TEXT:  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Kalka  River  1223 
  Genghiz  Khan’s Mongols invade Russia 
   
  Campaign 
  OSPREY 
  PUBLISHING 
   
  D  Nicolle & V  Shpakovsky •  Illustrated by V Korolkov 
  
   
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  Temuchin of the Borjigin tribe 
  adopted the name of Genghiz 
  Khan or 'Universal Ruler' when 
  he was chosen as supreme khan 
  of all the Mongol tribes. The 
  Kalka River campaign, during 
  which a small part of Genghiz 
  Khan's apparently invincible 
  army made a remarkable armed 
  reconnaissance far to the west, 
  was only a minor episode in a 
  career of conquest that 
  surpassed that of any military 
  leader before or since. He 
  appears here in a Chinese 
  portrait made a few years after 
  his death.  
  (National Palace Museum, 
  Taiwan, Republic of China) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The great and wealthy city of 
  Samarqand in Transoxania, in 
  what is now Uzbekistan, was one 
  of the first Islamic cities to fall 
  before the flood of Mongol 
  conquest. The site of the early 
  medieval city is now abandoned, 
  though its massive mud-brick 
  fortifications overlook the late 
  medieval city made famous by a 
  later conqueror who modelled 
  himself upon Genghiz Khan, 
  Timur-i Lenk known to Europe as 
  Tamerlane. It was from this area 
  that Jebei Noyon and Subodei 
  Bahadur set out with their 
  followers on an expedition that 
  culminated at the battle of the 
  Kalka River.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
  ORIGINS OF THE  
  CAMPAIGN 
   
   
   
   
   
  ooking back at the 13th century, before the Mongols erupted onto 
  the scene, it is obvious that this was not a peaceful or quiet period. 
  Wars seemed to flare all across Europe and Asia between states 
  large and small, between kings, princes, emperors and even between 
  local barons or governors. This was as true in Russia as elsewhere. Here 
  the Russian princes fought between themselves and against their 
  neighbours. The latter included Volga Bulgars to the east, Finnish tribes 
  to the east and north-east, Poles and Hungarians to the west and 
  Polovtsians to the south. The latter formed a loose federation of Turkish 
  tribes otherwise known as Kipchaqs or Cumans. Rivalry with the 
  Polovtsians sometimes also drew in the rulers of Georgia, Abkhazia, 
  Armenia and even the Byzantine Empire. Competition for control of 
  wealthy trading outposts in the Crimean peninsula also began to draw in 
  the western European Genoese and Venetians as well as the Seljuk 
  Turkish rulers of Anatolia on the far side of the Black Sea. 
  Meanwhile the Islamic world was no more peaceful. Here an ambitious 
  dynasty of rulers had emerged in the previously rich but rather isolated 
  province of Khwarazm on the southern shore of the Aral Sea in 
  Transoxania. These Khwarazmshahs were now carving out a huge state 
  encompassing much of Transoxania, Iran and Afghanistan, built on the 
  ruins of the fragmented Great Seljuk state which had preceded them. At 
  the same time the remaining Seljuk Turkish princes and their other 
  smaller successor states were all too often fighting against each other 
  when they were not engaged in trying to suppress the aggressive Crusader 
  States in the Middle East. In the Far East things seemed somewhat more 
  peaceful; but even here there was bitter rivalry between the three states 
   
   
   
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  CLIMATIC ZONES 
  Wet Mountain 
  Dry Mountain 
  Tundra 
  Boreal Forest 
  Temperate Maritime 
  Temperate Continental 
  Temperate Steppe 
  Temperate Arid 
  Subtropical Humid 
  Subtropical Medeterranean 
  Subtropical Steppe 
  Subtropical Arid 
  Tropical Arid 
  Tropical Savanna 
  Tropical Rain Forest 
  Political frontiers 
   
  Mongol Campaigns under 
  Genghiz Khan 1204-1220 
   
  States 
   
  Tirbal peoples 
  
   
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  which made up China, each of which also watched their Central Asian 
  Turkish and Mongol neighbours with increasing alarm. Everywhere it 
  seemed that peace agreements were drawn up, adhered to for a while 
  then broken as wars flared up again and again. Yesterday's enemies 
  became today's allies, and vice-versa in seemingly endless repetition. 
  While such habitual and destructive wars appeared to be the normal 
  mode of international relations, particularly in Europe and the Middle 
  East, a new power was rising far away on the fringes of the Gobi Desert 
  north of China. This was the vigorous state of the Mongols - a people 
  who played their part on the international stage before but who would 
  come to dominate the 13th century. They would, in fact, soon govern 
  the destinies of a great many Asian and European peoples. 
  In 1206 the leaders of all Mongol tribes held a quriltai or meeting of 
  chieftains at which they chose Temuchin of the Borjigin clan as their 
  Supreme Khan or overall ruler. Temuchin may then have adopted the 
  title of Genghiz Khan, meaning 'Universal Ruler'. The warriors of the 
  new Mongol state thus created would subsequently ride thousands of 
  kilometres across the continents of Europe and Asia. They would also 
  prove a cruel ordeal for the many nations, including Russia, who came 
  up against this irresistible new Mongol military power. 
  The 13th century would prove to be the last in the long and glorious 
  history of Kievan Russia. By that time its huge territories on the eastern 
  edge of Europe had already fragmented into a number of self-governing 
  principalities. The great and beautiful city of Kiev had itself declined in 
  importance and was no longer the centre of Russian power. In fact Kiev 
  was even having difficulty maintaining its status as the religious capital 
  of the Russian people. In 1169 the city was devastated by the army of 
  Andrei Bogolyubskiy, the Prince of Vladimir, which was one of the 
  strongest principalities in the eastern part of Russia. Not many years 
  later Kiev was again ravaged by the armies of other rival Russian rulers, 
  including the Prince of Smolensk and then in 1203 by Ryurik 
  Rostislavich. After that the city could not recover and it never regained 
  its former grandeur, beauty and power. As Kiev declined politically and 
  economically, other Russian cities rose to rival and then surpass this the  
   
   
  ABOVE Many of the Turkish and 
  Mongol peoples of Central Asia 
  erected stone statues in the 
  steppe grasslands. Most marked 
  the graves of warriors or tribal 
  leaders. This example is in the 
  eastern steppes, but similar 
  carvings could be found as far 
  west as the Ukraine and even in 
  Bulgaria. 
   
  ABOVE, LEFT Central Asia is not 
  one vast sea of grass or prairies 
  as is sometimes thought. The 
  grasslands themselves vary in 
  quality while there are also 
  mountains and woodland far 
  south of the endless Siberian 
  forests. In addition there are arid 
  areas like the Kara Kum desert 
  seen here. But almost 
  everywhere in the medieval 
  period Turkish and Mongol tribes 
  roamed, living largely off flocks 
  of sheep and other animals. 
  These peoples played a major 
  role in an interlocking series of 
  caravan routes known as the  
  Silk Road. This linked China to 
  the Islamic Middle East and 
  Christian Europe, bringing 
  considerable wealth to peoples 
  who controlled a section of the 
  Road.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
  
   
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  traditional centre of medieval Russia. Most notable were Ryazan and 
  Vladimir in the east. Meanwhile Polotsk and Great Novgorod in the 
  north and west of the country gradually became almost entirely 
  separated from the other Russian lands, at least in political terms. 
  Meanwhile the life of the ordinary people of Russia continued much as 
  usual. The century before the Mongol invasions was, in fact, something 
  of a golden age for medieval Russian culture, art and architecture. The 
  expanding towns and cities were decorated with new cathedrals, 
  princely palaces and in a few cases by imposing stone or brick 
  fortifications - though these remained rare, most Russian fortification 
  still being made of earth and timber. In the countryside around such 
  cities the fields were still ploughed and market-gardens spread outside 
  the town walls. 
  Internecine wars between the various Russian princes were usually of 
  short duration, causing limited casualties, and were followed by all too 
  often short-term truces. Oaths of loyalty between greater and lesser 
  princes, like those between princes and their senior followers, were 
  confirmed by the kissing of the Christian Cross in a ceremony that 
  formed an integral aspect of political agreements or truces. Yet in a 
  relatively short time these solemn oaths tended to be forgotten. As a 
  result many of the fine cathedrals were destroyed or burned, the towns' 
  market-gardens ravaged and pillaged, the surrounding fields trampled. 
  In response to repeated devastation, the patient Russian people rebuilt 
  and replanted, reconstructing what had been lost. Beyond their horizon, 
  however, a cataclysmic storm was approaching. Its initial thunderbolt 
  would strike at a dreadful battle on the banks of the Kalka River when 
  Russian armies would first feel the power of a new and terrible enemy. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Uighur Turkish chieftains 
  submitting to the Chinese 
  general Guo Zui, as illustrated by 
  the 11th-12th-century Chinese 
  artist Li Gonglin. The contrast 
  between the soberly dressed 
  Chinese officer and the barbaric 
  splendour of the steppe nomads 
  and their horses may have been 
  exaggerated. Nevertheless, the 
  Chinese artist was correct in 
  noting that the Uighurs, like 
  other leading Turkish and 
  Mongol tribes, were by no means 
  ill-kempt and unwashed 
  barbarians. They had their own 
  sophisticated cultures.  
  (National Palace Museum, 
  Taiwan. Republic of China). 
   
  
   
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  Apparently unknown to the Russian princes and their advisors, 
  Genghiz Khan, supreme ruler of the Mongols, had been waging a 
  bloody war against his eastern and southern neighbours in Central and 
  Further Asia. At the same time the Great Khan was anxious to 
  strengthen his western frontier, where he faced an equally ambitious 
  rival. This rival was Muhammad, the Khwarazmshah, who had already 
  siezed control of so much territory that he now dominated most of the 
  eastern Islamic World. Between Genghiz Khan and Muhammad the 
  Khwarazmshah lay lands that as yet neither of them fully controlled. 
  These stretched from Dzungaria, east of Lake Balkash, to the southern 
  Ural Mountains. 
  This apparently inhospitable territory was criss-crossed by the rich 
  caravan trade routes which linked Europe and the Middle East with 
   
   
   
   
   
  1. Destruction of Urgench (December 1220) followed by 
  a campaign to the north of the Caspian Sea by 
  aMongol army under Jochi, against the Qangli Turks 
  (eastern Kipchaqs or 'Wild' Polovtsians). 
  2. Genghiz Khan pursues Jalal al-Din, son of the 
  Khwarazmshah Muhammad; destroys Balkh (spring 
  1221) and Ghazna (spring 1222). 
  3. Genghiz Khan defeats Jalal al-Din near the river Indus 
  (25 November 1221). 
  4. Genghiz Khan returns to Transoxania. 
  5. Campaign by a Mongol force under Tolui 1221-22; 
  destroys Marw (February 1221) and Nishapur (April 
  1221). 
  6. Flight of Khwarazmshah Muhammad. 
  7. Death of Khwarazmshah Muhammad on a small 
  island in the Caspian Sea near Astara. 
  8. Western Mongol army under Jebei Noyon and Subodei 
  Bahadur pursues the Khwarazmshah Muhammad. 
  9. Western Mongol army destroys Qazvin (early 1221). 
  10. Western Mongol army devastates the Kingdom of  
   
  Georgia (February 1221). 
  11. Western Mongol army captures Maraghah and 
  Hamadan (February-March 1221). 
  12. Western Mongol army raids Georgia for the second 
  time (October 1221). 
  13. Western Mongol army winters on the steppes of 
  Azerbeijan near the Kur (Araxes) river: Subodei 
  received orders from Genghiz Khan to cross the 
  Caucasus Mountains after the snows melt and to 
  attack the Polovtsian Khanate ('Civilized’ Polovtsians 
  or western Kipchaqs) in conjunction with a planned 
  assault by a Mongol army under Jochi, then to return 
  to Central Asia via the north of the Caspian Sea. 
  14. Polovtsian army assembles on the Terek river lowlands 
  and is joined by Alan, lasian and Kosogian forces. 
  15. Western Mongol army crosses the Caucasus Mountains 
  but is trapped in the narrow Daryalsk ravine by 
  combined Polovtsian, Alan, etc. forces. 
  16. Mongols convince Polovtsians to break their alliance 
  with the Caucasian peoples; Mongols then attack and   
   
  defeat Alans, lasians and Kosogians. 
  17. Western Mongol army invades the Polovtsian Khanate 
  and defeats the Polovtsian army near the river Don. 
  18. Western Mongol army spends winter (1222-23) in the 
  steppes north of the Crimean peninsula. 
  19. Surviving Polovtsian leaders flee to various Russian 
  princes in search of support (late 1222); Koten Khan 
  goes to Galicia; the main Polovtsian army retreats west 
  of the river Dnieper while steppe lands east of the 
  Dnieper fall under Mongol control. 
  20. Prince Mstislav Mstislavich takes control of the 
  Principality of Galicia (1221). 
  21. Catholic Church sends Dominican missionaries to the 
  court of the Polovtsian Khan Koten (1221). 
  22. Seljuk Sultan of Rum (Anatolia) imposes his suzerainty 
  on the nominally Genoese trading outpost of Sudak 
  (1221). 
  23. The defenders of Sudak, probably with Seljuk 
  assistance, repulse a combined Russian-Polovtsian 
  attempt to take control of the town (1221 -22). 
   
  Raids and campaigns by the weatern Mongol 
  army under Jebei Noyon and Subodei Bahadur 
   
  Other Mongol campaigns 
   
  Flight of Khwarazmshah Muhammad 
   
  Other non-Mongol campaigns and movements 
  
   
  13 
  China. The merchants who used these various roads carried many 
  different goods, but all of them were highly valuable. Above all there 
  was silk from China. Furthermore these merchants paid good money for 
  local services, as well as paying the taxes, fines or tribute imposed on 
  them by whoever controlled these territories and their caravan routes. 
  During this period conditions along the Silk Roads were not, in fact, 
  particularly peaceful nor secure, and the merchants often suffered 
  injustice from local authorities or attack by bandits. 
  Religious enthusiasm added another element of uncertainty in this 
  part of Central Asia. Muhammad the Khwarazmshah bore the name of 
  the Muslim Prophet. He was also known as al-Ghazi, which meant 
  'warrior against the infidels'. Indeed Muhammad the Khwarazmshah 
  was not only deeply committed to his religious beliefs but was also 
  worried about the rising power of his Mongol neighbours to the east. A 
  true ghazi fought in defence of Islam and it would not be the first time 
  that a non-Islamic Central Asian state, nor indeed one of Mongol origin, 
  had threatened the wealthy Islamic provinces of Transoxania. These 
  had, in fact, sometimes even fallen under infidel rule - a completely 
  unacceptable situation for Muslims. Genghiz Khan and his followers 
  were, in the eyes of the Khwarazmshah and his people, primitive but 
  dangerous pagans, so a clash was almost inevitable. 
  In 1216 Genghiz Khan's Mongols reached the River Irgiz in what is 
  now Kazakhstan. Ahead of them fled the Merkit tribe who were old 
  enemies of Genghiz Khan's own Borjigin clan. The River Irgiz was 
  situated a little to the north of the Aral Sea, in territory which 
  Muhammad the Khwarazmshah regarded as falling within his sphere of 
  influence, if not actually within his state. So the Khwarazmshah sent 
  some troops against the Mongols, but his soldiers were defeated. For 
  their part the Merkits were now given shelter by the Kipchaq Turks, 
  eastern or 'wild' Polovtsians. They and the 'civilised' or western 
  Polovtsians dominated the vaste Eurasian steppes from the Aral Sea in 
  the east to the Danube River in the west. Thus these Polovtsians 
  inhabited much of what are now western Kazakhstan, southern Russia, 
  the Ukraine, part of Moldova and even part of Romania. 
  They were a numerous, militarily powerful and culturally sophisticated 
  people. Known to the Russians and the Polovtsy, and to the Byzantines, 
  Hungarians and western Europeans as the Cumans, they consisted of a 
  number of tribal unions forming two major but somewhat loose 
  federations - the eastern or 'wild' Polovtsians and the western or 
  'civilized' Polovtsians. The majority may still have been pagan but some 
  had adopted Islam and some Judaism, while it seems as if their ruling 
  elite was in the process of converting to Christianity. 
  These Turkish Polovtsians would prove to be serious military 
  opponents for the Mongols, being similar in numbers and in their military 
  capabilities. Indeed these Turks of the western steppes, though they 
  would lose their own Kipchaq-Polovtsian-Cuman identity, would 
  eventually come to dominate the westernmost Mongol state of the Golden 
  Horde - at least numerically. That, of course, lay far in the future, after the 
  great Mongol conquests and after Genghiz Khan's extraordinary 'World 
  Empire' had itself fragmented into competing states. 
  In 1220, after mobilizing his forces, Genghiz Khan moved against 
  the Khwarazmshah. The latter, however, had his own very large army 
   
   
  The hilt of a very corroded sabre 
  from the northern Caucasus 
  region, 13th-15th century. Its 
  quillons are inlaid with a simple 
  silver design. This sort of 
  weapon was used by local 
  Caucasian peoples such as the 
  Alans, lasians and Kosogians as 
  well as by the Polovtsian 
  Kipchaq Turks of the steppes 
  and by their Mongol conquerors. 
  (State Hermitage Museum,  
  St. Petersburg) 
   
   
   
   
   
  
   
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  consisting of well-trained and particularly well-equipped troops. Its elite 
  units were recruited from ghulams, professional soldiers of slave origin 
  better known in a Crusader context as mamluks. Unfortunately for 
  Muhammad the Khwarazmshah, these forces were scattered amongst 
  the garrisons of a large number of fortresses and fortified cities. In fact 
  Muhammad the Khwarazmshah, fearing intrigue or even rebellion 
  amongst his own followers, had considered it wiser to keep his leading 
  military commanders separate from one another. This proved to be a 
  fatal mistake. 
  The massive fortresses of the Khwarazmshah's sprawling realm had 
  been designed and built by the best military architects and engineers of 
  Islamic Transoxania, who were themselves recognised as being amongst 
  the best in the world. Nevertheless, these fortifications failed miserably, 
  surrendering one by one — usually with little or no resistance. Even the 
  great cities such as Bukhara, Samarqand and Herat surrendered and as a 
  result the Mongol armies soon penetrated deep into the heart of the 
  eastern Islamic world. Some even pressed on into Iran. Meanwhile the 
  unloved son of Muhammad the Khwarazmshah, Jalal al-Din, retreated 
  to south-eastern Afghanistan and northern India with some of the best 
  Khwarazmian troops. Militarily this had been the strongest frontier zone 
  of the Khwarazmian state and Jalal al-Din was himself a skilled military 
  commander. Nevertheless, he suffered a crushing defeat in 1221 on the 
  banks of the River Indus. 
  At the same time Muhammad the Khwarazmshah, having lost his 
  army and his throne, fled westward, hoping to find safety in the rugged 
  and isolated region of Mazanderan on the southern coast of the Caspian 
  Sea. He was pursued, however, by 20,000 Mongol troops under the 
  command of Subodei Bahadur and Jebei Noyon. Abandoned by the 
  remnants of his panic-stricken troops, Muhammad the Khwarazmshah 
  eventually sought shelter on a small island near Astara. There he died of 
  pleurisy and perhaps despair in February 1221. 
   
  The simple but vigorous carvings 
  on the exterior of the Cathedral 
  of Dmitri Sobor in the Russian 
  city of Vladimir date from  
  1193-97. The designs appear to 
  be taken from manuscript 
  illustrations but the carvings also 
  include human figures, such as 
  the infantry archer shown here. 
  His bow is unnaturally small  
  and represents a weapon of 
  composite construction.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
  
   
  15 
  CHRONOLOGY 
   
  1167 
  Probable birth of Temuchin (the future Genghiz Khan). 
   
  1194 
  Death of Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich, last of the Ol'govichi dynasty to occupy the throne 
  of Kiev for any length of time. 
   
  1195-96 
  Negotiations between Russian princes to agree the division and frontiers of the 
  Russian states fail and there is civil war. 
   
  1200-01 
  Russians raid Polovtsian territory. 
   
  1203 
  Ryurik and the Ol'govichi princes, with Polovtsian support, capture Kiev. 
   
  1206 
  Temuchin, renamed Genghiz Khan, is proclaimed ruler or Khan of all the Mongol tribes. 
  1206-10 
  Further conflict between the Russian princes for possession of Kiev, Galicia and some 
  other areas. 
   
  1209 
  Mongols invade westernmost Chinese state of Hsi-Hsia. 
  1211 
  Mongols under Genghiz Khan invade Chin Empire of northern China. 
   
  1212-22 
  Conflict between rival Russian princes for possession of the principality of Suzdalia; 
  also conflict in north-western Russia and an invasion of Estonian territory. 
   
  1215 
  Mongols capture northern Chinese capital. 
   
  1218 
  Mongols occupy Kara-Khitai Empire; Mstislav Mstislavich campaigns to control Galicia 
  in south-western Russia with the help of the Polovtsians under Koten Khan. 
   
  1219 
  Genghiz Khan begins his invasion of Khwarazmian territory; Hungarians recapture 
  Galicia from Mstislav Mstislavich. 
   
  1220 
  February, Mongols capture Bukhara in Transoxania. 
  April, Mongols capture Samarqand in Transoxania. 
  Summer, Mongol army under Jebei Noyon and Subodei Bahadur sent to pursue 
  Muhammad the Khwarazmshah across northern Iran; the Khwarazmshah dies on 
  an island in the Caspian Sea. 
  December, Mongols destroy Urgench in Khwarazm. 
   
  1221 
  Late winter, Mongol army in western Iran, under Jebei and Subodei, destroys Qazvin. 
  February, Mongol army in western Iran devastates the Kingdom of Georgia, then 
  returns to capture Maraghah in north-western Iran, followed by Hamadan in western 
  Iran; Mongol army in eastern Iran destroys Marw in Khurasan.  
  April, Mongol army in eastern Iran destroys Nishapur in Khurasan.  
  Spring, Mongols destroy Balkh in northern Afghanistan.
  
   
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  October, Mongol army in western Iran invades Georgia for the second time. 
  25 November, Mongols defeat Khwarazmshah's son Jalal al-Din at a battle near the 
  Indus river. 
  Dominican Order of Friars sends Catholic Christian missionaries to the Polovtsians. 
  Mstislav Mstislavich campaigns to control Galicia in south-western Russia. 
  Seljuk Turkish Sultan of Anatolia imposes his suzereinty over the nominally Genoese 
  merchant outpost of Sudak in the Crimea and instals a Turkish garrison; defenders 
  of Sudak defeat a combined Russian-Polovtsian attempt to take the city. 
   
  1222 
  Spring, Mongols destroy Ghazna in Afghanistan. 
  14 June, Mongols destroy Herat in Afghanistan. 
  Mongol army in western Iran crosses the Caucasus Mountains and later in the year 
  defeats the Alans and other north Caucasus peoples, followed by the Polovtsians. 
  Polovtsians in Hungary granted a charter of privileges in the Gyor-Sopron region. 
  Western Mongol army under Jebei and Subodei winters in the steppes north of the 
  Crimean peninsula. 
   
  1223 
  Western Mongol army captures Genoese trading outpost of Sudak in the Crimea early 
  in the year.  
  Koten Khan of the Polovtsians convinces Prince Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia to form 
  an alliance to drive the Mongols from the western steppes.  
  Mstislav Mstislavich summons a council of leading Russian princes in Kiev.  
  Russian army consisting of contingents from several principalities assembles on the 
  Dnieper River south of Kiev, executes Mongol ambassadors.  
  Entire Russian army assembles with its Polovtsian allies at Khortytsya island (next to 
  modern Zaporizhzhya).  
  22 May, Russian and Polovtsian army crosses the Dnieper, defeats the first Mongol 
  outpost then advances against the main Mongol army, marching for nine days 
  (Arabic source by Ibn al-Athir, probably based on Mongol sources, says 12 days).  
  31 May, (some sources say June 16), Russian-Polovtsian army crushed at the battle of 
  the Kalka River.  
  Summer, Western Mongol armies pursues broken remnants of Russian and Polovtsian 
  army to the Dnieper River, but are then ordered to rejoin the main Mongol army 
  north of Transoxania; western Mongol army marches up the Volga and attempts to 
  impose Mongol suzereinty on the Volga Bulgars but suffer a reverse at the hands of 
  the Bulgars; main Mongol army in Transoxania spends summer resting its horses 
  north of the Hindu Kush mountains.  
  Autumn & winter, Western Mongol army under Jebei and Subodei marches east 
  through the steppes north of the Caspian Sea and defeats the Qangli Turks. 
   
  1224 
  Western Mongol army under Jebei and Subodei rejoins the main Mongol army under 
  Genghiz Khan north of the Syr Darya river; new Russian princes of Kiev and 
  Chernigov form an alliance with Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia and Koten Khan of 
  the Polovtsians. 
   
  1225 
  February, Genghiz Khan returns to Mongolia. 
   
  1227 
  18 August, Death of Genghiz Khan.  
  Polovtsian tribe in Moldavia converts to Christianity. 
   
  1228 
  Death of Prince Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia. 
   
  1229 
  Establishment of a Christian Bishopric of Cumania (western Polovtsian territory). 
   
  1236 
  Mongols launch their second invasion of the western steppes, commanded by Batu and 
  Siibodai. 
   
  1237-42 
  Second Mongol invasion of Russia and eastern Europe.
  
   
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  Reproduction of a damaged wall 
  painting of a Russian prince, in 
  the Cathedral of Santa Sofia in 
  Kiev. He is portrayed in 
  Byzantine style, looking almost 
  exactly like a Byzantine emperor. 
  It was, of course, from the 
  Byzantines that Kievan Russia 
  received its religion - Orthodox 
  Christianity - and a large part of 
  its high culture, though not its 
  folk culture, which remained 
  fundamentally Slav with strong 
  Scandinavian, Turkish and 
  Finnish influences. 
   
   
   
  OPPOSING  
  COMMANDERS 
   
   
   
   
  MONGOL LEADERS 
   
  Jochi eldest son of Genghiz Khan was, in accordance with Mongol 
  custom, eventually given a loosely defined ulus or appanage on the 
  exposed frontier of the state. Though the term ulus applied as much to a 
  group of people to be governed as it did to a geographical area,Jochi's 
  ulus would extend from western Siberia and Turkestan to the Volga 
  River. Jochi had by then already proved himself a fine general, 
  particularly when he led a daring Mongol feint attack across the Tien 
  Shan mountains from Kashgar to the Farghana valley before the main 
  Mongol invasion of Khwara/.mian territory. He then commanded a 
  sizeable independent column during the Mongol conquest of 
  Transoxania. Clearly Jochi was trusted by his father, Genghiz Khan, but 
  his position within the Mongol heirarchy remained a rather delicate one. 
  His mouier, Genghiz Khan's chief wife Bortei, had been kidnapped by 
  the Merkit tribe just nine months before Jochi's birth and so there were 
  inevitable doubts about Jochi's true parentage. This would later cause 
  serious problems for the Mongol ruling dynasty. In fact Jochi died 
  shortly before his father in 1227 and the tide of Great Khan of the 
  Mongols went, in accordance with Genghiz Khan's expressed wish, to 
  Genghiz's third son Ogedei. Jochi's younger son, Batu, inherited the 
  western ulus, which included all western lands as far as Mongol horses 
  had trod. This became the 'Golden Horde' and it was Batu's armies 
  which conquered Russia during the second Mongol invasion. 
  Meanwhile Jochi's eldest son, Orda, founded another khanate to the east 
  of the 'Golden Horde' which became known as the 'White Horde'. 
  Stibodei Bahadur eventually became Batu's most important general 
  and would himself subdue the powerful Volga Bulgars in 1236. He is 
  regarded by some modern historians as one of the greatest generals in 
  military history and as the equal of Genghiz Khan himself. Born around 
  1176, Subodei came from the Urianqut tribe of DurKikin Mongols, who 
  seem to have been reindeer breeders and hunters in the upper Yenisei 
  River region. He first commanded an army before he was 25 years old 
  and he proved particularly successful as a cavalry leader. He and Jebei 
  Noyon were one of the so-called 'raging torrents' who fought loyally for 
  Genghiz Khan. 'As felt protects from the wind', he reportedly said to 
  Genghiz, 'so I will ward off your enemies.' Described as shrewd and 
  resourceful Subodei earned a reputation for cunning as well as courage. 
  It was said that he had once ridden alone into an enemy camp where he 
  pretended to be a deserter and persuaded the enemy that their foes were 
  many miles away. As a result they were caught by surprise. Not 
  surprisingly, perhaps, Subodei was chosen by Genghiz Khan to plan the 
  Mongol invasion of the Khwarazmshah's territory, and he continued to 
  serve as a general until he was over 60 years old, eventually dying in 1248. 
   
  
   
  18 
   
   
  Subodei Bahadur's equally renowned younger colleague, Jebei 
  Noyon, came from the Yesut tribe. Dashing and impetuous, Jebei fought 
  against Temuchin (Genghiz Khan) during the first Mongol tribal wars 
  and had even brought down Temuchin's horse with an arrow. When 
  subsequently captured, Jebei expected to be executed but was instead 
  taken into the new ruler's army with name of Jebei Noyon or 'the arrow'. 
  Another story stated that when fleeing on foot, Jebei found himself 
  surrounded by Temuchin's horsemen. He challenged them to a fair fight, 
  one-on-one, if they would give him a horse. So Temuchin commanded 
  that Jebei be given a horse with a white nose, whereupon Jebei suddenly 
  galloped to safety in the nearby hills before Temuchin's men could 
  decide who should fight him first. Some days later Jebei rode back 
  unarmed into Temuchin's camp, offering to serve him or to die. Many 
  years later, while conquering the Kara Khitai state, Jebei collected a 
  whole herd of white-nosed horses and sent them as a gift to Genghiz 
  Khan. This campaign in 1218 appears to have been the first occasion 
  when Jebei Noyon rose to prominence in Genghiz Khan's service, 
   
  Whenever possible Mongol 
  armies on long-distance 
  campaigns ensured that their 
  troops and the animals upon 
  which they relied spent winters 
  in the best available pastures. 
  This was why Jebei Noyon and 
  Subodei Bahadur wintered in the 
  steppes of north-western Iran 
  and neighbouring Azerbeijan. 
  Even in high summer, when this 
  photograph was taken, the grass 
  remains green whereas 
  elsewhere in Iran it would have 
  withered to straw and dust.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
   
   
   
   
  The powerful composite bow, 
  made of wood, sinew and often 
  horn, was the most famous 
  weapon of the Mongols. It was, 
  of course, also used by their 
  Turkish foes as well as by many 
  other peoples in Asia and the 
  Middle East. Few medieval bows 
  survive, though some fragmented 
  examples have been found in 
  frozen or desiccated graves in 
  and around Mongolia. More 
  recently the bows shown here 
  were found in the Middle East. 
  Carbon dating indicates that they 
  are from the late 12th or early 
  13th century and so could have 
  been used by or against the 
  Mongol invaders. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  OPPOSITE Some of the most 
  distinctive of the balbal statues 
  which once dotted the steppes 
  appear to have been made by the 
  Polovtsian Kipchaqs or Cumans. 
  The male and female figures 
  shown here both carry cups. 
  Ceremonial drinking or 'cup rites' 
  formed a central part of  
  pre-lslamic pagan Turkish court 
  ceremonial. (State Historical 
  Museum, Moscow) 
  
   
  19 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  having been sent to stop Kuchlug, the last of the Naiman rulers and a 
  long-standing rival of Genghiz Khan, from persecuting the Muslims who 
  lived in his realm. Naiman territory was nominally a continuation of the 
  long established Kara Khitai state, which had been a bitter enemy of 
  Islam for centuries. Jebei overthrew Kuchlug and restored freedom of 
  worship to the Muslims while also incorporating Kara Khitai lands 
  within the expanding Mongol state. This conquest brought Mongol 
  territory into direct contact with the Islamic frontier and the realm of the 
  Khwarazmshah - thus paradoxically triggering the Mongol invasion of 
  the Islamic world. There are, in fact, numerous heroic stories about 
  Jebei Noyon and Subodei Bahadur in the famous Mongol Secret History. 
   
   
  RUSSIAN COMMANDERS 
   
  Mstislav Mstislavich, Prince of Galicia, was one of the most restless, 
  energetic and enterprising of Russian princes. Known as Udaly or 'the 
  Daring', he was a leading member of the Rostislavichi dynasty, one of 
  the great princely families who competed for control of the various 
  Russian principalities. As a nephew of Ryurik Rostislavich, the Grand 
  Prince of Kiev, Mstislav Mstislavich was made governor of the strategic 
  garrison town of Torchesk. This was the headquarters of various 
  Turkish nomadic or ex-nomadic auxiliaries who formed a vital part of 
  the army of the Grand Prince of Kiev. Torchesk was also a major centre 
  of resistance against Polovtsian raids. In 1207, however, Mstislav 
  Mstislavic clashed with the ruler of Kiev and was forced to surrender 
  Torchesk. So he moved to Toropets, the northernmost city in the 
  Russian principality of Smolensk. Next he got involved in northern 
  Russian affairs and even took control of Novgorod the Great for several 
  years, thus dominating the whole of north-western Russia. But Mstislav 
  Mstislavich was eventually ousted from Novgorod as well, and so 
  instead he made the south-western Russian principality of Galicia his 
  power base by 1221. He had also married one of the daughters of Koten 
  Khan, ruler of the neighbouring Polovtsians. It is interesting to note that 
  Polovtsian women enjoyed a high reputation for their beauty amongst 
  the Russian aristocracy. Such marriages were, of course, also political, 
  and that between Mstislav Mstislavich and Koten Khan's daughter 
  helped preserve peace between Galicia and the Polovtsians. On the 
  other hand he is said to have had a 'great feud' with the Princes of Kiev 
  and Chernigov, both also named Mstislav, during the Kalka campaign. 
  Following this disastrous defeat, Prince Mstislav Mstislavich remained 
  firmly entrenched in Galicia, eventually dying in 1228. 
  Daniil Romanovich, the Prince of Volhynia, was a son-in-law of Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavic of Galicia. He was also the son of Roman Mstislavich, 
  an earlier prince of both Galicia and Volhynia who was called the Rex 
  Russiae by French chroniclers. Roman had been a highly capable and 
  vigorous ruler whose rapidly increasing power frightened the other 
  Russian princes. When he died 1205 he was succeeded by his two infant 
  sons, Daniil and Vasil'ko, though in reality their principalities were 
  ruled by their mother, a highly intelligent Byzantine princess named 
  Anna. She realised that she could not control the entire territory, and so 
  concentrated on Volhynia, which left Galicia prey to outside interference 
  
   
  20 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  and invasion from both east and west. But after Mstislav Mstislavich 
  installed himself in Galicia, mainly to keep the neighbouring Hungarians 
  out, Anna agreed to the marriage of her 18-year-old son Daniil to 
  Mstislav's daughter, also named Anna. At this stage Daniil himself was 
  only prince of the town and surroundings of Vladimir-in-Volhynia. 
  Nevertheless, he hoped to follow in his father's footsteps by creating a 
  powerful union of Volhynia and Galicia. During the Kalka campaign 
  there is evidence that Prince Daniil accepted the leadership of Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavich, though they remained rivals back home. Like his 
  father-in-law, Prince Daniil survived the battle of the Kalka River and 
  continued to rule Volhynia until his death in 1264. During the later years 
  of his reign Daniil seems to have become something of a peacemaker 
  during the petty wars between rival Russian princes, he himself now 
  being one of the most powerful. This did not stop him seizing control of 
  Kiev for a short period before the Mongols returned and took the city in 
  1240. Prince Daniil subsequently travelled to the Mongol capital and 
  offered his submission to the Great Khan in 1245. The following year his 
  own army in Galicia was described as being equipped in a new Mongol 
  fashion. For several years Daniil was recognized as ruler of all Russia 
  under Mongol suzerainty but eventually he chose to defy the Great 
  Khan's authority, while hoping for western and Lithuanian support. This 
  failed to materialise and once again Prince Daniil submitted to the 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The Mongols prepare for battle. 
  Mongol armies included a variety 
  of different troop types, 
  including both heavily armoured 
  and more lightly equipped 
  cavalry. The arms and armour 
  used by these men also varied in 
  its appearance and origins. Here, 
  for example, a Mongol heavy 
  cavalryman (left) is equipped in a 
  purely Central Asian style. The 
  minimal kit of a light cavalry 
  horse-archer (centre) is similarly 
  entirely Mongol, but the arms 
  and armour of the third man, 
  another heavy cavalryman 
  (right), includes several items 
  manufactured in China. A few 
  years later the western European 
  missionary and traveller Piano 
  Carpini described the panoply of 
  Mongol cavalry in detail, and it is 
  unlikely to have changed much 
  since 1223. 
   (Victor Korolkov) 
   
  
   
  21 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  No 
  illustrations 
  of 
  Mongol 
  soldiers survive in Islamic art 
  from the time of the Kalka River 
  campaign. 
  But 
  the 
  earliest 
  existing copies of a Persian epic 
  called the Shahnamah date from 
  around 1300. They are called the 
  'Small Shahnamahs' and were 
  probably 
  made 
  in 
  Shiraz 
  or 
  Baghdad. Many of the soldiers, 
  rulers and courtiers in these 
  manuscripts clearly wear Mongol 
  costume and, as here, some 
  carry large Mongol-style bows. 
  (Reza Abbasi Museum, Tehran) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Mongols, even taking part in Mongol raids into Lithuania. Thereafter 
  he remained an obedient vassal of the Khan until his death. 
  Grand Prince Mstislav Romanovich, called Starii or 'the Old', was 
  ruler of Kiev. Like Mstislav Mstislavich, Mstislav Romanovich was a 
  nephew of Grand Prince Ryurik of Kiev and as such was a leading 
  member of the Rostislavichi princely dynasty. Earlier in his career he 
  had been Prince of Smolensk and had captured the strongly fortified 
  town of Belgorod in 1206, at the time when Ryurik temporarily lost 
  control of Kiev. In fact the Rostislavichi clan lost and regained Kiev 
  more than once. Smolensk remained Prince Mstislav Romanovich's 
  power-base until he himself took over Kiev in 1212. But other rival 
  princely dynasties continued to threaten his position and efforts to solve 
  the problem by forging marriage alliances largely failed. Meanwhile 
  Prince Mstislav Romanovich had to fight the Hungarians, who were 
  threatening Galicia. Here he led his army in person and won a notably 
  victory over the Hungarians in 1221. This greatly strengthened Russian 
  self-confidence and as a result the Rostislavichi dynasty enjoyed firm 
  control over most of southern Russia, including Galicia, Kiev and 
  Smolensk, by 1223. Other rival principalities in this part of Russia were 
  either small and weak or were falling apart. On the other hand the 
  Rostislavichi dynasty and Grand Prince Mstislav Romanovich had far 
  less authority and even influence in northern Russia. He himself would 
  be killed after surrendering to the Mongols three days after the 
  disastrous battle of the Kalka River. 
  Koten, Khan of the Polovtsians, probably had less authority over 
  his tribal followers and their minor chieftains than did a western 
  European ruler or even a Russian prince. The eastern and western 
  Polovtsian tribal confederations had only recently been united into a loose 
  union by Konchek Khan. He had been the leader of the eastern or 'wild' 
  Polovtsians and two of his daughters had married Russian princes in the 
  late 12th century. This Konchek Khan also changed the old Polovtsian 
   
  
   
  22 
  system of government whereby rulership went to the most senior tribal 
  leader; instead passing it on to his son Koten. Not surprisingly, unlike 
  the Russians, Koten Khan had good information about events in the 
  steppe lands to the east. In fact he heard about the Mongol campaign of 
  expansion from the Qanglis, who were a related eastern Kipchaq 
  Turkish tribe. Many of their warriors had served in the Khwarazmshah's 
  armies, and similarly alarming news also came from the fleeing 
  remnants of the king of Georgia's elite Kipchaq Turkish guard. Koten 
  Khan's brother Yuri and his son Daniil commanded the Polovtsian 
  army, which faced the Mongols as the latter emerged from the Caucasus 
  Mountains in 1222. They were then defeated by the Mongols after the 
  Polovtsians abandoned their Alan and other Caucasus allies. After 
  fleeing to Russian territory, Koten Khan told the assembled council of 
  Russian princes in Kiev: 'Today they have taken our land, tomorrow they 
  will take yours.' For reasons which remain unclear, some of these 
  Russian princes insisted that Koten step down as Khan of the Polovtsians 
  as the Kalka campaign began, though he may have accompanied the 
  Polovtsian troops during this campaign. Clearly he became Khan once 
  again immediately afterwards and Koten Khan supported an alliance of 
  the principalities of Kiev, Chernigov and Galicia in the wake of the 
  Russian defeat at the battle of the Kalka River. He led his troops in 
  support of various western Russian princes in 1225 and 1228, and was 
  probably in command of those Polovtsians who helped the Ol'govichi 
  princely dynasty take control of Kiev in 1235. Koten was still Khan of 
  the Polovtsians when the Mongols returned in a far more serious invasion 
  in 1238. By then Koten Khan realised it was useless to challenge the 
  Mongols in battle. Instead he led those of his people who wished to 
  leave the western steppes across the Carpathian Mountains into Hungary 
  to seek refuge. Some Polovtsians had already fled to Hungary, where 
  they were known as Cumans. Koten Khan also promised that he and his 
  40,000 warriors would convert to Catholic Christianity if they were 
  allowed into Hungary. King Bela IV of Hungary was very enthusiastic 
  and agreed to be Koten's godfather at his christening. But when the 
  Mongols menaced Hungary in 1241, many Hungarian barons blamed 
  the crisis on Koten, demanding that he and his Polovtsians be expelled. 
  In fact Koten and his family were arrested along with other Polovtsian 
  noblemen. When the Mongols invaded Hungary, Koten Khan realised 
  that they would be handed over to the enemy, so he killed his wives 
  then killed himself. When Koten Khan's Polovtsian warriors heard of 
  this they not surprisingly turned against the Hungarians and left the 
  country, refusing to help fight the Mongol invaders. 
   
   
   
  
   
  23 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Mongol military equipment from 
  the Altai Mountains and 
  Mongolia, 13th-14th century:  
  1-2 - Individual lamellae from a 
  lamellar cuirass; 3 - Helmet;  
  4-6 - Bows of composite 
  construction; 7-34 - Arrowheads 
  of various shapes; 35-39 - 
  Spearheads of various types;  
  40 - Sabre; 41 - Axe, probably  
  for work rather than warfare;  
  42-43 - Quivers. 
  OPPOSING ARMIES 
   
   
   
   
   
  THE MONGOLS 
   
   or a long time military historians in Russia, and elsewhere in 
  Europe, have tended to believe that the Mongols or Tatars had only 
  primitive military skills and technology. School textbooks 
  normally portray Mongol warriors as simple horsemen clad in 
  sheepskins. The reasons for this biased and inaccurate impression of the 
  Mongol warriors' armament and harness lay in medieval written sources 
   
   
  F 
  
   
  24 
   
   
   
   
  and the extreme rarity of surviving military objects of Tatar or Mongol 
  origin. Most of the latter were, in fact, merely arrowheads from those 
  territories that had been subdued by Mongol armies. More recently new 
  and more varied archaeological material has emerged from eastern 
  Trans-Baikal, that part of the Russian Federation which lies immediately 
  north-east of the modern Republic of Mongolia where the Mongol 
   
  Mongol archery equipment from 
  the western steppes, 13th-14th 
  century: 1 - Carved bone plaques 
  that probably formed part of a 
  quiver or bowcase;  
  2 - Reconstruction of a bowcase 
  from archaeological fragments; 
  3-7 - Sectional elements of the 
  bowcase from the top-plate (3) to 
  the base-plate (7). 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  One wall in the Cathedral of 
  Santa Sofia in Kiev had a 
  painting of a palace or court 
  scene. It was made between  
  1113 and 1125 and seems more 
  likely to have illustrated some 
  event in the Byzantine imperial 
  capital of Constantinople, such 
  as the Palace of Kathisma with 
  the Imperial Box, rather than in 
  Kievan Russia. Nevertheless, the 
  rival princes of medieval Russia 
  did base a great deal of their own 
  court ceremonial, as well as their 
  ceremonial dress, upon that of 
  the Byzantine Empire. 
   
  
   
  25 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Two warrior saints on a  
  wail painting at Nereditsa in 
  northern Russia, made in 1199. 
  Here the saints are shown in a 
  purely Byzantine style and their 
  arms and armour are unlikely to 
  reflect any aspect of that used in 
  Russia at the time. 
  people and their state originated. This, when seen in conjunction with 
  more recent ethnographical parallels and with excavated material from 
  earlier periods, has greatly expanded our knowledge. As a result we can 
  form a reasonably clear picture of the military equipment used by the 
  majority of Mongol warriors. When this is studied in association with 
  the medieval chronicles it becomes clear that the basis of Tatar-Mongol 
  armies consisted of both heavily armoured and light cavalry. 
  Almost all the medieval peoples of Central Asia, including the Mongols' 
  own predecessors and their contemporaries, used armoured cavalry as 
  their main military striking force. Nevertheless, the fact that 
  archaeologists had found so little Mongol-Tatar armour had, until 
  recendy, led to the erroneous conclusion that the majority of Genghiz 
  Khan's warriors were no more than lightly armed horse-archers. Of 
  course a complete armour is a very rare find in any culture. Nor was such 
  armour necessarily made of metal. Some was clearly made of leather, as 
  was also the case amongst the Mongols' predecessors, the Khitans, who 
  ruled northern China as the Liao dynasty until displaced by thejiirchen 
  or Chin dynasty. Part of the defeated Khitans reappeared further west as 
   
   
   
  
   
  26 
  the Kara Khitai, who would again play their part in the 
  early days of Genghiz Khan's conquests. 
  It should also be noted that the Mongols rarely if 
  ever left weapons on the battlefield after a victory - this 
  being regarded as a crime which could be punished by 
  execution. Instead armour was collected, sorted and 
  distributed amongst the warriors. When a warrior died 
  his 
  military 
  equipment 
  was 
  inherited 
  by 
  his 
  descendants, and was only rarely buried with him in his 
  grave. Fragments of Tatar-Mongol armour have, 
  however, been found in some graves. In eastern Trans-
  Baikal, for example, it has been discovered in the burial 
  grounds of so-called Dvortsy or 'palaces'. These 
  fragments include iron plates or lamellae of two types; 
  round and rectangular with rounded edges. The 
  rectangular form consists of narrow (1.5cm wide) and 
  thin (1 to 2mm thick) strips of metal which are 
  generally around 2.5cm long. These also normally have 
  three pairs of equidistant holes. They were found in 
  association with the second type which is in the form of 
  convex disc about 5cm in diameter. 
  As medieval writers inform us, the Mongols joined 
  these plates together by means of thin laces, tying them 
  into a form of iron lamellar cuirass known as a khuyad. 
  According to research by armour specialists, these 
  cuirasses came in two main versions. The first was a 
  'corset-cuirass' made in two sections; these sections 
  going down each side of the body or more rarely across  
  the front and back. In addition there were rectangular shoulder 
  protections hanging as far as the elbows, and thigh-protection reaching 
  to the knees or to the mid-shins. The second form of cuirass was more 
  like a jacket with sections from the throat to the hem in front and from 
  the base of the skull to the hem at the back. These again had rectangular 
  or more rarely semi-circular shoulder protections reaching the elbows or 
  sometimes further down the arms. 
  In addition to this form of iron armour, the Mongols used wooden 
  shields to protect exposed parts of a warrior's body such as the lower 
  legs, lower arms and hands, and to provide additional protection for the 
  chest and shoulders. Such a shield was called a khalka. Although none 
  of these shields survive today, we can suppose that such things were 
  comparable to those used by neighbouring peoples in, for example, 
  southern Siberia. Certainly there is clear evidence that styles of armour 
  were copied or borrowed. Another vital component in the defensive 
  panoply of heavily armoured Tatar-Mongol troops was, of course, the 
  helmet, which was called a duuga. As in all Central Asian styles, it was 
  normally made of several metal sections, though the resulting patterns 
  could vary. For example the Jurchen apparently made their helmets of 
  seven plates while the Yenesi Kirghiz Turks made theirs of eight plates, 
  all beine riveted together at the too. The resulting helmet was of a 
   
   
   
  This is an almost complete array 
  of a western steppe nomadic 
  warrior's military equipment, 
  including a helmet with the 
  remains of an aventail, a mail 
  hauberk with a buckle, a sabre, 
  dagger, spearheads and even 
  horse-harness. It probably dates 
  from the late 12th or 13th  
  century and the man who was 
  burried in this grave is likely to 
  have been Polovtsian. 
   
  
   
  27 
   
  Once the Mongols left their 
  winter quarters in the upland 
  steppes of north-western Iran 
  they almost immediately entered 
  tangled mountain ranges. At  
  first, as here near Maku in Iran, 
  the mountains were low and 
  rocky, but once they reached the 
  Caucasus range itself the 
  Mongols found themselves 
  amongst some of the highest 
  peaks in eastern Europe and 
  western Asia. 
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
  spherical-conical shape, between 18 and 22cm high, with a small 
  plate and a sharp spike or plume holder on top. Horizontal or vertical 
  brow-plates and cross-shaped visors appear to have been specific to the 
  Mongols. In addition a warrior's neck was protected by a thick flap of 
  iron plates adjusted to the size of his head, or his helmet could 
  incorporate a mail face covering. Instead of iron lamellar cuirasses some 
  Mongol troops wore so-called 'soft-armour' made of multi-layered cloth 
  or felt, sometimes reinforced with metal discs. 
  A cloth coat or tsuv was another essential aspect of the Tatar-Mongol 
  warrior's attire. It was like an ordinary coat but lacked any lining. There 
  was also a slit at the back running from the waist to the hem, and in 
  front the skirt of the tsuv reached only from die waist to the lap. This 
  tsuv coat was comfortable for a warrior because it protected a horseman 
  from the rain without obliging him to dismount. Furthermore he could 
  make the coat even more weatherproof by turning over the lapels. Some 
  coats also had a separate rectangular hood or cowl which extended to 
  cover the collar. 
  A warrior wore boots or gutals, the design of which was particularly 
  suitable for prolonged fast riding in a hard saddle with the feet in 
  stirrups; in other words riding firmly in the saddle in a style that had 
  been developed over several centuries. These boots were sewn from yuft 
  or Russian-style leather, or from cloth, velveteen or suede. Each boot 
  consisted of a straight shin piece with stiffer adjustable vamps, a thick 
  sole made of layers of felt with a relatively stiff upturned toe. In winter 
  such horsemen wore higher boots known as boitog. 
  The Tatar-Mongol rider's weaponry included a composite bow or 
  nomo, which was kept in a special bowcase while on the march. This was 
  
   
  28 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  A number of beautifully made 
  complete lamellar cuirasses still 
  exist in various museums and 
  private collections. Most came 
  from Tibet or western China and 
  were thought to be no more than 
  a century or so old. Recent 
  scientific tests have, however, 
  shown that some are actually of 
  medieval origin. They had 
  probably been preserved in the 
  armoury-reliquaries of Tibetan 
  Buddhist monasteries, having 
  originally been donated by 
  Mongol chieftains. These 
  armours are identical to those 
  worn by Mongol warriors in both 
  Chinese and Islamic paintings. 
  called a khaadak. The arrows or turner bulsuu had flat, three- or four-
  bladed heads and were kept in a birch bark quiver or khegenyg. This 
  would also contain a khure or file. The razor-sharp sabre or khelme was 
  sometimes substituted by a broader sword or mese, an iron mace or 
  gulda, and a war-axe or alma khune, while a spear or zhada completed 
  the warrior's armoury. All warriors, including the lightly armoured men, 
  carried a knife or khutug, which was kept either in the shin part of his 
  riding boot or in a special sheath called a gerd. Other equipment 
  included an awl or shubge, a steel or khete to strike fire, a robe or zeeli, 
  and hobbles for his horse. These were again of three types: the tushaa 
  for the front legs, mode tor the front or back legs, and shuder for the 
  front and back legs together. Finally the man would have a horse-comb 
  or zulguur, a needle or zuun, threads or utas and a whip or tashuur, and 
  a simple tent or mailkan. Some men were also responsible for an 
  ovohoi, which was the covering of a yurt or framed tent in which several 
  men would sleep. 
  Each warrior had two or three bows and three containers of different 
  length arrows, each containing 30 such arrows. The length of the bows 
  when unstrung did not exceed 120cm. They had a flattened and curved 
  'M' shape when strung. Such bows have been found in two burial 
  grounds at Malaya Kulinda near the River Onon. Bows of this kind were 
  used with a bowstring or nomonoi ooher made of thin twisted strands of 
  leather, ox-skin or wattled sheep's intestine. Literary sources described 
   
   
  
   
  29 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The earliest copies of the Persian 
  Shahnamah epic, made around 
  1300 in Shiraz or Baghdad, 
  illustrate soldiers wearing 
  Mongol-style armour. This is 
  identical to that described in 
  13th-century documents and is 
  very similar to fragments found 
  by archaeologists. Two of the 
  men shown here, second from 
  the left and far right, have 
  lamellar cuirasses. The three 
  others, including the fallen man, 
  wear what appear to be forms of 
  soft armour, perhaps of felt with 
  or without a scale lining.  
  (Reza Abbasi Museum, Tehran) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  bows, identical to those found by archaeologists, as Mongol bows. This 
  was because, although they were used by several other peoples, the first 
  appearance and then the spread of such bows across much of Europe 
  and Asia coincided with the appearance and political domination of the 
  Tatar-Mongols. In fact the so-called Mongol bow was popular because 
  it was convenient to use as well as being highly effective from the 
  steppe nomad's point of view. 
  Since the 13th century the style predominated over earlier types of 
  composite bow unless special geographical or climatic reasons inhibited 
  its spread. In the forest-steppe regions of eastern Trans-Baikal and along 
  the Amur River, for example, another type of bow continued to be used 
  in spite of the emergence of the Mongol bow. This was known as the 
  Tungus-type bow. Its elements were glued with fish glue and dried for 
  two years. The Tungus bow also incorporated two pieces of wood, 
  usually fir or common spruce wood, birch, larch, Siberian pine or cedar. 
  In the middle of the bow a square or oval wedge was inserted. The bow 
  was then covered with birch bark, the birch ends of the bow being 
  partially wrapped with tendon or sinew. Sometimes a bow was covered 
  with strips of bird-cherry (padus) tree while the additional pieces at the 
  ends of the bow which had notches for the bowstring were similarly 
  made of padus wood. The bowstrings of these Tungus bows were made 
  of hemp fibre and strips of leather, sometimes being wrapped with a 
  thin layer of birch bark. Bows were sometimes also made with a double-
  curved shape. 
  The use of the Tungus-type bow alongside the Mongol type was quite 
  possible amongst heavily armoured Tatar-Mongol cavalry. Clearly 
  Genghiz-Khan's troops formed a multi-national or multi-ethnic army 
  which included men of Mongol-speaking, Turkish-speaking and Tungus 
  tribal origins. Archaeological excavations also prove that the latter were 
  involved in long-distance Mongol campaigns. As for the Jiirchens, there 
  were 46 brigades of them in 1213, each armed with their own traditional 
  
   
  30 
  weaponry. Bows of both types were, however, carried by 
  Mongol warriors in a special leather or cloth bowcase which 
  was attached to the waist-belt by straps. 
  Bows, of course, required arrows. Although iron and bone 
  arrowheads were equally represented amongst archaeological 
  finds from the eastern Trans-Baikal region dating to the 12th, 
  13th and 14th centuries, bone arrowheads obviously could 
  not deal with an armoured opponent. Nevertheless, they were 
  used by, and perhaps against, lightly equipped horse-archers. 
  Flat arrowheads were very common amongst Tatar-Mongol 
  warriors, these probably being used at short range and whilst 
  shooting at a rapid rate. A flat arrowhead with a horizontal 
  blade of this sort could inflict a wide, debilitating wound on 
  an unprotected man or animal. These arrows are, in fact, 
  supposed to have been used against cavalry, particularly 
  against their horses. Of course only the heavily armoured 
  cavalry rode armoured horses. Otherwise horses were a 
  favourite target for the archers and these wide wounds could 
  disable them very quickly. 
  It was said that the Tatar-Mongols were unenthu-siastic 
  about hand-to-hand combat when they could avoid it, and 
  preferred to injure or kill their opponents' horses and weaken 
  their enemies with arrows. Only when an enemy's horses 
  were weakened did the Mongols engage in close-quarters 
  fighting. Nevertheless, this sort of broad flat-headed arrow 
  has often been found in the Mongol cultural or 
  archaeological layers within Mongolia itself and in eastern 
  Trans-Baikal towns, as well as in the towns of eastern 
  Europe. This is particularly the case in those places which 
  are known to have fallen to a Mongol siege and subsequent 
  assault, all of which testifies to a wide use of such arrowheads    
  even when fighting on foot. 
  Two basic styles of medieval 
  mail shirt or hauberk have been 
  found in southern Russia. Both 
  are short sleeved. While one has 
  the front hem shorter than the 
  back, for comfort while riding, 
  the other has a slit in both the 
  front and the back hems as was 
  also seen in western Europe. 
  Almost all come from the graves 
  of nomad Turkish rather than 
  Russian warriors, but some may 
  actually have been manufactured 
  in Russian workshops. In any 
  case it seems likely that 
  essentially the same forms of 
  armour were worn by both 
  Russians and Polovtsians. 
  Another characteristic of many Mongol arrows was a hollow bone 
  container. Placed beneath the arrowhead, this formed a whistle with two 
  oval-shaped holes. Such whistles could be of barrel or biconical shape 
  and were normally between 2.8 and 7.5cm in size, the dimensions being 
  directly related to the size of the arrowheads. The purpose of these 
  objects was to create a frightening noise, though they might also have 
  had other functions. Some scholars have suggested that whistling arrows 
  were a luxury item amongst the Mongols but this was clearly not the 
  case. In fact excavated graves of the 12th to 14th centuries suggest quite 
  the opposite, since arrows with whistling heads were clearly used by a 
  great many ordinary nomad tribesmen. 
  The Tatar-Mongols made the shafts of their arrows from the wood of 
  bushes and trees that grew alongside rivers and lakes, usually willow 
  but also birch and juniper. This was similarly done by many Central 
  Asian peoples during the second millennium AD. According to 
  fragments of arrow shafts found in various Mongol burial grounds in 
  eastern Trans-Baikal, especially those from the villages of Kunkur and 
   
   
   
  
   
  31 
  Malaya Kulinda in the valley of the River Onon, 
  these consisted of a cylindrical wooden rod which 
  became thinner towards the notch of the arrow, 
  though with an average diameter of 0.8cm. The 
  length of the arrow-shaft was usually no more than 
  70 or 80cm, this estimate being based upon 
  descriptions of Mongol arrows in the written sources. 
  Such sources usually described these arrows as being 
  the length of 'two feet, one hand and two fingers'. 
  The tanged iron arrowheads were probably fixed 
  to the arrow shafts by hammering the pointed tang 
  into the shall without splitting it, then binding strong 
  thread around the top of the shaft. Alternatively the 
  top of the shaft may have been split then bound with 
  cord after the tang had been inserted. The binding 
  was itself then sometimes reinforced with a layer of 
  birch bark glued to its surface. That particular 
  method of fixing arrowheads was discovered in a 
  burial ground at Malaya Kulinda, but was also found 
  in excavations from periods earlier than the Mongols. 
  The flights or feathering of an arrow were known to 
  the Mongols as udc khomon. During the 12th to 14th 
  centuries the Mongols used eagle feathers, though 
  they probably also used the feathers of geese, kites, 
  blackcocks and woodpeckers, as did various other 
  peoples in Central and northern Asia. It is interesting  
  to note that an arrow with feathers taken from the right wing of a bird 
  tends to spin to the right during flight, whereas arrows with feathers 
  from the left wing do the opposite. 
  The Mongols sometimes used poison or khoron on their arrowheads, 
  several written sources referring to Tatar weapons 'filled with poison'. 
  Central and northern Asian military technology knew of two such 
  poisons. The first was a vegetable extract and arrows were reportedly 
  smeared with it during the 'seventh and eighth Moons' or lunar months 
  of the year. Anyone wounded with this poison died almost immediately 
  and when the poison was heated even its fumes could kill a man. The 
  second kind of poison was called mogain khoran and it was extracted 
  from the steppe viper or adder. These snakes were caught in spring 
  when their venom was at is most dangerous. It was then dried lor future 
  use. Before battle a little water was added to the dried and concentrated 
  poison which was then smeared on the arrowheads. This type of 
  poisoned arrow could apparently kill a man even if il only scratched his 
  skin. 
  Since a bow and arrows formed an essential part of the Tatar-Mongol 
  warrior's armament, a quiver was similarly essential. But to date only 
  one type of Mongol quiver is known. It had a wooden frame covered in 
  birch bark with an oval opening cut into il to form a mouth near the lop. 
  The shape also broadened gradually from the lop towards the base. The 
  material horn which the base was made is unknown, probably leather or 
   
  Two pairs of so-called Golden 
  Doors can been seen in the 
  superb 12th-century 
  Rozhdestvensky Monastery 
  Church at Suzdal. This, the older, 
  illustrates a prince kneeling 
  before an archangel. The latter 
  wears a short-sleeved mail or 
  perhaps lamellar cuirass, 
  reflecting the influence of 
  Byzantine art. But the prince has 
  a full-length armour plus 
  leggings of the same material. 
  Despite its highly stylised 
  pattern, this probably represents 
  mail. Note also the typically 
  European kite-shaped shield 
  behind the prince which even 
  has a western European style of 
  heraldic pattern.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
  
   
  32 
   
   
   
   
  felt, but none survive in (lie graves so far excavated by archaeologists. 
  The bird) bark used in these quivers was taken from a tree trunk as a 
  long strip. The edges were laid over one another and sewn together with 
  strong threads. Arrows were placed in iliis type of quiver with their 
  heads downwards and no more than 30 in each quiver. The quivers were 
  themselves attached to a waist belt by means of iron hooks. As far as we 
  can judge from quivers so far excavated, they were worn on the left side 
  of the body. 
  Another essential element in the equipment of a Tatar-Mongol horse-
  archer was a file. This was made of iron and was in the form of a quite 
  heavy plate with a wedge-shaped tetrahedral tang to which a handle was 
  attached, atid had a characteristic lug or projection at the butt end. 
  To date the shields of the Tatar-Mongols, which were so important lo 
  protect head and body, have been poorly studied because neither 
  complete shields nor even their constituent parts have been found in 
  Mongol archaeological sites. Consequently we have to rely on written 
   
  The superb decorated metallic 
  elements of a Polovtsian khan's 
  or prince's belt are made of 
  silver. The belt dates from the 
  12th or early 13th century and 
  was found in the Cingul-Kurgan. 
  (State Historical Museum, Kiev) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  One of what were perhaps 
  originally a mirror-image 
  matching pair of horse-archers in 
  carved stone relief. It comes 
  from 12th- to 14th-century 
  Kubachi, in what is now the 
  southernmost Russian Federated 
  Republic of Daghestan. Although 
  this region was by then fully 
  converted to Islam, the ancient 
  Turkish tradition of figural 
  carving did not die out for 
  several centuries. This 
  representation would probably 
  have been an accurate reflection 
  of the horse-archery equipment 
  used at the time of the Kalka 
  campaign. 
   
  
   
  33 
  At the eastern end of the 
  steppes, Chinese artists also 
  made extremely accurate 
  drawings of Mongol tribal 
  warriors. This picture probably 
  dates from the 14th century, and 
  the horse-archer would seem to 
  be dressed for the scorching 
  summer of Central Asia judging 
  by his turban and the fact that he 
  has taken his left or bow-arm out 
  of his coat. 
   
   
   
   
  sources. These indicate that such shields were round, about 20cm in 
  diameter, and were often made of glued wooden planks attached to a 
  wooden cross-piece. The outer surface of the shield was covered in hard 
  leather to which metal bosses or even plates were attached, particularly 
  when the shield was used by heavily armoured warriors. The inner 
  surface had a layer of felt. The edge of the shield had a strengthened rim 
  while there was a domed metallic boss at the centre. 
  Close-combat weapons varied in form and (unction. Those for 
  cutting and stabbing included the sabre and various types of sword. 
  Others included the axe and the thrusting spear. 
  Surviving sabres from the Mongol capital of Karakorum are of steel 
  construction, slightly curved with slender points. They are about one 
  metre long and from 3 to 3.5cm across. At first glance, since their 
  curviture is so slight, they do not differ from other comparable swords, 
  except in having only a single cutting edge. Hence medieval European 
  authors often described them as the 'slightly crooked swords' of the 
  Mongols. In the hands of a skilful cavalryman a sabre was 
  comparatively more effective than an ordinary sword because of its 
  lightness, which permitted quicker movements of the sword-arm than 
  were possible with a heavy sword such as that used in most of 13th-
  century Europe. At the same time the sabre, despite its lightness, could 
  deliver blows just as powerful as the heavy straight sword. This was a 
  function of the sabre's different centre of gravity. 
  In addition to such sabres, the Mongols also used ordinary swords. 
  These were of two basic types. The first had two sharpened edges and a 
  rounded tip which made it look similar to the European swords of the 
  Carolingian period. The second was more massive and had a pointed 
  rather than rounded tip. As such it had similarities with European 
   
  
   
  34 
  No portraits seem to survive 
  showing those Russian princes 
  who took part in the disastrous 
  battle of the Kalka River. This 
  wall painting of Prince Yaroslav 
  Vsevolodovich was painted 
  about 23 years after the battle 
  and is in the Church of the 
  Saviour at Nereditsa in northern 
  Russia. Nevertheless, the 
  princely costume that he wears 
  is unlikely to have changed over 
  the previous quarter century. 
   
   
   
  swords of the 13th and 14th centuries. In addition to the above 
  examples, Mongol cavalry also used straight, narrow-bladed, single-
  edged swords. These were usually about 3cm wide. 
  Other close-combat weapons included rounded maces described in 
  some sources as 'rods of good iron' as well as axes and spears. Spear 
  blades came in various designs including rhomboid-shaped blades 
  around 12cm long, a pike-like weapon with an 18cm blade and even 
  blades in the shape of a bird's feather. One written source indicated that 
  spear shafts were sometimes painted red, these being called nean zos by 
  the Mongols. This may have been to symbolise the quality of the 
  weapon and also its effectiveness in battle. 
  Special attention was paid to the protection of war-horses. According 
  to the written sources, 'one takes a strip (of leather) from an ox or any 
  other animal, which has a width equal to an arm, then three or four 
  straps are covered with resin (or tar) and tied with ropes. On the upper 
  strap, ropes are located at the end, at the lower they are in the middle, 
  and so it is done up at the end. Thus when the lower belts are being 
  bent, the other ones are introduced and so they are doubled or put three 
  times on a body.' This appears to be a rather confused description of the 
  manufacture of leather lamellar armour. The horse protection was 
  divided into five parts: one on each side of the animal, one across the 
  throat and chest, another across the back, and finally one around the 
  rump. There was a hole in the latter through which the horse's tail was 
  pulled. All the parts extend as far as the horse's knees or shins. The 
  animal's forehead was covered by three linked iron plates. Such lamellar 
  horse-armour was shown in Iranian and Japanese painted miniatures of 
  Tatar-Mongol cavalrymen, but a form of soft armour was also used 
  during this same period, again in conjunction with the three-plated 
  horse's head protection or chamfron. 
  The cavalryman's saddle or emeelwas similar to those used by 
  Mongol horsemen until the recent past. It had a wooden frame and arched 
   
  
   
  35 
  saddle-bows. These were decorated with carving, painting and brass 
  attachments. Both saddle-bows were fixed with iron straps while the 
  saddle-boards with joined by iron plates, the front bow being higher 
  than the back. The saddle was then covered first with felt and then with 
  leather. A sweat-cloth was placed beneath the saddle. This was 
  decorated with ornaments and metallic horse-brasses in addition to a 
  leather saddle cloth. The colour of the saddle itself was normally dark 
  brown. 
  Bridle, bit, buckles or clasps and saddle rings could all be decorated 
  in addition to those decorative elements on the harness straps. The 
  latter, according to burial finds from eastern Trans-Baikal dating from 
  the 12th to 14th centuries, included copper 'horse-brasses', which were 
  sewn to the throat and breast straps, as well as to smaller straps; other 
  decorations were made of bone. Different kinds of knots were used to 
  decorate horse harness in combination with the plaiting of some of the 
  thinner straps. 
  One notable feature of the Tatar-Mongol cavalry warrior was the 
  absence of spurs. It should, however, be pointed out that Mongol horses 
  were sometimes fitted with horseshoes, despite the commonly held 
  opinion that these were not used by the Mongols. Numerous horseshoes 
  of a type called takhs, which lacked nails, have been found in 
  Karakorum. They were probably tied to the horse's hooves. 
  In contrast to a heavily armoured cavalryman, a lightly equipped horse-
  archer did not have such an abundant arsenal. He wore only a hat, often 
  sewn from sections of sable fur. Hats were also made of wild goat skin 
  or fox fur or from wolfs paws. They had a pointed or rounded crown to 
  which an animal's tail might also be attached. The horse-archer might, 
  however, have a form of soft armour consisting of a long jacket with 
  leaf-shaped shoulder protections made of layers of felt, or of felt and 
  good quality cloth. It could also be reinforced with metallic scales. 
  Otherwise such light cavalrymen wore a quilted coat which wrapped at 
  an angle across the front of the body and had long, relatively narrow 
  sleeves. Leather mittens or gauntlets called arkhan, plus quilted trousers 
  and high boots completed his clothing. In addition to his bow and 
  arrows with iron or bone heads, this light cavalry horse-archer's 
  weaponry included a sabre and a lassoo made of animal hair. 
  RUSSIAN ARMIES 
   
  The core of each Russian prince's army was undoubtedly his own 
  bodyguard. These were elite units consisting of freely recruited 
  mercenary warriors but their size could vary from only a few dozen men 
  to three or five thousand soldiers in one of the larger or richer 
  principalities. 
  The most important constituent of these units was heavy cavalry and 
  it was called the 'oldest' or 'best' guard. The 'youngest' section consisted 
  of lightly armed archers. The troops in these two sections differed in 
  their military experience and skills as well as in their status within the 
  complicated feudal heirarchy. Furthermore the guard unit was split 
  between professionals and auxiliaries, the former providing the 
  backbone of every princely army. 
  The Russian bodyguards' armament derived from both the steppe and 
  European traditions. These included swords, which were almost
   
   
  
   
  36 
   
   
   
   
   
  Russian cavalry. A member of the Prince of Suzdal's heavy 
  cavalry bodyguard (left), a Russian prince (centre) and a 
  member of the Grand Prince of Kiev's heavy cavalry 
  bodyguard (right). It was now quite characteristic for  
  Russian helmets to incorporate partial face-masks with 
  nasals, or even sometimes complete face-masks. These  
  were used in addition to the mail aventail which protected a 
  warrior's face and neck. The most important armament was 
  still a sword and spear. The Russian prince's clothing was 
  distinguished by its richness and the brightness of its 
  colours. Another distinctive characteristic was the fur  
  hat, which was worn even in summer, and also a distinctive 
  coat called a korzno. This continued in use up to the  
  15th century in Russia. A kaftan could be trimmed with 
  beaver, sable or marten fur, which again indicated the high 
  status of its wearer, the prince. On the march the princes  
  wore mail armour beneath their kaftans more often than did 
  ordinary soldiers, since the danger of enemy assassins or 
  conspiracies amongst their supposed allies was ever present. 
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
  
   
  37 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
   
  38 
   
   
  identical to those used in the rest of Europe and were sometimes 
  imported from the west; also war-axes, spiked maces, sabres, fighting 
  knives and smaller daggers. The mace or kisten had been copied from 
  the nomads of the northern Black Sea coastal regions. This kisten had a 
  metal head, sometimes hollow with moulten lead poured inside it. A 
  leather strap was attached to its wooden handle. A blow from a kisten 
  could stun an enemy in battle and could kill a wolf. Since this sort of 
  weapon was cheap and readily available it was also popular amongst 
  poorer people. Some of the simplest had heads made of bone and these 
  crude weapons continued in use, in the hands of robbers or bandits, well 
  into the 17th century. As a result of fighting numerous wars against 
  peoples of the steppes, archery had also spread throughout Russia. 
  The basic defensive panoply consisted of a mail hauberk, though by the 
  13th century almost all elite warriors also wore a lamellar or scale 
   
  Weapons and horse harness 
  from Nezin, near Chernigov, 
  12th-13th century. Though 
  essentially nomad in style, this 
  sort of military equipment would 
  also have been used by many 
  Russian cavalrymen:  
  1 - Sabre, almost certainly 
  imported from the Islamic world 
  as the blade is inlaid with an 
  Arabic inscription; 2 - Stirrup 
  with inlaid decoration. 
  
   
  39 
   
   
   
   
  cuirass over their mail. The cuirass itself was of laced lamellar 
  construction like those seen in Asia and the Byzantine Empire, or 
  sometimes of scales attached to a cloth or leather base. European-style 
  mail chausses were also used to protect the legs. Shields were either 
  round or of the elongated Byzantine type. The rest of a warrior's 
  equipment consisted of a helmet, often with a half-mask across the face. 
  From the end of the 12th century a sort of full face-mask with two eye-
  holes became fashionable. This had parallels in both Europe and Asia. In 
  battle the warrior's clothing was normally worn under his armour. The 
  colours of such clothing can be seen in surviving manuscript miniatures 
  and other such paintings. A knee-length shirt, worn beneath a mail 
  hauberk, with blue, green, red or brown being common colours. High 
  boots of dyed leather and mittens in cold weather - these being essential 
  in the Russian winters. Warriors did not normally wear armour on the 
  march although some chronicles refer to the practice, this being known 
  amongst their contemporaries as 'marching in the manner of the Rus'. 
  Horses were also sometimes protected by mail armour and 
  chamfrons. On the other hand such horse-armour was never common or 
  typical, only being used in those areas of south-western Russia that were 
  most vulnerable to raids by nomadic peoples from the steppes. It was 
  known both before and after the Mongol invasions. 
   
  
   
  40 
   
   
  In addition a Russian prince could demand military support from his 
  subjects in the form of a levy of urban militias from towns under his 
  control. These were sometimes called the 'black people'. The primary 
  responsibility of the rural populations was to provide food, and so they 
  were not usually called up. The 'black people' or urban militias and the 
  'young bodyguards' got their weapons and armour from the prince or 
  from the town arsenals. This military equipment was naturally neither as 
  varied nor as rich as that of the 'old guard' military elite, and seems to 
  have consisted of mail hauberks, helmets, swords and spears. Various 
  other kinds of people could be hired by a prince as a complete unit. But 
  in this case the soldiers were expected to provide their own arms and 
  armour, which resulted in great variety in their military equipment. 
  The Russian princes clearly had no idea of the nature or seriousness 
  of the threat which they were about to face in battle. Nevertheless, the 
  forces they led against the Mongols were large and well equipped and 
  benefited from considerable military experience. By 1223 the nature of 
  military power in the Russian principalities, including those that took 
  part in the Kalka campaign, was very different from that of the 10th, 
  11th and even 12th centuries. This was as true of its operation at the 
  strategic level as at the tactical level. Such strategy varied, of course, 
  and was seen in its simplest form in defensive campaigns. To defend 
  their territories against nomads from the steppes, the principalities had 
  constructed a number of frontier fortresses. Most were garrisoned by 
  men from further north, but they were also defended by Torks and 
  Berends who were themselves Turkish ex-nomads, invited to serve in 
  defence of the Russian frontier. Furthermore, long earth ramparts had 
  been constructed, surmounted by wooden fences. Sometimes these 
  'sentry units of the Russian lands' were organised so that several princes 
  shared the responsibilities of defence, maintaining watch throughout the 
  dangerous summer season. Above all they were expected to keep an eye 
  on those directions from which Polovtsian raids were most likely to 
  erupt. Some Russian princes clearly realised that the Polovtsians were 
  their common enemy and that the principalities could not afford to fight 
  them 
  individually. 
  All 
  too 
  often, 
  however, 
  maintaining such 
   
  While relatively short composite 
  bows of Turkish and Mongol 
  forms were the typical weapons 
  of steppe nomad warriors, 
  archery was also important 
  amongst Russian infantry- The 
  latter, however, often seem to 
  have used a larger semi-
  composite bow made of layers of 
  glued wood and often covered in 
  birch bark. The reconstructed 
  example shown here is based 
  upon an almost complete though 
  fragmented medieval Russian 
  infantry or hunting bow.  
  (Kremlin Museum, Novgorod) 
   
   
  
   
  41 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Saint George, as a  
  subsidiary or marginal figure in a 
  larger icon of Saint Climacus. 
  This painted panel was made in 
  Novgorod in the second half of 
  the 13th century and although 
  the warrior saint's armour and 
  costume are based upon 
  Byzantine art, his massive sword 
  might reflect current Russian 
  weaponry. (State Russian 
  Museum, St. Petersburg) 
   
   
  cooperation against the fragmented background of medieval Russia's 
  feudal political structure proved impossible. As a result there was 
  usually no common defensive strategy. 
  To mobilise and then organize an army to take the offensive against 
  an enemy, even an army from a single Russian state, was a very difficult 
  task. This was despite the fact that a prince was supposedly the personal 
  leader of his troops. Instead many military detachments considered 
  themselves to be the retainers of individual boyars or senior noblemen. 
  Thus they followed only their boyar and tended to ignore orders from 
  any other source - even from the prince himself. During the 12th 
  century fewer princes had, in fact, personally led their troops in battle. 
  Only when a prince had sufficient authority, which was increasingly 
  rare, could he exercise direct control over all his troops. One such man 
  had been Andrei Bogolubskiy, the autocratic prince of Vladimir. In 
  contrast it was said by one chronicler of Yaroslav Osmomysl, an earlier 
  prince of Galicia, 'when he is insulted the prince does not go with his 
  troops but sends a voivode [designated commander] to lead them.' As a 
  result, when large-scale military coalitions were assembled by several 
  principalities, there were frequent quarrels between the participating 
  princes. These could even result in fighting between the separate princes 
  and their bodyguards - with an inevitably negative impact on the 
  outcome of a campaign! When important strategic or tactical questions 
  arose they were normally decided at a meeting between a prince and his 
  bodyguard. But even here the atmosphere was not always calm and in 
  the case of disagreements, the entire bodyguard might leave the service 
  of that particular prince. 
  Troop mobilisation was carried out in accordance with feudal 
  principles. Hence a prince would send couriers and public criers into the 
  country estates of his bodyguards and to the towns with the orders to 
  muster. Troops were actually summoned by beating a tambour-drum or 
  sounding military trumpets in the town squares, while a unit living in 
  nearby villages could be expected to assemble within two days. On the 
  other hand there were occasions when the troops did not want to go to 
  war, and in such circumstances the prince was effectively helpless. Even 
  a powerful prince like Andrei Bogolubskiy was forced to wait for two 
  weeks, when he was preparing to fight the Volga Bulgars in 1172, for 
  the arrival of various units at the agreed muster point at the mouth of the 
  River Oka. Those boyars who disagreed with Andrei's policy dragged 
  their feet and, as the chronicler put it, they 'hurried without haste'. 
  Russian armies normally moved during summer or winter. Each 
  season had its advantages and disadvantages. In summer the horses 
  could graze easily, and it was possible to undertake long-range or 
  difficult campaigns. In winter the rivers froze and places surrounded by 
  water were easy to reach. During this time of year it was also easier to 
  fight against the Polovtsians, and they could be taken unawares. Night 
  marches were often used in order to make sudden appearances in front 
  of the enemy position. The tempo of a march was arranged beforehand 
  and its speed was to some degree dependent upon the army's train of 
  loaded wagons. These carried its food, forage and sometimes also the 
  armaments. Armour was usually only donned just before a battle. In 
  contrast to the normally accepted image, Russian warriors never 
  marched in full mail armour, cuirasses and helmets. That sort of heavy 
   
  
   
  42 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  equipment was brought along with them but was only put on when 
  danger was near. 
  A rapid winter march was carried out without sledges. A normal one-
  day march by mounted men was around 50 kilometres, though a 
  maximum of 120 kilometres could be achieved in a single day. Of course, 
  this could only be achieved by lightly equipped men without a baggage 
  train to slow them down and supplemented with additional mounts. 
  An army on campaign may have to perform several functions 
  including repairing bridges and strengthening roads. In addition each 
  army had its own guard and scouts. A reconnaissance unit was sent 
  ahead to fight the enemy's outposts and if possible to capture a 'tongue' - 
  in other words a living prisoner who could provide information about 
  the enemy, their movements, numbers and so on. When a march was 
  conducted with light equipment it was necessary to provide the troops 
  with food and forage. That function was carried out by 'prospectors', 
  who were similarly sent ahead to seek out supplies, at the same time 
  carrying out reconnaissance. In fact the reconnaissance service was 
  considered very important by many Russian princes. Couriers came to 
  them from all parts of the Russian lands, constantly day and night, 
  informing the prince about enemy actions. Major arteries of trade such 
  as rivers helped greatly in this respect. Hence Galicia, being on the 
  River Dnester, was fully aware of what was going on in distant forested 
  lands to the north and west. Similarly the Grand Prince of Kiev received 
  good intelligence about his enemies even when the latter were marching 
  though forests far from the major roads. In addition to couriers, 
  merchants were also employed as messengers. 
  Russians tended to take a harsh view of failures of reconnaissance. 
  Prince Vladimir of Galicia, for example, enquired with some surprise of 
  Andrei Bogolubskiy, 'How could you be unaware that troops from 
  Vladimir were marching towards you?' A well-organised information 
  service allowed a prince to react quickly to an enemy invasion, depending 
  upon the nature and direction of the threat. Bridges and fords were kept 
   
   
  The verdant and almost  
  meadow-like western steppes of 
  south-western Russia and the 
  eastern Ukraine. This was where 
  the Mongol army under Jebei 
  and Siibodei spent the winter of  
  1222-23. These extensive 
  pastures had also been the 
  heartland of the wealthy and 
  prosperous Western Polovtsian 
  Khanate, and the Polovtsians 
  were not going to abandon them 
  without a fight. 
  (V. Shpakovsky photograph) 
   
   
  
   
  43 
   
   
   
   
   
  Until recently very little military equipment which could definitely be identified as medieval Mongol was known to exist. However, 
  some years ago a remarkable cache of weapons and armour was found in a cave in the Tuva region of eastern Russia, just north of 
  the current Mongolian frontier. It was not only of extremely fine workmanship, but several items were found to be made of high grade 
  steel, perhaps indicating strong technological influence from China. 
  
   
  44 
   
   
  The Kipchaq Turkish tribes who dominated the western Steppes of 
   what is now Russia and the Ukraine were known to the Russians as  
  the Polovtsians. They formed an alliance with the Russian princes  
  during the first Mongol invasion of Russia. Here a Polovtsian force, led  
  by a Polovtsian Khan or ruler (left), a warrior of the heavily armoured 
  Polovtsian elite (centre), and an aristocratic Polovtsian woman (right), 
  ride past some of the carved stone figures or balbals which the  
  nomads erected in various parts of the steppe. Women, of course, led  
  the same nomadic way of life as their menfolk, and they could ride  
  and use the bow excellently. It is, however, hard to say whether these 
  female archers took part in battle or only used their bows for hunting. 
  (Victor Korolkov) 
  
   
  45 
  
   
  46 
   
   
  under a special watch, guards being permanently on duty in such places. 
  To provide security for his own bodyguard, a prince might send sentry 
  detachments up to 100 kilometres away from his residence. In his 
  Exhortations, the famous Prince Vladimir Monomakh paid special 
  attention to the need to protect those conducting reconnaissance, and he 
  should know since he himself made no less than 83 major expeditions, 
  excluding the minor military excursions. 
  Russian infantry were usually ignored by the chroniclers because the 
  magnificent horsemen seemed more interesting. Nevertheless, infantry 
  played a major role, operating quite deep into the steppe lands during 
  campaigns against the Polovtsians for example. On long-distance 
  campaigns, such infantry were often transported in river boats. On 
  occasion princes even decided not to fight due to a lack of infantry 
  support. Furthermore the infantry could defeat cavalry. The infantry's 
  main weapon was a short spear, which was used like a modern bayonet, 
  while shields, swords and bows supplemented the infantry's armoury. 
   
   
  THE POLOVTSIANS 
   
  The warlike and numerous Polovtsy are believed to have originated as a 
  tribal offshoot of the Kimaks. The latter were another Central Asian 
  Turkish tribe most noted for their use of skis in winter warfare and their 
  prominent role in the international fur trade. The Polovtsians eventually 
  became a very important tribe in the western steppes, having ousted the 
  Pechenegs and Oghuz who preceded them. These Polovtsians were 
  nomads and the organisation of their state and society was generally 
  typical of that of peoples throughout the Eurasian steppes. It has also 
  been suggested that the remarkably wealthy and sophisticated 
  Polovtsians had a significant influence upon the arms, armour and 
  military styles of the Mongols, though only after the Mongols had in 
  turn defeated and absorbed the Polovtsians. In addition to raiding and 
  finally becoming allies of the Russians, the Polovtsians also developed 
   
  Assorted forms of spiked mace 
  so typical of steppe nomad 
  warriors have been found 
  throughout the western steppes, 
  Russia, central Europe and even 
  into Scandinavia. Most were of 
  bronze, like these 13th-century 
  examples from Hungary, and all 
  are quite small.  
  (National Museum, Budapest) 
  
   
  47 
  The impressive fortifications of 
  Sudak in the Crimea largely date 
  from the 14th and 15th centuries 
  when this was one of Genoa's 
  most prized trading outposts. 
  But even in the early 13th 
  century the defences of Sudak 
  were capable of defying a 
  Russian-Polovtsian assault - 
  though not the Mongol attack 
  which came only a year later. 
   
   
   
  close relations with the Christian Kingdom of Georgia in the Caucasus 
  mountains to the south. 
  With all these international connections, and the fact that many of 
  their best warriors formed guard units for the Georgians as well as 
  fighting alongside Russians, Byzantines and others, it is not surprising 
  to find that by the late 12th century the Polovtsians had a very 
  sophisticated army. They used fire-weapons, stone-throwing mangonels 
  and large crossbows mounted on carts. Nevertheless, the great majority 
  of Polovtsian warriors still relied on traditional horse-archery tactics 
  while also using javelins, spears, sabres and other close-combat 
  weapons. The sabres used by these 12th- and early 13th-century steppe 
  warriors were only slightly curved compared with those seen in later 
  centuries. Their quivers were made of leather and birch bark, sometimes 
  decorated with bone plates. The richest and most honoured warriors 
  amongst the Polovtsians also had sabres and spears with slender, 
  pointed blades. Such spears were characteristic of steppe warriors but 
  were also found throughout medieval Russia. The Polovtsians wore a 
  typically eastern or Central Asian form of costume. When equipped for 
  battle they wore short-sleeved mail hauberks, and lamellar cuirasses to 
  protect their chests and backs. In addition some of their elite warriors 
  wore a style of anthropomorphic iron or bronze face-mask attached to 
  their helmets. Such masks could also be decorated with embossed or 
  engraved moustaches which were themselves traditionally regarded as 
  symbols of fortitude. Horse harness was often richly decorated in 
  accordance with eastern traditions. 
   
   
  
   
  48 
  OPPOSING PLANS 
   
   
   
   
   
  THE MONGOL PLAN 
  The normal battle array of the Mongols included five rows of dzaguns 
  or hundreds. The first two consisted of heavy cavalry, sword-armed 
  men wearing armour. Light cavalry formed the rear three rows. 
  Furthermore the army which Subodei and Jebei led into the western 
  steppes was much better armed than most Mongol forces. This was a 
  result of its previous successful operations in Iran and the Caucasus. 
  Here the Mongol warriors had probably acquired much higher quality 
  weapons -and in larger quantities. This would have surpassed what the 
  ordinary Mongol horsemen previously dreamed of. Consequently the 
  proportion of heavily armoured cavalrymen in Subodei's army was also 
  larger than usual. It may even have reached two-thirds of his total 
  cavalry. 
  In batde the rows of Mongol cavalry were divided into a 
  chequerboard pattern of distinct units. There were large gaps between 
  the units of heavy cavalry in the front rows, allowing the horse-archers 
  to advance from deep inside the Mongol battle array. If this initial 
  assault failed and the enemy counter-attacked, the lightly armoured 
  Mongol horse-archers could retreat while the Mongol heavy cavalry 
  renewed the attack, protected by their armour. If this also failed, then 
  the entire process could be repeated again and again until the enemy 
  was worn down and defeated. One Arab historian described the fighting 
  methods of the Mongols as follows: 'They had the courage of lions, the 
  patience of hounds, the prudence of cranes, the cunning of foxes, the 
  long sightedness of ravens, the wildness of wolves, the passion of 
  fighting-cocks, the protectiveness of hens, the keenness of cats, and the 
  fury of wild boars.' After the battle of the Kalka River the Mongols also 
  enjoyed something of a psychological advantage, since the Russians 
  came to regard them as Gog and Magog, sent by God as a punishment 
  for Russia's sins. 
   
   
   
  THE RUSSIAN PLAN 
   
  Russian medieval armies adopted a traditional battle array, and like 
  most medieval armies based around knights or heavy cavalry, it 
  required a broad area in which to deploy. It was practically impossible 
  for an army such as this to fight in mountains or close valleys. In fact,  
  if one prince's army took up a position on the high bank of a river,  
  for example, the other would beg him to come down to an open  
  area or lower river bank so that they could fight, as happened during a 
  clash between two Russian princes in 1180. If a weaker force took 
  cover in a forest, it would be quite safe from its enemy. The army  
  of the principality of Suzdal used field fortifications in battle 
   
   
   
  
   
  49 
  more frequently than did other principalities. These 
  defences included simple wattle fencing or pointed 
  stakes rammed into the ground. 
  Before a battle the troops were normally divided 
  into three sections. The most powerful section 
  deployed in the centre with the commander, while 
  the other two formed wings on either side. Ancient 
  illustrations indicate that individual squadrons 
  adopted a wedge formation, at least when attacking, 
  but the exact structure of this wedge is not known. 
  Losses 
  were 
  clearly 
  greater 
  in 
  the 
  leading 
  detachment than elsewhere. 
  Russian cavalry were never as heavily armoured 
  as 
  those 
  of 
  western 
  Europe. 
  Nevertheless, 
  experience against steppe nomads soon taught the 
  Russians that heavy cavalry needed the support of 
  fast-shooting 
  horse-archers 
  and 
  horse-archers 
  appeared in Russian armies as early as the 1 lth 
  century. They would sometimes ride along an 
  enemy's front line, showering it with arrows in the 
  hope that the troops would react and expose their 
  flanks to the other Russian units. Meanwhile 
  infantry would attack the enemy's rear or assault his 
  encampment. Feigned flight and ambushes were 
  used and in 1150 Prince Izyaslav Mstislavich created  
  Medieval Russian art was not 
  only influenced by Byzantium, 
  Scandinavia and the peoples of 
  the steppes. There was also a 
  noticeable influence from the 
  Islamic Middle East, particularly 
  on Russian metalwork such as 
  this engraved bronze bowl. The 
  cavalryman at the top, however, 
  rides in a typically European 
  manner with straight leg and 
  long stirrups while grasping his 
  lance close beneath his armpit in 
  the couched manner.  
  (State Hermitage Museum,  
  St. Petersburg) 
   
   
   
  an entire imitation camp complete with camp fires to deceive his 
  enemy, Prince Vladimir of Galicia.  
  To maintain effective control of an army once battle was joined was 
  exceptionally difficult. For this reason the entire battle plan was worked 
  out beforehand by the princes and their voivode commanders. Elite 
  bodyguard units were generally informed of the plan as well. The signal 
  for the main army to engage the enemy was usually given with war-
  pipes or drums. It might also be signalled by the advance of the prince's 
  own unit or the appearance of the prince in person. 
  One of the biggest difficulties was differentiating between friendly and 
  enemy forces, except when fighting easily distinguishable foreign troops 
  such as the Polovtsians. Since weaponry was constantly captured and 
  recaptured, similarities between troops on either side were sufficient to 
  make identification difficult. It was quite common in the heat of battle for 
  warriors to confuse friends and foes. Consequently banners decorated 
  with fringes or tassels played an important role. Princes would have a 
  banner of this sort as their own personal standard, well known to their 
  own followers and other leaders. This banner also indicated the rallying 
  point for the bodyguard after combat, whether victorious or defeated. It 
  marked the location of the commander and the centre of the army and 
  was, as such, an important focus for the whole army. Playing such a vital 
  role on the battlefield it is hardly surprising that these banners were 
  sometimes reputed to have magical powers. Banners were often captured 
  in battle and this could lead to confusion, particularly when the captors 
  intentionally used the banner as a lure to deceive the enemy's troops. This 
  happened in 1136 when the Ol'govichi raised one of Yaropolk's banners 
  and consequently caught his bodyguard at a disadvantage. Crafty Izyaslav 
  Mstislavich similarly fooled the Galician cavalry in 1153. 
  
   
  50 
  THE CAMPAIGN 
   
   
  FROM THE CAUCASUS TO THE CRIMEA 
   
  fter an epic march and the subsequent victory over the 
  Khwarazmshah's 30,000 soldiers, and the defeat of a Persian 
  army which came to their aid, the Mongol commanders were 
  finally convinced of the Khwarazmshah's death. Only now did the 
  Mongol army settle in winter pastures along the banks of the River Kiir 
  (the ancient Araxes) in the Mugansk steppes of what are now north-
  western Iran and southern Azerbaijan. Meanwhile Subodei received an 
  order from Genghiz Khan. His army was to march far to the north, 
  crossing the Caucasus Mountains to attack the Polovtsian Khanate from 
  the rear. After that they were to return around the northern side of the 
  Caspian Sea to rejoin the main Mongol army in Central Asia. It was an 
  epic plan. 
  After recruiting several thousand local Kurdish and Turkmen 
  warriors, as well as receiving reinforcements sent by Genghiz Khan 
  himself, Subodei and Jebei crossed the River Kur in September 1222 
  and invaded Georgia. The Georgian tsar or king, George IV Lasha, 
  attacked but the Mongol army pretended to flee and, in their usual 
  manner, drew the enemy into an ambush where the Georgians were 
  easily defeated and virtually wiped out. The towns of Ghanzha and 
  Shemaha were taken by storm and plundered while further south the 
  great Islamic city of Tabriz surrendered without a struggle. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Jebei Noyon and Subodei 
  Bahadur would obviously have 
  needed the assistance of local 
  guides in the tangled ranges of 
  what are now eastern Turkey, 
  Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. 
  Once these guides escaped, 
  however, the Mongols were in a 
  very dangerous and unfamiliar 
  position.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
   
   
  A 
  
   
  51 
  Military equipment from the 
  north-western Caucasus region, 
  12th-13th century. This is the 
  sort of arms, armour and 
  costume that would have been 
  worn by people such as the 
  Kosogians and perhaps Alans as 
  well as the Polovtsians of the 
  neighbouring steppes:  
  1-3 - Sabre with detail view of hilt 
  seen from side and back;  
  4 - Helmet seen from front and 
  top with a section of one side;  
  5-7 - Broad and narrow 
  arrowheads; 8 - Buckle, 
   strap-end and decorative  
  elements of a warrior's belt. 
   
   
  During this campaign the Mongols captured several local guides 
  capable of leading them through the tangled ranges of the Caucasus 
  Mountains. Intimidated by the execution of one of their number, these 
  guides led the Mongols further and further. The mountains seemed to 
  close around them until at last the mounted columns with their horses 
  and camels slowly began to descend the Daryalsk ravine. At this point 
  the guides escaped. Meanwhile news of the approaching Mongol army 
  had reached the Polovtsians. In response they sent an army that 
  combined with contingents of the Iasian people who inhabited the 
  northern slopes of the Caucasus. This combined force took up positions 
  on the Terek covering the points at which the passes of the Caucasus 
  Mountains entered the lower valleys. 
  Subodei and Jebei now found themselves in a very dangerous 
  situation. 
  Hemmed 
  into 
  narrow mountain passes, they were  
  surrounded by their enemies. Their guides had escaped and they were 
   in a region unknown to them, while facing them was a numerically 
  greatly superior foe. The Mongols had no room to deploy for battle in  
  their normal manner nor for their excellent cavalry to properly use  
  their traditional skills and they could not bypass their enemy. The  
  Mongol army was vulnerable and at the mercy of their enemies. Their 
  one hope lay in deception. Siibodei and Jebei sent an embassy to the 
   
  
   
  52 
   
   
  Polovtsian khans, convincing them that they were not seeking battle, 
  that they were deeply religious, were opposed to bloodshed and merely 
  wanted to get home. 
  These words were accompanied by generous gifts and had the 
  desired effect. The Polovtsians mounted their horses and headed north, 
  across the steppes to their homes. With the Polovtsians gone, however, 
  the Mongol cavalry attacked the remaining local warriors, Iasians, 
  Kosogians and Alans, destroying them with comparative ease in the 
  open valleys of the northern Caucasus. The Mongols next attacked the 
  local villages, seizing cattle and horses and ravaging the whole northern 
  Caucasus region. With their own reserves of food replenished, and 
  despite their treaty, the Mongols invaded Polovtsian territory, attacking 
  so suddenly and unexpectedly that the Polovtsians were defeated in a 
  great battle near the River Don and in some smaller engagements. 
  Several of the older Polovtsian leaders were killed while the remainder 
  fled westward, across the River Dnieper. 
   
   
  THE RUSSIAN AND  
  POLOVTSIAN REACTION 
   
  It seems to have been at this point that the Russian princes first heard 
  about the Mongol newcomers. Now, however, far from being enemies, 
  the Russian princes and the Polovtsian khans often made treaties and 
  concluded alliances. Their noble families had intermarried, and many 
  amongst the two elites understood the language and customs of the 
  other. This was particularly true in the southern borderlands of Russia 
  where many of the Polovtsian fugitives sought refuge. 
  Winter was fast approaching and the steppes between the great Volga, 
  Don and Dnieper rivers were a perfect place for the Mongol army to 
  spend the harsh steppe winter. The Mongols did not use wheeled wagons 
  or carts; on campaign everything was loaded onto the backs of a 
  multitude of horses and Bactrian camels. In addition each warrior could 
   
  This famous 12th-century wall 
  painting in the Cathedral of 
  Santa Sofia in Kiev is believed to 
  show Russian or perhaps nomad 
  noblemen hunting horses on the 
  steppes. Herds of wild or semi-
  wild horses seem to have still 
  roamed the steppes and could 
  have provided a useful additional 
  source of mounts for Russian 
  princely armies. 
   
  
   
  53 
   
   
  have in excess of ten horses, and the army was accompanied by the 
  herds of sheep which fed the troops. This enabled a Mongol army to 
  move with great speed, faster than any other medieval force - an 
  undeniable strategic advantage. On the other hand, when they were 
  gathered together in one place feeding such enormous numbers of 
  animals was a formidable difficulty. The scant vegetation of most areas 
  of the steppe made this impossible and it was risky to exhaust the army 
  by marching from one source of food to another. Here in the lush 
  western steppes, however, the Mongols could rest and recuperate, dis-
  persing around the relatively fertile but now largely abandoned western 
  Polovtsian steppes. 
  Meanwhile the leader of the western Polovtsian tribal federation, Khan 
  Koten, had found shelter with the Russian Prince Mstislav Mstislavich of 
  Galicia. The Prince was, of course, husband to Koten's daughter and 
   
  Sabre from the Kuban area, 
  north-west of the Caucasus 
  Mountains. It dates from the  
  13th or 14th century and is of a 
  typical Mongol Golden Horde style. 
  (National Historical Museum 
  Conservation Store, Moscow) 
   
  
   
  54 
   
   
  Koten, on behalf of all the Polovtsians, asked Mstislav to help defend his 
  people. The more junior Polovtsian khans were at the same time pleading 
  with the other Russian princes. Unable to refuse this request from his 
  father-in-law, Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia, who was nicknamed 'The 
  Lucky', appealed to all the Russian princes to assemble for a council in 
  Kiev. As the princes arrived the Polovtsians showered them with 
  valuable gifts such as fine stallions and camels, while at the same time 
  continuing to plead for Russian support. They insisted that after the 
  Mongols, or Tatars as they were known to the Russians, had defeated 
  the Polovtsians they would next devastate the Russian lands. Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia agreed wiuh them and also reminded the 
  other Russian princes that if they did not help, the Polovtsians might 
  feel obliged to join forces with the Mongols. This would, of course, 
  make the invaders even more powerful if they chose to attack Russia. 
  A variety of forms of helmet were 
  used in Russia around the time 
  of the Kalka campaign. Most 
  were of conical shape, but while 
  some only had a nasal (A & B), 
  others incorporated a partial 
  face-mask (C) and some already 
  had the very tall pointed outline 
  which would become typical of  
  later medieval Russian helmets (D).  
  (Kremlin Armoury, and State 
  Historical Museum, Moscow) 
   
   
  
   
  55 
  This 12th-century wall painting in 
  the Cathedral of Santa Sofia in 
  Kiev is remarkable for a number 
  of reasons. The horseman (who 
  is fighting a bear) clearly does 
  not use stirrups. Perhaps the 
  scene is based upon a Byzantine 
  manuscript picture, since 
  stirrups had been used by both 
  Russian and neighbouring steppe 
  nomad warriors for several 
  centuries. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The hills to the west of the Kalka 
  River, though not high, were 
  rolling and verdant. This was 
  probably the route taken by 
  retreating Mongols and 
  advancing Russians before the 
  battle. It may also have been in 
  this area that the Kievans made 
  their last stand after the battle. 
  (Michael Zhirokhov photograph) 
   
   
  Faced with the pleas and gifts of the Polovtsians, the horror stories of 
  what the Mongols had already inflicted elsewhere and a general sense of 
  looming danger, the Russian princes agreed to an alliance and to march 
  together against the Mongols. As the wars of this period were 
  characterised by the utter devastation and ravaging of lands through 
  which armies marched, the Russians decided to take the battle to the 
  Mongols before these invaders could appear outside the walls of 
  Russian cities. 
  The Mongols had passed the winter, now coming to an end, on the 
  Polovtsian steppe, although they had also raided the rich Crimean 
  peninsula, plundering the western European trading outpost and town 
  
   
  56 
  of Sudak (Sugdeya), which nominally belonged to the Republic of 
  Genoa. In addition Subodei and Jebei had strengthened their long and 
  vulnerable lines of communication back to the main Mongol army in 
  Transoxania. In their march through Iran and across the Caucasus 
  during 1221 and 1222 the Mongols had, as was usual, left in their wake 
  small units which formed chains of outposts through which mounted 
  relay riders could carry orders and reports. The speed of such 
  communications was astonishing and could sometimes achieve no less 
  than 600 kilometres in a single day. It also enabled all Mongol senior 
  commanders to maintain close links with the Great Khan himself. 
  Quite when Siibodei and febei formed an alliance with the Brodniki 
  of the Don River is unclear, though it probably happened during the 
  winter of 1222-23. These Brodniki were Slav-speaking frontiersmen 
  and simple warriors who had fled from the Russian principalities to live 
  along the banks of the Don. As such they were forerunners of the future 
  Cossacks and during the Kalka campaign they were recorded fighting as 
  allies of the Mongols. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  THE ALLIES ASSEMBLE 
   
  During the second half of March, 1223, the Russian princes rode back 
  to their homes and began to prepare for the forthcoming campaign. At 
  the   beginning  of April,  with   preparations complete, the 
  princes led their separate armies from different parts of 
  Russia towards the agreed assembly point. There were 
  three main groups of princes taking part in the campaign. 
  Kiev was represented   by  its   Grand   Prince   Mstislav 
  Romanovich, his son Vsevolod, his son-in-law Prince 
  Andrei, Svyatoslav of Shumsk and Yury of Nesvezh'. A 
  second group from the Chernigov and Smolensk region 
  was led by Prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, 
  who was accompanied by Prince Oleg of Kursk, plus 
  troops from Putivl' and Trubetsk. A third group came from 
  the Galicia and Volhynia area, led by the architect of the 
  coalition, Prince Mstislav Mstislavich with his son-in-law 
  Prince Daniil Romanovich of Volhynia. The sources are 
  contradictory as to whether   another   Mstislav,   Prince   
  Mstislav Yaroslavich Nemov of Lutsk, took part in the 
  expedition. Several senior Russians including Izyaslav 
  Ingvarevich and Izyslav Vladimirovich of Terebovl' 
  certainly 
  did 
  not. 
  Nor 
  did 
  Grand 
  Prince 
  Yury 
  Vsevolodovich,   ruler  of the  powerful principality of 
  Vladimir-Suzdal, although he had been asked to join the 
  alliance. Grand Prince Yuri was in fact preparing to 
  launch a campaign against the Livonians, but he did agree 
  to send a force commanded by his nephew, Prince 
  Vasil'ko Konstantinovich of Rostov. In the event this force 
   
  The exact dating of this 
  collection of nomad warrior 
  equipment from a grave in the 
  Ukraine is still a matter of 
  debate. It consists of a short-
  sleeved mail hauberk, a tall 
  helmet with an anthropomorphic 
  visor, and a substantially curved 
  sabre with an almost squared tip. 
  This equipment might date from 
  just before or quite soon after 
  the Mongol invasions. 
   (State Hermitage Museum,  
  St. Petersburg) 
  
   
  57 
   
   
   
  1. Western Mongol army under Jebei Noyon and Siibodei 
  Bahadur spends winter (1222-1223) in the steppes 
  north of Crimean peninsula. 
  2. Mongols capture the nominally Genoese trading outpost 
  of Sudak (early 1223), probably with the tacit approval 
  of neighbouring rival Venetian trading outposts in the 
  Crimea. 
  3. Koten Khan of the Polovtsians convinces Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia to form an alliance 
  against the Mongols. 
  4. A Council of Russian princes is summoned at Kiev; 
  several princes are convinced by Kbten Khan to 
  assemble an allied army to drive back the Mongols 
  (February-March 1223); the Russian princes then 
  return to their principalities to raise forces. 
  5. Russian armies assemble near Zarub, fifty to sixty 
   
  kilometres downriver from Kiev. 
  • Kievan army under Grand Prince Mstislav 
  Romanovich. his son Vsevolod, his son-in-law Prince 
  Andrei, Svyatoslav of Shumsk and Yury of Nesvezh. 
  • Chernigov and Smolensk army under Prince Mstislav 
  Svyatoslavich of Chernigov, Prince Oleg of Kursk. 
  • Galician-Volhynian army under Prince Mstislav 
  Mstislavic of Galicia and Prince Daniil Romanovich of 
  Volhynia. 
  6. Army from Vladimir-Suzdal under Prince Vasily 
  Konstantinovich of Rostov arrives too late to take part 
  in the campaign. 
  7. Mongols receive news that Jochi and his army camped 
  north of the Caspian Sea will not be able to provide 
  the expected reinforcements due to Jochi's reported 
  illness or suspected refusal to obey his father Genghiz 
   
    
   
  Khan's orders (April 1223); so Siibodei Bahadur and 
  Jebei Noyon send an embassy to the Russian army 
  offering peace and perhaps also attempting to break 
  the Russian alliance with the Polovtsians, but these 
  ambassadors are executed. 
  8. Russian and Polovtsian allies march down the west 
  bank of the Dnieper (late April 1223); a second Mongol 
  embassy arrives during this march. 
  9. Russian infantry arrives from Galicia by boat along 
  the Black Sea coast and up the Dnieper river, 
  commanded by Yury Domamerich and Derzhikray 
  Volodislavich (late April 1223) 
  10. All elements of the allied army assemble on Khortytsya 
  island at the mouth of the Khortytsya river, next to 
  modern Zaporizhzhya (15 May 1223); the main 
  Polovtsian army also joins the Russians here. 
   
   
  Russian movements 
   
  Mongol movements 
   
  States 
   
  Tribal peoples 
   
  
   
  58 
  arrived at the muster late and did not take part in the 
  march against the Mongols. 
  The Russian forces continued to assemble until the 
  end of April. They gathered near the town of Zarub, 
  between 50 and 60 kilometres south of Kiev. The 
  cavalry marched overland but many of the infantry 
  arrived in riverboats as did various provisions and the 
  weaponry, which typically accompanied the army in 
  carts. These were distributed amongst the soldiers 
  shortly before the start of a battle. Some troops arrived 
  on the eastern bank of the Dnieper River where it was 
  felt that they were vulnerable to attack from the steppes 
  to the east. The river was very wide at this time of year 
  and the troops had to be ferried to the western bank in 
  boats or on rafts. 
  It was at this point that an embassy arrived from the 
  Mongol commanders and they were promptly taken to 
  see the Russian princes. 'We did not occupy your land,' 
  they told the assembled rulers, 'neither have we done 
  anything to your towns or villages.' The Mongols did 
   
   
  The coming of the Mongols 
  introduced new elements of Far 
  Eastern decoration into the 
  metallic parts of horse harness, 
  though this was often combined 
  with decorative elements from 
  the Middle East. Both influences 
  can be seen in these 12th- or 
  early 13th-century Mongol 
  bronze harness buckle 
  decorations. (State Hermitage 
  Museum, St. Petersburg) 
   
  not wish to fight the Russians, claimed the ambassadors, but had been 
  sent as by God to punish the Polovtsians. 'We have no quarrel with you,' 
  they continued, 'but we do with those who are evil.' The Mongols, they 
  announced, intended to drive their Polovtsian enemies out of this land 
  and if the Polovtsians fled to the Russians, the Mongols would also drive 
  them from there, and take their goods. The Mongol ambassadors were, by 
  all accounts, eloquent and well informed. The Mongols may well have 
  been trying to split the Russian-Polovtsian alliance. This is more likely as 
  Subodei and Jebei had learned that the expected reinforcements from 
  Genghiz Khan's sonjochi would not be arriving. Jochi was north of the 
   
  
   
  59 
   
   
  Some of the warriors shown in 
  the so-called 'Small 
  Shahnamahs' made around 1300 
  in Iraq or southern Iran use what 
  seems to be an earlier style of 
  arms and armour. This may 
  reflect the equipment used in this 
  area before the arrival of the 
  Mongols. Muslim troops using 
  such military gear did, of course, 
  join the Mongol army that went 
  on to invade southern Russia. 
  (Reza Abbasi Museum, Tehran) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  LEFT The famous Golden Gate of 
  Kiev was built between 1017 and 
  1024, first being mentioned in 
  1037. Destroyed by the Mongols 
  in 1240, and subsequently 
  covered by earth in 1750, the 
  ruins were excavated and 
  strengthened in 1837. In 1982 a 
  pavilion was added to the top of 
  the Golden Gate, based upon 
  written descriptions, to restore 
  its original appearance. 
  Caspian Sea and claiming to be ill. The Russian princes honoured their 
  agreement with their Polovtsian allies, however. But they went a step 
  further; suspecting that the Mongol ambassadors were actually spies, 
  they agreed to kill these strange men from the east - a task eagerly 
  carried out by Koten Khan's followers. 
  The princes had miscalculated badly. The Mongol commanders 
  apparently already had excellent intelligence. Whether the ambassadors 
  were actually doubling as spies is not known, but after their murder the 
  Mongol commanders were determined to take revenge. The killing of 
  ambassadors contravened the traditional Mongol Yasa or code of law, as 
  updated and reorganised by Genghiz Khan himself. The killing was 
  regarded as an affront to the Law of Nature and as being against God's 
  Law. The killing of the ambassadors thus made a war against the 
  Russians inevitable, although the Mongols had not sought one. 
  The Russian forces were now fully assembled, except for the delayed 
  detachment from Vladimir-Suzdal, and at the end of April the princes 
  led their armies down the western bank of the River Dnieper. Within a 
  few days of the march beginning, a second group of Mongol 
  ambassadors appeared and again offered peace. According to the 
  Russian Chronicle, when their offers were rebuffed the Mongol 
  ambassadors told the Russian dukes: 'If you support the Polovtsians, kill 
  our ambassadors and are marching against us, then do what you will. 
  We did not attack you and God will be our judge.' The official 
  declaration of war had now taken place, and this time the Mongol 
  ambassadors were allowed to leave unharmed. 
  The Russian troops continued their march down the right bank of the 
  Dnieper while from the south the infantry of Galicia was approaching 
  under 
  the 
  command 
  of 
  Yury 
  Domamerich 
  and 
  Derzhikray 
  Volodislavich. These foot soldiers came in boats, having sailed along the 
   
  
   
  60 
  RIGHT Other late 12th-century 
  relief carvings on the exterior of 
  the Cathedral of Dmitri Sobor at 
  Vladmir show horsemen, riding 
  in the European rather than 
  steppe style with almost straight 
  legs and long stirrup leathers.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
   
   
  The Uspenski Cathedral in Kiev 
  was built in the late 11th century 
  over the Kievan Cave Monastery 
  complex. This was the centre 
  from which Christianity spread 
  across Russia. Sadly it was 
  destroyed by Soviet forces as 
  they retreated from the Nazis in 
  1941. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  RIGHT The late 12th- or very 
  early 13th-century iron face-
  mask visors that were found in 
  the ruins of the Byzantine 
  Imperial Palace in Istanbul were 
  probably used by Polovtsian-
  Cuman-Kipchaq soldiers who 
  formed one of the emperor's elite 
  guard units. This type of visor 
  has been found across much of 
  the south-east European 
  steppes, and as far north as 
  Volga Bulgar territory.  
  (St. Andrews University Library 
  Photographic Collection) 
   
   
  north-western shore of the Black Sea and then up the River Dnieper. On 
  15 May they reached an island called Khortytsya, where the little river 
  of the same name joined the broad Dnieper. Here the various elements 
  of the allied force finally joined together, including the main Polovtsian 
  army, which consisted entirely of mounted archers. 
   
   
   
  THE MONGOL WITHDRAWAL 
   
  The combined strength of the allied army assembled on the River 
  Dnieper was probably 80,000-100,000 fighting men, but only 15,000 to 
  20,000 of them were properly equipped and trained soldiers. At around 
  this time the first groups of Mongol troops appeared on the eastern 
  bank. They dearly did not impress the young Russian soldiers since the 
  first Mongols to clash with them were unarmoured horse-archers earning 
  only bows, sabres and lassoos. The Russians later expressed their disgust, 
  commenting that the Mongols looked even worse than the Polovtsians. 
   
   
  
   
  61 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  On the other hand the more experienced Russian troops noted that those 
  Mongols were more skilful with their bows, which seemed more 
  powerful than the ones the Russians had faced before. 
  The next day, probably 16 May, Prince Mstislav Mstislavic of Galicia 
  led a small detachment of his own men and some Polovtsians to the far 
  bank of the Dnieper where they attacked part of the Mongol advance 
  guard. The result seemed very impressive, the Mongols promptly 
  fleeing into the steppes. Prince Mstislav of Galicia pursued them and 
  even captured their commander named Gemyabek or Hamabek, who had 
   
   
  1. Russian and Polovtsian armies assembled on 
  Khortytsya island in the river Dnieper. 
  2. 
  First Mongol encampment probably on high ground, 
  possibly on northern slopes of the Mohiia Bel'mak hills. 
  3. 
  Prince Mstislav Mstislavich and his detachment land on 
  the east bank of the Dnieper (16 May 1223) and drive 
  back a Mongol advance position; Mongols retreat but 
  their leader Gemyabek is captured and executed. 
  4. Prince Daniil of Volhynia leads a reconnaissance in 
  force east of the Dnieper (17 May 1223), defeating a 
  small Mongol detachment and capturing their herds. 
  5. Following these successful sorties, the entire Russian 
  x and Polovtsian army starts a nine day march towards 
  the main Mongol army (22 May 1223). 
  6. Mongol main force under Subodei Bahadur and Jebei 
  Noyon retreats and establishes a defensive position 
  on the Kalka river. 
  7. Increasing disagreements amongst the Russian 
  leaders about the wisdom of continuing to pursue the 
  Mongols deeper into the steppes; nevertheless the 
  advance continues. 
  8. Russian and Polovtsian army reaches the Kalka river 
  (31 May 1223). 
   
  River Dnieper (today largely consisting of 
  man-made lakes and hydroelectric power 
  dams along this lower part of its course) 
   
  Initial Russian encampment 
   
  Presumed initial Mongol camp 
   
  New Mongol defensive position on Kalka river 
   
  Russian & Polovtsian movements 
   
  Mongol movements 
  
   
  62 
  A very distinctive style of stone 
  relief carving developed in 
  Azerbeijan during the medieval 
  Islamic period. In some ways it 
  recalls pre-lslamic Sassanian 
  carving, though here the 
  costume, arms, armour and 
  horse harness seem to reflect 
  Mongol fashions. 
   
   
   
  Unlike most medieval Russian 
  painted icon panels, this example 
  portraying St. Theodore may 
  illustrate some aspects of the 
  arms and armour actually used 
  at the time. It was made around 
  1170.  
  (Kremlin Museum, Moscow) 
   
   
   
   
  sought refuge behind the wooden fence surrounding a Polovtsian burial 
  mound. The captive's fate was sealed when the Polovtsians asked Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavic to hand him over to them - to execute. 
  A day later Prince Daniil of Volhynia and Yury Domanerich took 
  another detachment across the river to conduct a reconnaissance. They 
  found little except a small group of Mongols watching over a herd of 
  animals. When the Russians attacked, the Mongols again fled, leaving 
  their herd to be captured. These successes convinced the other princes 
  that the army could cross the Dnieper easily and safely, after which a 
  general advance could begin. A bridge of boats was built and the army 
  crossed the river without difficulty. These early successes had given the 
  allies a dangerous feeling of superiority. Their combined army was 
  undoubtedly very large by the standards of the 13th century, and in their 
  encounters thus far the Tatars did not seem very frightening. With the 
  army across the river they pressed on into the steppes - for the Russians 
  if not for the Polovtsians 'unknown lands'. Ahead of them the small and 
   
   
  
   
  63 
  The fortress of Khotyn looms 
  above the southern bank of the 
  Dnester River, close to the 
  Ukrainian frontier with Romania. 
  There was a wooden castle on 
  this site in the 12th century, 
  while the existing stone  
  fortress dates from the 13th to 
  16th century. It was intended to 
  face a threat to the principality  
  of Galicia, not from steppes 
  peoples to the east but from the 
  powerful medieval kingdom of 
  Hungary on the other side of the 
  Carpathian Mountains. 
   
   
   
   
   
  outnumbered advance detachments of Sflbodei's army continued to 
  retreat when confronted by the allies. Sometimes the Mongols seem to 
  have left captives and herds of animals to fall into the hands of their 
  enemies intentionally. As the chronicles stated, as a result, 'The whole 
  army was full of cattle and continued on its way.' 
  Command of the allied army was exercised by the council of princes, 
  but opinions differed on how victory should be achieved, with 
  arguments and quarrels beginning as far back as the banks of the 
  Dnieper. The only point of agreement seems to have been that this 
  would be a victory easily won. Meanwhile Prince Mstislav Mstislavich 
  and those princes who supported him insisted on pursuing the enemy, 
  but Prince Mstislav Romanovich of Kiev urged caution, arguing that the 
  allies should not have crossed the River Dnieper in the first place. They 
  should, he maintained, have made the Mongols fight there. As the 
  decision had been made to cross the river the allies should advance very 
  carefully and avoid pushing too deeply into the steppes. Nevertheless, 
  the allies pressed on ever deeper into the grass-covered springtime 
  steppe lands. The Polovtsians, who wanted to fight the Mongols and 
  regain the territories from which they had recently been expelled, were 
  delighted, particularly now they were supported by such large numbers 
  of Russian troops. 
  For nine days the Polovtsians led the advance, accompanied by the 
  younger troops from Galicia and Volhynia, the allied advance guard 
   
  
   
  64 
   
   
  The capture of Gemyabek. As 
  they fell back, the Mongols were 
  pursued by the Russians. One 
  Mongol commander of the 
  rearguard named Gemyabek fell 
  from his horse and sought refuge 
  within the fenced sanctuary of a 
  Polovtsian burial ground, but was 
  taken captive by the Russians. 
  As a senior officer he would have 
  posessed good-quality armour 
  and equipment. The warriors  
  who accompanied Gemyabek 
  probably wore light equipment 
  so that they could escape their 
  Russian and Polovtsian pursuers. 
  They may not have been Mongols 
  at all but tribute-paying vassals, 
  such as Uighurs, Tungus or even 
  Turkish Muslim soldiers who had 
  joined Jebei and Siibodei in 
  Transoxania. Gemyabek, who is 
  also called Hamabek in some 
  sources, does seem to have a 
  Turkish name. 
   (Victor Korolkov) 
  being commanded by Duke Daniil. Ahead of them the Mongol outposts 
  continued to fall back, loosing arrows as they retreated. Each time the 
  Mongols' small, fast ponies enabled them to escape. Behind the allied 
  advance guard came the vanguard of the main army under Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavic of Galicia. He was followed in turn by the troops 
  from Chernigov while the Kievan forces of Prince Mstislav 
  Romanovich brought up the rear. 
  Numerous heavy carts moved across the steppes, surrounded by 
  cavalrymen who grew tired in the heat of day. Having lured the allies 
  away from the River Dnieper and sent token forces to be defeated by the 
  enemies' vanguard, Siibodei bided his time. He and Jebei Noyon 
  selected ground from which, in the case of a defeat, the allies would 
  find it difficult to retreat to the Dnieper. In the case of a mistake on the 
  part of the allies, the Mongol blow would probably prove decisive. 
  Meanwhile the arguments between the Russian princes grew daily 
  worse, a fact the Mongol commanders were clearly aware of. 
   
   
  THE BATTLE 
   
  On 31 May 1223, the allied army reached the banks of the Kalka River. The 
  precise location of the battle, and even the identity of the little river are not 
  
   
  65 
   
   
  known for certain. The Kalka clearly flowed into the Sea of Azov and 
  was probably the stream of similar name north of Mariupol. Following 
  another minor clash that morning, during which the Mongols were again 
  defeated, the Russian princes again fell to quarrelling. This time the 
  question was whether or not the army should move on or stop where it 
  now was on what was a suitable defensive position. Having spent half 
  the day arguing, the quarrel remained unresolved and indeed grew 
  worse. So the princes went their separate ways without reaching 
  agreement. 
  Back at the River Dnieper Prince Mstislav Mstislavic of Galicia had 
  insisted that a certain Khan Yarun, rather than his father-in-law Koten 
  Khan, be given leadership of the Polovtsians. Khan Yarun and the 
  Polovtsians, accompanied by the Volhynian army under Prince Daniil, 
  were now sent to cross the Kalka River and continue the offensive. 
  They were followed by the Galicians and, a short while later, by Prince 
  Mstislav Svyatoslavich of Chernigov with his troops. 
  The Polovtsy were just as good at steppe skirmishing warfare as were 
  the Mongols themselves and they easily drove back the Mongols' 
  outposts on the far bank of the Kalka. The cavalry of Volhynia also 
  managed to keep up with them with Prince Mstislav Mstislavic and the 
  Galicians close behind, but the men of Chernigov only crossed the river 
  slowly. Meanwhile the army of Kiev waited on the western side of the 
  Kalka, probably at some distance from the bank. 
  When the gaps between the separate divisions of the allied army  
  had grown sufficiently large, Subodei ordered his men to attack. As a 
   
  It is likely that the majority of 
  Russian troops did not wear 
  armour during the march to the 
  Kalka River, which took place in 
  the heat of May. Mail and other 
  armour, as well as shields, were 
  carried in carts, which in case of 
  emergency could be circled into 
  an ad hoc field fortification. Inside 
  such a temporary defence the 
  Russians could put up a stout 
  resistance. It was normal for the 
  Russians to go to war in what 
  could be called their grandest and 
  most colourful clothing. This 
  included red shirts - the word 
  'red' in medieval Russian being 
  synonymous with 'beautiful'. It 
  was considered honourable to die 
  in public wearing 'beautiful' 
  clothing. Since the Polovtsians 
  were riding ahead as a vanguard, 
  and the main Russian columns 
  were protected by cavalry flank 
  guards, it was assumed there 
  would be plenty of time to put on 
  armour if the enemy appeared.  
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
  
   
  66 
   
   
   
   
   
  As a result of the disagreement over tactics 
  the army of Kiev may not have advanced at 
   all during this early part of the battle. 
  The tactical disagreements also result in 
  the army of Chernigov-Kursk advancing 
  more slowly. 
  A disagreement about tactics leads the army 
  of Galicia advancing more slowly than the 
  Polovtsians and Volhynians 
   
  MONGOL FORCES 
  1. Mongol cavalry centre under Subodei Bahadur. 
  2. Mongol cavalry right wing under Jebei Noyon. 
  3. Mongol left wing under Tsugyr Khan and 
  Teshi Khan, with the Brodniki under Polskinia. 
  4. Mongol cavalry vanguard units. 
   
  RUSSIAN-POLOVTSIAN FORCES 
  A. Polovtsian cavalry forming advance guard and flank 
  guards of the Russian armies, perhaps commanded 
  by Yarun Khan 
  B. Army of Volhynia under Prince Daniil Romanovich, 
  forming the Russian vanguard. 
  C. Army of Galicia under Prince Mstislav Mstislavich. 
  D. Army of Chernigov under Prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich, 
  plus a force from Kursk under Prince Oleg. 
  E. Army of Kiev under Grand Prince Mstislav 
  Romanovich some distance to the rear. 
  THE RUSSIAN ATTACK 
  Morning, 31 May 1223, viewed from the south-east showing the initial Russian attack and apparent success against 
  the Mongol vanguard. The Russians fail to co-ordinate their attacks, advancing as separate formations and becoming 
  divided by the Kalka River. 
  
   
  67 
  As adept at steppe skirmishing as the 
  Mongols, the Polovtsian cavalry of the 
  advance guard attack and drive back the 
  Mongol vanguard. 
  During the initial attacks the Volhynian cavalry 
  manage to keep up with the Polovtsians. 
  Perhaps in an effort to lure 
   the Russians forward, the 
   Mongol vanguard retires  
  to join the Mongol main  
  forces which are now  
  forming up. 
  The main Mongol army begins to deploy for battle as 
  Siibodei watches the advancing Russians and waits for 
  the moment to attack. 
  
   
  68 
  Subodei and Jebei watch the 
  approaching Russians. Both one-
  eyed Subodei and the younger 
  Jebei, commanders of the 
  Mongol army at the battle of the 
  Kalka River, were experienced 
  soldiers. This was why Genghiz 
  Khan had entrusted them with 
  the extraordinarily ambitious and 
  far-ranging reconnaissance 
  march to the 'last sea' in the 
  west, in addition to their original 
  task of hunting down Muhammad 
  the Khwarazmshah. Here the two 
  commanders are shown in purely 
  Mongol costume, arms and 
  armour. Jebei also wears a style 
  of gilded armour that appears to 
  have been a mixture of Mongol 
  style and Chinese booty.  
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Though very crudely carved, this 
  small stone icon of St. George 
  provides what is probably one of 
  the most realistic illustrations of 
  13th-century northern Russian 
  military equipment. It was made 
  around 1250 and shows the saint 
  with a long-sleeved, long-
  hemmed mail hauberk, perhaps 
  mail chausses on his legs, a 
  spear and a normal European 
  kite-shaped shield. (State 
  Russian Museum, St. Petersburg) 
   
   
   
  result the Russian forces that had crossed the Kalka were not prepared 
  when the battle proper began. The actions of the army were not directed 
  by a single commander and their reconnaissance had been entrusted to 
  their Polovtsian allies, whose troops were spread across a large area. 
  The Russians did have experience of fighting against steppe nomads 
  and even of contested river crossings. In 1185 on the River Suyurly, 
  Prince Igor' had crossed the river to defeat the Polovtsians. Here the 
  Russian array had been led by horse archers, followed by ten units of 
  light cavalry and finally three regiments of heavily armoured horsemen. 
  Two of the latter remained in reserve and took no part in the action as 
  the Polovtsians succumbed to the initial blow and fled. If the Tatar-
  Mongols at the Kalka River had organized their troops in the same way 
  as the Polovtsians had in 1185, they would most probably have lost the 
  battle. In the event the Mongols fell on the Russians as they were in the 
  process of crossing the river. 
  Nor did Subodei follow traditional Mongol tactics on this occasion. 
  Instead of using lightly armoured cavalry and horse-archers in his first 
  assault, he attacked the advancing Polovtsians with his own heavily 
  armoured cavalry, defeating them very quickly. Then the Mongol 
  horsemen attacked the cavalry of Prince Daniil of Volhynia, their 
  archery proving both terrifying and effective. Daniil Romanovich rode 
  at the head of his men with his voivodes or senior officers Semen 
  Olyuyevich and Vasilyok Gavrilovich. As the chronicles recorded, 
  'there was killed Vasilyok by a spear and Daniil was wounded in the 
  chest'. Clearly the Mongol cavalry fought the Russians hand-to-hand 
  rather than relying purely on horse-archery. Seeing the disaster that was 
  unfolding in front of him, Prince Mstislav of Lutsk rushed to help but 
   
   
   
  
   
  69 
   
   
  the Mongol horse-archers were still shooting furiously and the troops of 
  Volhynia were forced to flee. 
  Prince Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia also learned what had happened 
  and ordered his troops to prepare for battle. Pursued by the Mongol 
  horse-archers, the Polovtsians and Volhynians were unable to halt their 
  flight and swept the men of Galicia, including Prince Mstislav Mstislavich, 
  along with them towards the River Kalka. There the army of Chernigov 
  under Prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich was yet to complete its crossing of 
  the River Kalka and, unprepared for battle, was swept away by the wave 
  of mounted fugitives. As the Mongol pursuers drove the wreckage of the 
  allied army ahead of them, only Prince Oleg of Kursk succeeded in 
  deploying his men in time to help the Galicians. His forces had been 
   
   
  'Vasilyok was pierced by a spear ...' 
  There has been an unjustified 
  assumption for many years that 
  Mongol warriors only fought from 
  a distance using their powerful 
  composite bows, and that they 
  made little use of spears. 
  However, the battle of the Kalka 
  River shows them fighting in a 
  totally different manner. It is 
  clear from the chronicles that on 
  this occasion, instead of making 
  the initial attack with archery, 
  spear-armed, heavily armoured 
  Mongol cavalry charged into 
  hand-to-hand combat with their 
  Russian adversaries. The high 
  May temperatures and gad-flies 
  which swarm this area at that 
  time of year must have been 
  torture for the armoured cavalry 
  of both sides.  
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The famous bronze doors of the 
  Cathedral of Santa Sophia in 
  Novgorod the Great are believed 
  to have been made in Magdeburg 
  in Germany in the mid-12th 
  century. As such the numerous 
  military figures on this superb 
  door panel are not thought to 
  reflect the arms used in Russia. 
  On the other hand a large 
  number of the soldiers in the 
  armies of western Russian 
  principalities such as Volhynia 
  and Galicia would probably have 
  looked very similar to their 
  Polish, Hungarian and German 
  neighbours.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
  
   
  70 
   
   
   
  The army of Kiev, seeing what is happening ahead, 
  starts to construct a field fortification of wagons. 
  Army of Chernigov is 
  crossing the river  
  and its forces are 
  divided. 
  Vanguard  
  of the Chernigov  
  army under Prince Oleg  
  of Kursk are the only  
  element arrayed for battle and, perhaps in 
  conjunction with some flanking Polovtsians, 
  attempts to support the fugitives but is defeated 
  and forced to flee; meanwhile the rest of the 
  Chernigov army is disrupted by Polovtsian  
  and Volhynian fugitives. 
  Galician army prepares to counter-
  attack but is disrupted by the fleeing 
  Polovtsians and Volhynians. 
  Part of the Galician  
  army probably attempts  
  to defend the flank of the 
  retreating Volhynians but  
  is itself forced to retreat. 
  Mongol left wing attacks the flank of the 
  Galician army and also the flank of the 
  Chernigov army. 
  THE MONGOL COUNTER-ATTACK 
  Midday, 31 May 1223, viewed from the south-east showing the Mongol attacks which throw back the 
  Polovtsians and the Volhynians. The armies of Galicia and Chernigov which are trying to deploy for 
  battle are disrupted by the fleeing Polovtsians and Volhynians. 
  
   
  71 
   
   
   
   
  Mongol right wing attacks the flank of the 
  Galician army and also the flank of  
  the Chernigov army. 
  Mongol light cavalry horse-archers of the 
  centre launch second attack against the 
  Volhynians of the Russian vanguard. 
  Mongol heavy 
  cavalry launch  
  first attack against 
  the Polovtsians. 
  Volhynian 
  vanguard falls back 
  with the Polovtsian 
  advance guard. 
   Polovtsian advance 
  guard is broken and 
  flees to the rear. 
  MONGOL FORCES 
  1. Mongol cavalry centre under 
  Subodei Bahadur with heavily 
  armoured cavalry in the centre and 
  apparently forming a front line. 
  2. Mongol cavalry right wing under 
  Jebei Noyon. 
  3. Mongol left wing under Tsugyr 
  Khan and Teshi Khan, with the 
  Brodniki under Polskinia. 
   
  RUSSIAN-POLOVTSIAN FORCES 
  A. Polovtsian cavalry forming 
  advance guard and flank  
  guards of the Russian armies. 
  B. Army of Volhynia under Prince 
  Daniil Romanovich. 
  C. Army of Galicia under Prince 
  Mstislav Mstislavich. 
  D. Army of Chernigov under Prince 
  Mstislav Svyatoslavich, with a 
  cavalry vanguard under Prince 
  Oleg of Kursk. 
  E. Army of Kiev under Grand 
  Prince Mstislav Romanovich. 
  
   
  72 
   
  The Mongols attack the camp of the Kiev army. Because of disputes between the 
  various Russian princes and war-leaders, the forces of Kiev and Chernigov did 
  not cross the Kalka River at the same time as the forces of Galicia and Volhynia. 
  When the latter were overwhelmed, the men of Kiev sought to make a stand 
  within a field fortification of wagons. This type of field defence was used for many 
  centuries, proving particularly successful when used by the Czech followers of 
  Jan Hus in the 15th century. Within this temporary protection the Russians and 
  their prince, Mstislav Romanovich of Kiev, were subject to the full force of the 
  Mongol assault when two regiments commanded by Tsugyr Khan and Teshi Khan 
  surrounded their encampment. For several agonising days the Russians 
  successfully resisted the attacks, while trying to gradually press westwards. But 
  finally, with water running short and no prospect of escape, Prince Mstislav of 
  Kiev accepted that surrender was inevitable.  
  (Victor Korolkov) 
  
   
  73 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
   
  74 
   
   
  crossing with the army of Chernigov but, despite the courageous efforts 
  of his men, they loo were overcome and forced to flee. 
  A battle such as this could not last long and with his men now 
  surrounded by a force outnumbering them two-to-one. Prince Mstislav 
  Mstislavjch of Galicia could not halt the Mongols and his troops 
  suffered heavy losses. Inevitably they began to fall back and then, as the 
  Mongol pressure mounted, dissolved into a mass of fleeing fugitives. 
  Meanwhile, the army of Kiev under Prince Mstislav Romanovich saw 
  what was happening on the far bank of the River Kalka. Thev just had time 
  to snatch their weapons and establish a defensive position by surrounding 
  themselves with their wagons before the Mongol storm burst upon 
  them. 
   
  THE RUSSIAN COLLAPSE 
   
  The fleeing allies and the Mongols who were furiously pursuing 
  them now swept towards the army of Kiev. Under the circumstances 
  any counter-attack would have been futile so the men of Kiev retreated 
  slowly, defending themselves behind (he moving 'Held fortification' of 
  carts. Some of the fugitives tried to join the Kievans but the Mongols 
  cut them oil, driving them deeper into the surrounding steppes. Subodei 
  now sent forces under the command of Tsugyr Khan and Teshi Khan to 
  keep the Kievans besieged within their carts while he continued to 
  pursue the fugitives. 
  The defeated Russian princes retreated in different directions, the 
  troops of Galicia and Volhynia fleeing back towards the crossing of the 
  Dnieper where the Russian river fleet was still moored. They took 
  enough boats for themselves, then smashed the bottoms of those that 
  remained to prevent pursuit. The surviving Galicians and Volhynians 
  then sailed down the Dnieper and escaped beyond the reach of their 
  relentless pursuers with little further loss. Meanwhile the men of 
   
  The escape of Prince Mstislav 
  Mstislavic of Galicia. Only a 
  fraction of those Russian rulers 
  who fought at Kalka River 
  survived the battle. Of the three 
  Mstislavs who fought, 
  Romanovich of Kiev and the 
  Prince of Chernigov had been 
  killed, but the Prince of Galicia 
  survived. Ten other princes had 
  also died and only one in ten of 
  their men are said to have 
  returned home. Most Russian 
  armies on this sort of campaign 
  were supported by river fleets; 
  these having transported the 
  infantry to the muster point. But 
  the Kalka River battle took place 
  a long way from the main rivers 
  that flowed through Russian 
  territory. In fact the Kalka itself 
  was little more than a large 
  stream flowing across part of the 
  southern steppe and was 
  certainly not wide enough to 
  accommodate ships. After his 
  return from the battle of the 
  Kalka River, Prince Mstislav 
  Mstislavic continued to rule 
  Galicia for another four years. 
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
   
  75 
   
   
  ABOVE  The upper reaches of the 
  Kalka River ran through a narrow 
  valley, almost hidden in the 
  rolling steppe hills. It was neither 
  deep nor wide, but it remained a 
  serious obstacle to an advancing 
  army.  
  (Michael Zhirokhov photograph) 
   
  RIGHT  When the advancing 
  Russians and Polovtsians 
  reached the Kalka valley they 
  faced quite a deep descent. 
  There was also no way around 
  the obstacle as the bluffs were 
  even steeper and closer to the 
  stream elsewhere.  
  (Michael Zhirokhov photograph) 
   
   
   
   
   
  LEFT  The great Golden Gate at 
  Kiev may have been destroyed 
  and then reconstructed in 
  modern times, but the slightly 
  later Golden Gate of Vladimir 
  survived intact. It was built in 
  1164 and, like the Kievan gate, 
  has a chapel on top. This kind of 
  elaborate stone fortification was, 
  however, extremely rare in 
  medieval Russia. Even here at 
  Vladimir the defences on either 
  side of the gate consisted only of 
  an earth rampart topped by a 
  large timber wall.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
   
   
  Chernigov under Prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich retreated northwards 
  across the steppe. They aimed to reach their own principality as quickly 
  as possible, but the pursuing Mongols were virtually on their heels and 
  harrassed the fleeing army of Chernigov terribly. Prince Mstislav 
  Svyatoslavich and his son were both killed during the retreat. 
  The Prince of Smolensk was somewhat luckier. Retreating to the 
  north-west with a detachment of 1,000 men, he managed to beat off 
  those Mongols who closed in from time to time, eventually reaching the 
  Dnieper, where they succeeded in shaking off further pursuit. Other 
  scattered groups of fugitives suffered terribly at the hands of the 
  Mongols, and some of the Polovtsians took revenge for the overthrow 
  of Koten Khan by turning on the Russian fugitives, plundering and 
  seizing their horses. 
  While this tragedy unfolded on the steppes around them, the army of 
  Kiev, surrounded on all sides, crawled painfully westwards. The 
  Mongols took great care, however, to ensure this particular prey did not 
  escape the trap. Mongol arrows fell like rain, and yet for three days the 
   
  
   
  76 
   
   
  Mongol centre attacks and overwhelms the army of 
  Galicia, then attacks the Kievan field fortifications 
  Kievan army under Grand Prince Mstislav 
  Romanovich with remaining Polovtsians 
  resists within its field fortifications of  
  wagons while also trying to move gradually 
  westward towards the Dnieper; surrenders 
  after three days. 
  Volhynian and Polovtsian fugitives 
   flee towards Khortytsya island in 
   the River Dnieper. 
  Mongol left wing is sent to pin  
  the army of Kiev within its field 
  fortifications and to stop  
  fugitives joining them. 
  MONGOL FORCES 
  1. Mongol cavalry centre under Subodei 
  Bahadur. 
  2. Mongol cavalry right wing under Jebel 
  Noyon. 
  3. Mongol left wing under Tsugyr Khan 
  and Teshi Khan, with Brodniki under 
  Polskinia. 
   
  RUSSIAN AND POLOVTSIAN FORCES 
  A-B  Polovtsian and Volhynian fugitives. 
  C. Army of Galicia under Prince Mstoslav 
  Mstislavich, plus Polovtsians, virtually 
  surrounded by Mongols. 
  D. Army of Chernigov and Kursk with 
  associated Polovtsians, probably broken. 
  E. Army of Kiev with associated 
  Polovtsians within a slowly moving field 
  fortification of wagons. 
  THE RUSSIAN COLLAPSE 
  Afternoon, 31 May 1223, viewed from the south-east showing the disintegration of the Russian army 
  under continuous Mongol attacks. Harried by the Mongol cavalry the armies of Chernigov and 
  Galicia collapse and flee the field. They are closely pursued by the Mongols to prevent the fugitives 
  joining the army of Kiev which has taken refuge within its wagon field fortifications. 
  
   
  77 
   
   
  Army of Chernigov and Kursk,  
  probably broken, flees to the  
  north-west. 
  Part of the Mongol right wing pursues and 
  harries the retreating army of Chernigov and 
  Kursk in order to stop any fugitives joining 
  the army of Kiev within its field fortifications. 
  Army of Galicia  
  collapses and flees  
  west towards Khortytsya 
  island in the River Dnieper. 
  Part of the Mongol  
  army, probably from the  
  centre, is sent to pursue the  
  Russians heading towards  
  Khortytsya island in 
   the River Dnieper, and  
  to stop any fugitives  
   joining the army of  
  Kiev within its field 
  fortifications. 
  
   
  78 
   
   
   
   
   
  
   
  79 
   
  The Mongols feast on top of the 
  bodies of their defeated foes. The 
  end of the battle was truly terrible 
  for the men of Kiev. Part of their 
  army was killed in the fight, others 
  surrendered, believing the 
  Mongols' promises that their lives 
  would be spared. Immediately they 
  surrendered some were 
  slaughtered while others were 
  enslaved. The victors then 
  prepared a feast which they 
  enjoyed seated on a platform of 
  heavy planks under which lay the 
  captured Russian leaders. While 
  their captors celebrated their 
  victory the Russian leaders  
  slowly suffocated to death.  
  (Victor Korolkov) 
   
  
   
  80 
   
   
   
  The Polovtsians were a wealthy 
  people and their army, or at least 
  its elite elements, was notably 
  well equipped. Archaeological 
  evidence also shows that the 
  Polovtsians used a variety of 
  different forms of helmet in the 
  12th and 13th centuries. Of  
  those shown here, one is 
  believed to consist of a European 
  or Byzantine iron skull with a 
  gilded rim decoration added by 
  Polovtsian craftsmen (A). Another 
  was found in a khan's grave and 
  had an entirely gilded surface 
  (B), while a third from Hungary is 
  perhaps rather later and might 
  include Chinese influence via the 
  invading Mongols (C). 
   
   
   
   
   
  BELOW The slopes on the 
  eastern side of the little Kalka 
  River, where the Mongols might 
  have established their first 
  defensive position, were 
  certainly steep - but not too 
  precipitous for Mongol cavalry to 
  charge down against their 
  somewhat disorganised enemies.  
  (Michael Zhirokhov photograph)  
  b 
  a 
  c 
  
   
  81 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Looking down from the bluffs on 
  the eastern side of the river, the 
  area of flat land on this side of 
  the Kalka is seen to be very 
  restricted. Here the Russians and 
  Polovtsians might have tried to 
  organise themselves after 
  crossing the river. At the same 
  time they would have presented 
  a tempting target for the Mongol 
  horsemen.  
  (Michael Zhirokhov photograph) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The wealth of the Mongols was shown above all 
  in the splendid decoration of the saddles and 
  horse harness used by their leading men. The 
  objects shown here are the embossed silver 
  sheets that originally served as facings for  
  such saddles. They date from the 12th to early 
  14th century, showing that the Mongols were 
  certainly not the primitive barbarians once 
  thought. A - Silver facing of a saddle's cantle;  
  В - Silver facing for a saddle's pommel or bow; 
  С - Silver facing of a saddle's cantle.  
  (State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg) 
  a 
  b 
  c 
  
   
  82 
   
   
   
   
  Kievans maintained their dogged resistance. Then with the Mongol 
  assaults growing ever fiercer, the Russians began to run out of drinking 
  water. Escape was out of the question and it was obvious that sooner or 
  later they would have to surrender, so Subodei decided to negotiate. He 
  selected Polskinia, a senior voivode or perhaps the leader of the Slav-
  speaking Brodniki, as his intermediary, offering to release the Russian 
  princes and their followers in return for a suitable ransom. 
  The Mongol commanders also promised no blood would be spilled 
  and to prove the Mongols' good faith, their representative Polskinia 
  kissed the Holy Cross in public. Prince Mstislav Romanovich had no 
  choice but to agree to these terms, but as soon as the Kievans left the 
  shelter of their wagon fortifications, the Mongols slaughtered some of 
  them and took the rest prisoner. Mstislav Romanovich and the other 
  princes with him were seized, but the Mongols did not kill them imme-
  diately. Instead the noble captives were first tied up and then thrown 
  beneath what was described as a wooden 'bridge'. There they slowly 
  died of suffocation under the weight not only of the timber planks but 
  also of the Mongols who were feasting in celebration on the timbers. 
  This extraordinary execution was in revenge for the killing of the 
  Mongol ambassadors at the start of the campaign. 
   
  ABOVE After their remarkable 
  victory over the Russians and 
  Polovtsians, and their almost as 
  surprising lack of success against 
  the Volga Bulgars, the Mongol 
  army under Jebei, Subodei and 
  now Jochi made the long journey 
  back to Transoxania, to report to 
  Genghiz Khan. This took them 
  through very bleak territory, some 
  of it traversed in the depth of 
  winter. Today the steppes around 
  what is left of the shrinking Aral 
  Sea are perhaps even more 
  forbidding than they were in  
  the 13th century.  
  (D. Nicolle photograph) 
   
  ABOVE, LEFT A Mongol horse and 
  groom as portrayed by Kubilai 
  Khan's favourite Chinese painter, 
  Zhao Mengfu, in the mid-13th 
  century. The artist has even 
  caught the biting wind which 
  whistles across the Central Asian 
  steppes. After their victory at the 
  Kalka River, the Mongols left 
  eastern Europe and the Islamic 
  world alone for some years, 
  instead concentrating on the 
  conquest of China. With this 
  largely completed, they turned 
  west once again, this time 
  including in their ranks Chinese 
  troops who brought with them 
  the most advanced forms of 
  weaponry, including gunpowder. 
  (National Palace Museum, 
  Taiwan, Republic of China) 
  
   
  83 
   
   
  This fine carved stone icon of  
  St. George was made in 1234, 
  during the period of relative calm 
  between the first Mongol 
  invasion of Russia, which 
  culminated in the battle of the 
  Kalka River, and the second, far 
  more determined Mongol 
  invasion, which resulted in 
  Russian falling beneath what 
  came to be known as the 'Tatar 
  Yoke'. The stone icon is now in 
  the Cathedral of St. George in 
  Yur'yev-Pol'skiy, to the west of 
  Suzdal. 
   
  AFTERMATH  
  & RECKONING 
   
   
   
  THE MONGOLS RETURN TO THE EAST 
  he Mongols pursued their shattered enemies as far as the river 
  Dnieper. The only record of them crossing that great river was 
  when they sacked the town of Novgorod Svyatospolch on the 
  west bank. Subodei and Jebei Noyon now received orders from Genghiz 
  Khan to join Jochi in an attack on the Volga Bulgars, after which they 
  were to rejoin the main army, bringing the apparently insubordinate 
  Jochi with them. So the Mongols turned back along the River Donets 
  and crossed the Don to meet Jochi's army on the west bank of the even 
  broader Volga River some time during the summer of 1223. Jochi had 
  himself received orders to link up with Subodei and Jebei. The joint 
  army would then ride north along the west bank of the Volga to attack 
  the Volga Bulgars. But when Subodei and Jebei and their troops crossed 
  the great Volga river near the town of Suvar, they were themselves 
  attacked by the Volga Bulgars. The latter were zealous Turkish-
  speaking Muslims who attempted to take advantage of the devastation 
  of their largely pagan Polovtsian neighbours to the south. As a result the 
  Mongols, who had already suffered considerable casualties during their 
  battle against the Russians on the little Kalka River, were obliged to 
  retreat away from Volga Bulgar territory down the left bank of the 
  Volga. It was a reverse and a humiliation which Genghiz Khan and his 
  commanders neither forgot nor forgave. 
  The Mongols eventually passed near the site of the Golden Horde's 
  future capital of Sarai, not far from where the huge River Volga empties 
  into the Caspian Sea. They then turned east, towards Transoxania, 
  where Genghiz Khan and the larger part of the Mongol army were 
  starting their own slow march back to Mongolia. They had, in fact, 
  spent the summer of 1223 resting in the lush foothills of the Hindu Kush 
  mountains. Meanwhile on their march eastward Jochi, Subodei and 
  Jebei also defeated the Qangli Turks and killed their khan, probably in 
  the autumn of 1223. The following winter seems to have been spent 
  crossing the bleak Great Steppe that lay north of the Aral Sea. 
  The victorious western Mongol army had almost reached its goal 
  when Jebei Noyon suddenly died of a fever near the River Imil. Not 
  many days later Subodei and Jochi finally found Genghiz Khan camped 
  beside the upper reaches of the Irtysh River, north of the Tien Shan 
  Mountains. There, at a great Quriltai or gathering of chiefs, Subodei 
  reported to Genghiz Khan on the results of his epic western campaign. 
  Jochi was also forgiven for his suspected insubordination. 
  The Great Khan himself and his son Jochi both died only four years 
  later in 1227. Genghiz Khan was succeeded by his younger son Ogedei, 
  who, with his brother Batu, would continue their father's career of conquest, 
  launching a second, yet more devastating invasion of Russia in 1238. 
  T 
  
   
  84 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  1. Prince Mstislav Mstislavich of Galicia and Prince Daniil 
  of Volhynia flee with their surviving troops to the 
  original Russian camp at Khortytsya island then retreat 
  down the Dnieper in boats, destroying those boats 
  they did not need in order to hinder pursuit. 
  2. The last stand of the Kievans under Prince Mstislav 
  Romanovich in the hills just west of the battlefield 
  lasts three days before they surrender. 
  3. Prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich of Chernigov flees north 
  with his surviving troops but is killed by the Mongols 
  along with his son. 
  4. Polovtsians reinstate Koten as their Khan, and flee 
  back to the steppes west of the Dnieper. 
  5. Polovtsians reinstate Koten as their Khan, and flee 
  back to the steppes west of the Dnieper. 
   
  6. Part of the Mongol army crosses the Dnieper and 
  sacks the city of Novgorod Svyatospolch before 
  Subodei Bahadur and Jebei Noyon receive orders 
  from Genghiz Khan to join Jochi in an attack on the 
  Volga Bulgars, then to rejoin Genghiz Khan and bring 
  the 'insubordinate' Jochi with them. 
  7. Mongols ride along the Donets river, cross the Don 
  and meet Jochi's army, then travel up the west bank 
  of the Volga towards the Volga Bulgars (summer 1223). 
  8. Jochi and his troops are ordered by Genghiz Khan to 
  join Subodei Bahadur and Jebei Noyon west of the 
  Volga, then to attack the Volga Bulgars. 
  9. Combined Mongol army invades Volga Bulgaria but 
  is attacked by the Bulgars while crossing the Volga 
  river near Suvar; the outcome of the battle is disputed 
  but the Volga Bulgars claim victory and the Mongols 
  withdraw down the east bank of the Volga. 
    
   
  10. The main Mongol army under Genghiz Khan spends 
  the summer of 1223 resting and feeding its horses 
  in high pastures in the foothills of the Hindu Kush 
  mountains. 
  11. Western Mongol army under Jochi, Subodei Bahadur 
  and Jebei Noyon attack and defeat the Qangli Turks 
  (eastern Kipchaqs or 'Wild' Polovtsians), killing their 
  Khan (autumn 1223); then continues eastward across 
  the Great Steppe (winter 1223-24). 
  12. Main Mongol army under Genghiz Khan starts its 
  return march to Mongolia. 
  13. Jebei Noyon dies of a fever near the Imil river. 
  14. Subodei Bahadur and Jochi meet Genghiz Khan beside 
  the upper reaches of the Irtysh river; Subodei Bahadur 
  reports on the western campaign; Jochi submits to 
  this father and his supposed 'insubordination' is 
  forgotten. 
   
   
   
  RUSSIA - THE UNHEEDED WARNING 
  In this first clash between Mongols and Russians, Genghiz Khan's 
  warriors had encountered an. opponent who was strong militarily but 
  who lacked the Mongols' mobility. The Russians had also shown 
  themselves to be extraordinarily disorganised. During the next few years 
  the revived Polovtsian Khanate and the Volga Bulgars succeeded in 
  stopping further relatively small-scale incursions by Mongol forces 
  loyal to Genghiz Khan's son Jochi and grandson Batu - founders of the 
  future Golden Horde. 
  Perhaps these minor successes by the Polovtsians and Volga Bulgars 
  lulled the Russians into a false sense of security. The Russian princely 
  armies may have suffered a big defeat on the banks of the Kalka River 
   
  
   
  85 
   
   
   
   
  but now, it seemed, the fearsome Mongols had simply disappeared hack 
  into the unknown regions of furthest Asia. In truth, Kalka River had 
  been but the first thunderclap of the coming storm, and the Mongols 
  would return to inflict a yet more terrible blow. The Kalka River had 
  been bad enough. Some of the country's best armies had been almost 
  completely destroyed. Several princes and many boyars had also been 
  killed - such heavy losses amongst the military-political elite being 
  something almost unheard of during that period of Russian warfare. 
  The first Mongol invasion of Russia was also significant in another 
  respect. Having previously despised the Mongols as Ciog and Magog, the 
  opinion of the Russian princes was transformed by this humiliating 
  defeat. Russia's leaders were now convinced that the new Mongol invaders 
  were invincible and partly as a result proved incapable of maintaining an 
  effective alliance against them. When the next Mongol assault came 14 
  years later the Russian princes seemed completely helpless. 
   
  ABOVE The fact that the Mongols 
  suddenly arrived, won a major 
  victory over the armies of several 
  Russian principalities in 1223 and 
  then as suddenly disappeared to 
  the east again puzzled many 
  Russian and other European 
  chroniclers. They would of course 
  return, but in the meantime the 
  Russian princes returned to their 
  traditional bickering, with control 
  of the great city of Kiev often being 
  the cause of these quarrels. 
  Despite its decline, Kiev remained 
  the cultural and spiritual centre of 
  Russia, with the hill of the Kyyevo-
  Pecherska Lavra or Kievan Cave 
  Monastery complex at its heart. 
  Today the Kyyevo-Pecherska Lavra 
  is a State Historical and Cultural 
  Preserve containing a remarkable 
  array of fine buildings dating 
  from the 11th to 19th centuries. 
   
  ABOVE, LEFT Combats between 
  Christian cavalrymen, normally 
  fighting with spears or lances, and 
  Turkish or Mongol horse-archers 
  were a favourite motif in art from 
  medieval Russia, the Byzantine 
  Empire, Georgia and Armenia. 
  This superb gilded bronze basin 
  was made in the late 12th or early 
  13th century and seems to have 
  been buried along with other 
  treasures to save it from falling 
  into the hands of the the Mongols. 
  (State Hermitage Museum,  
  St. Petersburg) 
   
  
   
  86 
   
   
  In 1235 Batu, khan or ruler of the westernmost Mongol provinces, 
  was sent massive reinforcements by the new Great Khan Ogedei. These 
  enabled him finally to crush the Volga Bulgars, closely followed by the 
  Polovtsians. Batu's large Mongol army then attacked the Russian 
  principalities, overrunning them one by one until, in December 1240, 
  the great city of Kiev was itself reduced to ashes. 
  The road to central Europe now lay open - Hungary and Poland were 
  the Mongols' next victims. Whether the Mongols intended to conquer 
  Europe remains very doubtful, but they carried fire and sword deep into 
  the Catholic Christian west, leaving a lasting impression of fierce, 
  relentless and seemingly invincible warriors which persists to this day. 
  This subsequent assault began in 1237 when Mongol forces invaded 
  the principality of Ryazan. Only three years later the north-western and 
  southern parts of Russia lay in ruins. Enemy forces had made their way 
  through prosperous Russian territories, overcoming their fortified towns 
  as well as their normally relatively efficient armies. Furthermore, the 
  evidence seemed to indicate that the Russians were technologically and 
  even, under some circumstances, tactically superior to the Mongol 
  invaders. Hence the Russians' defeat came as an even greater 
  psychological shock. 
  There is no reason to believe that the invaders were at this time at a 
  higher state of social, political, cultural or military development than 
  their victims. Although the level of Mongol military science was in 
  several ways excellent, it did have clear limitations and was based upon 
   
  Volga Bulgar military equipment, 
  late 12th-early 13th century:  
  1-2 - Decorated face-mask from  
  a helmet, seen from the front and 
  side; 3 - War-axe with inlaid 
  decoration, possibly imported 
  from the Islamic Middle East. 
  
   
  87 
  quite restricted methods of warfare. For example the Mongols still 
  relied to a considerable extent upon traditional central Asian horse-
  archery tactics, despite their fielding of substantial numbers of heavily 
  armoured cavalrymen. In one respect, however, the Mongol tribal 
  warrior was unsurpassed, and that was in his ability to undertake 
  strenuous marches over vast distances. Furthermore stubborn fighting 
  against equally determined foes lay at the very heart of his way of life. 
  By the time of the second Mongol invasion and the subsequent conquest 
  of Russia, Mongols armies could also draw upon the immensely 
  sophisticated heritage of Chinese and central Asian siege warfare. This, 
  as much as the Mongols' own fighting prowess and undoubted powers 
  of endurance, was probably what tipped the balance so emphatically in 
  their favour - and doomed Russia to several centuries of what became 
  known as 'The Mongol Yoke'. 
  Russian armies also found themselves greatly outnumbered on the 
  battlefield, though not in overall strategic terms. Furthermore the lack of 
  political and military unity of action amongst the Russian princes 
  proved fatal. These rulers had been born and brought up in a world, and 
  in a military aristocracy, which was accustomed to fight small-scale 
  feudal wars - often for what appeared to be trivial reasons. The Mongol 
  hordes, however, introduced the Russian military elite, and the Russian 
  people as a whole, to what was for them a completely new kind of 
  warfare. This was based upon the total extermination of an enemy 
  nation and the obliteration of its culture. 
  So it is no wonder that the Mongol inroads caused such horror in the 
  minds of contemporaries. At first, however, the people of 13th-century 
  Russia and Europe as a whole failed to grasp the scale of the catastrophe 
  which had engulfed them. The ordinary Russian simply could not 
  understand how his entire native country, large and powerful as it 
  undoubtedly was, had collapsed. Meanwhile the Mongol occupiers 
  established their regime based upon effective enslavement and the 
  enforced payment of tribute, even in regions that had been virtually 
  depopulated.  
   
   
   
   
  Subodei Bahadur, as portrayed 
  in a later Chinese woodcut. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  The Mongols, like the Turkish 
  nomads of Central Asia, used a 
  number of different sorts of tents 
  during their migrations, 
  depending on the weather and 
  the season. This is a type 
  commonly known as a yurt in 
  Western Europe, though it 
  should more accurately be called 
  a ger since the word yurt actually 
  refers to a stretch of nearby 
  grazing land. These tents consist 
  of a wooden frame covered with 
  sheets of felt and having a 
  wooden door frame. They could 
  be dismantled or, if they were of 
  a particularly splendid and 
  decorated form, could be 
  transported intact on large carts. 
  (Historische Museum, Bern) 
  
   
  88 
  Having conquered the entire 
  Eurasian steppes and Russia to 
  the north as well as half the 
  Middle Eastern Islamic world, 
  China and various other parts of 
  the Far East, the Mongols 
  established what was indeed a 
  World Empire. Their court and  
  its ceremonial became very 
  elaborate, yet the Mongols 
  retained their own way of life as 
  well as their own distinctive 
  costumes for both men and 
  women, as shown in this 
  Persian-Mongol miniature 
  painting of the early 14th 
  century.  
  (Topkapi Library, Istanbul) 
   
   
   
  Khan Batu's first campaigns in this second Mongol onslaught seem 
  to have been undertaken for reasons of immediate vengeance and a 
  desire to pillage. The result was the widespread devastation of Russia's 
  productive capabilities. For a while it could almost be said that the 
  destructiveness of the Mongols deprived them of the fruits of their own 
  victories. The scale of the catastrophe has been confirmed by 
  archaeological research and it is hardly an exaggeration to claim that the 
  Mongol invasion held up the development of Russia for 150 to 200 
  years. Moreover this happened precisely during those centuries when 
  many countries in Western Europe began their own rapid economic, 
  cultural, scientific and social development. For the Russian people, 
  however, the two centuries or more which followed the Mongol 
  conquest are still regarded almost as a 'Dark Age'. 
  
   
  89 
  THE BATTLEFIELD  
  TODAY 
   
   
   
  lthough the Mongol army advanced from north-western Iran, 
  through Azerbeijan and Georgia before crossing the Caucasus 
  Mountains into southern Russia, the Kalka campaign itself 
  largely took place in the eastern Ukraine. Some parts of the Ukraine 
  have been on the tourist itinerary for many years, even when the country 
  formed part of the old Soviet Union, and are now increasingly being 
  visited by today's more adventurous tourists. 
  Kiev, for example, remains a beautiful city with many medieval 
  churches and monasteries in addition to its world famous Cathedral of 
  Santa Sofia. As the capital of the Ukraine Kiev also has hotels in most 
  price brackets. Getting off the beaten track and following the routes 
  taken by the Russian and Mongol armies in 1223 is, however, rather 
  more difficult. Most foreign tourists seem to use taxis or hired cars with 
  drivers for longer excursions outside the main cities. Payment is still 
  almost invariably in US dollars.. There are, of course, bus services and 
  trains but these mostly remain rather primitive by western European or 
  North American standards. Another particularly interesting way to see 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  This side view of the restored 
  medieval Golden Gate of Kiev 
  shows not only the red-brick 
  gate itself, but also a section 
  through what would have been 
  the massive earthen ramparts on 
  each side of the gate. These 
  originally ran right around the 
  medieval city. The earth, here 
  faced with concrete, was 
  stabilised with massive internal 
  timber 'walls'. Along the top were 
  even more massive timber 
  defences with overhung the 
  outer part of the earth rampart. 
  A 
  
   
  90 
   
   
  the route taken by the Russian army as it moved from Kiev to what is 
  now the Zaporizhzyia area is by cruise ship down the broad River 
  Dnieper. Most bookings are all the way from Kiev to Odessa on the 
  Black Sea. It must also be borne in mind that the Dnieper is now 
  significantly broader than it was in the 13th century, since much of its 
  lower course consists of man-made lakes behind hydroelectric dams. 
  Khortytsya island in the Dnieper, where the Russians and Polovtsians 
  assembled before setting off eastward in pursuit of the Mongols, is now 
  a 'cultural preserve' and well worth a visit. The neighbouring city of 
  Zaporizhzhya has a number of large hotels, mostly dating from the 
  Soviet era. The road from Zaporizhzhya to Mariupol, which must follow 
  roughly the route taken by the advancing Russians and retreating 
  Mongols in 1223, is a relatively minor one. It follows the small River 
  Kinka into a range of hills with the small 'mountain' of Mohila Bel'Mak 
  to the south. One of the most pristine of the Ukrainian National Steppe 
  Preserves lies between the villages of Rozivka Zaporizka and Nazarivka 
  where the road from Zaporizhzhya begins to dip down towards the 
  Kalchik and Kalka rivers. This Steppe Preserve is also known as the 
  Kamyani Mohyly or 'Stone Graves' because of the large number of 
   
  
   
  91 
  LEFT AND RIGHT Today the former 
  medieval Genoese trading 
  outpost of Sudak on the coast of 
  the Crimea is one of the most 
  popular tourist resorts in the 
  Ukraine. Its fortifications have 
  been carefully restored and they 
  tower above a number of  
  modern hotels. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  BELOW The little river Kalka 
  flows from low hills though 
  several small gorges before 
  crossing the low coastal plain 
  north of the Sea of Azov. Though 
  rarely visited by foreign tourists, 
  this is pleasant countryside 
  which includes one of the best 
  preserved 'steppe' nature 
  reserves in the Ukraine. 
   
   
   
   
  
   
  92 
  tombs of ancient and medieval steppe peoples found here. The Russian 
  and Polovtsian army would then have headed for a crossing point on the 
  River Kalka north of Mariupol. Mariupol itself was only founded in 
  1778, though it was on the site of a winter settlement used by the 
  Zaporozhzhian Cossacks for the previous two centuries. Although it is 
  today an important seaport and has a regional museum amongst other 
  cultural sites, Mariupol's modest hotels do not rate a mention in most 
  guide books. 
  The precise location of the battle of the Kalka River is unknown, 
  though it is generally believed to have been between 25 and 50 kilo-
  metres north of Mariupol on the Kalka River. An entirely conjectural 
  reconstruction of the final stage of the Russian-Polovtsian march and of 
  the Mongol defensive position, based upon what seems likely but 
  lacking any specific hard evidence, could suggest the following: 
  Mongol armies traditionally marched along the watersheds between 
  rivers rather than along river valleys, so the Mongols and their pursuers 
  might have left the line of the modern road from Zaporizhzhya at the 
  large village of Rozivka, continuing along the hills north of the Kalchik 
  River. The Mongols then seem to have selected the Kalka as a line of 
  defence, anywhere between its junction with the Kalchik at the village of 
  Kremenivka and its source outside the village of Dmitrivika. The sides of 
  the valley are naturally steeper at its northern end, near the source of the 
  Kalka, so the area around the large modern village of Dons'ke seems a 
  probable candidate for the actual location of the final battle. 
  
   
  93 
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  94 
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  95 
  INDEX
   
  References to illustrations are shown in 
  bold. 
   
  Andrei Bogolyubskiy, Prince of Vladimir  
  10, 41 
  Anna Mstislavich, Princess  19-20  
  archer, infantry  14  
  archery equipment  24 
  arrow flights, Mongol  31 
  arrowheads, Polovtsian  51 
  arrowheads, Tatar-Mongol  23, 28, 30, 31 
  arrows, Tatar-Mongol (turner buhuu)  
  28-29, 30-31 
  bowcases, Mongol (hhandak)  24, 27-28 
  bows, Mongol (nomo)  18, 21, 23, 27-30 
  bows, Russian  40 
  bows, Tingus-type  29-30 
  quivers, Mongol  23 
  quivers, Polovtsian  47 
  quivers, Tatar-Mongol (khegenyg)  28,31-32  
  armour see also helmets 
  cuirasses  31 
  Mongol lamellar {klhyal)  23, 26, 28, 29 
  Russian  38-39 
  mail shirts (hauberk)  
  nomad  56  
  Polovtsian  26, 30  
  Russian  30, 68 
  Polovtsian  47 
  Russian  65 
  Tatar-Mongol  26-27, 29  
  axes, Tatar-Mongol war (alma hhune)  23, 28  
  axes, Volga Bulgar war  86 
   
  banners, Russian  49 
  basin, Russian gilded bronze  85 
  Batu, Khan  17,83,84,86,88 
  belts, Polovtsian  32, 51 
  'black people'  40 
  boots, Mongol (gutals)  27 
  Bortei  17 
  bowl, Russian bronze   49 
  Brodniki  66 
   
  carts, Russian  65 see also wagons, Russian 
  carvings  14, 62 
  Caucasian military equipment  51  
  Caucasus mountains  51  
  cavalrymen  20, 49  
  China  7, 10  
  Chinese troops  82  
  chronology  15-16  
  clothing, Russian  39, 65  
  coat, Tatar-Mongol cloth {tsuv)  27  
  costume, Mongol  21,87  
  Cumans  7, 13, 22 see also Kipchaq Turks; 
  Polovtsians 
   
  dagger, Polovtsian  26 
  Daniil Romanovich, Prince of Volhynia  
  19-21,56,62,68  
  Dmitri Sobor, Cathedral of, Vladimir  14, 60, 62 
   
  Dnieper, River  58, 59, 60, 62, 74, 90  
  Domamerich, Yury  59,62 
   
  Eurasian Steppes and neighbouring lauds. 
  early 13th century  8-9 
   
  face-masks  36-37, 86  
  files, Tatar-Mongol (khure)  28,32 
  fortifications, Sudak  47, 90, 91  
  fortresses  14,40, 63 
   
  Galicia  19-20 
  Gavrilovich, Vasilyok  68, 69 
  Gemyabek (Hamabek)  61-62, 64 
  GenghizKhan (Temuchin)  6, 10, 12, 13, 17, 
  18,83 
  George, Saint  41, 68, 83  
  Georgia  50  
  Ghanza  50 
  Golden Horde, Mongol state of the  13, 17, 84  
  groom, Mongol  82  
  Guo Zui  11 
   
  Hamabek (Gemyabek)  61-62, 64  
  hats, Mongol horse-archers'  35  
  hats, Russian  36-37  
  helmets 
  nomad  56 
  Polovtsian  26,51, 80 
  Russian  36-37, 39, 54 
  Tatar-Mongol (duuga)  23, 26-27  
  horse-archers, Mongol  35, 69, 85  
  horse-archers, Russian  32, 49  
  horsemen  54, 60  
  horses  52 
  equipment, Mongol  35, 58, 81 
  hobbles, Tatar-Mongol  28 
  Mongol  82 
  protection for  34, 39  
  Hungarians  21, 22  
  Hungary 22 
   
  Iasian people  51,52 
  Irgiz, River  13 
  Izyaslav Mstislavich, Prince  49 
   
  Jalal al-Din 14 
  Jebei Noyon 14, 17, 18-19, 50, 51-52, 56, 
  58, 64, 68, 83 
  Jochi 17, 58-59, 83  
  Jurchens 26, 29-30 
   
  kaflan, Russian  36-37 
  Kalka River  65, 69, 74, 81, 91, 92 
  hills west of  55 
  valley  75, 80  
  Kalka River, battle of  64-65, 68-69, 69, 72-
  73, 74, 74 
  Russian collapse 74-75, 82 
  Mongol army feast after battle  78-79, 82 
  aftermath and reckoning 83-88 
  battlefield today 89-90, 92 
   
   
  Kara Khitai state  18, 19,26 
  Kara Kum desert  10 
  khans, Polovtsian  44-45, 52, 54, 84 
  Khitans  25-26 
  Khortvtsya island  60, 90 
  Khotyn, fortress of  63 
  Khwarazmshah. Muhammad the (al-Chazi) 
  12, 13-14 
  Khwarazmshah army  7, 13-14 Kiev  
  10,20,89 
  Cathedral of Santa Sofia  17, 24, 52, 55 
  Golden Gate of  58, 89 
  Kyyevo-Pecherska Lavra  85 
  Uspenski Cathedral  60  
  Kimaks  46  
  Kipchaq Turks  7, 13 see also Cumans; 
  Polovtsians 
  knives, Tatar-Mongol (khutug)  28 
  KonchekKhan  21-22 
  Koten, Khan of the Polovtsians  21-22, 53-
  54, 65  
  Kuchlug 19 
   
  maces, Russian (kisten)  38, 46, 62 
  maces, Tatar-Mongol iron (gulda)  28, 34 
  Maku, mountains near  27 
  Malaya Kulinda  28, 30-31 
  Mariupol  90,92 
  Merkit tribe  13 
  Mongol ambassadors  58, 59, 82 
  Mongol army  22, 23-35, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55-
  56, 58, 68, 84-85 
  attack on Kiev army camp  72-73 
  campaigns, Summer 1220 to 1222:  12 
  cavalry  20,25,48,62, 69 
  costume  21, 87 
  feast after battle  78-79 
  heavy cavalryman  20 
  horse-archers  20, 35, 69, 85 
  leaders  17-19 
  march from the Caucasus to the Crimea 
  50-52 
  military equipment  23, 26, 43 
  plan 48 
  return to the east  83, 84 
  warriors  33, 52-53 
  withdrawal  60-64  
  Mongols  10,52  
  mountain ranges  27, 50, 51  
  Mstislav Mstislavich, Prince of Galicia 
  (Udaly)  19, 20, 53-54, 56, 61, 63, 65, 69, 
  74,74  
  Mstislav Romanovich, Grand Prince of Kiev 
  (Starii)  21,56,63,72-73,82  
  Mstislav Svyatoslavich, Prince of Cherginov 
  56, 65, 69  
  Muhammad the Khwarazmshah (al-Ghazi) 
  12, 13-14 
  Nereditsa  25 
  Church of the Saviour 34  
  noblemen, Russian  52 
  senior (bayars)  41 
  
   
  96 
  nomad warrior equipment  56 
  Novgorod the Great  11, 19  
  Cathedral of Santa Sophia  69 
  Ogedei  17, 83 
  Oleg of Kursk, Prince 69, 74 
  Orda 17 
  Osmomysl, Yaroslav 41 
   
  Polotsk 11 
  Polovtsian army 22, 51-52, 54, 58, 63-64, 65, 
  68, 69, 84 
  advance against the Mongols, 16-23 May 
  1223:  61 
  military equipment  26, 51 
  reaction to Mongol invasion 52-56 
  Polovtsian khans  44-45, 52, 54, 84 
  Polovtsians  7, 13, 44-45, 46-47 see also 
  Cumans; Kipchaq Turks  
  Polskinia  82 
   
  Qangli Turks 22, 83 
   
  Roman Mslislavich, Prince  19  
  Rostislavichi dynasty  19,21  
  Rozhdestvensky Monastery Church, Suzdal 31 
  Russia  11, 86 
  the unheeded warning  84-88  
  Russia, Kievan  10  
  Russian armies  35, 38-42, 46, 60, 68, 87 
  advance against the Mongols, 16-23 May 
  1223:  61 
  army of Cherginov  56, 65, 69, 74-75 
  army of Galicia  69, 74  
  infantry  59-60 
  army of Kiev  72-73, 74, 78-79 
  army of Volhynia  69, 74  
  cavalry  65 
  assembly  56-60, 57 
  cavalry  36-37, 49, 69 
  commanders  19-22 
  horse-archers  49 
  infantry  46 
  marches  41-42 
  military equipment  38, 39 
  plan  48-49 
  princes  17, 31, 34, 36-37, 40, 41, 54, 56, 
  59, 87 
  bodyguards  35, 36-37, 38, 46 
  reaction to Mongol invasion  52-56 
  reconnaissance  42 
  troop mobilisation  41 
  warrior saints  25  
  Russian Chronikle  59  
  Russians  87, 88 
   
  sabre hilt  13  
  sabres 
  nomad  56 
  Polovtsian  26, 47, 51 
  Russian  38, 39 
  Tatar-Mongol (khelme)  23, 28, 32, 53 
  saddles, cavalrymen's {emeet)  34-35  
  saddles, Mongol  81  
  saints, Russian warrior  25  
  Samarquand  7  
  Santa Sofia, Cathedral of, Kiev  17, 24, 52, 
  55  
  Santa Sophia, Cathedral of, Novgorod the 
  Great  69 
  Seljuk Turkish princes 7  
  ‘Shahnamahs, Small’ 21, 29, 59  
  Shemaha 50 
  shield-boss, Russian iron  39   
  shields, Mongol wooden (khalka)  26, 32-33 
  shields, Russian  68  
  Silk Roads  10, 13   
  Smolensk  21 
  spearheads, Mongol  23, 34  
  spearheads, Polovtsian  26  
  spearheads, Russian  39  
  spears, Polovtsian  47  
  spears, Russian  68  
  statues, balbal 10, 19, 44-45  
  Steppe Preserve, Ukrainian National  90 
  steppes 8-9, 18, 42, 53, 53, 82  
  stirrup, Russian  38  
  Subodei Bahadur 14, 17, 50, 51-52, 56, 58, 
  83, 87 
  at battle of Kalka River  64, 65, 68, 68, 
  74, 82  
  Sudak (Sugdeya)  55-56 
  fortifications  47, 90. 91  
  Suzdal, Rozhdestvensky Monastery Church 31 
  sword, Russian  62   
  swords, Tatar-Mongol (mese)  28,32-33 
   
  Tabriz  50 
  Tatar-Mongols see Mongols 
  Temuchin see Genghiz Khan 
  tents, Mongol (yurt)  28, 87 
  Teshi Khan  72, 74 
  Theodore, Saint  62 
  Torchesk  19 
  Trans-Baikal  24-25, 26, 29 
  Transoxania  13,83 
  Tsugyr Khan  72, 74 
  Turkish chieftains, Uighur  
  Turkish Polovtsians see Polovtsians 
   
  Uighur Turkish chieftains  11  
  и1us (appanage)  17  
  Uspenski Cathedral, Kiev  60 
   
  visors, Polovtsian  47, 60  
  Vladimir  
  Cathedral of Dmitri Sobor  14, 60, 62 
  Golden Gate of  74  
  Vladimir Monomakh, Prince  46   
  Volga Bulgars 83, 84, 86 
  military equipment 86 
   
  wagons, Russian 72-73 see also carts, Russian 
  warrior equipment, nomad  56 
  warriors 
  Mongol  33,52-53 
  Muslim  59 
  Polovtsian elite  44-45 
  saints, Russian  25  
  women, Polovtsian  44-45 
  Yaroslav Vsevolodovich, Prince  34 
  Yarun, Khan 65 
  Yuri Vsevolodovich, Grand Prince  56
   
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SOURCE: textdata/thevault/Osprey System/Campaign Series (CAM)/CAM 098 - Kalka River 1223 - Genghiz Khans Mongols invade Russia.pdf