patrickbdevaney/mia9 · Datasets at Hugging Face

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from community organizations and policymakers throughout the entire process enables community member interaction over multiple sessions.
Research questions
Calls in the literature for additional community-engaged and local adaptation approaches [14,
15], along with limitations of scaled up approaches [16] suggest that local risks, needs, and perceptions vary by community. While community-engaged studies report on the perception of
local risks, there is little comparative work examining variation between multiple community
assessments of climate risk and adaptation possibilities at the hyperlocal level [35]. As such, we
advance a series of research questions below. Research questions 1 and 2 focus on subjective
concerns of individuals within the local environments and seek to understand whether local
experience provides different perceptions of risk. Additionally, we view the showing and telling of stories by community members as inherently hyperlocal as they focus specifically on
their lived experiences within their communities.
1. Do community members’ perceptions of climate change risk and their perceptions of the
likelihood of those risks vary by community?
2. What are the key hyperlocal concerns related to climate change expressed by community
members through photovoice? How do these concerns vary geographically by community?
As discussed previously, many governmental decisions about adaptation are made based on
city or county-wide geospatial data such as elevation or flood risk [e.g., 16, 22]. Research
question 3 explores geospatial data to compare similarities and differences in risk factors in
PLOS CLIMATE
Advancing a hyperlocal approach to community engagement in climate adaptation
PLOS Climate \| https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000041 June 8, 2022 6 / 26
communities within the same county. While the overall ICRA score is presented at both the
county and community level, the visual representation of vulnerability on the maps demonstrates how risk can vary parcel by parcel or block by block, and provides greater understanding of hyperlocal risks from an integration of multiple vulnerabilities.
3. What are the risks of each community as identified by geospatial data in the ICRA?
Community-based participatory approaches suggest that subjective community perceptions
represent unique views into community risks, needs, and solutions. Research question 4
explores the relationship and alignment between community perceptions and risks identified with geospatial data. Differences in these perceptions would serve to highlight that significant concerns of community members may not be those most obviously identified by
geospatial data–a finding which would reinforce the importance of engaging multiple
sources of knowledge and data for decision-making.
4. What is the relationship between the subjective concerns of participants with the geospatial
risks identified in the ICRA?
While photovoice empowers the telling of individual stories, as detailed above, the process
may not be as effective in developing solutions–an area where design thinking has demonstrated strength. As such, we ask research question 5 to see what solutions emerge from a
design thinking perspective in our two communities. As with photovoice, we view these
solutions as inherently hyperlocal as they focus specifically on the concerns advanced for a
particular community, based on place-based needs encountered in everyday life.
5. What are the most pressing issues and potential solutions for these concerns as expressed
by community members through design thinking? Do these issues and solutions vary by
community?
Finally, we seek to measure the impact of our process on individual and collective capacity.
Photovoice theorizes that using this process of engagement within communities should
increase engagement, advocacy, and connection; however, few studies measure the impact
of the process on individual participants.
6. What is the impact of the HyLo method on perceptions of individual and community
capacity?
Methods and materials
Ethics statement
Human Subjects Approval: This study was approved by the University’s Institutional Review
Board, Approval # 20200182 (MOD00038843), modified to meet Covid-19 safety and online
protocols. Informed consent was completed through an online process where participants
read the consent form and agreed to participate in the study by clicking a box to proceed to the
survey and online sessions. No identifying information was collected through informed consent, and all data related to online sessions was de-identified to protect participant confidentiality. Participant informed consent granted explicit permission for the use of photographs and
stories for publication purposes.
Study setting: Little River and Homestead in Miami-Dade County
Miami-Dade County, located in southeast Florida, is one of the largest urbanized areas in the
United States as of the 2020 Census. Its climate, topography, and sociopolitical environments
individually and in combination make the county uniquely vulnerable to climate change
PLOS CLIMATE
Advancing a hyperlocal approach to community engagement in climate adaptation
PLOS Climate \| https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000041 June 8, 2022 7 / 26
impacts that include sea level rise, saltwater intrusion, extreme heat, intensified and more frequent storms, and increased number and scale of flood events. These impacts, however, and
the efforts to prepare for them are not equally shared across the county.
As of 2019, Miami-Dade’s population was estimated at >2.7 million people, a majority of
whom identify with at least one racial minority. Thirty-seven percent of the county’s households do not earn a living wage and an additional 17% are considered to be living in poverty
[51]. Other social disparities include proportions of renters versus owners, median home
value, and access to public services like transportation.
For this study, we focus on two communities: Little River and Homestead. Both are located
in Miami-Dade County and share many of the same climate vulnerabilities as the rest of South
Florida (sea level rise, hurricane risk, saltwater intrusion, etc.). We chose these two communities in collaboration with our community partners, The CLEO Institute and Catalyst Miami,
because they have long-established relationships in these communities and each location represents a unique circumstance.
Little River, the site of The CLEO Institute collaboration, is a coastal urban neighborhood
and Homestead, the site of a Catalyst Miami collaboration, is an agricultural community. Each
community represents an ethnically diverse population with socio-economic and climate
risks. Our determination of specific climate vulnerabilities was developed as part of the ICRA
after the communities were chosen–but the selection of these communities focused on community resources as well as physical climate risk.
Little River is a neighborhood in the City of Miami that encompasses an area of approximately one square mile with a history that includes a Tequesta burial mound, signaling its long
occupancy by indigenous peoples as well as subsequent inhabitation by generations of immigrants. Eponymously named after the river that runs to its north, Little River was established in
the late 1800s and incorporated as part of the City of Miami in 1925. Adjacent to the Little
River neighborhood are Miami’s Little Haiti, the Village of El Portal, and unincorporated West
Little River. Little River is home to a population of 8,200 individuals, most of whom identify as
Black or African American (78%) or Hispanic (18%). The median household income in 2021
was $21,809. The median age for Little River is 38.7 years. An average of 31% of units are renter
occupied and 69% owner occupied (excluding vacant units). Among adults over 25, education
levels are as follows: less than high school diploma (20%), high school diploma or GED (28%),
some college (25%), bachelor degree (18%), advanced or professional degree (9%).
Homestead is a municipality in southern Miami-Dade County and the second oldest city
and agricultural community in Miami-Dade. It is located southwest of the City of Miami and
northwest of Key Largo. Adjacent to Homestead are Florida City and unincorporated Redland,
Leisure City, Naranja, and Princeton. Homestead encompasses approximately 15 square miles
and is home to nearly 70,000 individuals, most of whom identify as White (68%), Black or
African American (21%), Hispanic (67%), and White, not Hispanic (11.9%) The median
household income from 2015 to 2019 was $47,508 [52]. The median age for Homestead is 31.5
years. An average of 55% of units are renter occupied and 45% owner occupied (excluding
vacant units). Among adults over 25, education levels are as follows: less than high school
diploma (34%), high school diploma or GED (27%), some college (25%), bachelor degree
(13%), advanced or professional degree (6%).
Geospatial mapping and the integrated climate risk assessment for Little
River, Homestead, and Miami-Dade County
While photovoice and design thinking focus on participants’ subjective experiences of climate
vulnerabilities, there is utility in relating those experiences to objective risks that may be used
PLOS CLIMATE

from community organizations and policymakers throughout the entire process enables community member interaction over multiple sessions.

Research questions

Calls in the literature for additional community-engaged and local adaptation approaches [14,

15], along with limitations of scaled up approaches [16] suggest that local risks, needs, and perceptions vary by community. While community-engaged studies report on the perception of

local risks, there is little comparative work examining variation between multiple community

assessments of climate risk and adaptation possibilities at the hyperlocal level [35]. As such, we

advance a series of research questions below. Research questions 1 and 2 focus on subjective

concerns of individuals within the local environments and seek to understand whether local

experience provides different perceptions of risk. Additionally, we view the showing and telling of stories by community members as inherently hyperlocal as they focus specifically on

their lived experiences within their communities.

1. Do community members’ perceptions of climate change risk and their perceptions of the

likelihood of those risks vary by community?

2. What are the key hyperlocal concerns related to climate change expressed by community

members through photovoice? How do these concerns vary geographically by community?

As discussed previously, many governmental decisions about adaptation are made based on

city or county-wide geospatial data such as elevation or flood risk [e.g., 16, 22]. Research

question 3 explores geospatial data to compare similarities and differences in risk factors in

PLOS CLIMATE

Advancing a hyperlocal approach to community engagement in climate adaptation

PLOS Climate | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000041 June 8, 2022 6 / 26

communities within the same county. While the overall ICRA score is presented at both the

county and community level, the visual representation of vulnerability on the maps demonstrates how risk can vary parcel by parcel or block by block, and provides greater understanding of hyperlocal risks from an integration of multiple vulnerabilities.

3. What are the risks of each community as identified by geospatial data in the ICRA?

Community-based participatory approaches suggest that subjective community perceptions

represent unique views into community risks, needs, and solutions. Research question 4

explores the relationship and alignment between community perceptions and risks identified with geospatial data. Differences in these perceptions would serve to highlight that significant concerns of community members may not be those most obviously identified by

geospatial data–a finding which would reinforce the importance of engaging multiple

sources of knowledge and data for decision-making.

4. What is the relationship between the subjective concerns of participants with the geospatial

risks identified in the ICRA?

While photovoice empowers the telling of individual stories, as detailed above, the process

may not be as effective in developing solutions–an area where design thinking has demonstrated strength. As such, we ask research question 5 to see what solutions emerge from a

design thinking perspective in our two communities. As with photovoice, we view these

solutions as inherently hyperlocal as they focus specifically on the concerns advanced for a

particular community, based on place-based needs encountered in everyday life.

5. What are the most pressing issues and potential solutions for these concerns as expressed

by community members through design thinking? Do these issues and solutions vary by

community?

Finally, we seek to measure the impact of our process on individual and collective capacity.

Photovoice theorizes that using this process of engagement within communities should

increase engagement, advocacy, and connection; however, few studies measure the impact

of the process on individual participants.

6. What is the impact of the HyLo method on perceptions of individual and community

capacity?

Methods and materials

Ethics statement

Human Subjects Approval: This study was approved by the University’s Institutional Review

Board, Approval # 20200182 (MOD00038843), modified to meet Covid-19 safety and online

protocols. Informed consent was completed through an online process where participants

read the consent form and agreed to participate in the study by clicking a box to proceed to the

survey and online sessions. No identifying information was collected through informed consent, and all data related to online sessions was de-identified to protect participant confidentiality. Participant informed consent granted explicit permission for the use of photographs and

stories for publication purposes.

Study setting: Little River and Homestead in Miami-Dade County

Miami-Dade County, located in southeast Florida, is one of the largest urbanized areas in the

United States as of the 2020 Census. Its climate, topography, and sociopolitical environments

individually and in combination make the county uniquely vulnerable to climate change

PLOS CLIMATE

Advancing a hyperlocal approach to community engagement in climate adaptation

PLOS Climate | https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000041 June 8, 2022 7 / 26

impacts that include sea level rise, saltwater intrusion, extreme heat, intensified and more frequent storms, and increased number and scale of flood events. These impacts, however, and

the efforts to prepare for them are not equally shared across the county.

As of 2019, Miami-Dade’s population was estimated at >2.7 million people, a majority of

whom identify with at least one racial minority. Thirty-seven percent of the county’s households do not earn a living wage and an additional 17% are considered to be living in poverty

[51]. Other social disparities include proportions of renters versus owners, median home

value, and access to public services like transportation.

For this study, we focus on two communities: Little River and Homestead. Both are located

in Miami-Dade County and share many of the same climate vulnerabilities as the rest of South

Florida (sea level rise, hurricane risk, saltwater intrusion, etc.). We chose these two communities in collaboration with our community partners, The CLEO Institute and Catalyst Miami,

because they have long-established relationships in these communities and each location represents a unique circumstance.

Little River, the site of The CLEO Institute collaboration, is a coastal urban neighborhood

and Homestead, the site of a Catalyst Miami collaboration, is an agricultural community. Each

community represents an ethnically diverse population with socio-economic and climate

risks. Our determination of specific climate vulnerabilities was developed as part of the ICRA

after the communities were chosen–but the selection of these communities focused on community resources as well as physical climate risk.

Little River is a neighborhood in the City of Miami that encompasses an area of approximately one square mile with a history that includes a Tequesta burial mound, signaling its long

occupancy by indigenous peoples as well as subsequent inhabitation by generations of immigrants. Eponymously named after the river that runs to its north, Little River was established in

the late 1800s and incorporated as part of the City of Miami in 1925. Adjacent to the Little

River neighborhood are Miami’s Little Haiti, the Village of El Portal, and unincorporated West

Little River. Little River is home to a population of 8,200 individuals, most of whom identify as

Black or African American (78%) or Hispanic (18%). The median household income in 2021

was $21,809. The median age for Little River is 38.7 years. An average of 31% of units are renter

occupied and 69% owner occupied (excluding vacant units). Among adults over 25, education

levels are as follows: less than high school diploma (20%), high school diploma or GED (28%),

some college (25%), bachelor degree (18%), advanced or professional degree (9%).

Homestead is a municipality in southern Miami-Dade County and the second oldest city

and agricultural community in Miami-Dade. It is located southwest of the City of Miami and

northwest of Key Largo. Adjacent to Homestead are Florida City and unincorporated Redland,

Leisure City, Naranja, and Princeton. Homestead encompasses approximately 15 square miles

and is home to nearly 70,000 individuals, most of whom identify as White (68%), Black or

African American (21%), Hispanic (67%), and White, not Hispanic (11.9%) The median

household income from 2015 to 2019 was $47,508 [52]. The median age for Homestead is 31.5

years. An average of 55% of units are renter occupied and 45% owner occupied (excluding

vacant units). Among adults over 25, education levels are as follows: less than high school

diploma (34%), high school diploma or GED (27%), some college (25%), bachelor degree

(13%), advanced or professional degree (6%).

Geospatial mapping and the integrated climate risk assessment for Little

River, Homestead, and Miami-Dade County

While photovoice and design thinking focus on participants’ subjective experiences of climate

vulnerabilities, there is utility in relating those experiences to objective risks that may be used

PLOS CLIMATE