestructive force for many of these young people was that they were adopted into White homes thusmaking it highly problematic to integrate a positive cultural identityas they become caught betweentwo cultures \u2014 alienated from both. Adolescence is a time to integratea healthy sense of identity\u2014 a developmental milestone that is difficult for youth from the most secure environments. Theissues of identity formation are substantially more challenging for Aboriginal youth who must alsoendure the barriers of racism that reduced their cultural heritage to a source of shameful pain. JeanMarc was given up for adoption at the age of one-and-a-half. In his experience racism was expressedthrough omission and ignorance, but it was also overtly expressed by his adoptive family in theirattitude that they were rescuing him from his Aboriginal community, and that they adopted himbecause they felt sorry for Aboriginal children. Jean Marc is only one of thousands of Aboriginalchildren and youth who have lost contact with their cultural heritage by way of the adoption system.Aboriginal child and family service agencies are one way that Aboriginal communities canimplement adoption and child protection practices that are staffed by Aboriginal people who arecritically educated and insightful about the culture of the communities where they practice inpositions such as counsellors, protection workers or advocates.Learning identityIdentity is not a traditional or other artifact of Aboriginal culture: it is learned and socializedbehaviour. Aboriginal street kids live in a world that has, in various ways, closed access to selfrespect as an Aboriginal person. The educational system does notgive them a critical view of why243the sociology of Aboriginal peoples in Canada is so bleak, why nations are just nowbecoming strongand are reemerging as viable self-determining communities, including thosethat exist in urbancentres. Aboriginal cultural renaissance is only beginning to make cultural ceremonyaccessible;however, it will be the dance of the two, critical history and cultural revival,that will placeAboriginal cultural in its rightful place \u2014 back at the centre of Aboriginal life.Policy, treatment,counselling, repatriation, street services, whatever one wants to call the acts of reachingout to streetyouth, must take their whole person into consideration. For example, services musthave explicitelements of literacy issues beginning with an accurate critical history, including stories from eldersand Aboriginal academics. The only way to heal the disillusionment of being on the street throughno fault of one\u2019s own, through the colour of one\u2019s skin, through dysfunctional communities andfamilies, through identity confusion, is by developing a critical consciousness of the history whichhas created all of these phenomena. How can this be done? One example could be a film, widelydistributed \u2014 to schools, treatment centres, band offices, video stores \u2014 depicting the structuralhistory of Canada accurately. This version would show the external reality in the steps, the majorpolicies, and the results of colonization. It would also include the processes of internalization of theimages fostered by the Canadian version of history and the psychological treatment of the impactsof colonization and racism. Finally, it would be important to highlight the continued resistance tocolonization and the contributions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. The combination of materialwould validate Aboriginal experience in Canada and provide role models to facilitate cultural andracial self-esteem for youth.In the case study narratives there emerged a ghost-like quality about Aboriginal youthexperience on the street. Through insufficient resources and services, ignorance of their background,and non-recognition (in treatment and counselling) of their racial and cultural marginalization,Aboriginal street youth are rendered transparent. More specifically, they enter the doors of streetservices with enormous long-term problems related to cultural identity and community dislocation,244trauma from racism and abuse, and the need for continuityin their lives and then they leave in thesame way. They have no opportunity to deal with thereal issues in their lives \u2014 no oneunderstands. This is reminiscent of the experience of abused Europeanwomen in the earlynineteenth century when most of their problems were thoughtto be a figment of their imagination.Women of that time did not have access to professionals who wouldunderstand their lives. Thesociety did not support a perspective that would make their issues visible. The case studiesspeakfor themselves and they indicate that we are too silent about the deeperissues of Aboriginal streetlife existence. We must break the silence on the combined impact ofpoverty, colonial policy,cultural marginalization, and racism.Much research is needed in many areas of Aboriginal youth life on andoff the streets. Forinstance, mental and physical health issues are minimally mentionedin this study. Research isneeded with respect to street youth and pregnancy, youth with AIDS,suicide attempts, fetal alcoholand fetal inhalant syndrome, depression, mental illness, children in care who also have babies whoare taken into care, advanced drug abuse damage, and identity problems. We need further in-depthresearch on the relationship between the entire criminal justice system(laws, courts, police anddetention centres), adoption breakdown, permanent wardship, family poverty and dysfunction andstreet youth. Focused research is needed on the impacts of racism on cultural identity;on the longterm effects of exposure to predatory behaviour and exploitationon street youth re-entry toAboriginal communities; on sexual orientation, street life and repatriation;and on street youth, AIDSand community support. We need research on intervention with street youth which utilizesAboriginal cultural ceremonies such as talking circles, healing ceremonies, naming ceremonies,sweats, vision quests, winter dances, potlatches, give-aways, feasts, and sentencing circles. In thisendeavour participatory action research is the more practical method since it will bring results as oneis learning more about street youth culture and needs.245Chapter 7. Policy implicationsThe purpose of this chapter is to give hope to the reader inthe form of problem definitionand recommendation of solutions. What are the policyimplications of the case studies? Theinsights from the youth are mature, comprehensive,and holistic in nature. The youth tell us straightout what changes need to take place. The policy implicationsare explored under the headings ofsurvival, addictions, exploitation, justice, in care, education,racism, and culture. First the issue ofAboriginal street youth must be seen in its global context.The underlying assumption of this research was that the dysfunction manifested in personalalienation, loss of Aboriginal identity, addiction of all kinds, sexual abuse, prostitution, violence,crime, teen pregnancy, family breakdown, governmental dependency,poverty, and lack of resourcesand services experienced by Aboriginal families in greater numbers thanthe national average inCanada is the legacy of colonization and racism. We are not alone in our distress. The CanadianPress reported that three hundred million Indigenous people in 70 countries globally aresubject tohuman rights abuse (May 12, 1993). Canadian Aboriginal street youth fit intothis category. Thereare an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 street youth in Canada (McCullagh&amp; Greco, 1990) \u2014 andagency personnel (in this study) estimate Aboriginal street youthto range from40%to70%(exception of Montreal 1O%) of the total street youth population. These estimates show thatAboriginal youth and children are vastly over-represented on the streets of Canada.The rights accorded to children are set out in the Convention on the Rights of the Childadopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on November 20, 1989. The stories toldby the participants in this study show that all of their rights are contravened. For example, survivalrights, protection from exploitation and denial of cultural rights are clearlyand uniformly absent.The secondary abuse of our children is expressed in the continued rage,distrust, fear, disgust, senseof powerlessness, lack of access to their history and culture, and traumafrom the impact of racismthat they continue to face on a daily basis.246Aboriginal street youth are not alonein the contravention of many of their rights.McCullaghand Greco (1990) show that vast numbersof mainstream street youth in Canada,whose survivalneeds are in jeopardy, are in danger ofbeing exploited on the street in the sameway as Aboriginalyouth. Street youth in general, however,do not share in the impacts of colonization(except tobenefit in positive discrimination vis-a-visAboriginal people); and while mainstreamyouth andAboriginal youth share in the generic stereotypesof street people, they do not share inthe racialattacks heaped on Aboriginal youth. In therace and culture categories of abuse Aboriginalyouthhave more in common with their non-streetcounterparts. In a draft report regardinga survey ofneeds of Aboriginal street youth presentedto the Social Services Department, theCalgary AboriginalUrban Affairs Committee found that the keyareas identified by Aboriginal youth were:1) inadequateeducational preparation,2) misuse of alcohol and drugs, 3) lack of cultural identity,4) lack ofculturally sensitive services,5) racism and discrimination, 6) feelings of isolation and apathy,7)poverty and 8) limited family and community supports(March 1 7, 1993).SurvivalUnder the heading survival and development the Conventionon the Rights of the Child(1989) states that:Survival rights might include nutrition, adequatestandard of living and access tomedical services. These are the basic rights that ensurethat a child may quite simplylive, but as such they are only necessary, not sufficient(2).Survival for street youth means panhandlingfor money for food, prostitution, robbery, theft, conningwould-be exploiters, and soup kitchens.A place to sleep can be virtually anywhereor with anyonewhere shelter from the elements is theprimary consideration.The types of services that currently exist for street youth fallinto the categories as shown inTable IV. The services remain disjointedand youth either fall through the cracks in the system, theysimply become immune to the manipulation and controlof mainstream service delivery, or theyavoid services because of racism andcultural irrelevance.247Table IV. Services for youth by type of service, durationof contact, intervention strategy andexample of service (Brannigan &amp; Caputo, 1993:83-84).Type of Service Contract ServiceExamplesPrevention Minimal length EducationMedia and schoolpresentationsCrisis Short term Stabilize crisisShelters or hotlinesInterventionMaintenance Ongoing! Meeting basic daily needs Hostelsand needleintermittentexchange; soupkitchenTransitional Longer term Help to get off street Addictionscounsel;literacy program; longterm shelterIncapacitation Various lengths Incarceration; prevention Youngoffendersfrom self harm or harming facilities; psychwardssocietyRehabilitative Various lengths Involuntary reintegration Correctionsand CJinto community system; probation; lifeski I IsIn a report, on homelessness in British Columbia, titled \u201CA Place Called Home,\u201D Fallick(1987) states,The youth who led the workshop advocated a legitimate participatory role for youthin determining strategies to assist young people, rather than having a pre-determinedsystem imposed on them. The recognition that this involves better communicationamong all concerned groups, and more effective involvement by youth was raisedin connection with the view expressed that communities have given over the caringcomponent to the state or the \u201Cstate.\u201D The \u201Csystem\u201D is not working for troubled youth(32).In addition, age and wardship based accessibility to emergency shelters were deemed to beinadequate to the needs in the youth population. These views were expressed by most of theparticipants in the case studies.Safe houses provide temporary safety and survival services, such as food, clothing, shelter,until realistic long term planning are required. Street youth need to be protectedfrom being placedback into abusive situations. Safe houses must begin immediate treatmentof abuse, grief and248separation issues. The common response regarding non-disclosureof pain and suffering to anyonein the street services environment is indicative of the need for immediate treatment,counselling, andrepatriation assistance that takes the whole person intoconsideration. Kufeldt (1991) writes that,\u201CUnfortunately, in the exigencies of the crisis event, there isa tendency to overlook the feelings ofgrief and loss associated with separation\u201D(44). In addition to separation issues, the experience oftrauma from sexism, racism, poverty, grief and loss from violentdeath and suicide of family, friends,peers, and street family are evident in all of the Aboriginal streetyouth in this case study.Emergency services must make a circle of healing that isculture-based and deals with profoundtrauma.Holistic treatment in services needs to include treatment,out reach services and preventionstrategies. As a Winnipeg advocate stated, \u201CWhen kids come down fromthe reserves and are placedin a setting here, there\u2019s something we\u2019re missing. We need to ensure their feelingsof safety. Thesystems are too big. There are kids from all over the place. We need community- orientedservices.\u201D The Calgary Aboriginal Urban Affairs Committee (1994) recommendation #3 haveincluded this feature in their proposal. They stated that:A transition program should be developed to assist reserve youth to overcome theculture shock once they arrive in the city and provide them with strategies to resistthe lures of the street life.Aboriginal street workers should be employed to assist young people on the street.These workers should not only be Aboriginal, but young and be someone withwhom the youth can relate. This work should be supplemented with a drop-incentre for Aboriginal youth(6).The last point is supported by many of the participants that, while cultural relevance isindicated as very important, racial similarity is also highly recommended. This isexpressed as thecommon historical impact of colonization, racism and reservation background. In other words,\u201CAboriginal people know what we\u2019re going through, they know our background, they know aboutreserves and they have experienced trauma similar to ours.\u201D Similar experienceis extended to mean249that a worker must also have street experience. Etahsaid, \u201CMake sure they don\u2019t get people whohave just textbook knowledge ... [that they]have some experience.\u201DHousing is a major stumbling block for youth becauseof discrimination in housing for youngpeople in general. This discrimination is compoundedfor Aboriginal youth due to racism.Aboriginal youth need a place to eat, sleep and tohave a shower. They need an addressandtelephone number, in order to be eligible for welfareor to go for job interviews. Stable affordablehousing is key to enhancing the life chances of Aboriginal youthin the city. Participants haveaddressed this issue in their recommendations in proposingthat co-op housing be part ofrehabilitation and recovery. They need places where they canpay rent, have decision-making powerand build on the mutual caring that street youth exhibit. This recommendationspeaks to legallyextending the autonomy already exercised in the street environment.To be fair, we have seen that some street services(see appendices) are doing as good a jobas they can with little resources and very high demand, and at the timeof this research Winnipeg,Vancouver and Calgary had proposals for safe houses. For the mostpart the capacity of any facilityproposed for street youth range from 6-16 spaces. Blasi(1990) puts the dilemma of numbers intoperspective,From the perspective of a homeless mother and child, even if \u2018The Number\u2019is two,homelessness is a tragedy of grave proportions. From a public policy perspective,whether a community has 5000 or 50,000 homeless persons is of marginal interestif there are only 500 shelter beds and no programs for assisting people out ofhomelessness (209).With an estimated 600-900 child prostitutes in Vancouver eastside alone(Bellett, 1995), Blasi\u2019spessimism is warranted where Aboriginal street youth are concerned.Estimates of street youth in need of safe houses far outweigh the proposal capacities andexisting services are losing funding and closing their doors faster than proposalsare being written.In any event most proposals indicate an age range of 16-18 as criteria for admittance.Where do 10-16 year olds go for help? It is increasingly this groupof Aboriginal youth that are showing up in250Street youth Statistics and who arerepresented in Bellett\u2019s(1995) numbers in Vancouver. Natashaand Charnelle are examples.AddictionsAddictions have enjoyed a long standingprominent place in rural Aboriginalcommunitiesand an even longer one in theurban centres. Not very long agoaddiction was primarilyan adultconcern, and pockets of heavilyaddicted homeless skid row olderyouth (20-25 years) provided thestereotype of addicted Aboriginalpeople living on the streets inurban centres. NowAboriginalyouth are heavily implicated in statisticsof alcohol, drug and inhalantabuse (See statistics ofVancouver needle exchange in AppendixG). Vancouver Downtown Eastside Youth ActivitiesSociety (DEYAS) statistics show thatAboriginal children are 60% higherthan Aboriginal people inthe total client base to accessservices from needle exchange services.An Adolescent Street Unit(ASU) worker in Vancouver gave us examples of addictedAboriginal youth.One girl\u2019s sad story: She was an Aboriginalyoung woman who was adopted byanon-Native family. She started usingdrugs at the age of 11 and she diedMay 28,1993 of a heroin overdose. The heroin camefrom the current lot which isbeingsold \u2018pure and uncut.\u2019 It is powerful, potentand deadly. Another girl, 14 years old,whose liver is shot, whostarted drinking at 10 years old, will probablynot live verylong (Vancouver).The need for Aboriginal detoxification units to fit theneeds of Aboriginal youth in city wasexpressed. These facilities ought to refer tolonger term culturally appropriate treatment facilitiesthatare equipped to handle all of theissues that Aboriginal youth face on the streetand in the greatercommunity, particularly abuse issuesand trauma issues such as racism, withina stimulating culturalenvironment.Vancouver had an influx of particularly potent heroinin 1993 which resulted in an escalatednumber of overdoses and deaths.Most participants in this study know friends whohave diedrecently of drug overdose. Thismeans that street services must take grief andloss into considerationin addiction counselling.251Winnipeg has a heavy problem with inhalantabuse in a very young Aboriginal population.They have city blocks that are knownas \u201Chuffer\u2019s row\u201D in the northend ghetto. Presentlythesechildren have to be shipped away to treatment centresoutside the city and sometimes outsidetheprovince. The Winnipeg parents interviewed say theproblem of sniffing is \u201Cvery severe,\u201D eveninthe older Aboriginal population and they believe thatlegislation is needed to prosecute peoplewhosell inhalants for the purposes of sniffing. There arean estimated 300 sniffers in Winnipeg(in thenorthend, westend and central citycombined). But a Winnipeg father contends that, \u201CI wouldn\u2019t goback to the reserve because it\u2019s worse than the city, it\u2019s worse, they\u2019resniffing gas and lots of kidsare dying. On the reserve it\u2019s much worse, alcohol is much worse.\u201DHe says that he couldn\u2019tremember that there was drinking on the reserve a long time ago, then theproblem was in the city.His response about sniffing being just as bad or worse in some reservecommunities is supportedby numerous items in the media such as the Shamatawa and DavisInlet tragedies.Parents in Vancouver and Winnipeg spoke of the need for educationon symptoms of drugabuse in youth and information on fetal alcohol syndromeand fetal inhalant syndrome. Theyindicated a need for support groups and support services for parentswhose children are involvedon the street. These sentiments were echoed by the participants, onlythey emphasized the needfor addiction rehabilitation and prevention services at the reserve levelas well.Service personnel in this research pointed to the need for wildernesscamp treatment forAboriginal street youth who abuse inhalants. Wilderness detoxification works best because of thehighly addictive ingredients and psychological addiction of inhalants. An Aboriginalstreet workeradded that these facilities would ideally be run by rural Aboriginal communities and tribal councils,where youth would have access to learning traditional cultural technologiesand survival skills,ceremonies and where workers would provide healthy role models.Karen in Vancouver is the onlyparticipant who has used inhalants to any great extent, although othershave experimented withthem. The youth in this research, however, have voicedtheir concern for the provision of inhalant252abuse services and for wilderness camp treatment. Missy also reported that her journeyoff the streetbegan with a wilderness retreat.Missy and Dale provide insight into the long term implications of addiction recoveryandleaving the street. We can see that drug addiction treatment with persons whoalso have abusetrauma, attachment problems, confused culture identity, and racial alienation isa very complexprocess. Housing, education, job training, relationship stability, self concept, andemployment allplay crucial roles in recovery and yet these elements havea good chance of being sabotaged frommany angles. Alcohol and drug addiction treatment must consider the long-termimplications ofmultiple abuse trauma and triggers for sliding back into addiction and street life. Twenty-eightdaytreatment programs (regular adult programming) cannot address addiction issuesand the types oftrauma described by participants in the study. The proposed Aboriginalyouth detoxification centreto be instituted in Vancouver will have a stay period of one week (Bellett,1995).Studies show that patterns of substance abuse in family and peer groups make Aboriginalchildren more vulnerable to substance abuse (Gfellner and Hundleby, 1991 forinstance), that urbanAboriginal youth \u201Cmay be in greater jeopardy\u201D than their mainstream peers due to lack of familysupport and mainstream marginalization (Gfellner,1991), and that drug and alcohol abuse ispositively correlated with youth suicide (Minore et al.,1991). These studies are an example of thewealth of academic information on youth addictions, more importantly theyshow the complexityof substance abuse in Aboriginal youth.Recovering addicts experience more psychic pain when they are sober. Theydo not havethe aid of the drug to shield them from the realities of their lives. Culturally-based recoveryprograms which are prepared to rebuild a strong Aboriginal identity (Hughes and Sasson,1990), todemythify the historical oppression of Aboriginal peoples, and to recognize racismas triggers toundoing sobriety provide a sturdy base to build upon. The base, however, must be linked toindependent living transition, education and job training which are crucial to effortsto assist street253youth in leave the streets. These people are young and many have Aboriginalstatus which includesthe right to education, and they have the time to be channelled intomeaningful occupations andartistic endeavours. Missy and Dale are excellent examples of thispotential.Charnelle recommended that access to Alanon, Alateen and Alcoholics Anonymous at thereserve and community level would help youth struggling with alcohol anddrug use. This pointsto policy formation that targets the youth population, rural and urban.Exploitation:Article 34 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child(1989) deals with exploitation andstipulations on treatment of exploited children.States Parties undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation andsex abuse. For these purposes States Parties shall in particular take all appropriatenational, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent:a) the inducement orcoercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity;b) the exploitative useof children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices;C) the exploitative useof children in pornographic performances and materials (10).The first priority for Aboriginal children and youth is the elimination and prevention of abuseby state legislated care takers because this predisposes them to escape to the street. Kufeldt (1991)calls for a re-evaluation of the child welfare policy and service delivery systems from which a childis more likely to run or to end up on the street. For many Aboriginal youth prostitution on the streetis simply an extension of the abuse experienced at the hands of care givers where they are socializedto exchange sex for recognition.All of the collaborators agree that Canadian society is predatory toward youth, andincreasingly so toward much younger children (Etah, Missy, Dale, Natasha, Morrissette &amp; Blacksmith,1993; parents, and numerous agency personnel). According to a Vancouver Sun article (Bellett,1995), cited earlier, a director of an eastside street youth service estimated 1000 child prostitutes inVancouver \u2014 600 to 900 on the eastside alone (based on theirstatistics). In particular, Aboriginalchildren and youth are the target population in this area. The fact that this large estimate (printed254in the media) is significantly larger than those we get from otherstreet personnel indicates that childprostitution is for the most part underground and is a very significantproblem.Aboriginal youth and children are continually propositionedeverywhere they go in the urbanenvironment. They are not safe at home, in care, in school yards(some of them prostitute out ofschool yards in ever decreasing age groups), or on the streets. Gang-relatedabuse, cult (ritual) abuseand organized crime is on the rise with youngerpopulations. \u201CPredators should be held accountable\u2014 don\u2019t allow \u2018men\u2019 to buy our children,\u201D is how one Aboriginalstreet worker expressed herconcern. Law reform is required in policy and practice to removeyouth and children from the sexindustry. A concerted multilevel effort must come from theentire community to bring Canadian lawin line with the Convention. The Aboriginal community, havinginherited the problem of youthprostitution in extremely high numbers, must examine just howmuch the Aboriginal malepopulation have taken on the socialization of misogyny and sexual predatory behaviour(see Missyand Dale \u2014 about Aboriginal abuse of youth and gaymales).This brings us to the related issue of AIDS in the Aboriginal community(Bellett, 1993). InFebruary of 1993 there were 30,000 persons infected with the AIDS virus in Canada (Mickleburgh,1993). In December of 1992, 28 Aboriginal males, in British Columbiaalone, were reported to haveAIDS by the AIDS Urdate Quarterly Report(Rekart and Chan 1992). The Province reported, onApril 22, 1993, that on the streets of Vancouver downtown eastside therewere 20 cases of womenwith AIDS, many of them Aboriginal(Easton, 1993). These were women who had been tested injail or detox. With an estimated 400-500 women in British Columbia with HIV we can assume thatAboriginal representation is fairly high. There is no way of knowing how many go undetected,particularly with transient youth. A 1990 study of street people in Vancouver showed a 50% higherrate of HIV infection for Aboriginal people, and an Ontario study estimated that 1 in 212 Aboriginalpeople (5 times the national average) to be HIV positive in eleven northern Aboriginal communities255(Aubry, 1993). Unprotected sexual contact(and rape) and intravenous drug use are breedinggrounds of the virus. Street youth are exposed tothese conditions on the Street.Healing Our Spirit B.C. First Nations AIDS Society, an organizationset up in Vancouver toreduce and prevent the spread of AIDS in the Aboriginalpopulation, identified the need for morefront line workers (they presently have only one and a half workers for the wholeof Vancouver, thehalf is designated for an Aboriginal person) and \u201Can absolute need for an adolescenttreatment centrefor Aboriginal youth.\u201D Aboriginal youth are at risk although as previously statedthey have educationreadily available on the streets.JusticeThe child also has to be assured \u2018protection\u2019 \u2014 not only from the violation oftheabove [survival and development] rights, but also from all kinds of exploitationandcruelty, arbitrary separation from family, and abuses in the justice and penal systemsConvention on the Rights of the Child (1989) Document1(2).Most of the participants have had negative contact with the criminal justice systemin thecity. Some reported excessive force which they perceived as racially motivated.Institutionally theYoung Offenders Act and the Criminal Justice System are guilty of victimizingyouth for pettyproperty crimes, particularly in small communities adjacent to reserves(LaPraire, 1988). This iswhere children come into care and eventually into the cities into detention centres.The law mustshift from protection of property to the best interests of the child. Sentencing circles, restitution, andcommunity case planning are warranted with a population where violent crimesare not usual(particularly with the younger age group).Criminalization of Aboriginal youth is the 1980s and 1990s current practiceof genocide inthe massive removal of children from their families and communities. Policeharassment andinappropriate sentencing are one form of racism in the systemand the underutilization of theAlternative Measures Program(AMP) is another. The latter is an alternative to incarceration foryoung offenders. In Saskatchewan, where Aboriginalyouth make up at least 95% of inmates inKilborn Hall (a provincial detention centre inSaskatoon), AMP is used only 3O% of the time for256Aboriginal youth compared to a much higher ratefor non-Aboriginal youth. They make up70%ofthe youth charged and sentenced in the province(Report of the Saskatchewan Indian Justice ReviewCommittee, 1992). Aboriginal female youth are also disproportionallycharged and sentencedalthough at a lower rate. Kilborn Hall\u2019s populationcomposition drastically changed frompredominantly mainstream youth to near100%Aboriginal inmates when the Young Offenders Actcame into effect in 1985.In Saskatchewan an Aboriginal male has a 70% chance of beingincarcerated (from the ageof 12) before they are 20. This represents only those whoare convicted and does not take intoconsideration those who experience police harassment without conviction.A system of youthagainst police is set up. And when 7 out of 10 of one\u2019s peergroup are talking about experienceswith the criminal justice system, one becomes an outsider if one has not hadat least one detentionexperience. Peer pressure to commit petty crime and to identify with the majority becomesincorporated with a macho male image (and may even be incorporated intoAboriginal identityissues). The cycle is perpetuated by negative police involvement with Aboriginal youth and withadolescent male behaviour patterns of rebellion. This cycle needs to be interruptedand eliminated.In a research report entitled \u201CAboriginal youth/police relations in Saskatoon\u2019s inner city,\u201DMarlene Larocque (1993) summarizes the urban youth/police relationship inthis way.When talking to youth about policing, it is difficult to avoid the role of Justice andthe Young Offenders Act. Many youth cannot focus just on Police intervention, buttie in jail, courts, and youth facilities ... This response indicates that youth cometoshape their perception of police as an \u201Carrest and charge\u201D agency. The scenario isclear, it becomes a cycle of crime, arrest, charge, court and finally punishment. Itis not to our advantage as a society to continually punish our youth withouttakinginto consideration the causes of their behaviour. This only creates more anger whichcreates more crime, self hate, and negative behaviour. The answer to this can onlybe found in the exploration of alternative measures and the shift from punishment tohealing. Society must begin to deal with the root problems not just the symptoms(17).Street workers expressed the need for more Aboriginal city police to work withAboriginal youth,particularly with prostitution and drug related areas. While mostof the youth prostitution industry257in Vancouver is Aboriginal, there are no Aboriginalpolice working with the Kiddie Car Unit whichis in charge of getting these youth off the streets.In Winnipeg the situation is much more grim.Additionally, drug trafficking is known to be a problemat inner city schools. As well as morepolice, workers indicated that the police departmentshould step up racism and cultural awareness.Aboriginal justice inquiries conducted in many of the provinces(Province of Manitoba, 1991;Province of Saskatchewan, 1992 for instance) have recommendedthe recognition of the Aboriginalright to establish our own justice systems as part of the inherentright to self-government (GardnerO\u2019Toole, 1989-93). Aboriginal jurisdiction over urban Aboriginal population maybe the onlyanswer which would give Aboriginal children and youth the immediateand concentrated attentionthat is required to cease the exploitation of Aboriginal children in fargreater numbers than theirmainstream counterparts.In CareA study conducted by Kufeldt (1991) stated that running behaviour was three times higherin institutions that used lock up facilities and in general children incare are more likely to run.However, she writes, \u201CWe ignore the fact that some may be running from ill treatment or abuse inour institutions. We fail to distinguish between these and other youngsters who are running becauseof attachment related problems\u201D (44). How, why, for what purpose, and for how long a child endsup in state run facilities (including foster and adoption homes) needs to be critically examined.The rhetoric of\u201Dthe best interests of the child\u201D as practised in provincial child welfare systemsdoes not conform with the Convention on the Rights of the Child(1989). For example, the arbitraryremoval of children from their culture and community is against the Convention. The followingstatement also mentions the right of children to remain within the Aboriginalcommunity.According to article 3, the best interests of the child shall be a primary considerationin all actions concerning children. In connection with the various provisions of theConvention, the best interests of the child are referred to or further specified byreference to his or her family ties, continuity in the upbringingand the child\u2019s ethnic,religious, cultural and linguistic background (Convention on theRights of the Child(1989): Human Rights of the Child, Doc. 3).258The focus must change to support families witha weliness model and/or extended family care thatare culture based.A January 1992 consultation paper (Province of British Columbia,1992:78-103) for thelegislative review of the Family and Child ServicesAct gives some insight into current policydirections of the provinces represented in this research.For instance, Manitoba and Quebec haveextensive lists on the topic of rights of the child andrights of families, British Columbia has nolistings on either topic. Again, in the area of \u201Cprovisionsfor Natives,\u201D whereby Aboriginalcommunities have significant involvement in the apprehensionof an Aboriginal child, BritishColumbia and Quebec have no provisions listed. Alberta and Ontariohave the most comprehensiveprovisions. Ontario has the most inclusive and meaningful setof stipulations that would insurecultural continuity for a child in care of the province.*Native heritage is to be taken into account when considering achild\u2019s best interests (s. 27,43 and 130).*Bands and communities are to sit on boards of agencies andon Residential PlacementAdvisory committees (s. 13 and 34); participate in placement hearings(s. 36); have partystatus in protection hearings (s. 39); apply for access and restraining orders(s. 54 and 76);receive notices and copies of assessment reports(s. 50 and 60); and provide services underagreements with the Minister or as a designated children\u2019s aid society(s. 193 and 194).*Customary care is recognized (s. 191) and may be subsidized(S. 195). Service providersmust consult regularly with bands on specified matters(S. 196).In the current Aboriginal child welfare take over movement(in some areas this is called \u201Coffloading\u201D of the problem) there are several issues that present barriers to implementing wellness andprevention as a primary focus. In addition to struggles pertaining to jurisdictionalissues currentlybeing debated, two conditions closer to home are problematic. One,funding formulae based onthe number of children taken into care fundamentallyopposes Aboriginal philosophy and the need259for prevention based strategies. Secondly,barriers to extended family care in theform of reducedfoster payment rates is discriminatory.Section 23 of the Saskatchewan FamilyServices Act, forexample, provides for application by an interestedparty (relatives on reserve) to providecare to achild. The rates, however, are cappedat approximately $270 per month per child. The samechildwould draw up to $1000 (and in certaincircumstances) or more per child off reserve.(It is okay formainstream foster parents to make a living off ofAboriginal children, but not so for people onreserve.) Etah in particular resented being a pawn in her foster family\u2019s income.She felt that theydid not care for her and they used the money to provideluxuries to their own children.Although the parents interviewed in Vancouver receivedsome support to improve theirconditions, still the criteria for helping them was counter-productiveto a family staying together.For instance, they said that the band would not provide moneyfor daycare or trade school fundingso that both parents could improve their lives althoughthey were willing. Social services waswilling to provide some support for the mother to attenddaycare training but it was contingent onbeing classified as a single mother. Her husband had tostay at home.Parents also said that treatment, counselling, education and training forparents of street youthis needed so that the youth are not ashamed of them. Employment programs foradults like an adultNative Youth Job Corps were suggested. Trade training programs for older adultsis not a priorityfor band funding. TMThey need to put more money into educational funding forall Native people anddaycare for educational purposes.\u201DCare and protection of Aboriginal children must revert to Aboriginal nations.This includesthe functions of self-determined child and family legislation,policy making and service deliveryprotocols. Services need to be availableto rural and urban Aboriginal communities. Consistentlyparticipants have stated that non-Aboriginal personnelare not equipped personally, politically orprofessionally to deal with identity confusion, culturalreawakening, or issues of separation and lossin a way that is supportive to Aboriginal cultures.Human services education does not prepare260practitioners or policy decision makers to adequatelyserve or accurately access the needs ofAboriginal families or communities. Careerism, researchand social worker mandate (powerrelations) play a part in the distance maintained betweenpractitioner and client on the street. In thecase study process we heard many times that social workersdid not really care and that a \u201Ccareer\u201Dwas the most important thing.Participants demand less research and politics andmore immediate and concrete action onthe street level. \u201CPeople who run band government andmainstream government should come downhere and actually take a look at what the kids have to livein,\u201D is how Missy explained the situation.She is sceptical about government statements about the lackof funding. She looks around at themisuse of money in society and simply says, \u201CThere\u2019s enough money out there.\u201DMissy raises thetopic of social work practice with street youth. She thinks that social workersneed smaller caseloads and more time to spend with children in care. She indicatesthat children and youth simplybecome lost \u2014 in the system \u2014 and lost to the Aboriginal community. Participantshave told ofbeing moved in and out of many homes, detention centres, and grouphomes. The provincialgovernment and its agents must be accountable for children within its jurisdiction.Children removed for delinquency or Young Offender\u2019s Act issues and placedin lock upfacilities are at risk of entering a cycle of running, criminalizationand abuse at the hands of the childwelfare system. They are very different from children who are removed fromparental custodybecause of abuse or neglect in the home. If the child is in eminent dangerthen, and only then,should they be removed and placed with extended family. Even then it is the abuserthat shouldbe removed and not the child. We have heard the stories of youth currently caughtup in the youngoffenders system. Both young women felt that they were there because ofsomeone else\u2019s action\u2014 namely their abusers. Alternatives must be found for youth who actout because of trauma.The lack of jobs and a sustainable economic base are missing in urban and rural Aboriginalcommunities. When the participants looked back upontheir own experience and made261recommendation for prevention strategies, they said thatAboriginal people need jobs and servicesat the community level. All of the participants in thisstudy who were removed from their familyfelt that they were punished for something they hadno control over and all of them, who were oldenough to remember, simply wanted to return to family.Those who were adopted eventual ly soughtrepatriation.Many of the participants had been temporary wards, permanent wardsor adoptees. Theseyouth suffered identity confusion and repatriation problems. Support groupsfor permanent wardsand ex-adoptees and a national Aboriginal youth hotline are neededto support their search foridentity and belonging. The National Kids Help Line(1-800-668-6868) provides counselling oneverything but homework and it has a data base on allservices in Canada, and an Operation GoHome (1-800-668-4663) provides bus ticketsto send runaways home. Neither organization hasstatistics on Aboriginal use of the service. One counsellor said thatthey received calls fromAboriginal children who wanted to discuss living on the reserve. Weare told by the participantsin this study that, without exception, mainstream workers do not have enough informationabout lifeon the reserve or identity issues, therefore an Aboriginal specific hotline is indicated. Acomprehensive hotline such as the United States National Child Help Hotline(1-800-422-4453) outof Utah provides a three in one touch tone service:1) for children under 16; 2) for parents; 3) forresearch and information. In this vein tracking systems by provincialand band workers must becreated to prevent children from disappearing into a void. Missyhas been there and now shewatches youth going through the same thing \u2014 only in greater numbers.EducationThe history of the Aboriginal educational legacy vis-a-vis the Canadianstate has been muchcriticized for its mismanagement and negative impact on a people(for example Barman et al., 1986&amp; 1987; Kirkness and Selkirk Bowman, 1992; Cardinal,1977). According to Kufeldt (1991), \u201CAfterthe family the school is the most important and most impactful for youngpeople\u201D (46). She states262that the school is not only a place of learningbut socialization and a testing groundfor socialbehaviour. Keufeldt is calling for \u201Cdiversion of somehigh quality social services to theschoolmilieu\u201D (46). According to most of theparticipants the school is also a place ofdegradation for themas Aboriginal students. Not only is the historyof Aboriginal people in Canada absentorromanticized but racism mediates their entire experience.These problems are aside from ordinarychildhood and youth problems that haveto do with growing up. This legacy would instill adeepsense of alienation from a people who sitat the bottom of the socio-economic ladder and whoareperceived to be a constant burden on the state.The school yard is also a breeding ground for bigots who abuse Aboriginalchildren withisolation, violence, insults and stereotypic images. Teachersand school administration, void of acritical analysis of the colonization of Aboriginal people and its impact,do not understand thepsychological and socio-cultural barriers of their students. WithNoella as an exception, thecollaborators in this study could not tolerate the educational environment.Even without the socio-economic barriers school became intolerablefor Jean-Marc, as wehave seen in his story. He was subjected to insults and violencebecause of his mild Aboriginalfeatures. One can only imagine what happens with children with pronouncedAboriginal features,accents, low self-esteem, and poor clothing and nutrition. If thereis trouble at home, even if thattrouble is simply unemployment, the school would quickly become unbearable.The adult worlddenies or minimizes the trauma and humiliation that children and youthsuffer at the hands of acompulsory institution which denies that racism in schools is rampant. The shameinvolved isevident in that many of the youth took the opportunity to talk about their ordeal in schools underthe topic of shame and anger. None of the street youth workers mentionedincidents in the schoolenvironment. One must wonder if they were ever told of the shameful events.McFarlane (1993:70) describes George Manuel\u2019s struggles in theearly 1960\u2019s in his appealsfor Indian controlled school boards and Indian contentin curriculum because of discrimination263embedded in the entire school experience for Aboriginalchildren. In 1977 Harold Cardinalwroteabout youth experience in his book The Rebirthof Canada\u2019s Indians about the high rateof schooldropout of Aboriginal youth.Why not? There was nothing for them in those (provincial)schools. In manyinstances, they had to face a really racist set-up wherethey were looked down uponboth by their white classmates and by their white teachers. Theywere underconstant, and often heavy, pressure simply because theywere Indian (194).Still in 1989 Frank and Echols write of the same, maybe even worse, racistdegradation of Aboriginalchildren in the urban school environment in theirresearch entitled Evaluation rerort on theVancouver School Board\u2019s Race Relations Policy. In thisresearch the youth have repeatedly statedthat the lack of an accurate Aboriginal history and relevantcurriculum, and peer harrassement werecommon experiences in schooling. Yet Kehoe andEchols (1994) advocate \u201CA policy of \u2018leastchange\u2019 on the part of the home and school shouldbe followed because it will increase thelikelihood of change actual ly taking place\u201D(63). They use, as an example, a Hawiian based programwhich raises scores on standardized tests for low socio-economic statuschildren. The centralfeatures used are: 1) a culturally compatable, small group classroom organization;2) interactionpatterns between teacher-child and child-child which are based on a thorough knowledge of culturaldifferences and similarities; and3) a set of social reinforcement and social control techniques whichare grounded in cultural understanding(72). No mention of critical history, curriculum relevanceor racism as barriers in schools. Multicultural solutions alone cannotprovide the empowermentnecessary to reconcile Aboriginal children and youth with a systemwhich alienates them.All participants stated that they did not know their own history.Fostered children and exadoptees in particular did not know their heritage. School curriculumdid not reflect Aboriginalhistory or culture. The National Indian Brotherhoods\u2019s policy paper,Indian Control of IndianEducation (1973) stated that,Unless a child learns about the forces which shape him: the history ofhis people,their values and customs, their language, he will never really know himself. Indianculture and values have a unique place in the history of mankind. TheIndian child264who learns about his heritage will be proud of it.The lessons he learns in school,his whole school experience, should reinforceand contribute to the image he has ofhimself as an Indian person (In Cardinal,1977:66).One of the \u201Cforces that shape\u201D Aboriginal youthis our collective history of colonization,another isracism. Current researchers and policy makersrefuse to recognize these elements in theirwork.Most participants flatly stated that they would not returnto school and that anything thatresembles the irrelevant material, the controlexercised in the educational system and the personalabuse simply strengthened their resolve. Positive examples ofband controlled and culturally basededucation in the various provinces are set out by Kirknessand Selkirk Bowman (1992) in fjtNations and Schools: Triumrhs and Struggles. They quote a youngwoman who feels she is gaininga positive identity through her experience in an urban Aboriginalseparate school, she also echoesstreet youth experience with racism in urban school environments.Olivia Mercredi, a 16-year-old grade 10 pupil, said thatafter her first month atChildren of the Earth High School her confidence and prideas a native person havebeen renewed .... Ms. Mercredi, a cousin of Ovide Mercredi,Grand Chief of theAssembly of First Nations, says she doesn\u2019t even mind ridingtwo buses everymorning to get to the school. She says she was the victimof racism at ElmwoodHigh, a mostly-white, suburban school in northeast Winnipeg.... \u2018People would callus stupid Indians ... Here it is better. I never learned my native language \u2014 but I\u2019mlearning it now\u2019 (Roberts, 1991 in Kirkness &amp; Selkirk Bowman,1992:84).Children of the Earth High School, the first funded by the provincial education department inWinnipeg, Manitoba, is the first of its kind in Canada. Many ofthe participants said they wouldconsider returning to an all Aboriginal school such as the one in Winnipeg if they could.There are also some alternative schools that exist for Aboriginal youth if the public schoolsystem is not able to accommodate their needs. These extremely rare institutions are an attempt tocreate an environment that promotes expressions of Aboriginal culture while fulfilling the provincialregulations from the conventional education system. For Missy the refreshing significance of sucha school is clear in the following quotation:...I\u2019d go to an alternative school and I pretended I was dumb.I would put the wronganswers down on purpose because I just wanted to be acceptedthere as a Nativestudent and to be smarter and to be able to do the work quickly... I would be265referred to a regular school and I didn\u2019t want thatbecause I didn\u2019t belong in theregular school, because I was under the academic levelthere and above it at analternative school, so I really didn\u2019t belong anywhere.These words poignantly express Missy\u2019s experience ofbeing caught between two cultures within theeducation system. Undoubtedly, she craves the cultural sensitivity and supportiveenvironment forher identity development and feeling of acceptance, but these feelings areovershadowed by thejurisdictional issues of the larger institutions. Missy\u2019s wordsalso point to the fact that somealternative schools have the effect of stigmatizing Aboriginalyouth as the schools may provide alower academic standard than other public high schools;they are also a place for students who areconsidered to be problem children in the mainstream. Itis for this reason that some Aboriginalyouth prefer to have these services offered within the mainstreamas they have the opportunity tolearn with their peers, Aboriginal and non; in this waythey avoid being outcast and yet their culturaldifference is positively validated in a setting they are comfortable with.Whether service is provided within the mainstream system or at an alternativeschool, itshould be in a racism free environment; it should also providea culturally appropriate learningenvironment, and it should teach Aboriginal youth a critical history oftheir culture in order toreverse the effects of the racism experienced by the students in the past.Some of the youth felt adversely affected by the inequities and irrelevance involved in jobtraining strategies. Joanne in particular describes racist and sexist treatmentin a job opportunitiesprogram where she was enrolled. The youth in this research haveidentified many multi-levelbarriers in the educational system. Unless the entire educating system (includingjob training)becomes aware and confronts the reality that Aboriginal youth face, we simply will perpetuate asystem which unequally distributes power, and dropout rates will continue to soar in urban schools.RacismThe guiding questions (appendixB) for the case studies made only one direct reference tothe word racism (question 12, Do you experience a lot of racism on thestreet?) and this question266was placed strategically (after they would normallyhave had an opportunity tospeak to the issuein the questions on differentialtreatment) in order to discuss the idea of racial marginalization withthe participants who may, for variousreasons, want to avoid the issue. Mostof the participantsprovided many examples of racism in their lives longbefore question 12 came up. Noella wasanexception. Although the narratives in thisresearch are permeated with racism and marginalizationso that a special category seems not to be warranted,there are points that need to be highlighted.In the case studies racism emerged as an everyday experienceeverywhere. Harassmentstarted in the school environment and permeated all of their lives.It means surviving verbal abuse,stereotypes, cultural alienation and violence because of the colour of their skin.The street offersfertile grounds for White supremacy and racial hatred expressedin White power and skin headmovements. These are acts of commission. More subtly, participantsare subject to racism in actsof omission in the lack of accurate history and culturally appropriate services.Street youthexperience personal racism in confronting bigotry on thestreet. They experience cultural racism incultural degradation, identity confusion and culturally inappropriatetreatment and service delivery.And they are products of institutional racism in their collective removal fromnatural families andsystematic criminalization in the criminal justice system by legislatedpolicy. It is the legislatedracism in policy and practice which holds Aboriginal street youth exactly wherethey are.Racism in policy and practice are not measured by their intent to do harm but by the impactwhich they have on those affected. The combination of policy to remove personal,cultural andinstitutional racism would be ideal for street youth. Eradication of personal racism can only beachieved by mass compulsory critical education and racism awareness. There is little chance thatthis education would reach the street anytime soon(this is not to say that it is not needed).The external barriers manifest in the lack of housing and job opportunities andservices onthe streets (for the street youth), in urban Aboriginal communities(for their parents) and on reserves.The subtlest form, however, is the internal or intrapsychic barriers which deniesself-respect and267respect for the ancestors. Aboriginal people in general,and street youth in particular, need to knowthat the descent to the socio-economic bottom ofthe world hierarchy of nations wasa gradualprocess involving disease, the undermining of spiritual life,betrayed alliances, land appropriation,segregation, starvation, cultural genocide, residential schooling,underemployment, poverty, massivechild removal and criminalization of Aboriginal peopleby assimilative legislation.We need to know that we are not alone. It is not just Joanne, notjust Kanewake, not justNova Scotia, not just Canada, and most of all it is not justAboriginal people. Colonization is aglobal phenomenon. India, Asia, Africa, South America,Australia and New Zealand are partners incolonisation impact. We face the same challenge: to achievedecolonization. It is our right toknow, to be without the stereotypes, to work and achieve,to be politicized, and to be wholepsychically and culturally. Street youth have questioned the assumptions ofmainstream society andwith their voices they have pleaded with us(mainstream and Aboriginal) to listen, to respect theirwisdom, to learn from their experience, to heed their warnings, and to utilize theirexpertise.CultureIdentity is regarding oneself as sharing characteristics with another, itis learned andsocialized behaviour. Culture is the sum total of inner learned values andouter expression of thosevalues. Etah gives a definition of Aboriginal culture. \u201CI mean Aboriginal culturehas to do with thelife in you. Just a whole world unto itself. It\u2019s not a status thing, it\u2019s not a pieceof paper, it\u2019s aspiritual thing, an emotional thing, a mental thing, a physical thing.\u201D AlthoughEtah has explainedthe concept most eloquently, the youth in this study have demonstrated thelived process in manyways: some by pride and outward expression, some by theirdesperate search, and others by theirresistance. Article 30 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child(1989) speaks to the right ofevery Aboriginal child to enjoy a positive cultural identity.In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities or persons ofindigenous origin exist, a child belonging to such a minority or who is indigenousshall not be denied the right, in community or with other members ofhis or hergroup, to enjoy his or her own culture, to profess and practice hisor her own268religion, or to use his or herown language. In addition the Conventionacknowledges that society must be specially vigilantto ensure that the rights ofminority children and indigenous children to their languageand culture are respected(Convention on the Rights of the Child, Document(1 989:1(2)).We have ample evidence that therights to culture are contravened to a large degreeevenwhen Aboriginal youth have had asupportive cultural background and totallywhen the person hasbeen in foster care or has been adopted intoWhite homes from an early age. TheCalgaryAboriginal Urban Affairs Committee(1994) has embedded the spirit of the Convention in theirproposal for a safe house for Aboriginal street youth inthat city.A safe house for Aboriginal youth should be established, for temporaryhousingneeds. It should have a special emphasis on ensuring that traditionalvalues arerespected by having an elder live in residence, providinghealing circles, talkingcircles, and life skills. Since traditional values and teachings arean essential part ofbuilding a strong self identity, it is imperative that Aboriginal peoplestaff this agency(Draft report, recommendation #3,p.6).Aboriginal street kids live in a world that has, in variousways, closed access to self respectas an Aboriginal person. This is true especially for children who have beenplaced in White homesand have experienced racism, perhaps only in the formof racial stereotyping of Aboriginal people,within that family. As a result their identity becomes confused and theywill be angry at both theirown culture and mainstream society because they don\u2019t fit into eitherone. Cultural identitymediated by racism (and in the case of foster children and adoptees \u2014 isolation) producesat leastfour levels of identification with one\u2019s ethnic group. Table Vgives a visual image of this phenomenaand the corresponding meanings. The levels of cultural identity shown here are socialized anddepend on the amount and quality of support for authentic Aboriginal culturalexpression. Thecultural categories are not exclusive, they are simply indicators of socialization and mayalso meanthe degree of racism experienced. A person can have shades of differentlevels and can change withlearning and support.The participants show the variations in support for their Aboriginalidentity. For example,Karen shows characteristics of alienation from both mainstream and Aboriginalvalues. Noella,269Table V. Cultural identity variations1) the alienated person cannot identify withA W Alienatedeither mainstream or Aboriginal valuesorI I Iculture. They are confused and very angry andcope with self-destructive behaviour;2) the over-identified person, on theA W Over-identifiedmainstream side, rejects Aboriginal values andI I\u2018 with White culture culture.They usually exhibit a lot ofinternalized racism and avoid Aboriginalcontact;3) the over-identified person, on theA W Over-identifiedAboriginal side, rejects mainstream values andI I Iwith Aboriginalculture entirely. They usually withdraw fromculturemainstream society and exhibit elements ofdislike for mainstream society and people, andwill avoid contact;4) the bicultural personA WIBicultural orhas integrated Aboriginal values and cultureI I Icomfortable inand is comfortable with their identity as anboth environmentsAboriginal person but can operate in bothcultures comfortably. This person can practicetraditional culture or not. They often, but notnecessarily, can speak an Aboriginal languageand they have been brought up with Aboriginalvalues.**A means Aboriginal culture; W means Western culture. This does not negate the fact that bothAboriginal and Western cultures have many ethnic groups with distinct cultural expressions(Tukukino, 1988).Travis, Axle and Jean Marc over-identify with mainstream identity andhave difficulty with Aboriginalidentity. They have difficulty in the Aboriginal environment.Etah and Natasha are both very angryat mainstream society and try to stay within an Aboriginal framework in the interview (althoughNatasha at one point said, \u201CI just feelWhite.?I)Joanne, Charnelle, Dale and Missy appear to havethe most comfort with their Aboriginal identity and are able to exist in mainstream environmentsequally as comfortably, although Dale is still anxious to behave correctly in mainstream culture andMissy and Charnelle still have trouble in Aboriginal crowds. Certainly Daleand Charnelle have hadthe most influence from their extended family, although they have other issues that alsomediate270their identities. Dale has trouble in theAboriginal environment with his identityas a gay person andCharnelle must deal with her African American identityvis-a-vis the Aboriginal community.The point of this discussion is to show that withculturally appropriate treatment andeducation and a supportive environment(which they all want), youth can gain insight into their tribalbackground and cultural richness. Those persons whohave strong support for their culturalidentityhave less difficulty dealing with racismin the greater society. Street youth policy, research, practiceand services must take into considerationthe Aboriginal culture within the tribal territory thatisaffected, for in Canada Aboriginal cultures are manyand they have widely varied expression.Colonization has affected us for different lengths of time andin different ways. On the easternseaboard colonization impact started in earnest in the 1 600s, aroundthe Great Lakes in the 1 700s,the plains territories in the early 1800s, and on the westernmost territories in the mid-to-late 1800s(MacFarlane, 1993:19). And sometimes the northern regions acrossthe continent have goneunaffected seriously until two decades ago. Tosay that one solution would apply to all nations inall regions would be to repeat past mistakes. Kirkness and Selkirk(1992) summarize this sentimentby saying,It is, therefore, the challenge to today\u2019s peoples to correct the situation createdoverthree hundred years of attempted assimilation. To achieve this,the First Nationschildren of today must know their past, their true history, inorder to understand thepresent and plan for the future. First Nations cultures must once again be respectedand the traditional values must again be held in high esteem(103).ConclusionIn summary, there are many policy implications arising from the issues that have surfacedin the case studies in this research. I have touched on survival,addictions, exploitation, justice, incare, education, racism, and culture. Each topic is intertwined andcomplex, and yet from a policyvantage point they still leave the youth out there on thestreet. This is so because this research isabout youth living on the street, their survival issueson the street, services which help them copewith street conditions and helping systems whichpotentially could help them get off the streets.271Ideally these youth should never be seen outsidetheir extended Aboriginal systems. ForanAboriginal person without their extended family does notreally exist. They have no reference point.Public policy directions that will assist Aboriginal street youth to reconnectwith their communitiesand further, to prevent more children from being luredto or escaping to the street must first keepin mind the importance of kinship values.Bass (1992) gives some valuable insights into serious concerns forresearchers, policy makersand service providers, to keep in mind. She raises a number ofquestions about the many Streetyouth who do not access street services for various reasons. Thereforewhat kind of outreachservices are indicated? Street youth have long-termneeds when they show up at short-termemergency shelters. How can both be served adequately? What kindsof long-term facilities areneeded to meet long-term problems? How can social support systemsbe built in for youth leavingchild care facilities (foster care, street services, transitional settings)? Are distinct programsneededfor runaways, homeless youth, and those leaving state legislated facilities? Are separate servicesindicated for younger street children and older street youth? And finally, what kinds of staff(professions, qualifications, experience) ought to work in street youth facilities? The case studieshave surfaced just a little more of the iceberg. Perhaps it is enough to build a base for furtherdialogue and research about the specific needs of Aboriginal street youth.Certainly street youthparticipation in further discussion on policy directions and service provisions is highlyindicated.272Chapter 8. ConclusionThe case studies of Aboriginal Street youth indicatethat Aboriginal street youth are notenjoying the basic human rights set out in theConvention on the Rights of the Child(1989). Andyet this study is not about victimization. It is about survival.The youth interviewed(some to alesser degree) are proud of their survival skills andintelligence. They feel experienced in life; theyfeel mature and well travelled; and they makeintelligent use of different systems such as streetculture and mainstream services. Hearing their stories, therefore,is the celebration of the will to liveand the courage to once again trust that research will enhancethe life chances of youth such asthemselves who are truly dispossessed in their own homeland.Mainstream society, Aboriginal communities and governments must quickly facetherealization that the new generation of youth that is leaving the Aboriginal community,by whatevermeans, is living a hyper reality. They live in a world where violence isembedded in their videosgames, television programs, movies and peer activity. They have readyaccess to powerful drugs andweapons of many kinds, and increasingly gangs provide the need for relationship andpower. Theylive in a society where their image in relation to the society is degradedby increased childpornography and prostitution, and at the same time where fatal diseases waiton every corner if theyfollow that image. They live in environments where child abuse mediates their development andwhere supports for healthy racial and cultural identity are scarce commodities. Finally, the childrenlive in a society where technology transmits the socio-economic differential directly into the livingrooms of their poor homes. The Aboriginal community must come to terms with this realizationbecause they are out of touch with what these youth are all about. Street youth are living andnavigating circumstances that only decades ago were unheard of. The dangers do not only affectthe wayward child, they affect all children and youth who walk the urban street \u2014 children andyouth who go to school. The point is, we have to catch up with streetyouth; we need to enter the273self-determination era equipped with the tools to bring backour children \u2014 back from the abysmalimpact of colonization.The task will not be an easy one and half way reforms willnot do. Considering thatAboriginal people, as a whole, still face major obstacles inCanada, the success for social change inthe Aboriginal street youth population depends in parton social reconstruction in the whole. York(1989) writes,Aboriginal people continue to face more hostilitythan any other ethnic group inCanada. The Canadian Human Rights Commission, inits annual report issued in thespring of 1989, concluded that discrimination againstnative people is a the top ofthe list of human rights abuses in Canada today. \u2018The situationfaced by Canada\u2019snative peoples is, in many ways, a national tragedy,\u2019the commission reported. \u2018Thegrand promise of equality of opportunity that formsthe central purpose of theCanadian Human Rights Act stands in stark contrast to the conditionsin which manynative people live\u2019 (268).To ensure authentic transformation, coalitions needto be formed between urban and rural Aboriginalcommunities to safeguard rights of the Aboriginal child, familyand community. We must create anenvironment for these children to come home to \u2014 or self-determinationcould mean that we toowill create a class system where street youth are the bottom ofthe pyramid. Etah, an eight yearveteran of the streets, reminds us cryptically, that if we don\u2019t do something \u2014if we don\u2019t wake up\u2014 there will be more and more youth coming onto the streets.We have read the stories of those who have agreed to share theirexperience with us; butthere are those who are not represented in this study. Theseyoung people must be acknowledged.Whether by the constraints described in the methodology section or by someother form ofexclusion, we have missed youth who represent some of themost damaged and incapacitatedpeople in Canada (although we heard aboutthem). They are:*very young runaways (for instance there were two 12 year old boys livingin empty buildingsin Winnipeg who were living under cover so they became inaccessible);*sniffers (in most cities there are groups of children whohang out in \u201Chuffers row\u201D);274*underage prostitutes, male or female, with or without pimps(for instance in Winnipeg thereare street corners where groups of 8-10 childrenage 9-12 work right out in the open);*gang members or survivors of gang abduction (particularly Winnipeghas a problem withgang activity, O\u2019Connor, 1993; Flanagan, 1993); \u201CAbout21 gangs exist in the city ofWinnipeg although this is an unofficial estimate, even thepolice now notice the increase ofgang activity. The Police Chief has attributed the cause to increasedpoverty\u201D;*heavily addicted alcohol and drug addicts;*in special categories (for instance, skinheads or white power groups, and satanic cults);*underground houses of exploitation where very young youth are being held (for instancethose mentioned in Winnipeg, Vancouver and Montreal); \u201CNative young women areespecially recruited by South Asian gangs or others to be prostitutes or to be on drugs\u201D;*any youth in connection with fire arms and weapons;*Metis under-represented, possibly because of Bill C-31 and referral method;*lnuit youth are underrepresented, because of older population in Montreal;*Lastly we have no way of knowing how many Aboriginal street youth have died on the streetthrough substance abuse, murder, and suicide.It is to the last group that I dedicate the stories in this study.The introduction to the study presented three reasons why we are unique peoples in Canadaand introduced a macro approach against which to view the present experience of Aboriginal streetyouth. This focus brought us to the conclusion that Aboriginal street youth experience far greaterimpacts, from our collective dispossession, the marginalization of our unique world view expressedin our various cultures, and colonial policy and racism, than was previously imagined. By placingAboriginal street youth in the larger context of mainstream society and the urban environment, andby highlighting the role of current and historical legislation impacts, we have been able to accessa holistic view of their lives.275Canada is ranked as one of the best countries in the worldto live in based on statisticsindicative of a desirable lifestyle. Ironically Canada isalso ranked second in the western world forchild poverty and child poverty is a fact of life for many, particularlyAboriginal children. Statisticsshow that 15% of Canadian children live in poverty; 1.2 millionchildren age one to six live inpoverty; that Canada is second only to the United States in the murderof young children; and thatCanada ranks third in the world (Australia and Norway have more)of youth (age 1 5-24) suicide(Laidlaw Foundation, 1993). We have no way of knowing if Aboriginal children are accuratelyenumerated in these statistics. However, since poverty lineand unemployed statistics do not includethe Northwest Territories, Yukon and Aboriginal reservations, wecan safely assume that thesestatistics do not accurately reflect what is happening in Aboriginal communities.On a positive note, we have gained insight into the lives of Aboriginal street youth. Andthose of us who have had the honour of working with them and who have heard their stories ofsurvival have come to respect them immensely. As we respect our elders soought we respect ouryouth. 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Working with street kids.lournal of Child Care, 3(2).285APPENDIX ACONTEXTUAL INFORMATION QUESTIONSA. Generic information questions: Agency.1. Number of street youth in city?2. Percentage of First Nations\u2019 street youth.?3. Number of workers in agency. (Percentage of First Nations workersin agency)?4. What are your funding sources?5. Who decides policy?6. What organizations are represented on your board of directors?7. Are there First Nations people on your board of directors?8. What age group do you work with?B. Non-generic information questions: Agency.1. Do First Nations street youth readily access your services? Do theyunder utilize?(Research alludes to First Nations over representation in Streetyouth \u2014 if they arenot using agency services, also at the highest percentage. Whynot?)2. Do you provide culturally specific services(re. identity, cultural ceremonies,therapeutic methods) or do you refer youth to specific places? If agency is FirstNations: what kind of culturally appropriate services?3. Have your workers (agency) had racism awareness training, workshops, speakers, etc?What do you do if a person tells you about a racist assault? Do you work with selfesteem and identity?4. Why do you think there are so many street youth? Why do you think there are somany First Nations street youth?5. Do you have any recommendations (ideas) about how to keep these youth off thestreet or to get them back home?C. Questions, Open Ended Interview (Parent &amp; Advocacy Person Front Line).Parent:1. How old was your child when they got into street life?2. How did the problems start (between home and youth)?3. How did you cope?4. Did you use social agencies to help you (youth and self)? Which ones? How many?Did they help?5. Why do you think your child went to the street?6. How did this situation affect your family? Your health? Your work?7. Can you identify outside sources of problems for yourchild? (i.e. school, police, peers). Do you think these had to do with racism, selfesteem or cultural identity?8. Is there anything you would recommend to help these street youth stay off the streetor to get back home?286Agency Person:1. Why do you think aboriginal youth end up onthe street?2. Do you think there are differences between mainstreamstreet youth and those whoare First Nations? What kind of differences(if any)?3. Do you know about the history of Aboriginal people in Canada?4. Do you observe that the street youth have identify problems?5. Is racism a factor? How?6. Are there appropriate culturally specific agencies and services foryou to refer thesestreet youth to? (i.e. extended family counselling).7. Is there anything you would recommend for policy regardingservice delivery,prevention and repatriation?8. Do you have anything else to add?287APPENDIX BI. THE CASE STUDY QUESTIONSA. The street youth: open ended questions.1. Define \u201Cstreet\u201D situation with the participant.2. How long have you been on the street?3. What are you running from?4. How did you get here?5. Why did you get here?6. Who are the significant people in your life (your extended family)on the street?7. Do you use the street services in your area?if no why not? Do you get welfare services?educational services? employment services? aids prevention? birthcontrol? drug andalcohol counselling?8. What kind of things happen to you that you think don\u2019t happen toother street youth?9. Do street services workers treat you the same as everyone else? Doyou feel comfortableusing their services? if not why not? Do you know any Aboriginal street workers? Howdoes it feel to talk to them?10. Do store keepers and ordinary pedestrians treat you the same as everyone else on the street?better? worse? if worse why do you think they do this?11. What happened back home (whatever thatmeans)? Why did you leave home? Would yougo back? Under what kind of conditions would you go back home? Do you have contactwith your family? extended family? home reserve? home community?12. Do you experience a lot of racism on the street? Tell me about someexamples? From otherstreet people? From people in general? How does this make you feel? Does this includeviolence? How do you cope?13. Let\u2019s talk about grief. Are there things that you are very sad about? For example; separation,suicide, death of someone, loss, loneliness, wanting to go home.14. Let\u2019s talk about shame. Are there things that you feel are very shamefulfor you to talkabout? Have you talked to a counsellor, elder, your parent, police, teacher, social workeror anyone else about this? if not why not? Would you like to? Do you know where to go?15. Let\u2019s talk about fear. What kind of things do you fear on the street? What kind ofexploitation happens (if any) to you on the street? Does anyone try to take advantage of youon the street? What about drugs? What about alcohol? What about sniffing? What aboutprostitution? How do you survive? How do others survive?28816. How do you feelabout being an Aboriginalperson? Do you know muchabout the historyof Aboriginal people in Canada?Do you practice anyAboriginal culture? Didyou whenyou were home? Would you practiceif any kind of ceremonies or serviceswere available?What would you advisea government policy person todo about this subject?1 7. What wouldmake your life easier than it istoday? What kind ofservices do you thinkAboriginal street youth need?How can we put them intooperation? What kind of thingsneed to happen at the family,community, city level for preventionof more street youth.What about educationat the street level \u2014 what kindsof things need to be knownby theyouth? How would we set themup? How would we operate them?What would you sayto a government person about thissubject?18. Would you go homeif you could? Would you go to schoolif you could? What stops youright now?19. Who are you role modelsright now? Who do you admiremost? Why?19. What would be the best possible futurefor you?20. Is there any thing weleft out? Do you want to add anything?B. The former street youth1. Define \u201Cstreet\u201D situationwith the participant.2. How long ago were youon the street? How long did youstay there? How did you get offthe street? What has happened toyou since you got off the streets?3. How did you get there?4. Why did you get there?5. What were you running from?6. Who were the significant people inyour life (your extended family) onthe street?7. Did you use street servicesin the city? if no why not? Do youget welfare services?educational services? employmentservices? aids prevention? birth control?8. What kind of things happenedto you that you think don\u2019t happen to other street youth atthe time?9. Were there street services workersfor you to go to? Do you feel comfortableusing theservices? if not why not? Did you knowany Aboriginal street workers? How did it feel totalk to them?10. Did store keepers and ordinarypedestrians treat you the same as everyone elseon the street?better? worse? if worse why doyou think they do this?28911. What happened back home(whatever that means) to make you leave and go to the street?Why did you leave home? Did you go back? What made yougo back home? Did youhave contact with your family? extended family? home reserve? home community?12. Did you experience a lot of racism on the street? Tell meabout some examples? From otherstreet people? From people in general? How did this make you feel? Did this includeviolence? How did you cope?13. Let\u2019s talk about grief. Were there things that you were very sad about? For example;separation, suicide, death of someone, loss, loneliness, wanting to go home.14. Let\u2019s talk about shame. Were there things that you feel are very shameful for you to talkabout? Did you talk to a counsellor, elder, your parent, police, teacher, social worker oranyone else about this? if not why not? Would you have liked to? Did you know whereto go?15. Let\u2019s talk about fear. What kind of things did you fear on the street? What kind ofexploitation happened to you on the street? Did anyone try to take advantage of you on thestreet? How did you survive? How did others survive?16. How did you feel about being an Aboriginal person then? How do you feel about being anAboriginal person now? Did you know much about the history of Aboriginal people inCanada? What about now? Did you practice any Aboriginal culture? What about now?Did you when you were home? Were there any kind of cultural ceremonies or servicesavailable to you in the city then? What would you advise a government policy person to doabout providing appropriate cultural services to Aboriginal street youth?1 7. What kind of services do you think Aboriginal street youth need to help them get off thestreet? What kind of services do you think Aboriginal street youth need to prevent themfrom going to the street? How can we put them into operation? What kind of things needto happen at the family, community, city level for prevention of more street youth. Whatabout education at the street level \u2014 what kinds of things need to be known by the youth?How would we set them up? How would we operate them? What would you say to agovernment person about this subject?290APPENDIX CRoyal Commission on Aboriginal PeoplesUrban Perspectives: Street Youth ProjectConsent FormI,_______________________,agree to participate in the Street Youth Case Study Research Projectinvestigating the life circumstances and environment of street youth. I fully understand all of theinterview sessions, of the case studies and the interviews with parents andadvocates in thecontextual information gathering, will be audio taped and used solely for the Street Youth Projectof the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). By signing this form,I agree to participatein the Street Youth Project and to be audio taped. I have been assured byRCAP that myparticipation is completely voluntary and confidential and that I may withdraw at any time withoutconsequence. I understand that the material discussed in the interviews will notbe made public inany form in which I can be personally identified.I understand that this research project is being carried out by the Royal Commissionon AboriginalPeoples, Urban Perspectives, Research Co-ordinators Rosalee Tyzia and Donovan Young; the ProjectCo-ordinator, Lauri Gilchrist; and Research Assistants: Marie Baker, Bev Dagg Lopez, and AlysaPraamsma. Questions regarding this research project can be directed to Rosalee Tizya or DonovanYoung at 1-800-363-8235. In the event of any complaints about the procedures used in this project,I am aware that I may contact David Hawkes(613-934-8529) or Marlene Castellano (613-943-2050),Co-directors of the Research Department at the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.SignatureDateWitnessDate291APPENDIX DFace sheetCode name:_________ Code number for files:1. Gender: male_ female_2. Age: 12-15_3. Education: (number of years).Primary__ Secondary_ High SchoolK-8 8&amp;9 10-124. Schooling: (anycombination).On reserve_ Off reserve_ UrbanResidential school_ Rural_5. Regional information: Home identificationRural_ Town_____ Urban-(100,000 and up)______Province_________ Reserve(state)_________Notes:_________In the case of foster care, adoption or institutional care, please make notes and rememberto discuss in the dialogue.6. Indian ethnic affiliation: (ie Cree, Metis,Inuit)Cultural identity__________Status_______________ Non-status C-317. Languages spoken:Indian language (state)_______ English_ French9. Family constellation:Single parent: Mom_ Dad_ Brothers \u2014 SistersTwo parent (state type of family):Brothers SistersExtended family primary care:Grandparent(s) Aunts or uncles. Cousins_Friends Others292Foster family_ Foster family brothers Sisters_Other Aboriginal youth in home: Brothers SistersAdoptive family_ Adoptive family brothers_ Sisters_Other Aboriginal youth in home: Brothers_ Sisters.10. Social service institutional care: any occurrence in lastyear.Social worker_Detention centre_Group home_Special schoolNotes:11. Current shelter/living arrangements:Streets_HosteL...... Emergency unit_ Other..........Friends (adult) \u2014 Friends (peers) \u2014Notes:Notes:12. Current nutrition/food arrangements:Streets......... Hostel_ Soup Kitchen......... Other_________Food bank_ Friends (adult) \u2014 Friends (peers) \u2014293APPENDIX EFace sheet \u2014 Former street youthCode name: Code number for files:1. Gender: male_ female_2. Age: 18-20_. 21-30_ 30-40__.3. Education: (number of years).Primary_ Secondary_ High School__K-8 8&amp;9 10-12Life skiIIs College_ University_Notes:4. Schooling: (any combination).On reserve Off reserve UrbanResidential school Rural5. Regional information: Home identificationRuraL_. Town_____ Urban-(1 00,000 and up)______ Province__________Reserve (state)__________Notes:In the case of foster care, adoption or institutional care, please make notes and rememberto discuss in the dialogue.6. Indian ethnic affiliation: (ie Cree, Metis, lnnuit)Cultural identity__________Status______________ Non-status C-317. Languages spoken:Indian language(state)_______ English_ French9. Family constellation:Your own family:Partner.. Sons__________ Daughters_294Cousins______BrothersSisters11. Current living arrangements:Notes:12. Agencies or persons who helped you get off the streets:Parents Extended family Agency person Social worker PoliceTeacherNotes:Your childhood family:Single parent:MomDad_Brothers Si stersTwo parent (state type of family):_____Extended family primary care:Grandparent(s) Aunts or uncles_Friends OthersFoster family_ Foster family brothers_ Sisters_Other Aboriginal youth in home: Brothers_SistersAdoptive family_ Adoptive family brothers_ Sisters_Other Aboriginal youth in home: Brothers Sisters10. Social service institutional care: any occurrence in childhood.Social worker Detention centre Group home_Special schoolNotes:295APPENDIX FDocumentation sheetTo be used immediately after each dialogue with participant. This is where you will describe whereyou are meeting with the participant, what is significant about their appearance, date time and anyother description of the person or the surroundings that will fill in the detail of the interview withthe participant as well as your personal thoughts about the events.Reflection Description296APPENDIX GVancouver: Services directly mentionedby participants in the studyIn this section we elaborate on some street serviceswhich participants have directly mentionswhether or not they use the service.These also represent some of the agencies which we visited.There were services which were visited but mentionedelsewhere in the study because there werejust too many.Every person in the Vancouver group mentioned theDowntown Eastside Youth ActivitiesSociety (D.E.Y.A.S.). The society was established in1979 by John Turvey who is still the ExecutiveDirector. Eighty to ninety percent of its funding comes fromthe Ministry of Social Services with thebalance coming from the Vancouver Social Planning Council. In 1992 thebudget was $550,000.DEYAS employs 21 workers, 8 are Aboriginal(2 reconnect workers, 2 counsellors, 3 needleexchange, 1 AIDS worker). Policy is decided by amulti-cultural board made up of 30-40%Aboriginal people.The organization works with an open age group policy(0-84), however, 70-80% are youth.They work with 50-75% Aboriginal youth,(13 years ago 50% were Aboriginal). They estimate 25100 entrenched street youth (very few middleclass) on the street on any given night who areinvolved in quasi criminal activities, drug dealing and prostitution. Street workersstate that therehas been an increase of 50-90% street children in the last5 years, many of whom are from reservesand small communities. Some of them are third and fourth generationfamilies living in the city.Many Aboriginal street youth have had relatives die violent deaths inthe eastend of Vancouver,many grew up in care.Services provided by the program include: education, counselling, assessments and referral.The Reconnect Program is available 24 hours aday for street youth under 19 which assists toreconnect youth with families and community, to identify who isnew on the street, and to referyouth to appropriate agencies such as detox, housing, health services,and outreach services. Afterinterviewing five workers from DEYAS the research assistant wrote in her journal,\u201CAfter five formalinterviews I am feeling overwhelmed by the plight of our Aboriginal street children.\u201DThe Needle Exchange Program is a part of the DEYAS organization. It consistsof three vansin which 5-8 staff members (ex-street people) travel the streets of Vancouver. Aboriginal staffaverages from 1-4 people at anytime. The services they provide are: AIDS preventionand education.They exchange needles, provide condoms and bad date sheets, and they referto other streetservices. Six nights a week until 2:00 a.m. the program deals mostly with cocaine and heroin users(talwin and ritalin secondary) and prostitutes. According to personnel 35-40% of the frequent usersof the service are Aboriginal people, 9% of the total population are teenagers, approximately 40%of which are Aboriginal youth, and Aboriginal teens are 60% more likelyto be users compared tototal youth population. The April 1993 statistics show that there were 10,945 visits, 29.3% of whichwere Aboriginal people.A street worker stated that estimates of Aboriginal street youth population are hard topinpoint because some are underground, they are very transient and resistant to socialservices, andthey are very often on the run. A recent most troublesome underground trendwith urban Aboriginalyouth is the involvement with Asian youth gangs and br with exploitative older(25-40 age group)Asian men. Another underground portion of street youth population,less often but equallydestructive, are involved with child exploitation industries.297The Adolescent Street Unit (ASU) is a non-Aboriginalorganization which is situated onDrake Street. ASU is funded by province of British Columbia. Theirpolicy is decided at the DeputyMinister level (\u201Cwho often don\u2019t know what\u2019s happening at the grassrootslevel\u201D). ASU has 24workers with only one Aboriginal worker in the alcohol and drugarea. Youth age 12-19 year oldcan access help which offers all kinds of services as diverse as possible.ASU workers estimate 400-500 street youth on the street, 55-60% of them Aboriginal youth,that use their service as frequently as other youth. They do not provide any Aboriginal specificservices although workers have had at least two days of cross cultural training from United NativeNations and they refer to Aboriginal services such as court workers and the Indian Centre. ASUrecognizes that there is a need greater efforts for outreach to Aboriginal youth.Street Youth Services (SYS) is located at 1237 Richards Street, it was instituted in 1987funded by the Ministry of Social Services, with a small amount coming from the city and otherdonations. SYS is an outreach program that identifies youth at risk and connects them withappropriate services. They provide youth with someone to talk with, referral and advocacy. Theyshare office space with the STD clinic, AIDS counsellors, prenatal counsellors \u2014 5 days per weekwith 2 nights late coverage. The staff consists of 2 1/2 positions with 1/2 designated as an Aboriginalposition. Three hundred street youth under the age of 19 use their service in a month, 30 of whichare Aboriginal youth, however, they state that 70% of males prostitutes in \u201CBoystown\u201D areAboriginal. SYS has been adopted by the Aboriginal males that frequent Boystown. The workersspend more time with their Aboriginal users because their are no other services for them. However,they do not provide any Aboriginal specific services. SYS workers say that many of the Aboriginalyouth do not like going to the DEYAS, particularly the gay males who are subject to homophobicdiscrimination from Aboriginal people and racism from the White people. A lot of their Aboriginalclients come from adoption breakdown in White homes (interviews).NEXUS a Substance Abuse Outreach Services program located at 575 Drake Street is aconfidential alcohol and drug information and counselling service for street youth. They assist youthto connect with detox, treatment, support groups, counselling and other alcohol and drug services.It appears, from participant responses on alcohol and drug abuse, that youth get or have access toinformation and the help they need to get off of drugs when they are ready. Most of the youth wespoke with had alcohol and drug counsellors and they were reasonably responsible with addictionissues in their lives.The medical clinics in the inner core of Vancouver: the Drake Street Clinic at 575 DrakeStreet; the Richards Street Clinic at 1237 Richards Street; the Main Street Clinic at 219 Main Street;and the Health Clinic at 414 E. Cordova Street, provide confidential and free pregnancy, STD andAIDS testing, treatment, advocacy and referral to street affiliated youth and adults. The youth in thisstudy spoke freely about using clinics and they were fully informed of the dangers of contractingAIDS through sex and needles. The health education on the street is reinforced by consistentnetworking of street workers, the needle van and the clinics. This is a very positive developmentin street culture. Street youth are probably more informed that the average middle class teenanywhere in Canada.Employment oriented services are on the rise in Vancouver. Creative Opportunities For Kidsis one of them. It was founded in 1985 by Vancouver street workers, sponsored by the Seva ServiceSociety. Now it is also supported by Family Services of Greater Vancouver and government funding.The program is a grassroots initiative that helps street workers make contact and provide street youth298with part-time employment. The youth cangain employment experience and skills. In other words\u2014 a place to start. Three full time employment and skills counsellorswork at the street level.The organization has placed over 400 in more than 75 placementsin places such asrestaurants, day-cares, and private businesses since its inception.Joanne was one of their clients.She said that she experienced sexism after being placed ina work placement where she was acarpenter\u2019s helper. The employer quickly lost interest inthe youth after the program part wascompleted. Joanne stated that she did not get any long term benefitsand the employer frustratedthem by promising work which did not materialize.Other programs like Life Choices for Youth Society (auto service training) and the PicassoCafe (training for the food service industry) also help to train youth before they go out on their own(White, 1992).Stable housing is an issue because youth need an address and telephone number in orderto be eligible for welfare or to go for job interviews. They need a place to eat, sleep and to havea shower. Youth on their own experience systematic discrimination in housing simply because oftheir age. Stereotypes of street youth behaviour and Aboriginal people are also barriers. Stableaffordable housing is key to enhancing the life chances of Aboriginal youth in the city. Vancouverhas low rental housing for Aboriginal people in the city that would be ideal for youth on their own.The one Aboriginal program, Aries Project/Urban Native Youth Association situated at #1-1607 East Hastings Street in Vancouver, is a day and evening program for street involved Aboriginalmale youth. Aries Project provides meals, life skills, recreational, cultural and social programs andacademic upgrading. The program is useful for youth who have made some effort of transcendingthe street and who have a place to stay. None of the youth mentioned using this service. Theparticipants in Vancouver do not qualify by virtue of their gender.The male street population is more visible in addiction and criminal justice statistics,therefore Aboriginal specific programming that are also gender specific tend to address their needsfirst. Although Urban Images for Indian Women, run under the auspices of the British ColumbiaProfessional Indian Women\u2019s Association is a life skills and job readiness program, it deals withwomen survivors of abuse in the family and addiction. This program is suitable for older women(re)entering the labour market and Aboriginal female street youth would not qualify. In any case thewaiting list is too long. Female Aboriginal street youth are marginalized in Aboriginal programmingeven though the Winnipeg Social Planning Council Research Report(1990) shows that youngfemales run more often and for longer periods of time (see Winnipeg background information \u2014chapter four).SKID (Street Kids in Distress) is worth mentioning because of its recent closure. InDecember of 1992 the store front operation opened on the corner of Pacific Boulevard and RichardsStreet. It opened after a track record of one year of providing food, clothing and education to manyyouth with no where else to go. The organization was closed in January 1993 for allowing 13-15year olds to sleep on the premises (Truscott, 1993). Where do the 10-16 year olds go who arerunning from care givers? This type of enforced homelessness makes youth more vulnerable topimps and gang abductions. It is also interesting that the organization now plans to open a shortterm housing (six bed) unit to youth 16-18. This is a small concession in a city where over 400street youth roam the streets and still leaves the younger range to the mercy of a predatory void inthe system.299Recent proposals for the use of an old hotel on Hastings Streetfor a housing unit for streetyouth met with loud protests. It is ironic that the idea that streetyouth housing could be in closeproximity to the adult street population was not acceptable to city council.Brenda Carr\u2019s Art Studio was the service consistently mentioned with great respect andadmiration. Situated in downtown Vancouver the art studio is a place where street youth can gofora cup of coffee, a safe place to hang out during the day without strings attached. It is a place whereyouth can express themselves artistically and somewhere from which they can call home every sooften. Older people, particularly police and social workers, are discouraged from going to the safehaven. This aspect is much appreciated by the youth. Brenda Carr is someone to be trusted withstories from the street, with the burdens of the day, and with hopes for the future.Vancouver and Montreal each had a particular person that attracted youth to street servicesand inspired trust and affection from the most alienated and distrustful youth. Etah from Vancouversaid that it was the personal qualities of the person that characterized the patron saints of the streetand not the type of service. The people in question showed unconditional service, advocacy andaffection. They were flexible and were not above bending the rules just a little in order to alleviatepain and suffering. They were perceived by the youth to be on their side. In other words, as muchas possible, they did not collaborate with the police or social workers against the youth. In Montrealthat person was Pop\u2019s originator of Dans Ia Rue. In Vancouver Brenda Carr fit the bill. In Winnipeg,SKY, an agency came closest to the characteristics that inspired trust in the youth interviewed.Although workers were mentioned by name it seemed that the atmosphere at the agency was thedrawing point in that particular case.300APPENDIX HWinnipeg: Services directly mentioned by participants inthe studyThe agency where we met with the participants for thisstudy was Street Kids and Youth(SKY) situated at 41 5 Graham Street. This centre was comfortable for the participants. It wasto beclosed one month after we were there. Ironically onJune 1, 1993, a day set aside to commemorateInternational Children\u2019s Day, also marked the day when SKYclosed it\u2019s door to street youth. Theprogram\u2019s funding had been terminated.None the less, it is important to identify the services that are/were frequented by those weinterviewed. SKY came into operation in September 1991, funded by the former Winnipeg CoreArea Initiative, the Winnipeg Foundation and the Downtown Improvement Zone. Board membersfrom Mamawi, the Boys and Girls Club, the City Police Department, Children\u2019s Home and Child andFamily Services decided policy. SKY had served 13,000 youth ages 7-25 up until the time we werethere. They provided food, clothing, counselling, bus tickets, and a safe place to be off the streetfor a brief period of time.The director spoke of the image of Aboriginal people that youth have to come to terms within Winnipeg.In Winnipeg, the young are impressed with the stereotype of the drunk on MainStreet. Some kids are told they act Indian like their father or are a whore becauseof their mother. Constant exposure to racism makes it hard to have a positiveidentity ... Schools such as Children of the Earth have helped tremendously. TheNative youth have been strongly influenced positively in their identities. But theyneed to learn to celebrate all cultures as well (interview).To provide better services, she went on, \u201Cwarehousing\u201D has to be avoided. Lumping of services orclients in one location doesn\u2019t always make it easier. Separating Aboriginal youth from others makesit less likely they will learn to interact comfortably with their own age group. They need in-betweenareas to choose \u2014 where an agency doesn\u2019t regiment their associations. By the time some are 13years old they have been in 24 placements, and by 15 some are on their own. They need a placethat gives them time to think and is not so crisis-oriented.Beat the Street, created by Tracy LeQuyere in May 1985 out of Toronto\u2019s Frontier Collegeopened a resource centre in Winnipeg in September of 1990. The literacy resource centre, locatedon Sutherland Avenue is open to youth 16 and over. The organization produces a space wherestreet youth tutor street youth. The literacy program consists of individualized learning programs.Native clients form about 70% of the total client population. The agency mandate is directed tostreet youth in providing literacy or basic skills. There\u2019s no entry level when it comes to gradelevels. Once clients complete this program, they go to the employment readiness programs.R. B. Russell does provide counselling and job strategies using \u201Cthe school approach\u201Despecially for their Grade 12 students. Although, some institutions like the universities stipulate that\u201Cmature\u201D students may enter, there are some restrictions that relate to particular high school courselevel work.There is an over-representation of Aboriginal youth on the street, stated Beat the Streetpersonnel, with an estimated 74-89% population in correctional institutions(1990 figures). When301Native youth are undercounted by the system, it might bean effect of bias where there is a refusalto take into account any type of racial, ethnic or culturaldifference.Cultural appropriate services are delivered by contracting with\u201CFlying on Your Own\u201Dinstructors. Students are taught the Medicine Wheel and howto talk in a circle as was done atAlkali Lake.Why we see more street youth may be because thereare more single parents ordysfunctional families than before. The media as wellas Much Music have beeninfluential on street youth about a certain kind of lifestyle.Some youth find anotherfamily on the street or gang to belong to. About 21gangs exist in the city ofWinnipeg although this is an unofficial estimate, even thepolice now seem to noticethe increase of gang activity. Even the Police Chief hasattributed the cause asincreased poverty. Maybe even more apathy exists among youthespecially whenyouth defy authority figures. The Young Offender Act has been itselfresponsible forcondoning violence in the treatment toward crimes against propertysuch as stealingcars or break and enters. Housing costs are barely met by welfare cheques. Raisingchildren on welfare for a single parent is still too lean an existence. Changes thatwould be beneficial might be changing the Young Offender\u2019s Act especially with theincrease of car thefts. Street youth need more recreation facilities and more arts orcraft training opportunities. Here, the Native Arts Foundation in Toronto wasrecommended as a possible funder for some gifted youth. Seems to be not enoughcounselling for youth especially to allow some to know more about their basic rights.So many are abused in their families. More walk-in counselling sessions to deal withsexual abuse would be a high need. Youth need to re-establish their education andhave to gain the skills to help them \u201Cfit in\u201D to the educational system which has someinflexibility to respond to adult learners. Some youth seen at Beat the Street are\u201Cbrain damaged\u201D and present behaviour problems for instructors. Others havecomplained of \u201Csigning documents\u201D which may have meant more jail time for them.Other staff talked about the services of providing language instruction to Cree andSaulteaux clientele. Presently, an evening program provides Cree lessons. Aninstructor in Saulteaux is needed (interview).Prostitutes and Other Women for Equal Rights (P.O.W.E.R.), is a Drop-in Resource Centrefor prostitutes situated at 50 Argyle Street. POWER is a drop-in centre for women, kids and tranniesinvolved in prostitution. The program began in 1985, closed, then reopened in 1992. POWER isfunded through the Provincial Health Services Development Fund, as a demonstration projectthrough the Core Area Initiative and Manitoba Community Services. Policy is decided by anadvisory board. One Aboriginal person sits on the board. Some of their 40 volunteers areAboriginal people but as yet they employ no Aboriginal staff(out of five staff).We encourage our clients to get involved in public presentations on Aboriginalculture ... We are arranging for a contract position to have a First Nations person onsite ...We are organizing a sweatlodge. We are trying to get people who have leftthe reserve to reconnect with their culture. This will be a paid position.The organization provides a safe place off the street with facilities for laundry, bathing andcooking; street outreach service \u2014 condoms, bad date sheets and health information on sexuallytransmitted disease; counselling; health program with full time nurse on staff; referral services; and302public education. \u201CWe help them through crisis intervention,or problems with the justice system,refer them to Legal Aid, and Child and Family Services.\u201DThe number of contacts is 7,000 with 40-45% Aboriginal clientsbetween the ages of 18 and22. 21% of clients are under 18. Some are around 10to 12 years old. They keep files on clientswho consent. \u201CWe have 100 files on different individuals. Wecould have three times that amount.\u201DThe employee that we interviewed stated that he did not thinkthere was racism on the streetor in their service delivery, however, he noticed racism in the justicesystem. The organization hasnot provided anti racism training to their workers.We don\u2019t see racism on the street, don\u2019t see clients calling each other names. Thereare women who sound racist about other people\u2019s pimps. But there\u2019s no racismamongst the women in here ... The racism I have seen is discrimination or racismwith prostitutes trying to access services. When a women is beaten or raped is takento the emergency ward, if the hospital gets wind she\u2019s a prostitute, they discriminatein the way they talk to her. There\u2019s racism throughout the justice system(interview).Why are there so many Aboriginal street youth in Winnipeg? The worker offered an opinion.Poverty \u2014 part of it is people coming from reserves. Kids coming from small towns,getting swept away. They\u2019re taken away from the reserve, stuck in a group home.They run with other girls who have been on the street. You can lose your sense ofidentity. They\u2019re usually running away from something, if their home wasn\u2019t good.It\u2019s poverty and economics. They run away also within the city. The ones who areworking Sutherland or Jarvis, the majority are Aboriginal kids hanging out together.Racism is still there in society. A lot of Aboriginal family situations are bad, but itdoesn\u2019t mean that is the only reason, it\u2019s always a mixture. When they\u2019re on the run,they shack up at different people\u2019s houses, or stay in a hotel room, or sleep outside.They can run from their own home, or from a locked setting, or treatment centres,or big institutions. They\u2019re not happy in foster homes. They get into legal trouble,they\u2019re scooped again, put back into group homes. On the run, they live off theirfriends, or steal or prostitute themselves. Some kids get confused, kids who havebeen in foster homes (interview).The Ma Mawi Wi Chi Itata Youth Centre situated on 2nd floor, 531 Notre Dame Avenue,gets funding from the provincial government, federal government as well as municipal sources. TheBoard of Directors runs the Centre through a Work Relations Committee. They have 65 employeeswho are almost all Aboriginal people. They use a status blind approach to service delivery. A non-designation of status makes it possible to serve all First Nations or Aboriginal youth. \u201CStreet youthreadily access our services because of a youth outreach effort and also because of the Bear Clanpatrol. The youth program has a drum group and offers other culturally related activities.\u201DThe administrator we interviewed said that50%of the overall Aboriginal population is under15. This is the reason there is a high number of Aboriginal street youth.A high rate of school drop outs contributes. Hard core street youth are homeless orlive with friends. Some youth who hit the street come to the city for the summerfrom the reserves. Of the sniffers, a quick head count shows more are Aboriginalalthough non-Aboriginals are also involved in solvent abuse (interview).303The topic changes to problems with street youth services in the cityand what he believes is neededwith regard to working with Aboriginal street youth.Problems faced by street youth are not always addressed by agenciesor professionalsbecause of a mainstream criteria for service delivery. Shelters may focus on womenand usually for a particular emergency or crisis situation. Child and Family ServicesAct restricts some family work by the need to report \u201Cat risk\u201D childrenor in need of\u201Cprotection\u201D. Some abuse may be hidden or disclosure withheld. Mainstreamservices don\u2019t work out well because of the stress on the individual.When streetyouth are not accessing an agency, not enough outreach has beendone ... Racismawareness training does not deal with colonialism or with self-esteemand identity.Native people have mixed values and some experience a culturalconfusion. Insteadof racism training, \u201Csocial reconstruction\u201D would reconstruct socialidentity and givea history of Indian people and the colonization process. Even Native social workerstrained toward a BSW need to be retrained or need to refocus theirskills. They donot receive enough content in their academic preparation to helpthem work withcommunities and families. Not enough [practicum] placement of students has beenwith Native agencies.Ni Tin Away Ma Gun Antat (My Relations House), a safe house for Aboriginal street youth,opened in July 1 993. Their funding comes from Child and Family Services who have a \u201Chands off\u2019or supportive approach to the Aboriginal Board of Directors of the safe home. The facility is forAboriginal youth age 18 years and under with a capacity of 16. The services fall under protection,prevention, and advocacy, in basic needs, counselling, crisis line, independent living support, andeducation. They foster participation of elders, volunteers and the urban Aboriginal community.Na Tin Away wants to develop a more cultural appropriate model than the medical orientedor behaviour modification perspectives. The staff provide services that are more sensitive to peersupport with an emphasis on the need for adult service providers to be both supportive and yetauthentic in their approach to youth work. The home provides a safe environmentso that somechildren may be reunited with their parents or family members. An advisory committee is made upof some parents so that parental involvement in the management of the safe home is insured.Some sniffers will be admitted but the safe home will not be a treatment centre.Basic needs for food and shelter will be met. Some opportunity to up self-esteem byparticipating in support groups will be encouraged. Several elders will visit the safehome to counsel the residents. Treatment referrals for sniffers might be FortAlexander and also the program, Breath of Life in Kenora, Ontario. If child abuse orsexual abuse is a problem, then the safe home will attempt to provide a safeplacement for the kid in either a foster home or group home, one that takes intoaccount working with street kids within a neighbourhood that has communitydevelopment or betterment programs also operating (interview took place before thesafe house opened).The Bear Clan Patrol came into existence in 1992 at the initiative of Brian McLeod andErnest Daniels as a result of concern with prostitution in the northend of Winnipeg and its impacton the community. It works with the co-operation of the Winnipeg police with anywhere from 38to 70 volunteers. The Bear Clan patrols the inner city northend to prevent violence againstAboriginal people (particularly the prostitutes in the area), take drunks and children home, and tryto get prostitutes and pimps to take their business somewhere else(Demas, 1993).304Child and family servicesWe interviewed an Aboriginal worker who has hadexperience in Aboriginal child and familyservice agencies, with the provincial socialservices system, and who has had experience with streetyouth on her caseload. Her insights on Aboriginalstreet youth and services for families in crisisarepresented in block form as the standard questionsdid not apply in this instance.The present trend toward privatization makes it more difficultfor families to receivesupport services. Staff time has been cut back and thereare more gaps in servicesWith the increased privatization, more options for youngclients are needed. Theonly option now is to stay with family or to go to the street. Maybesome should beencouraged to live on their own. Youth may administertheir own hotels and cafes.There\u2019s not much dignity for those utilizing soup kitchens. I trynot to utilize grouphomes but instead prefer to place kids with extended family orat a foster home.Kids who go to group homes are left unsupervised. They hang aroundin malls.They are too young (age 13-14) and are easily influenced by the peer groupwithinthe group home and the street ... We provide no cultural specificservices exceptperhaps referral to residential treatment at the Native AlcoholismCentre, and no anti-racism training ... The problem of Street kids has becomemore severe because ofincreased poverty, lack of specific services for them, schoolsare not meeting theirneeds, lack of recreational programs or funding for sports/arts participation,parentsare not represented on school boards which lack communityinvolvement, parentsand kids are separated or don\u2019t know each otheror they don\u2019t communicateRepatriation needs a more comprehensive approachand should be handled by morethan a single agency. This is a specialized serviceand should address the stigmafamilies experience of having lost their kids. The abuse attributedto Chiefs andNative Child welfare agencies results from the \u201Cdumping of problemclients\u201D and theinadequate resources. Child welfare should still address the needs formore supportservices for families. Families need more than just counsellingor intervention. Somefamilies are not ready to function without extended help fromagencies. Somemainstream agencies tend to work with women and not with children.Stigma isattached to hookers as single parents. Workers must look at the welfare of thechildren and not cast judgment on the lifestyle of the parent. If children are notatrisk, workers should not simply condemn a mother for her lifestyleor economicbehaviour ... More Aboriginal workers are needed in the mainstream child and familyservices field. Because of the high numbers of Native people, institutions andagencies need to reflect the population base better. Some schools need more visibleNative staff such as teachers or administrators. The move toward separate schoolsor services does not always fit the client group because Native familiesdo have morediversity than is generally assumed. They are more than statisticsor victims.305APPENDIX IMontreal: Services directly mentionedby participants in the studyLe Bon Dieu Dans Ia Rue (The Good God inthe Street), (Dans Ia Rue for short) foundedbyFather Emmet Johns, a 63 year old Catholicpriest known to all as Pops, in December1988, was thebest known emergency service for streetyouth in Montreal. As stated before, Pops\u2019method ofdelivery and unconditional regard forthe street youth, particularlythe younger ones like Natasha,endeared him to alienated youth. In thefield work process it became quite clearthat Pops was verypersonally involved in watching out forNatasha on the street. She, inturn, spoke affectionately ofhis help.Dans Ia Rue is a non-denominationalgroup (four full time staff and volunteerswho work inteams of six per shift, 45 volunteerteens in all) aimed at helping Montrealstreet youth. It ispredominantly designed to help minorsalthough no one is turned away. They havehad contactwith over 30,000 people from 10to 35 years of age since its opening (Lalonde,1993). They workfrom a 31 foot GM mobile home, everyonecalls \u201Cthe van,\u201D handing out everythingfrom food toblankets, condoms to second hand clothes,They also provide counselling, referrals,advocacy withthe court system and generally being a friend.The van was donated by the Rotary Clubof Montreal.The organization is funded mostly byprivate donations (the city donated$20,000 in 1992).It represents a place to get reprieve fromthe cold, hunger and a slim chance to avoidsexuallytransmitted diseases, and even a couple of free cigarettes,with no questions asked and best of all\u201Cyou don\u2019t have to beg.\u201D It is also a place where unconditionallove is liberally dished out (Abley,1993).Pop\u2019s makes stops at Atwater Avenue and Ste. CatherineStreet, Peel and Ste. CatherineStreet, Parc Lafontaine(a well known male prostitution district), Amherst and Ontario Street(afavourite spot for transvestites), Clarkstreet and Ste. Catherines, St. Denis andRene LevesqueBolevard. And has contact with 125 peoplea night, as high as 1 75 on an extra cold night.A new initiative that is currently underway is a shortterm, 20 capacity, rooming house forhomeless youth ages 12-17. A $30,400 contributionfrom the city of Montreal will assist in theoperation of the house in a location near the downtownbus terminal. Youth Protection Services willbe advised within 72 hours of a minor beinghoused in the unit. The goal of the houseis to providestability while permanent planning for theyouth is underway. An advisory committee of formerstreet youth, volunteers and three full time employeeswill help run the house(Lalonde, 1993).Cactus (Centre d\u2019action communautaire aupres des tosicomainesI utulisateurs de syringes)which has a fixed cite at 1209 Saint-DominiqueStreet in downtown Montreal, was founded in July1989. It is funded by provincial and federal governments.The organization also provides servicesat several other locations. The prison locations areat the provincial medium security prisons LaMaison Tanquay(150 women, 2000 women per year), and Le Centre de Detention de Montreal(850capacity, 12,000 per year) with sentences of less than two years.Cactus also operates a drop inclinic situated within the St-Luc Hospital, andis an integrated part of the detox unit in downtownMontreal (Hawkins et aI.1993).The drop-in site operates seven days a week, 9 p.m.- 4 a.m., with four nursing staff (Redpath,1990). They serve 150-1 75 clients per night. The services they provide are educationon AIDS, HIVprevention, needle exchange and condomsupply, counselling and medical referral. About one outof ten prostitutes are likely to be HIVinfected according to Cactus statistics(Cactus EvaluationReport, Jan. 1993).Natasha mentioned, in her interviewthat she spends time at the Cactus drop in centre inMontreal. Her only complaint was that aftera short period of time they call the provincial child care306system when a minor uses their services. Since Natashais always on the run from authorities thisis not a drawing feature for her.Heads and Hands, situated at 2304 Old OrchardAvenue, is a Community health and socialservice centre for youth and young adults in the westend of Montreal. Services consist of referral,counselling, legal help, Monday to Friday 10a.m. - 10 p.m. (Friday until 5 p.m. only). Personnelare also available to schools, the community and churchgroups for education on addictions, sexuallytransmitted disease, nutrition and dental care(Brochure).Sawbridge: Youth Centres, 3065, boul. Labelle, Prevost, wherewe found Natasha andCharnelle, is a detention centre that serves youth 12-18years old that have been \u201Cprocessed\u201D throughyouth protection or the young offenders systems. Theyare funded through the Quebec Ministry ofHealth and Social Services. Out of 369 staff membersone is Aboriginal and no Aboriginalorganization representatives or private citizens sit on theirboard of directors. We were directed tothe Law 120 section of Quebec\u2019s new law on health andsocial services, which laid out strictguidelines for representation on the board of directors.Aboriginal people are not likely to be electedor appointed in any of the categories.In the seven districts in Quebec, 31 Aboriginal youth age12-2 1 were admitted to Shawbridgein 1992-93, Montreal alone had 10 Aboriginalyouth in detention. So far in 1993-94, 6 Aboriginalyouth have entered their care. Natasha and Charnelle were twoof them. The organization staffrecognize that Aboriginal identity is a particular problem\u201Cespecially for Native youth who wereadopted into White families and the adoption is breakingdown.\u201D However, they say that they dominimal culturally specific work with Aboriginal youthbut will refer to Aboriginal agencies whenappropriate.Passages is a program for juvenile prostitutes and runaways(14-18) who come from all overCanada, from many ethnic backgrounds, and from all socioeconomic classes. Itis an 18 unit centrewith and average stay of six months (City helps,1988). A package, that Passages uses foreducational purposes states, that the johns are mainly men 35-50 yearsof age, from allsocioeconomic backgrounds and all professions. Youth in the sex industry needservices designedspecifically for them. Robertson (1984) stated that youth requested counselling services, legal aid,medical referrals and information, lifeskills training, some structure and disciplineand protectionfrom their pimps. All of our participants had either tried prostitution or hadbeen approached bywould be pimps.The Native Friendship Centre of Montreal created in January 1974, is situatedat 3730 Cotedes Neiges. They provide services, information, referral and counselling,to Aboriginal people(usually over 30 years of age), cultural community-recreational activities, food depotand daily meals,and addictions outreach. Except for incidental accompaniment of parentsto cultural activities, theparticipants did not mention the Friendship Centre as a resource they felt theyhad access to. Theresearch assistant also observed that most of the clientele wereolder Aboriginal people. They hadno programs for Aboriginal youth.307APPENDIXJConsent and release formI_____________________________hereby give permission to Lauri Gilchrist to use the interviewswhich I conducted as part of the Aboriginal Street YouthStudy sponsored by the Royal Commissionon Aboriginal Peoples in 1993. The interviews were conducted in Mayand June of 1993. Iunderstand that the material will be used in a dissertation as partialrequirements for a Ph.D. in theSocial and Educational Studies Department, Faculty of Education, Universityof British Columbia.Further I understand that I will have the opportunity to see the finaldocument to insure that thecontext of the interviews reflects the reality of the persons interviewed.Name:________________________________Date:"@en
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