Not Angles but Anglicans? Reformation and Post-Reformation Perspectives on the Anglo-Saxon Church, Part 1: Bede, Ælfric and the Anglo-Saxon Church in Early Modern England
Hugh Magennis
AbstractFrom the beginning, early modern study of Anglo-Saxon England had a theological dimension, as opposing apologists sought to appropriate teachings English church. The Protestant enlisting Ælfric is well known but Bede too was wielded in religious controversies. present article highlights key theologically motivated figures who looked Tudor period, examining particular writings by John Bale, “Parker circle” and Thomas Stapleton. Part 2 (to be published forthcoming issue Studies) will trace continuing appropriation Christianity subsequent centuries. Notes1Sellar Yeatman, 22. See Bede, Ecclesiastical History People, II, 1, Colgrave Mynors, eds. trans., 132–5; cf. Colgrave, ed. chap. 9, 91–2.2See Murphy; Graham, “Anglo-Saxon Studies,” 415–18.3See Summit, 159–76.4Leland, f. 2v; quoted Tuve, 172; on Leland “Saxon” language, see Buckalew, 19–50.5Also surviving Bale's compendious notebook used while he preparing Catalogus, giving details about places where saw manuscripts, Index Britanniae Scriptorum Quos ex variis bibliothecis non parvo labore collegit Ionnes Bale˛us.6On this phase studies, Vann, 259–72; for brief overview studies including reference earliest phase, Magennis, 158–72; account draws upon expands discussion.7Quoted MacDougall, 33.8Bale, Laboryouse Journey, J4v.9“John Leland's Letter Matthew Parker,” 17.10See Shrank, 179–92.11As testified Bale: “For yere from Christes incarnation .lxiii. Joseph Armathe other disciples sent ouer said Philip [Philip apostle] preach Christ, entred bothe with theyr wiues children” (Actes Englysh Votaryes, 17r). 14, 34.12See Gildas, 8 (18).13See I, 4 (Colgrave 24–5). Mynors (24, n. 2) identify Bede's source Liber Pontificalis; also Wallace-Hadrill, 11.14 L. Thorpe, IV, 19, 124–5.15An doubter historian Polydore Vergil, his scepticism historicity Geoffrey out line consensus, indignantly expressed swift riposte Leland, Assertio inclytissimi Arturii regis Britannia (1544). For Vergil's British history Historia Anglica, History, Vol. I.16Kenyon writes, “Ignorance Anglo-Saxons almost total. They were squeezed between resplendent Arthur, whose golden age they brutally terminated, much admired Normans, harbingers new improved civilization” (5–6).17Bale, Actes 29r. Referring brought Augustine, Bale “Wel myght thys called christianity, neyther it Chryst nor hys Apostles, yet euer seene Englande afore. It came altogether dust heap their Monkery” (ibid., 30v).18Colgrave 139–41 (modified): “si modo nobis adsurgere noluit, quanto magis, si ei subdi coeperimus, iam nos pro nihilo contemnet”, 138–40.19Colgrave 141: nationem Anglorum noluissent uiam uitae praedicare, per horum manus ultionem essent mortis passuri”, 140.20“John 23.21As referred study.22II, 34; 116–17.23Colgrave “diuino agente iudicio”, 140.24Colgrave 141–3; “completum est presagium sancti pontificis Augustini, quamuis ipso multo ante tempore ad caelestia regna sublato, ut etiam temporalis interitus ultione sentirent perfidi, quod oblat sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreuerant”, 140–2.25Bale, 33r. According Monmouth, not Augustine himself Christian king Æthelberht Kent incited Æthelfrith Northumbria “to march city Bangor destroy Abbot Dinoot churchmen scorned Augustine” (L. 267).26Robinson, 54; Bernau, 106–18.27Harvey, 83; see, further, Kenyon, 6.28Harvey, 83, 97, Schwyzer, 39–40.29Brackmann, Elizabethan Invention, 3; Robinson.30MacDougall, 39; Strype, 55.31See “John Joscelyn,” 83–140.32See Brackmann, Invention; 418–23; “Laurence Nowell's Old Glosses,” 94–105.33Parker, preface.34For text, Godden, 150–60; translation, B. 262–83.35Fehr, 1–34 (at 29–31), 146–221 178–87) 58–67 62–4), respectively.36Leinbaugh, “Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio Die Pascae,” 51; Leinbaugh, “On Sources,” 294–311.37Strype, 508, 166.38For example, like reformers, Parker found church's insistence clerical celibacy repugnant, though quoting him context managed find evidence softer Ælfric: Kleist, “Monks, Marriage, Manuscripts,” 312–27; “Matthew Parker, English”; latter essay Kleist reminds us that married priest.39Parker, Testimonie, testimonial.40Ibid., preface.41Leinbaugh, 53–6. observes dryly: “Parker's ideological ends occasionally bring methodology into question” (“Monks, 325–6).42Corona, lines 152–67.43B. Thorpe (modified), 269: “Wiðutan hi beoð gesewene hlaf win. ægðer ge hiwe. swæcce. ac soðlice æfter ðære halgunge cristes lichama. blod þurh gastlicere gerynu” (Godden, 104–7).44Leinbaugh, 57–8; Robinson, 62–6.45Foxe, ed., Gospels fower Evangelistes, Dedication, ¶ii,r.46Leinbaugh, 62.47Academically, learned works now being produced English; Robert Recorde, an antiquarian associate book Grounde Artes, teaching work practise arithmetick 1540—the first mathematics written English—and medical Urinal Physic 1548.48Foxe, dedication, A.ii.49See Murphy, 3. Murphy comments (ibid.), “Why Foxe, no scholar English, chosen put name edition can only matter speculation.”50Foxe, ¶ii. further Dekker, 68–93.51Foxe, ¶ii.52As Kenyon remarks, reformers “was tarred papist brush” (6).53Colgrave observe: “Bede has been fortunate translators, even Stapleton's translation 1565 set splendid example” (editor's preface [by Colgrave], vii).54Cited lxxi.55Colgrave lxx–lxxi.56See Southern.57Haigh, 254; recusant writing, Highley, esp. 23–53.58T. Stapleton, reader, li.59Ibid., l–li.60Ibid., liii.61Ibid., lii.62Ibid., lxi.63Ibid., llxii.64Ibid., l.65 dedication Queen Elizabeth), xxxiii.66The reading people united faith represents important strand criticism: e.g. Howe; Michelet. On Englishness Gregorian mission, Brooks, Wormald.67P. J. 15–34.68T. li.69Ibid.70Ibid. treatment Gregory story comes ff. 27v–28r. Frantzen, Bawdy Bale”, which incorporates acute deconstruction account, drawing attention Gregory's implicit endorsement institution slavery indifference fate boys.71 27v 28r. alleges “other spirituall remedies” clergy providers, whom “ye may if ye wil call them apple squires [i.e. pimps]”, ibid., 27v.72As pointed P. 29.73T. 69–70; cp. 132–4 (subsequent quotations are these pages).74T. lxii.75Fulke's difference familiar one: “The Church Saxons, three hundred years after Augustin, did believe bread wine remain Sacrament consecration, Papists deny: proved Sermon extant Saxon tongue, translated Latin Ælfrick, Archbishop Canterbury, or S. Albone's, appointed read at Easter before received Communion; two Epistles same Ælfrike”; Fulke goes say: Saxons believed Body Blood carnally, spiritually; expressly denying carnal presence Transubstantiation, hold” (Stapleton's Fortress Overthrown, 20).76Ibid., 6.77Frantzen, Desire Origins, 156.78See Dumville; Hines; Yorke.79For general reconsideration Higham; links Continent, Blair, 16–18; role Franks, Wood; continuities church, nn. 83–6, below. excellent challenges recent scholarship (in comparison original Ecclesiastic its translation), Rowley, 2, 36–56.80Colgrave 137: “uerus summae lucis praecox ab omnibus praedicatur Augustinus”, 136.81Colgrave 139: “ad praedicationem Augustini suas deserere traditiones”, 138.82Colgrave 139–41: 138–40.83See Sims-Williams.84Brooks, “From Christianity,” 30.85Ibid.86Blair, 29.87Ep. 6.10, trans. Martyn, 409; possible missionary lies comment money spent “be more profitably own land” (ibid.).88Ep. 6.51, 438.89See Scragg, ed.90Godden, 167–74 (155); 273.91Grundy, 265–9; Szarmach, 237–47.92Grundy, 269; here Grundy takes argued reconciles symbolist interpretation Eucharist (“Ælfric's 55).93Bakhuisen Van Den Brink, ed.; Paulus, ed.94On Carolingian “Eucharistic controversy”, Chazelle, 240–9. Surveying Pascasius four commentators (Hincmar, Gottschalk, Scottus Ratramnus), Chazelle concludes that, disagreed understanding Eucharistic theology, all writers agreed one point: “No saved does consume consecrated Masses conducted priests themselves—the sole means, belief, creating sacramental Christ's body blood” (249).95Lockett, 410.96B. “Ne sceole smeagan hu hit gedon sy, healdan eowerum geleafan þæt swa sy” 156–7).97Chazelle, 233.
English Studies