TEXT: A Look at Medieval Society from Its Lower Rungs
  by Lisa J. Steele
  Most of the images used in Fief are woodcuts adapted from historical
  sources. Several of these (as well as images used to create the book’s
  silhouettes) were provided by ArtToday.com, an excellent clipart
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  The text of Fief is Copyright ©1996, 2001 by White Rose Publishing,
  and is used under license. Index, original visual elements, and pub-
  lisher's introduction Copyright ©2001 by Cumberland Games &
  Diversions. All Rights Reserved. Licensed users of this book may
  print unlimited copies for personal use only.
  Fief is published by Cumberland Games & Diversions, 6503 Bluff
  Springs Road #1219, Austin, TX, 78744, United States of America.
  Visit us online at www.cumberlandgames.com
  This book is part of the All-Systems Library™ – CG&D gaming books
  without ties to any single set of roleplaying rules. All-Systems books
  focus on details, characters, settings, and stories. We have All-
  Systems sourcebooks and adventure-collections in the works for fan-
  tasy, historical, space-adventure, modern action, and horror gaming.
  Watch our website, and write to let us know what you’d like to see!
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  Researched and Written by Lisa J. Steele
  Edited by Allen Wilkins
  Proofread by Glen Barnett, Max Belankov, and
  Steven A. Cook
  Indexed and Produced by S. John Ross, with addi-
  tional suggestions by the Cumberland Fire-Eaters.
  Original Images by S. John Ross
  With Thanks to Professor Lorraine Atreed,
  College of the Holy Cross; Stephen Swann, and
  Andrew Wattl
  Creativity, Unbound.
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  All-Systems Go!
  Fief, by Lisa J. Steele
  
  I. FUNDAMENTALS
  5
  THE THREE ORDERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
  FIEF, VASSAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
  Rights and Duties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
  Getting a Fief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
  A Vassal of One’s Own. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
  Castellans and Bailiffs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
  Losing a Fief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
  MANOR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
  Assarts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
  PARISH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
  Getting a Parish. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
  Losing a Parish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
  THREATS TO THE ORDER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
  MONEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
  Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
  II. ARCHITECTURE
  12
  CASTLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
  Common Styles of Castles . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
  Farnham’s Castle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
  FARNHAM, 13C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
  CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
  Farnham’s Storage Buildings . . . . . . . . . . . 15
  GRANGES, STABLES AND TITHE BARNS . . . . 15
  HOUSES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
  MILLS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
  Building Costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
  III. AGRICULTURE
  17
  SOIL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
  LAND DIVISIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
  PLOWS AND HARROWS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
  SOWING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
  FERTILIZING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
  HAYING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
  HARVEST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
  STORAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
  FAMINE AND FAILED HARVESTS . . . . . . . . . 21
  INVENTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS . . . . . . . . 21
  IV. FORESTS AND WASTE LANDS
  22
  ENGLISH ROYAL FORESTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
  HUNTING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
  Forest Fees and Fines (England) . . . . . . . . 23
  V. GOVERNANCE
  25
  BY THE LANDHOLDER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
  Account Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
  Sample Account Roll . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
  Fees (England) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
  Sample Court Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
  BY THE CLERGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
  Penance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
  Sanctuary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
  BY THE VILLAGERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
  Sample Penances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  31,32
  VI. HUSBANDRY
  33
  FOOD ANIMALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
  WORK ANIMALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
  VII. MONOPOLIES
  35
  BREWING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
  MILLS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
  OVENS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
  Page 2
  Table of Contents
  
  VIII. POPULATION
  37
  SERFS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
  PEASANTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
  CRAFTERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
  SERVANTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
  Crafter and Servant Wages (England) . . . . 40
  CLERGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
  Church Feasts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
  Mass, Sacraments, and Rituals . . . . . . . . . 43
  Baptismal and Proprietary Churches . . . . . 44
  Church Incomes and Expenses . . . . . . . . . . 45
  Friars and Pardoners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
  Heretics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
  NOBLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
  TRAVELERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
  HIDDEN PRESENCES: CROWN,
  LIEGE AND BISHOP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
  IX. SOCIETY
  52
  CHILDREN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
  CLOTHING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
  DIET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
  INHERITANCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
  MARRIAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
  PLAGUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
  TOURNAMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
  TRAVEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
  Tournament and War Expenses . . . . . . . 61,62
  X. TAXES, TITHES, AND TOLLS
  63
  TAXES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
  Taxes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
  TITHES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
  TOLLS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
  XI. TRADE
  67
  DEBT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
  LOCAL FAIRS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
  Fair Fees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
  Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71-74
  XII. WARFARE
  75
  ARMIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
  Summoning the Army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
  LANDHOLDER’S OBLIGATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 76
  Scutage  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
  PEASANT’S OBLIGATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
  Archers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
  Mercenaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
  Naval Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
  SERFS’ OBLIGATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
  BANDITS, MERCENARIES, AND
  FORAGING PARTIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
  Robber Knights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
  SIEGES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
  Military Wages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .82,83
  Chevauchée . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
  ON CAMPAIGN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
  XIII. DECLINE OF THE MANOR
  84
  APPENDIX
  85
  NORMAN SICILY AND
  ITALIAN SHARECROPPING . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
  SHARECROPPING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
  TIMELINE
  87
  SOURCES
  90
  INDEX
  92
  Fief: Table of Contents
  Page 3
  B
  
  Page 4
  A Word From
  The Publisher
  ABOUT THE
  AUTHOR
  Lisa J. Steele is a criminal defense attor-
  ney and author based in Massachusetts.
  She represents clients accused of
  crimes ranging from minor traffic
  offenses to capital murder. Ms. Steele
  has been a game player and designer for
  at least 15 years. She is the author of
  GURPS Cops (forthcoming from Steve
  Jackson 
  Games), 
  White 
  Rose’s
  Medieval France (unfortunately out of
  print), and a variety of articles in vari-
  ous gaming magazines and legal period-
  icals. Her personal interests range from
  science fiction to economics to
  medieval history to firearms.
  If you’re like most readers, this is your first encounter with Fief, Lisa
  Steele’s primer on medieval life for fantasy gamers, SCA enthusiasts,
  and others interested in knowing what made society tick in the days
  of crusading knights and the Black Plague.
  This is, however, a new, revised edition of what amounts to an
  “underground classic” of gaming – the kind of book that’s a jealous-
  ly-guarded secret of those few who’ve managed to locate it. The first
  edition, a tape-bound book published by White Rose Publishing,
  appeared quietly, five years ago, distributed with elbow grease and
  affection. I knew Lisa in those days from our mutual involvement in
  the fan press, which made me one of the lucky handful aware of
  White Rose. Most gamers had never heard of the little New England
  company, and still haven’t.
  Now, I’m in the happy position of being able to share that secret,
  putting an excellent tool into the hands of Game Masters all over
  the globe.
  Lisa’s work feels right at home at Cumberland. Like any other title
  in the All-Systems Library, Fief is rules-independent, focusing
  entirely on details that will open your eyes and fuel your imagina-
  tion, unencumbered by game-speak. That makes room for a lot of
  detail, and Lisa doesn’t skimp on the servings. Fief is a feast, and
  everyone from the casual fantasy gamer to the seasoned medievalist
  will find something worthy to chew on. My own contribution, exclu-
  sive to this edition, is a new index with over 1,300 entries. It says
  more about how much stuff this book contains than any praise I can
  heap on it here. Enjoy.
  Fief Version 1.02
  f
  Austin, Texas, November 2001
  a
  
  THE THREE ORDERS
  This book discusses life in England and northern
  France in the 9th to 13th centuries (9-13C) with
  some digression into other countries and times. It
  focuses on the basic rung of that society: the knight’s
  fee or small landholding. The knight’s fee was home
  to ninety percent of western European society at the
  time – landholders, farmers, and village priests – all
  trying to eke out a living based on farming and ani-
  mal husbandry. It was a precarious life threatened by
  poor harvests, disease, wartime raids, oppressive
  taxes and tithes, and ill fortune. It was also a stable
  life, changing slowly over the course of centuries.
  The knight’s fee was an isolated place. Few
  of its inhabitants had any reason to travel
  beyond the nearest market town. Kings and
  bishops were distant figures; “histori-
  cal events” generally garbled
  rumor arriving months or
  years later.
  Although a knight’s fee
  was a small, closely knit
  world, it was also a socially
  stratified one. In 1030,
  Bishop Gerhard of Cambrai
  taught that humanity was
  divinely divided into three
  estates: those who pray,
  those who labor, and those
  who fight. This provided
  an explanation for cus-
  toms evolved since the
  collapse of the Roman
  Empire. 
  Although 
  the
  landholder on a small
  knight’s fee might have an
  income little larger than
  the wealthiest peasant on
  the manor, he or she was
  still a landholder, a noble, with all the privileges
  that entailed. A priest, no matter how humble his
  birth, no matter how poorly he spoke Latin and
  knew scripture, was still ordained and separate from
  all other classes.
  This book discusses the structures and customs
  of rural medieval society focusing on the basic ele-
  ments upon which the entire edifice of kings, cathe-
  drals, and castles were built. It draws together data
  from a number of specialized academic treaties and
  integrates several disciplines. Readers interested in
  delving further should consult the works listed in
  Sources.
  FIEF, VASSAL
  “Fief” is one of those words used in a variety of
  inconsistent ways. Medieval people used “fief” to
  describe many kinds of property. They didn’t write
  about the “feudal system,” a term first used in
  1614, or “feudalism,” a term first appearing in
  19C. Modern academics often use “fief” to
  describe land held by a subservient landhold-
  er (vassal) from a dominant landholder
  (liege). The concept evolved in 16-
  18C based partly on a 12-13C
  Lombard legal book called the
  Libri Fedruorum. Academics now
  dispute whether the Libri
  reflected an ideal, or actual
  practice.
  Medieval “fiefs” probably
  evolved from benefices. A
  benefice was a grant of land by
  the crown or clergy to a
  landholder for life, with
  limited inheritance rights.
  In return, the vassal agreed
  to perform military service,
  instead of paying rent or
  performing 
  non-military
  labor. Counts and other
  officials received benefices
  as part of their office. When
  the Carolingian empire collapsed in late 9C, many
  benefices merged with the office holder’s personal
  and family lands. Custom began to permit large fiefs
  to be inherited by right rather than by royal favor.
  Around 11C, this custom was extended to lesser
  fiefs. Allods, conversely, were land held by the owner
  Page 5
  I. Fundamentals
  
  without any feudal duties to a superior landholder.
  Such lands were rare during and after 11C.
  Some historians try to distinguish allods,
  benefices, and fiefs. Before 11C, it appears that
  medieval writers used these terms interchangeably.
  When “fief” started appearing more frequently in
  French records (10-11C), it described property with
  subordinate rights or property within an area con-
  trolled by another landholder. Still, the uses were
  ambiguous – at times it even referred to rights in
  churches and mills – and did not always connote
  subordination or dependency.
  By 12C or so, “fief” had a more-or-less settled
  definition as property held by someone of greater
  than peasant status with some rights and obligations
  to a superior landholder.
  By whatever name one prefers, the fief is the
  foundation of medieval society. Modern scholars
  sometimes describe medieval society as a pyramid.
  The crown theoretically owns all of the land. It
  grants large portions to its favored followers. They,
  in turn, divide their portions among their favored
  followers. This continues down to the smallest par-
  cel that can support one mounted, armored warrior
  (the knight’s fee). Historical sources suggest that, at
  least before 12C, that isn’t how medieval nobles and
  clergy thought of the situation at all. There is little
  evidence that any medieval writer thought of all
  land as belonging to the crown, and even less evi-
  dence that major and minor landholders thought so.
  Landholders thought of their land as, well, theirs.
  Their financial and military obligations to their liege
  were social and personal obligations, not a quid pro
  quo for their property.
  To confuse the matter, there were large holdings
  that might look like fiefs but were virtually inde-
  pendent of their nominal liege. Some of the great
  counties and duchies of France – Aquitaine,
  Brittany, Burgundy, and Toulouse – were originally
  part of the Carolingian empire, became briefly inde-
  pendent, and were eventually merged back into the
  royal demesne. Small independent “fiefs” were some-
  times found in isolated mountainous areas.
  “Vassal” or “vassalli” is often used to describe
  the subordinate landholder. The word comes from
  Carolingian documents and was used commonly in
  France, Germany, and Italy until 10C. After 10C, it
  fell out of common usage in France and Germany,
  but continued to be used in Italy. Around 13C,
  “vassal” returned to French and German usage,
  spread by lawyers trained in Italy.
  “Vassal” was generally used to refer to royal vas-
  sals. It referred to a variety of relationships: ruler and
  subject, patron and client, landlord and tenant,
  employer and employee, military general and soldier,
  bully and victim. Traditionally, vassals were personal
  friends and allies of the superior landholder. They
  were raised to value courage and loyalty. Many
  served in their liege’s army. It is unclear how much
  this relationship was a matter of status and friend-
  ship and how much it depended on owning land,
  and whether lesser nobles used the same concept.
  Rights and Duties
  I promise by my faith that from this time forward I will be
  faithful to Count William and will maintain towards him my
  homage entirely against every man in good faith and without any
  deception.
  – Oath given to Count William Clito in 1127
  A fief was not owned by its occupant, it was
  managed by the occupant for both the superior land-
  holder and the occupant’s heirs. It came with vari-
  ous rights to govern lesser landholders (peasant ten-
  ants and serfs), and with various obligations to
  greater landholders.
  The landholder had various rights to civil and
  criminal justice over the fief, its residents, and occu-
  pants. A landholder’s basic rights might include: to
  use and manage the land; to receive income or pro-
  duce from the land; to bequeath some or all of the
  land to family members; to sell some or all of the
  land to friends or strangers; and to be secure in one’s
  ownership and governance.
  A noble’s paramount duty was loyalty.
  Traditionally, an English noble’s duty of loyalty was
  irrevocable except if he or she was exiled, or unless
  treated so unfairly as to justify defiance. French
  nobles’ duty of loyalty to the crown derived from a
  requirement in 854 that all Franks swear loyalty to
  the king. Italian kings made a wide range of subjects
  swear loyalty, some as vassals, others as citizens.
  Landholders also had to offer aids (money pay-
  ments) to their liege. For landholders who were not
  clergy, aids were customary for the knighting of the
  liege’s eldest son, the marriage expenses of the eld-
  est daughter, and ransoming the liege if captured.
  In some areas, aids for Crusades and large prop-
  erty purchases were also customary. For ecclesiasti-
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 6
  
  cal landholders, aids were customary for the bishop’s
  consecration, official trips to Rome, trips to councils,
  and repairing the cathedral. An examination of
  medieval records shows, however, that aids were
  usually levied from townspeople and farmers, not
  nobles.
  Military service is more fully discussed in
  Warfare (pg. 75). Records suggest that, outside
  England, this duty was nominal.
  A famous letter from Fulbert of Chartres to
  Count William V of Aquitaine (c. 1000) recited the
  duties of a vassal as follows:
  Was this letter expressing established custom, or
  an ideal? No one knows. In any case, the duties of
  even a minor landholder involved military service,
  financial assistance, and attendance at court.
  Getting a Fief
  The usual way for a young noble to get a fief was
  to either inherit it or marry into it. Widows and chil-
  dren of a landholder were sometimes given rights in
  a landholder’s fief for their support. Land was diffi-
  cult to transfer except by marriage or inheritance. If
  nothing else, spouses, children, and relatives con-
  tested gifts to the Church or otherwise outside the
  family. Sometimes a noble might get a fief by sup-
  porting the winning side in a war. A classic example
  of this tactic is the Norman Conquest (1066).
  Rarely, one might get a fief as a gift. Large landhold-
  ers sometimes granted small parcels to their friends
  and relatives in return for nominal services – a rose,
  a few pounds of pepper, a sparrow hawk, or an egg.
  Another way to get a fief was to be appointed to
  an office that came with associated land. Many cler-
  ical offices included land managed by abbots and
  bishops as trustees for the Church. Castellans and
  bailiffs were appointed to manage land for the crown
  or for a major landholder.
  In any case, getting a fief likely involved some
  sort of ceremony and often a payment. Lay land-
  holders received their land from the grantors.
  Clerical landholders were forbidden by the Council
  of Clermont (1095) to accept offices or ecclesiastical
  property from lay lands or to do liege fidelity to the
  laity. (The ban was singularly ineffective.) There is
  some confusion in the surviving records between
  ceremonies granting land and those where a vassal
  gives an oath of fidelity (homage). Usually, the two
  went together, but in Italy some landholders did not
  owe fidelity to the grantor.
  The ceremony had several purposes. First, the
  landholder’s duties and rights were recited publicly.
  (The Church made a written record of its grants; lay
  landholders often did not.) Second, the ceremony
  impressed the event and the rights on the usually
  illiterate attendees.
  A Vassal of One’s Own
  “Subinfeudation” is a term used by academics to
  describe the creation of subordinate landholders.  A
  knight’s fee is likely to be too small to be subdivided,
  but the knight’s liege might subinfeudate parts of his
  or her manor – selling them for profit, granting them
  to kin, or even donating the land to the Church.
  The landholder’s new neighbors might not be
  simple knights; they could easily own several prop-
  erties in the area. A problem with subinfuedation
  was that sub-tenants did not owe any loyalty to their
  grantor’s liege. As John de Blanat noted in 13C, the
  “man of my man is not my man.”
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 7
  He who swears fealty to his lord should
  always keep these six terms in mind; safe and
  sound, secure, honest, useful, easy, possible. Safe
  and sound, that is, not to cause his lord any harm
  to his body. Secure, that is, not to endanger him
  by betraying his secrets or the fortresses which
  make it possible for him to be secure. Honest, that
  is, not to do anything that would detract from his
  lord’s rights of justice or the other prerogatives
  which have to do with his honor. Useful, not to
  cause him any loss as regards his possessions.
  Easy and possible, not to make it difficult for his
  lord to do something which would be of value to
  him and that he could otherwise do with ease, or
  render it impossible for him to do what was other-
  wise possible. That the vassal should avoid injur-
  ing his lord in any of these ways is not only right,
  but this does not entitle him to a fief; for it is not
  enough to abstain from evil, it is also necessary to
  do good. So it remains for him to give his lord
  faithful counsel and aid as regards these six points
  if he wishes to be considered worthy of his benefice
  and secure as to the fidelity that he has sworn.
  
  Castellans and Bailiffs
  It is hard to tell from surviving records how a
  grantor distinguished between creating a castellan of
  a fortress and creating a vassal. The distinction seems
  to be between a castellan who was appointed over an
  existing fortress and a vassal who built a fortress on
  the grantor’s lands. Castellans were trusted agents
  who were responsible for the safety of fortresses on
  their liege’s lands. They had some rights to the post
  and often hoped to keep the post within their family.
  In Savoy, France, castellans were non-hereditary
  salaried posts. Savoy limited its castellans to five
  year tenures and transferred them to various castles
  to prevent any fraud or deceit. A son or heir might
  succeed a Savoyard castellan only to complete his
  term or his accounts.
  Bailiffs (bayle, S.France) were appointed officials
  who collected taxes, inspected fields, and adminis-
  tered justice in the landholder’s name. They were
  sometimes entrusted with the care of a fortress or
  allowed to reside in a small fortress as part of their
  duties.
  A landholder, one assumes, was careful to restrict
  inheritance of important castles. Whatever its past
  history, a powerful noble might use unrest as a reason
  to claim that an important castle was held only by
  permission and thus try to restrict inheritance.
  Losing a Fief
  There are three ways one can lose a fief: by mili-
  tary defeat, by dying without heirs, and by forfeiture
  for disloyalty or heresy. A landholder could voluntar-
  ily grant a fief to the Church or to another landhold-
  er. A liege could confiscate a fief for failure to pay an
  inheritance fee or to meet other duties, but the fief
  was returned when the obligation was satisfied.
  Fiefs along contested borders were commonly
  captured and occupied by an enemy. During the
  Hundred Years War, unemployed mercenaries even
  captured weakly defended castles and used them as
  bases for extortion and brigandage. If the fief were
  recaptured, the landholder would be restored.
  Dying without any heirs
  was not easy.
  Inheritance (pg. 54) discusses who a landholder’s
  heirs might be. In general, they included children,
  siblings, parents, aunts and uncles, their children,
  cousins, and so on. Italian custom even allowed
  landholders to adopt heirs. Records suggest that
  reversions because of a dearth of heirs only occurred
  during massive disasters like the Black Plague (14C).
  Some 7C writings state that if a landholder is
  disloyal to the crown or to the Church, he or she
  might lose lands or property. The Italian Libri
  Fedruorum (12C) added to the list of offenses merit-
  ing forfeiture: failing to serve in battle, desertion of
  one’s liege in battle, revealing secrets, failing to warn
  of danger, seducing any of a liege’s female relatives,
  attacking the liege’s person or castles, or killing a
  liege’s male relative.
  In 12C England, the crown could confiscate all
  the movable property of those convicted of serious
  crimes and could take control of their land for a year
  and one day. Thereafter a felon’s lands were given to
  his or her liege. A traitor’s lands were taken by the
  crown.
  One could also lose lands for heresy. In 1207, a
  papal legate came to Toulouse to investigate the
  Albigensian heresy. He excommunicated Count
  Raymond VI of Toulouse, placed the county under
  interdict, and pronounced anathema on Count
  Raymond saying “he who would disinherit you will
  be in the right, and he who would kill you would be
  blessed.”
  A landholder could also sell a fief or give it away.
  Sales to the Church were often restricted. In 1136,
  Lothar III of Germany forbade any sale that reduced
  a benefice’s usefulness to the emperor or its liege.
  The Church tried to protect itself by having
  sales agreements made in writing, and by getting the
  consent of the landholder’s liege and as many poten-
  tial heirs as could be found. This lessened, but did
  not prevent, messy legal battles after the landhold-
  er’s death. A landholder needed not vacate the land
  after the sale. Some agreements allowed the land-
  holder to reside on the land until his or her death.
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 8
  t
  
  MANOR
  The term “fief” describes the legal aspects of
  holding land. “Manor” describes the physical and
  economic aspects. A “manor” contains one or more
  villages, a fortified dwelling for its holder, a church
  or chapel, mills, ovens, fields, forests, and at least
  one water source, preferably running water.
  The physical structures of a typical manor are
  described in Architecture; the land divisions are
  described in Agriculture. Fief often uses 13C
  Farnham as an example because of its size and the
  quality of its surviving records. Farnham is located 
  near the southern coast of England and was held by
  the bishop of Winchester.
  A manor’s size varied widely depending on the
  fertility of the soil and its holder’s status. Fief focus-
  es on a knight’s fee, which was a small holding able
  to support one armored, mounted warrior. Its size
  depended on the land’s usual yields and on the cus-
  tomary equipment of a knight. An 11C knight clad
  in a chain hauberk required less land to support him
  and his horse than a 15C knight clad in steel plate
  with several horses.
  England’s Domesday Book (11C) listed the
  manors held by various knights. A third of the
  knights listed held 90 to 180 acres. A quarter of the
  knights held even less. Few held more than 420
  acres. In contrast, a prosperous peasant might hold a
  little less than 120 acres. Other sources wrote that
  120 to 240 acres would just support a knight, his
  arms and armor, and 1-2 warhorses. A third of the
  Domesday knights, thus, were just barely maintain-
  ing their status and were living little better than
  wealthy peasants on larger holdings.
  A landholder’s livelihood was almost complete-
  ly drawn from the manor. It supplied most of his or
  her food, raw wool for clothing, building materials
  for a manor house or cas-
  tle, and a small sur-
  plus that could be
  traded for arms,
  armor, horses, and other needs. The more elaborate
  and expensive armor a landholder needed, and the
  larger the horse needed to bear the weight of a
  properly armored landholder, the larger the knight’s
  fee needed to be.
  Academics use “manorialism” to describe rela-
  tions between landholders and farmers. The classic
  system of organizing tenant farmers (peasants) and
  serfs to divide their labor on the landholder’s fields
  and on their own fields first appears in 9C French
  documents, then in 10C English and Italian records.
  The system had spread through a large part of
  Europe by 11C. By 13-14C, the system had broken
  down because absentee landlords “farmed” their
  estates to third parties for a fixed annual rent.
  Assarts
  An assart was new lands added to a manor.
  Generally, it was land that previously had been
  either uncultivated or had been unsuitable for crops:
  swamps, forests, or just abandoned land. It isn’t clear
  how the new farmland was divided among a manor’s
  landholder and farmers; local custom varied.
  If a group of farmers cleared enough territory for
  a new village, they were often rewarded with signif-
  icant privileges. The privileges were meant to
  encourage adventuresome farmers to enlarge the
  landholder’s domains. In 12-13C, German commu-
  nities created from cleared land along the Rivers
  Elbe and Saale, and in the north-western marshes,
  were given privileges similar to towns. Farmers could
  receive unrestricted inheritance rights for listed cit-
  izens, free election of judges and officials, and a spe-
  cial charter for government and courts.
  Settlers in new villages in southern
  France also received generous free-
  doms in 11-13C.
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 9
  z
  
  PARISH
  Yet a third system for describing medieval land-
  holding is by the ecclesiastical divisions of parishes.
  In 13C, there were about 9,500 parishes in England,
  with about 300 parishioners and 4,000 acres each.
  Ideally, no village was more than two miles from a
  church and its essential services: baptism, marriage,
  and burial in its associated graveyard.
  The parish was the root of the medieval church
  hierarchy, which ran from parish priest or rector, to
  the archpriest of the region’s baptismal church, to
  the bishop, to the pope. Abbeys, convents, and
  monasteries were grafted into this system at various
  points. Some orders, like the Cistercians, Templars,
  and Dominicans, had an internal hierarchy and
  were only subject to the pope. Other orders were
  subject to the local bishop. Local churches were
  squarely subject to their bishop, on whom they relied
  to consecrate their churches, ordain their priests,
  and supply their chrism (an aromatic oil used to bap-
  tize and to ordain priests).
  A parish’s income came from its parishioner’s
  tithes (see Taxes, Tithes and Tolls, pg. 63). The
  tithe system was hideously complicated by major dis-
  putes within the Church between old churches and
  those newly founded, between baptismal churches
  and proprietary churches, and between parish priests
  and bishops.
  Getting a Parish
  There are many priests and there are few priests. For there
  are many in name, but few in deed . . . For there are many priests
  in name, because in this life and especially at this time, nothing is
  easier and lighter and more attractive to men than the office of
  bishop and priest, but in God’s sight, nothing is more miserable,
  sad, and damnable, if that office is carried out with negligence
  and flattery . . . But there are few priests in deed, because in this
  life and especially at this time, nothing is more difficult to effect,
  laborious as to the person, and dangerous as to the soul than the
  office of bishop or priest, but in God’s sight, nothing is more
  blessed, if the office is carried out in the way that Christ com-
  mands . . . But in order that many become priests in deed, they
  ought to labor with great diligence in the Holy Scripture . . . For
  priests ought to know the Holy Scripture and the canons, at least
  penitential ones, and all their work should be in preaching and
  teaching, and they ought to edify all both with the knowledge of
  the faith and the discipline of works.
  – Oculus sacerdotis (c. 1320)
  A man usually became a parish priest by being
  born on the manor, studying with the then-resident
  priest, and taking over when the priest was promot-
  ed or died. The candidate had to be male, of legiti-
  mate birth and free status (not a serf), and be some-
  what literate in theology. There were some vague
  physical requirements – one Franciscan cut off his
  own thumb to avoid being ordained; another candi-
  date was ordained despite losing part of a finger to
  frostbite. Even in 15C, there was no formal instruc-
  tion, or even much supervision, by busy bishops.
  The candidate was usually nominated by his
  predecessor, by the parishioners, or by the landhold-
  er. The bishop from whom the church received its
  chrism had to examine the candidate and ordain
  him. In theory, the bishop could ordain whomever
  he pleased and assign them as he willed.
  The examination traditionally took three days.
  The bishop set a date for the candidate to appear,
  often the Ember Days (the Wednesday, Friday, and
  Saturday after the First Sunday in Lent), the Day of
  Pentecost, or Holy Cross Day (September 14). The
  candidate was responsible for his own housing and
  food during the exam. The questions were up to the
  bishop.
  Losing a Parish 
  Ordination is permanent. Once a man is made a
  priest, he cannot lose that status. A priest who is
  excommunicated or declared a heretic has the right
  to give sacraments suspended. Performing a sacra-
  ment while excommunicated is a sin, but the rite is
  valid as to the recipient.
  Parishes were assigned by the bishop. A parish
  priest was rarely reassigned for incompetence – the
  records are all too full of complaints about illiterate,
  absentee priests. If competent and ambitious, how-
  ever, a priest could be transferred to a collegiate
  church, a cathedral chapter, or even a university.
  A parish might also be lost if several of its vil-
  lages were destroyed or abandoned. In England, the
  crown destroyed several villages in 11C to protect
  the royal forests. In 12C, Cistercian monks
  destroyed villages which might disturb the solitude
  of their abbeys. The parish priests thereby unem-
  ployed were usually reassigned by the local bishop.
  THREATS TO THE ORDER
  The system of fief, manor, and parish evolved to
  be very stable. If the relationship were disturbed for
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 10
  
  too long, the harvest could be disrupted and people
  would starve. That risk was a powerful motivation
  for landholders, their lieges, and clergy to act con-
  servatively and maintain custom.
  There were many threats to each element of the
  system. The major threats to the fief came from the
  landholder’s superiors, who might challenge his or
  her right to hold the land, and from potential heirs
  who might try to win their inheritance prematurely.
  The major threats to the manor came from warfare,
  brigandage, farmer unrest, and bad weather. The
  major threats to the parish came from its superiors,
  who might despoil its tithes and appoint unqualified
  priests, and from its priest himself, who might prove
  incompetent or greedy. There were also secular
  landholders who tried to claim church lands or
  impose their own candidates on the local bishop.
  MONEY
  Fief lists figures in the standard units of livre, sou,
  and dernier. In many places, the livre was not an
  actual coin; it was an accounting notation, equal to
  20 sou or 240 dernier. In practice, coins varied in
  worth depending on their metal content and their
  scarcity. All of the values given in Fief have been
  translated into the livre tournois (French) or livre
  Angevin (English), which had basically the same
  value. France had a number of different livre, each
  named for the city where it was minted and having
  different values. England kept records in the pound
  sterling (worth about ¼ livre) and the silver mark
  (worth about 13 1/3 sou). France and England expe-
  rienced a wave of coinage debasement in 14-15C
  caused, in part, by a shortage of gold and silver and,
  in part, by the expenses of the Hundred Years War.
  The English monarchs had a more effective royal tax
  system than the French and did not need to debase
  their coin just to pay for the war. The English
  penny’s weight and silver content remained
  unchanged (92.5% silver) weighing roughly 1/240
  lb.) from 1279-1344. It was reduced by less than
  1/5th from 1344-51. In 1412, it was reduced by
  another 1/6th. In 1464, it was reduced by another
  1/5th, and remained constant until 1526.
  Fief Section I: Fundamentals
  Page 11
  TERMS
  The following is a list of various terms and
  how they are used in Fief. Historical sources
  and academics use some of these terms in dif-
  ferent ways. Where actual records are quoted,
  the meaning should be clear from the context.
  Acre - As a modern measure, 43,560 square feet.
  The medieval acre was only half to two-thirds the
  size of the modern acre.
  Boon Work - Special employment due from serfs
  on the landholder’s fields, notably ploughing, sow-
  ing, harrowing, and harvesting.
  Bovate - Measure of land averaging 15 medieval
  acres.
  Bushel - As a modern measure, 8 gallons or 1¼
  cubic feet. The medieval bushel was based on a cus-
  tomary container and might vary widely in size.
  Culture - A division of land, about 8-10 acres.
  Demesne - Fields owned directly by the landholder
  and worked by tenants on his or her behalf.
  Farmers - The people who actually work the land,
  used to collectively refer to both peasants and serfs.
  Hide - A division of land, equal to 60 to 120 acres.
  Landholder - The noble or aristocrat who holds
  legal title to the land. It is possible for more than
  one landholder to control a given manor.
  Peasant - A free farmer with some enforceable
  rights against the landholder.
  Quarter - Measure of grain equal to 8 bushels, or
  32 pecks, or 64 gallons.
  Serf - An unfree farmer with limited rights against
  the landholder. A serf’s status was somewhere
  between a slave and a sharecropper or tenant
  farmer. Serfdom reached its height in 12C and had
  all but vanished by 15-16C.
  Sheaf - Unit of grain equal to 1/10 bushel.
  Tun - Unit of grain equal to 4 quarters
  Venison - Often used to refer to the four major for-
  est game animals: fallow deer, red deer, roe, and
  wild boar.
  Vergate - Measure of land averaging 30-32
  medieval acres.
  Vert - Often used to refer to trees, underbrush, and
  forest plants needed to shelter and feed game ani-
  mals.
  Villein - English word for an unfree farmer. Villain
  is a French word for a free farmer.
  Week Work - Weekly labor required from serfs on
  the landholder’s fields.
  f
  
  A manor’s architecture varied by the climate
  and local materials. Half-timbered houses with
  thatch roofs were common in England and
  Normandy. Brick houses with tile roofs were com-
  mon in southern France and Italy. On most manors,
  the only permanent structures were the castle or
  manor house, church, and mill. Other structures
  were built at need and only expected to last during
  their builder’s life.
  CASTLE
  A castle is a fortified residence and a residential
  fortress. On a small manor, it might be merely a
  house slightly larger and more strongly built than a
  wealthy peasant’s. On a large manor, one might find
  the elaborate walls, baileys, and towers of a Château
  Gaillard or Loches. A castle’s size, shape, and elabo-
  rateness depend on the landholder’s wealth, the per-
  ils of the region, and popular trends in fortress
  design. Fortifications were expensive to build and to
  maintain, so landholders built them carefully.
  Regardless of its size, a castle had two main purpos-
  es. First, it ensured that an invader would have to
  capture it in order to control the associated fields.
  Second, it provided a secure meeting hall and stor-
  age for the landholder’s grain and crops.
  After 9-11C, a landholder needed his or her
  liege’s permission to build anything hardier than a
  fortified manor house. In 862, Charles II of France
  ordered fortresses built in all parts of his kingdom to
  resist Norman and Saracen invaders. Local landhold-
  ers began to build private fortresses. Town walls were
  repaired and strengthened. Two years later, Charles
  ordered the destruction of fortresses built without his
  license. Then in 869, he ordered all of the towns
  along the Seine and Loire rivers to be fortified.
  The Normans introduced castle building to
  England and Sicily. Their fortresses could be divided
  into those built by landholders with royal permission
  and garrisoned by them, those built by landholders
  with royal permission and garrisoned by bailiffs, and
  illegal fortresses. The last were often torn down by
  royal command. In Naples and Sicily, for example,
  many fortresses were built during a thirty year peri-
  od of unrest starting in 1189. Frederick II, acting as
  King of Sicily,  tore down many of the illegal fortress-
  es after 1220.
  Common Styles of Castles
  The motte bailey (11C): A motte was an artifi-
  cial hill built with stone, earth, and other fill. A 30-
  foot high, 90-foot wide motte could be built by 50
  men working for 40 days. The bailey was often a
  three story high square tower made of wood or stone
  built on top of the motte. The entire hill was sur-
  rounded by a wooden fence, hedges, ditches, and
  other defensive “works”.
  The shell keep (late 11C): Seen from above, it
  looks like a donut with stone outer walls, store
  rooms and living quarters built inside those walls,
  and a central courtyard. Some of these had a second
  set of stone walls enclosing a outside courtyard, tow-
  ers, gatehouses, crenellations and machicolations,
  portcullis, and drawbridges. A variation on the shell
  keep was a two to four story rectangular tower, like a
  large bailey, with high walls surrounding it. Larger
  keeps had outbuildings like a kitchen, hall, living
  quarters, and craft shops.
  The circular keep (12C): Crusaders returned
  with the idea of a large round stone tower with stout
  walls. Seen from above, it looked like a compressed
  shell keep. They were often supplemented by rec-
  tangular stone halls, kitchen, chapel, and craft build-
  ings. The main gatehouse was two to three stories
  high, protected by a ditch and drawbridge. Crusaders
  also brought home the idea of archer’s loops (narrow
  openings in walls, wider on the inside than outside,
  which protected archers from attackers). 
  II. Architecture
  Page 12
  f
  
  Fief Section II: Architecture
  Page 13
  FARNHAM’S CASTLE
  Farnham had a motte and bailey castle. Its stone keep contained a soldiers’ barracks, well, armory,
  and stores. It was protected by a ditch and a removable bridge. Until 13C, the ditch was surrounded by
  two rows of hedges. The inner one protected the bailey, the outer one kept cattle from falling into the
  ditch. The ditches were full of nettles and thorns which were trimmed every year.
  In 13C, Farnham gained an outer stone wall, three turrets, a square tower, a round tower, and two
  gates. The towers were all roofed with tiles. The
  main gatehouse and keep were roofed with lead
  sheets. The gate house had a drawbridge of sorts,
  but it wasn’t very sturdy. In 1251, it broke beneath
  the weight of some carts. It was rebuilt in 1288. In
  the meantime, a temporary or removable bridge
  was used.
  The major buildings inside the walls included
  a hall, chapel, kitchen, and landholder’s chamber.
  Each was a stone building connected by wooden
  passages. The main hall was protected by its own
  dry moat, gatehouse, and drawbridge. It measured
  66’ x 43’ with four narrow windows on each long
  wall. These were protected by iron bars and shut-
  ters. It had a timber roof with a hole in it for
  smoke.
  Doors led from the hall to the kitchen, buttery,
  pantry, chapel, and landholder’s room. It also had
  small chambers for the landholder’s four house-
  hold officials, plus a treasury and a study. The hall
  was furnished with a cupboard, tables, and bench-
  es. At night, it was lighted with wax candles in
  iron holders. For formal dinners, the tables were
  covered with linen and the walls hung with tapes-
  tries. Hay was scattered on the floor. (When the
  landholder wasn’t present, hog carcasses were hung in the hall after slaughtering.)
  The kitchen was attached to the buttery (where butter and cheese were made and stored) and a
  pantry. It had eleven windows, protected again by iron bars and wooden shutters, and an opening in the
  roof for smoke and steam. It also had two fireplaces for cooking, tables, a few brass pots, a boiling pan,
  and a few brass utensils.
  Castle chapels became increasingly common starting in 13C. The chapel had an altar on a stone
  platform, a few glazed windows, a reading pulpit, benches, and a small belfry. There was a small vestry
  where books and vestments were stored when the landholder was in residence. When the landholder
  visited, he brought the vestments, altar linens, hangings, and sacred vessels with him. In 14C, Farnham
  gained two more chapels, one near the keep and another near the landholder’s quarters. The chapel was
  used for daily worship, but not for greater church feasts and masses.
  A steep narrow stair led to the landholder’s chamber. The stairs were easily defended and the win-
  dows were again protected by iron bars. It had tables, benches, and a bed. Bedding was part of the land-
  holder’s traveling luggage.
  The bailey had a group of wooden buildings, including a bakery, brew house, dairy, dovecot, dyer’s
  house, kennels, mews, stable, and smithy.
  FARNHAM, 13C
  
  CHURCH
  Each village usually had its own church and a
  house for its priest. In England, France, and
  Germany, many were fortified as a refuge for their
  parishioners. An unfortified church had a timber
  roof, thick walls, and tiny, narrow windows. A forti-
  fied church was built on a mound like a castle motte,
  and might have a ditch, crenellated walls, turrets,
  loopholes, parapets, and machicolations. Some had
  their own wells, ovens, hand mills, and siege stores.
  A few had underground passages used to escape an
  attack. Most churches had a belfry and bell to sum-
  mon the faithful to Mass, warn of danger, and mark
  canonical hours. Next to the church was the village
  graveyard, surrounded by a low stone wall.
  Starting in 12C, there was a
  sharp rise in popular piety in
  urban areas and along trade
  routes. Urban and rural churches
  benefitted from donations which
  allowed improvements and expan-
  sions. Churches built or renovated
  during this time might have added
  aisles, towers, spires, carvings, and
  decorations.
  In some churches, the parish
  priest lived in a loft. Any of his
  guests, visitors, and most travelers
  stayed in the church hall itself. In
  other churches, the parish priest
  had his own hall, probably built in
  the same manner as a wealthy
  farmer’s dwelling. Its furniture was
  similar to the landholder’s – a table,
  benches or chairs, a cupboard, and a
  bed. The floor was covered with
  straw. Travelers passing through might claim hospi-
  tality from the parish priest and sleep on the straw
  wrapped in blankets.
  The priest had a small private room with a bed,
  straw mattress, and blankets. There was also a table,
  chair, and chest. The chest contained the priests’
  books and the records of the parish. It also con-
  tained the church’s vessels – chalice (gold or silver),
  paten (gold or silver), alms basin, cruets (pitcher),
  candlesticks, and altar linens. The church hall like-
  ly had its own larder. A large parish church might
  have its own bakehouse, buttery, kitchen, and
  pantry.
  Each church also had to have a relic. The
  Council of Nicaea in 797 forbade any church to be
  consecrated unless it housed some holy relic. A
  small parish’s relic was likely to be either the remains
  of a local saint unknown more than few miles from
  its door, or a small bone or part of a better known
  saint. Mysterious statues of the Virgin washed
  ashore from the sea or found while plowing also
  qualified as relics.
  Bibles were rare. They were produced in two
  volumes, the Old Testament (including books of
  what is now called the Apocrypha) and the New
  Testament. The work was arduous, requiring three
  or more scribes working for at least two years, plus
  200 or more sheep skins for the parchment, plus any
  decorations. Instead of owning a
  Bible, most parishes survived with
  other books – psalter, hymnal, book of
  homilies, manual of common sacra-
  ments, Lives of Saints, missals, etc.
  Missals, or prayer books, were partic-
  ularly common. They were often
  written in a tight script with readings
  for each day. A larger church might
  have a Gradual book (sung responses
  to the Mass), Antiphonary (sung
  responses to the Daily Office), and
  Processional (litanies and procession
  music).
  The parish church was built and
  maintained by its parishioners. They
  also paid for its books, ornaments,
  vessels, and vestments. The priest
  maintained his hall and any out-
  buildings from the tithes.
  A parish church was more than
  a house of worship. It was a meeting hall, occasion-
  al market hall, store house, and gathering place. The
  church and yard were used for dancing, games,
  wrestling, banquets, fairs, markets, and religious
  plays. Merchants sometimes set up booths in the
  church itself. They, or hired watchers, slept in the
  church at night to protect goods. Courts, marriages,
  and dower exchanges were held at the church door
  or porch. Unwanted newborns might be left on the
  porch or in the nearby graveyard. Deeds and con-
  tracts might be announced after Mass to the entire
  parish. Rents and tithes were sometimes paid after
  Mass, again with the parish as witnesses.
  Fief Section II: Architecture
  Page 14
  
  GRANGES, STABLES AND TITHE BARNS
  Most manors had various wooden storage build-
  ings for hay, grain, and animals. A large manor might
  have several barns and stables, a separate stable for
  oxen and cows, a sheepfold, an enclosure for pigs,
  and a pound for stray livestock. Landholders had
  their own barns or stored grain in their hall. Wooden
  tithe barns were used to hold the church’s grain. In
  small parishes, the grain might be kept in the church
  itself.
  HOUSES
  Each farmer’s family had its own house; a few
  had more than one. These buildings were simple and
  sturdy, made of whatever materials were most abun-
  dant: wood, cob (mud, straw, and chalk), wattle-
  and-daub (mud over a twig and branch framework),
  thatch, stone, brick, or tile. These houses were only
  intended to last for a generation.
  After twenty years, a new house was built, usu-
  ally somewhere else in the family’s yard (croft). The
  old building served for a time as a barn or storage
  shed. Until late 12C or early 13C, most English
  peasant houses were made of timber supported by
  posts, turf, or cob. In later centuries, farmers built
  houses which used frames placed on stone founda-
  tions and sills. Frame houses were more durable and
  could support a second floor or loft.
  In 13C, English peasant houses began to be built
  partly or completely out of unmortared stone. Even
  then, new houses were built about once every other
  generation. The church and the manor house were
  usually the only permanent mortared stone buildings
  in the village.
  Each house was surrounded by a narrow ditch.
  In 14C, these ditches were widened into small
  moats. Houses were often surrounded by a garden
  and a yard for chickens and small livestock. This
  croft could vary from a small vegetable patch to
  elaborate gardens. It often contained a well (often a
  simple narrow pit with no cover), cisterns, latrines,
  and rubbish pits.
  The poorest farmers lived in small one or two
  room houses. Since they rarely owned any large
  livestock, they did not need a large place to house
  animals over the winter. Most farmers lived in a
  long-house with three rooms: a living space, a cen-
  tral chamber with hearth, and a byre or animal
  room. Wealthy peasants had two buildings, often set
  at right angles, to separate themselves from their
  livestock.
  Furnishings were simple: a wooden bed for the
  entire family, a table of a plank laid on trestles, a
  long bench, and various tools hanging on pegs.
  Straw covered the floors and was changed whenev-
  er it became too dirty. More expensive homes might
  have clay, wood, or even stone floors. Doors were
  sturdy wooden affairs with locks and crossbars.
  Windows were protected by sturdy wooden shutters.
  Fief Section II: Architecture
  Page 15
  FARNHAM’S STORAGE
  BUILDINGS
  Farnham had two granges: the grangia feni
  could hold 60 meadows of hay (enough bed-
  ding for a single royal visit); the grangia bladi
  held grain. The manor had two stables outside
  the castle walls which held 4-6 horses, and a
  third for guests’ mounts. There was a fourth
  stable inside the castle itself. It had a sheepfold
  made of timber and plaster, a stone cow stable
  for 20-50 cattle (which could hold up to 110),
  and an enclosure for 20-30 pigs
  j
  i
  
  Houses were lit by their cooking/heating fires and by
  rush lights. The fire’s smoke filtered through a small
  opening and holes in the straw roof.
  The thatch roofs, straw floors, and grain stored
  in lofts made fire a significant problem. Moreover,
  the hearth was in the center of the house, protected
  by a clay platform. At night, it was covered with a
  perforated ceramic lid that kept the coals glowing,
  but captured most sparks. Internal ovens were rare
  in England, but common in Germany. Chimneys
  were rare in England, but common in south-
  ern France and Italy. Baking and brewing
  was usually done outside in the croft.
  MILLS
  There was a mill for every 46 peasant fami-
  lies in 13C England. Water mills were used to
  grind grain into flour. In 13C, they began to be
  supplemented by wind mills. Most were made
  of mixed stone and timber with
  a wooden wheel
  and earth mill dam.
  Mills used both
  horizontal and vertical (overshot or under-
  shot) wheels. The vertical overshot wheel
  was the most efficient and the most difficult
  to build and to maintain. The gears were usually
  wooden, but might be made of iron on a wealthy
  manor. See also Mills under Monopolies (pg. 36).
  Fief Section II: Architecture
  Page 16
  BUILDING COSTS
  Item
  Year
  Amount
  Location
  Church bell
  ?
  18-20 l.
  ?
  Farmer’s house
  1406
  5 l. 18 s.
  Devon
  (Long house, cob walls)
  Farmer’s house
  1406
  3 l. 4 s.
  Devon
  (Single room, cob walls)
  Mill (rebuilt)
  1286-87
  27 l. 8 s. 8½ d.
  Farnham
  Mill (rebuilt)
  1288
  18 l. 1 s. 9½ d.
  Farnham
  Miller’s house (new)
  1290
  3 l. 12 s. 1½ d.
  Farnham
  (Labor, carting, materials, roofing)
  Pulling down ruined tower
  1302
  8 s. 6 d.
  Farnham
  Stone for new tower
  6 l.
  Lime cement for tower
  47 s. 4 d.
  Carting stone for tower
  6 l. 16 s. 2 d.
  Rebuilding castle walls
  ?
  97 l. 15 s. 5 d.
  Farnham
  (over course of 3 years)
  
  A manor existed to produce enough grain to
  feed its farmers and landholder, and provide a sur-
  plus which could be bartered for needed imports.
  The smallest manor would provide just enough sur-
  plus to feed one or more warhorses and barter for
  armor and weapons.
  There was a constant tension on the manor
  between diminishing returns from depleted fields,
  and increased productivity from improved agricul-
  tural knowledge and techniques. Overall, by 11C,
  manors were able to feed an increasing population of
  townspeople, clergy, and nobles.
  One of the basic concepts of manorial agricul-
  ture is that a farmer’s labor is divided between his or
  her family’s land and the land-
  holder’s. Land was divided
  into fields and then into strips.
  The landholder’s, church’s,
  and farmers’ strips were all
  intermingled. 
  Agricultural
  decisions had to be made col-
  lectively, often by the farmers
  rather than the landholder.
  Medieval agriculture was
  inherently conservative. The
  landholder’s goal was to main-
  tain yields and livestock with-
  out excessive waste. He or she
  was rarely entitled to a share
  of the farmers’ products and
  did not have an interest in
  taking 
  risks 
  that 
  might
  improve overall yields. The
  Church’s income was based on
  a fixed percentage of gross
  yields, so it had an incentive
  to improve yields. Moreover, a
  monastic 
  order 
  had 
  the
  resources to risk crop failure in
  experimenting with new technology and techniques
  on its own lands. Farmers, of course, needed
  improved yields to improve their standard of living,
  but were limited by the need for village consensus on
  basic decisions like when to start planting and what
  fields to leave fallow.
  SOIL
  Soil varied widely depending on where a manor
  was located. Northern Europe, in general, has heav-
  ier soil than southern Europe, but soil types varied
  even within a manor. The soil’s composition affect-
  ed the plow and plow team used.
  Wheeled plows work well in light soil but get
  clogged in heavy soil. Foot plows work well in heavy
  soil, but are slow and cumbersome in light soil. Swing
  plows or hook plows were used on stiff, heavy soil or
  on very uneven ground since the smaller ploughshare
  was less impeded by obstacles like roots and stones.
  The furrow made by a hook plow was also smaller,
  causing less evaporation in Mediterranean climates.
  Different plows were
  used at different times
  of the year. The soil
  was damper in the win-
  ter, so foot plows were
  used for winter plow-
  ing. In the drier sum-
  mer, wheel plows were
  preferred.
  A manor’s soil also
  affected the choice of
  crops. The major crops
  were wheat, oats, bar-
  ley, beans, peas and
  various 
  vegetables.
  Other crops included
  flax and hemp. Flax
  thrives 
  in 
  shallow,
  chalky, humid soils.
  Hemp, used for rope,
  thrives on deep, rich,
  wet soil. Both flax and
  hemp rapidly exhaust
  soil, however. In north-
  ern Italy, crops included the usual wheat, rye, and
  millet (a kind of grain), but also cabbages, cauliflow-
  ers, garlic, pumpkin, melons, onions, and turnips.
  Farmers valued soil that could retain its miner-
  als. They preferred soil with a medium amount of
  clay. Light loam was less popular. Wetlands, fens,
  III. Agriculture
  Page 17
  
  and marshes were tilled as a last resort. When farm-
  ers tilled heavy clay soil, they discovered that con-
  tinuous cultivation turned the soil into a pasty mess
  impervious to moisture and air. This soil often
  formed water-tight “platforms” underneath the tilled
  surface which retained water and rotted seeds.
  These “platforms” can be repaired, but not by
  medieval farming techniques.
  LAND DIVISIONS
  The customary division of a manor’s fields in
  England dates from 7C. A manor’s fields were divid-
  ed into cultures of 8 to 10 acres each. Cultures were
  subdivided into one acre strips called selions. Each
  was the size a single plow could work in a day – they
  were long and narrow to avoid turning. A typical size
  was 220 yards long by 22 yards wide. Each strip was
  separated by balks (narrow bits of unplowed turf) or
  by a double furrow. (The double furrow wastes less
  land, but is easier to miss among half-grown crops.)
  At the ends were headlands for a team to turn. There
  were also gores (unplowed bits of land that did not fit
  into the strips) and other unplowable bits.
  Each farmer’s family held a number of strips,
  some adjoining, some widely separated.
  Strips were divided unequally, but every
  family had strips in the fields which
  would be cultivated and in those
  which would be left fallow.
  The variety may have arisen
  to equally divide good and poor
  soil, or it might have evolved from
  inheritance customs (see pg. 54).
  Borders were marked by stakes,
  stones, double plowed furrows, and
  balks. If they were intentionally dis-
  placed, the malefactor was fined.
  Fields were surrounded by fences and
  ditches to keep domestic and wild animals
  away from the crops and to make it easier to stop
  thieves. They were accessed by a network of drove
  ways, footpaths, and roads to get to the fields and
  market without disturbing growing crops.
  Farmers were fined by their neighbors for dam-
  aging crops when taking shortcuts. Landholders
  could and did trample fields with impunity. Roads
  were maintained by those who used them and those
  whose lands abutted them. Work on the roads was,
  of course, in addition to work due the landholder
  and work done on the farmers’ fields.
  PLOWS AND HARROWS
  The manor started its agricultural year with
  spring plowing sometime after the last frost.
  Plowing was the principal work performed by the
  medieval farmer and it was critical to the harvest’s
  success. A minimum of one day of each week was
  set aside for it, and was the only task a landholder
  could require be done even when a serf was ill.
  Plowing was only interrupted for severe weather
  and for holy days. Even then, lost time was made up
  as quickly as possible.
  Custom, climate, and soil established whether a
  manor used a 2 field or 3 field system of crop rota-
  tion. In the 2 field system, half of the manor’s land
  was cultivated and the other half left fallow each
  year. In the 3 field system, one-third of the manor’s
  land was cultivated with wheat, one-third with bar-
  ley or other crops, and one-third was left fallow
  annually.
  During the fallow period, grasses grew which
  transferred nitrogen from the air into the soil.
  Some records suggest that crop rotation
  was practiced in a variety of ways.
  On some estates, it was limited to
  the landholder’s lands.
  Fields were plowed sever-
  al times a year. In autumn,
  some fields were plowed for
  winter seed. Those to be
  cultivated were plowed
  once in the spring to break
  up the soil, again to destroy
  thistles and weeds, then final-
  ly when seeding the crops. Even
  fallow ground was plowed twice –
  first to turn under crop residue,
  weeds, and grasses – then to aerate the soil.
  Fief Section III: Agriculture
  Page 18
  
  After a field was plowed for the third time, a har-
  row was drawn across it to flatten the furrow ridges,
  level hollows, uproot weeds, and crumble clods of
  soil. Speed was important so harrows were usually
  drawn by horses, even if oxen were used for plowing.
  If a family could not afford a harrow, the farmers
  broke up the clods with mallets. At this point the
  field was ready for seed.
  In northern Europe, plowing was done with a
  heavy plow drawn by 4 to 8 oxen or horses. The
  plow and its team were expensive to own and to
  maintain. In the Domesday Book, there were two
  peasant families per plow. Often one peasant
  family owned a plow and another a team;
  they cooperated to plow their own land
  and rented their services to other farm-
  ers. There was a perennial
  shortage of fodder for the
  team. 
  Oxen 
  required
  about a third of a bushel of
  oats per week to keep fit
  for spring plowing; horses
  required a little more than
  half a bushel of oats per
  week.
  SOWING
  Sowing seed was done by hand. A farmer select-
  ed what seed remained from the previous year, filled
  a sack, and scattered seed in his or her strips. Some
  13C manuals suggested landholders purchase seed
  from other manors and mix it with their own stores.
  Timing was critical. Winter sowing must be done
  before the frost. Spring sowing must be done after
  the frost, but before one’s neighbor’s seed had
  sprouted (when the young plants might be trampled
  by the sower as he or she worked on his own strips).
  The sowing window might be as long as a
  month. Farmers were obligated to sow all of their
  land, both to prevent weeds from appearing unex-
  pectedly and to provide adequate stubble for fall pas-
  ture. After crops were sown, they were tended.
  Children watched the fields for birds and wild ani-
  mals. Adults pulled weeds and checked plants for
  disease. Both fertilized the fields with animal
  manure.
  Common crops were wheat, barley, and oats.
  Wheat was the standard crop for most manors. It
  was used for porridge, bread, and animal feed.
  Barley, less nutritious than wheat, was used for
  bread, porridge, beer, and animal feed. Barley was
  also the most hardy grain and could be grown from
  near-deserts 
  to 
  the 
  northern 
  extremes 
  of
  Scandinavia. Oats were used for porridge and ani-
  mal feed.
  Despite their high nutritive value (a little less
  than wheat) and their lack of need for milling
  and preparing, beans and peas were not
  major or even significant crops. Rye was
  common in some areas. It tolerates
  more cold, dry climates, a wider
  variety of soils, and ripens more
  quickly than wheat. Hops 
  were cultivated in Germany,
  but rarely outside it.
  The Arabs introduced hard wheat,
  rice, and sorghum (a kind of grain) to
  Mediterranean farmers. Hard wheat, a
  variation of emmer, could be grown in dry
  steppe regions unsuited for other
  wheats. It contained little water
  and could be stored for longer
  periods. Hard wheat was used to
  produce new foods like maca-
  roni, spaghetti, and various
  Mediterranean flat breads.
  Rice, which requires a great deal of water, was
  cultivated in Sicily and, in 15C, in the Po valley of
  Italy. Where it could be grown it yielded higher
  returns on sown seed than any other grain crop.
  Sorghum was grown in southern France and Italy. It
  gave higher yields than millet and could tolerate
  hotter, dryer conditions. Both rice and sorghum
  were summer crops, which allowed Mediterranean
  farmers to plant crops throughout the year.
  The Mongols introduced millet and later buck-
  wheat to Europe. Some varieties of millet could
  mature in a mere three months. It became an impor-
  tant grain in Italy and the mountainous regions of
  southern and south-western France. Some peasants
  used it as a subsistence crop and grew wheat to pay
  their taxes and for trade. Buckwheat appeared in
  Germany in 1436 and spread rapidly throughout
  northern France.
  Supplemental crops included garden vegetables,
  flax, olives (in Mediterranean regions), walnuts,
  chestnuts, fruit trees, grapes, and other useful plants.
  Fief Section III: Agriculture
  Page 19
  x
  
  FERTILIZING
  Do not sell your stubble or take it away from the ground if
  you do not want it for thatching: if you take away the least you
  will lose much. Good son, cause manure to be gathered in heaps
  and mixed with earth, and cause your sheepfold to be marled
  every fortnight with clay land or with good earth, as the cleans-
  ing out of ditches, and then strew it over the fields
  – William of Henley
  One consistent problem with medieval agricul-
  ture was that crops drained away nutrients from the
  soil faster than stubble, manure, and fallow periods
  refreshed it. The Romans had used dung, wood ash,
  beans and other nitrogen fixing crops, and lime to
  maintain and replenish their soil. Most medieval
  farmers had lost the Roman technique of using lime
  to fertilize their fields, but a few did supplement
  manure with lime, marl (a kind of chalk), and bro-
  ken sea-shells.
  Manure was the primary fertilizer. Pigeon-dung
  (columbine) was especially prized; landholders built
  dovecots to supply manure for their orchards. Sheep
  were kept in a moveable fenced enclosure so they
  could graze on fallow fields and refresh them. (Sheep
  dung has a very high nitrogen content.)
  After the harvest, cows, oxen, and horses  were
  pastured on the fields so that their manure could
  replenish them. Unfortunately, plowing the stubble
  under would have replenished the soil better than
  the manure. The animals needed the forage, howev-
  er, if they were to have a chance of surviving the
  winter. On some manors, landholders required their
  farmers to pasture their animals on the landholder’s
  fields for a certain period first.
  Farmers in Flanders were among the first to keep
  their animals in stalls and apply the resulting dung
  evenly. They also used “night soil” (human waste)
  from towns. Pasturing animals means that manure is
  randomly dropped and decays by exposure to air and
  rain. (Half of manure’s nitrogen volatizes within 2
  days if exposed to air; half of urine’s nitrogen and
  potassium is leached away by a rainfall.) William of
  Henley’s manual (quoted above) recognizes that if
  manure is collected from barns and sheepfolds, it
  could be spread more evenly in the fields.
  HAYING
  Hay was mowed in the late summer, a few weeks
  before the harvest. It was used as animal fodder,
  especially over the winter. One noble paid farmers
  each a wheat loaf (good for 2 days’ meals), a half-
  penny worth of cheese, and a share of a sheep in
  return for a summer’s mowing.
  There was usually a shortage of hay for winter
  fodder. Landholders and farmers alike estimated
  their stores, and then killed many of their animals in
  the fall. The meat was salted and stored.
  HARVEST
  The harvest was the critical moment in the agri-
  cultural year. Done too early, the grain might be wet
  and would spoil over the winter. If it was came too
  late, the grain might be too dry and precious kernels
  spilt into the soil during harvesting. An autumn
  hailstorm could devastate an entire field.
  When the proper time came, the farmers went
  into the fields with scythes and sickles to cut the
  grain. Behind them, people gathered the grain into
  sheaves, bound it, and let it dry. It was then threshed
  and stored in barns. Women were often charged
  with threshing and winnowing grain. Once the fields
  were harvested, children and elderly farmers were
  allowed to glean what remained.
  Three to six days later, the fields were opened for
  pasturing. Pasturing ended when the fields were
  sown for winter crops. (In England, the right to pas-
  ture animals on the common fields can be docu-
  mented from 13C and may have existed before
  that.)  Tenants were forbidden to overburden the
  common lands with more animals than they could
  support over the winter.
  The scythe cut nearly an acre of hay, barley, or
  oats in a day. A sickle, commonly used by women,
  cut only a quarter as much per day. For every 4
  scythe-wielding reapers, there was one binder to
  gather the grain. A team of 5 could harvest about 3
  acres per day. The sheaves were small; 20 sheaves of
  oats, after threshing, filled a bushel basket.
  Once the grain was gathered, it was threshed to
  separate the seed from the ear. About one-eighth of
  the seed was set aside for the next year’s sowing. The
  remainder was then winnowed to separate the seed
  from the husks. Farmers used wicker winnowing fans
  to shake the chaff loose. At the end of the year, the
  return on sown seed, after separating next year’s
  seed, was likely four or five bushels per bushel sown.
  In the Netherlands, yields approached the modern
  Fief Section III: Agriculture
  Page 20
  
  ratios of ten to eleven times what is sown, but did
  not reach the modern upper yields of twenty times
  what is sown.
  STORAGE
  Grain was stored in wooden barns for the winter.
  When barns were not available, grain was stored in
  ricks set on stone or iron saddles. Under optimum
  conditions, if grain is kept dry, protected from wee-
  vils and rodents, turned every six months, and rid-
  dled (pierced to aerate the grain) every month, it
  might keep for 2 to 4 years. In most years, however,
  grain was used within the year after it was harvested.
  Meat and fish were salted. Either could be kept
  “dry” salted (stored in beds of salt) or “brine”
  salted (stored in casks of salt water).
  Every 100 pounds of beef or lamb
  needs about 8 pounds of salt to
  preserve it; 100 pounds of
  pork needs 7 pounds. Fish
  requires about 25 pounds of
  salt per 100 pounds of fish.
  Salted meat and fish is gen-
  erally edible for 9 to 12
  months.
  FAMINE AND FAILED
  HARVESTS
  Famines and failed harvests 
  were a constant risk. Some scholars
  believe that by early 14C, Europe’s population
  had reached the limits of its agricultural technology
  – manors were farming all of the available arable
  land, but harvests were meager and nutrition poor.
  England’s worst harvest of the 13C was in 1258.
  In 14C, heavy rains caused successive harvest fail-
  ures in 1314-1316. This second famine affected
  most of Europe, causing starvation and death on a
  massive scale. Prices soared. Stores vanished.
  Rumors held that the poor ate cats, dogs, and even
  babies stolen from neighbors. As people killed and
  ate unhealthy animals and rotting stores, epidemics 
  added to the death toll. The famine was combined
  with murrain in 1318 that killed sheep and plow ani-
  mals. Whole villages were completely depopulated
  as a result of the heavy death toll. Three decades
  later, the Black Death, or Great Plague, continued
  the destruction the famines had begun.
  In southern England, the wheat harvest in 1315
  was 60% of average; barley was 80% of average; and
  oats were 89% of average. In northern England, the
  wheat harvest was 28% of average; barley was 41%
  of average; and oats were 64% of average. The next
  year, the wheat harvest in southern England was
  53% of average; barley 68% of average; and oats
  71% of average. The northern England wheat har-
  vest was 11½% of average; barley 71% of average;
  and oats 80% of average.
  Prices reflected the disaster. In fall 1315, wheat
  was 8 s per quarter. In summer 1316, wheat was 26
  s, 89 d per quarter. Barley was 16 s per quarter. Salt
  in 1300 was 3 s per quarter. By 1316-17, it reached
  11 s per quarter. Prices were a third lower in parts of
  the countryside. To stave off disaster, landhold-
  ers offered grants of protection and safe-
  conduct to cross-country trade.
  An estimated 10% of the popu-
  lation of England died in the 1314-
  16 famine. An estimated one-
  third to one-half of England’s
  population died as a result of
  the 1348-49 Plague. The cli-
  mate changed for the worse
  during the 14C, leading to an
  era of low temperatures called
  the “Little Ice Age”, which further
  decreased yields. The smaller sur-
  viving population increased its use of
  the best arable lands.
  INVENTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS
  Agricultural 
  knowledge 
  and 
  techniques
  improved continuously from 6C to 15C. In 6C, the
  heavy plow, harrow, padded horse collar, and tan-
  dem harness together made it easier to grow grain in
  northern Europe. The scythe made harvests more
  efficient. In 9C, iron horse shoes made horses even
  more productive in the fields and in battle. The
  rotary grindstone replaced hand mills. In 12C, farm-
  ers discovered the artesian well, which made it easi-
  er to draw water from deep underground. The
  wheelbarrow first appeared in fields. The 13C
  brought spinning wheels and an improved cloth
  loom. In 14C, builders discovered the screw jack.
  The 15C brought an improved spindle and treadle
  for the spinning wheel.
  Fief Section III: Agriculture
  Page 21
  k
  
  The King to the sheriff of Glouchestershire greetings.
  Summon by good summoners the archbishops, bishops, abbots,
  priors, earls, barons, knights, and all free tenants having lands or
  tenements within the metes of our forest in your jurisdiction, and
  from each vill of your country being within the metes of our for-
  est four men and the reeve and the foresters of the vills, and all
  others who are wont and ought to come before our justices for the
  pleas of our forest, that they be at Glouchester in the octave of St.
  Hilary next coming before our beloved and liege Luke de Tany,
  Adam Gurdon, Richard de Crepping and Peter de Lenche whom
  we constitute our justices in eyre for this turn for the pleas of the
  forest in the said county to hear and do what we command touch-
  ing those things which belong to the aforesaid pleas . . .
  – Writ of Edward I (1281)
  Most manors were bordered by marshes, fens, or
  forests. These provided wood for building and cook-
  ing, small game for meat, and land that could be
  cleared for fields. In England, many forests were
  claimed by the monarchy for hunting. William I was
  said to love stags as if he were their father.
  Forests provided game including boar, deer, fox,
  and wolves. They provided wood for fires, buildings,
  siege engines, and ships. Often farmers and clergy
  had the right to take wood from the landholder’s
  forests to repair houses, hedges, carts, and tools
  (estover). To protect the forest and provide fodder
  for its beasts, farmers were often limited to taking
  only fallen wood and dead branches. Some farmers
  paid a pannage fee to feed their pigs in the forest.
  Until styes became common in 14-15C, the forests
  were often full of herds of semi-wild pigs. If a farmer
  exceeded customary or granted rights, he or she was
  fined for waste until the damaged wood or brush
  began to regrow. Forests might also be home to iron
  and coal miners and their associated forgers and
  smelters, as well as charcoal burners, smugglers,
  poachers, and bandits.
  Those who had rights over the forest had to pre-
  vent over hunting and over-harvesting. Despite
  strict French forest laws, France lost ½ of its forests
  between 6C and 14C. Landholders who bordered
  other landholders’ forests and royal forests constant-
  ly argued over the extent of the forest and just what
  was included in their customary rights.
  The English royal forests are discussed below. In
  France, counts claimed more control over the
  forests. In 14C, Enguerrand de Coucy hanged three
  Flanders nobles for hunting in his forests without
  permission. The French king imprisoned de Coucy
  and refused to release him until he promised to pay
  a 10,000 livre fine and go on a pilgrimage to
  Palestine.
  ENGLISH ROYAL FORESTS
  The Saxon and Norman monarchs established
  England’s royal forests. These included not just
  woodland, but pastures, fields, even villages. Royal
  forests were subject to their own laws and courts –
  hunting and harming venison without royal permis-
  sion was strictly forbidden, as was harming any trees,
  undergrowth, and plants that might serve as fodder
  or cover for game.
  The basic administrative structure for the
  English royal forests was: (1) the chief justices of
  the forests (one for those north of the Trent river;
  one for those south of it); (2) itinerant justices
  (justices-in-eyre); (3) a warden who was also often
  the constable of a nearby castle; and (4) local
  foresters-of-fee.
  Each forest also had its agisters (money collec-
  tors). The Sheriff of the county also had some
  responsibility for the forest, and appointed regarders
  (knights to investigate encroachments) and super-
  vised the election of verderers (freeholders elected to
  guard the animals and oversee estovers).
  At the manor level, the most important offi-
  cials were the foresters-of-fee. The forester was
  appointed by the itinerant justices with the war-
  den’s approval; in practice, the office was all but
  hereditary. Each forester had charge of a bailiwick
  (forest district) and held some land associated
  with the office. The forester’s job was to manage
  the forest and to track down poachers and crimi-
  nals living in it.
  IV. Forests and
  Waste Lands
  Page 22
  
  Foresters had various rights of and over the min-
  erals, hunting birds, estover, nuts, pannage, and
  herbage. One forester of Dean claimed that he had
  the duty to follow the king to war wearing a hauberk
  and carrying a bow and arrow. He claimed the rights
  of wardship, heriot (an inheritance fee), and
  marriage over those who lived in his bailiwick.
  A distant influence were the itinerant justices,
  who were usually local men of some importance. In
  addition to their infrequent courts, justices could
  swear in jurors (usually 12 or 24) to investigate
  poaching and issue reports.
  Landholders often appointed woodwards from
  their farmers. Woodwards were sworn into office
  before the itinerant justices and were expected to pro-
  tect the king’s venison, trees, and plants while over-
  seeing the villager’s rights to estover and pannage.
  Offenses in English royal forests were judged in
  one of two courts – the verderers’ court or the eyre
  of the itinerant justices. The verderers’ court was
  held about every 40 days, judged minor offenses, and
  could set fines up to 4 d. All cases involving venison
  were tried by the itinerant justices, whose courts
  were held infrequently. In 12C, they were held about
  once every 3 years. In 13C, there were gaps of up to
  12 years. (It isn’t clear what happened to the
  accused between sessions). Poaching, the most com-
  mon offense brought before the eyre, was harshly
  punished. Until 1217, the eyre commonly sentenced
  poachers to death or maiming. After 1217, offenders
  were merely imprisoned or fined.
  HUNTING
  For a knight should always engage in anything to do with
  arms and chivalry, and if he cannot do so in war, he should do so
  in things which resemble war. And the chase is most similar to
  war, for these reasons: war demands expense, met without com-
  plaint; one must be well horsed and well armed; one must be vig-
  orous, and do without sleep, suffer lack of good food, and drink,
  rise early, sometimes have a poor bed, undergo cold and heat, and
  conceal one’s fears.
  – Alphonso XI of Castile (1312-50)
  Hunting was a noble’s primary hobby. Both men
  and women were avid hunters. There were several
  common styles, ranging from using hounds to drive
  animals into nets or archers, to using hounds to
  bring larger game to bay for riders. A noble might
  hunt in forests on his or her own land or might have
  the right to take game from a neighbor’s forests or
  the royal forest. Accidents were common – King
  William Rufus of England was shot and killed by his
  own knights while hunting.
  Common game included bear, boar, fallow deer,
  fox, hares, red deer (stags and hinds), and roe deer.
  Red deer was the most treasured quarry, followed by
  fallow deer, then roe deer. There were different
  terms for the herd, size, and habits of each animal. A
  15C hunting manual by Gaston Phoebus of Foix
  (southern France) mentions the reindeer, which he
  claimed to have seen in Norway and Sweden, as well
  as the ibex (a mountain goat) and the chamois
  (mountain antelope) both of  which he hunted in
  Fief Section IV: Forests and Waste Lands
  Page 23
  FOREST FEES AND FINES (ENGLAND)
  Offense
  Year
  Fee or Fine
  Comments
  Assart
  1199
  1 s per 3 acres
  Illegally clearing forest for crops
  Assart-spring grain
  1282
  6 d per acre
  Assart-winter grain
  1282
  1 s per acre
  Building house
  1283
  20 s
  Making charcoal
  1283
  2 s + value of charcoal
  without warrant
  Pannage
  13C
  ½ d per piglet and 1 d per pig over one year old
  Stealing Oak
  1283
  3 s 4 d
  A bit more than market value of wood
  Stealing Oak
  1283
  20 d
  Smuggling Wood
  1283
  6 s 8 d
  Fine may have been reduced because
  offenders were poor
  Taking, receiving or
  1283
  20 s to 2 marks
  Doubled or tripled for repeat offenses
  selling venison
  
  the Pyrenees. Badgers, fox, lynx, otters, rabbits,
  wildcats, and wolves were considered dangerous
  pests and hunted, poisoned, or trapped.
  The hunt was as much a ritual as a source of
  meat. Hunts were carefully planned affairs. To hunt
  a deer, the host first sent a huntsman and a trained
  dog to locate a reasonably sized deer. The huntsman
  tracked the animal, estimated its size from its tracks,
  from broken twigs and frayings, and from flattened
  grass where it rested. He then returned with several
  of its droppings. The hunters used this information
  to plan the hunt.
  The next dawn, they stationed huntsmen with
  small groups of dogs (relays) along the path the deer
  was expected to run. When everyone was in posi-
  tion, the host’s huntsman released the first group of
  dogs to drive the deer from its lair. The chase then
  ensued until the deer was brought to bay by the
  hounds. When the deer turned to face the hounds,
  the hunters tried to delay the kill until the host
  could arrive. If possible, the host was given the
  honor of killing the deer.
  A less elaborate version of a deer hunt involved
  a group of 3 archers on foot and 3 mounted riders
  with a group of dogs. This hunt could, and some-
  times was, done with larger groups. Once a deer was
  spotted, the archers and riders tried to surround the
  animal. (The archers downwind, the riders using
  their horses’ scent to approach from upwind). When
  the deer finally started, it usually ran away from the
  riders into the archer’s aim. The hunters then used
  their dogs to track the wounded deer.
  Boar were hunted in a similar manner to deer.
  Unlike deer, however, boar tended to turn on the
  hounds at various points in the chase. Several relays
  of hounds were needed to replace the dead and
  injured and to keep up with the boar’s stamina. Even
  when surrounded by hounds, boar killed many
  mounted and dismounted hunters. The hunter had
  but seconds to set a spear to receive the boar’s
  charge. In rare cases, one might use a sword against
  a charging boar. Riders also chased down fleeing
  boar with spears and swords.
  The quarry was then partly dressed in the field,
  with its parts divided among the hunters and ani-
  mals by regional customs which grew increasingly
  elaborate as the centuries passed. Shares of slain ani-
  mals were given to the hunting dogs and to peasant
  hunters. The meat was divided by rank. The choic-
  est bits – testicles, tongue, and certain organs – were
  given to the highest ranking noble. The hide was
  given to the owner of the dog which brought the
  prey to bay.
  Large landholders and the English monarch
  established enclosed woods, called parks, where
  game was stocked for hunting. There were 31 parks
  mentioned in the Domesday Book. Their number
  increased slowly. The crown sold the right to create
  parks as part of its normal revenue. Often, parks
  were set within sight of the landholder’s battlements
  so that guests could watch the hunt progress.
  Large households had dozens of hunters includ-
  ing the veneur, aide, varlet, and page, as well as large
  specialized kennels and bird mews. Bernabó
  Visconti, lord of Milan in 14C, had 5,000 hounds.
  Small landholders might have a single trained
  tracker. All landholders kept dogs and birds. Dogs
  were carefully bred, and many nobles knew their
  dogs’ ancestry as well as they knew their own. Many
  hunting manuals suggested training dogs by feeding
  them bread at home and meat only at the site of a
  successful kill.
  Falcons, hawks and other raptors were captured
  or purchased and carefully tamed and trained to
  hunt on command. Although prestigious, birds often
  did not return to their owner. A farmer who caught
  a bird wearing leather jesses could count on a hefty
  reward.
  Farmers were not usually allowed to hunt, but did
  so for meat and to get rid of pests. In 1325, Charles V
  of France allowed everyone to hunt hares and rabbits
  away from warrens. In 1396, Charles VI of France for-
  bade non-nobles to hunt any game without specific
  permission. In 1390, Richard II of England forbade
  anyone with an estate smaller than 40 s. per year to
  hunt with hounds, ferrets, or even snares. In 14C,
  Bernabó Visconti blinded a man caught hunting boar
  and burned down the house of a man who failed to
  pay the fine for illegal hunting. Artificers, butchers,
  laborers and other “low persons” were forbidden to
  hunt in parks on holy days. This suggests that they
  had hitherto been allowed to do so.
  Fief Section IV: Forests and Waste Lands
  Page 24
  w
  
  The manor was governed by three forces: its
  landholder, its priest, and its farmers. Their rights
  and responsibilities were mostly set by custom and
  tradition, not by written law. By 14C, some villages
  had books listing customary rights and obligations.
  Most disputes between farmers were settled among
  themselves, with occasional appeals to the land-
  holder. The priest enforced the Church’s rights and
  punished sins with penance.
  BY THE LANDHOLDER
  The lord ought to command and ordain that the accounts be
  heard every year, but not in one place but on all the manors, for
  so can one quickly know everything, and understand the profit
  and loss . . . The lord ought to inquire by his own men and oth-
  ers on his manors as many as there are, about his seneschal and
  his doings, and the approvments he has made since his coming; in
  the same way he ought to inquire about profits and losses from
  the bailiff and provost, and how much he will have to seek from
  both . . . The lord ought to command the auditors on the manor
  to hear the plaints and wrongs of everybody who complains of
  the seneschal, or provost, or hayward, or any other who is of
  the manor, and that full justice be done to franks and
  vileins, customary-tenants, and other plaintiffs, such as by
  inquest can be had; and that the auditors do right at their
  peril.
  – William of Henley
  On a knight’s fee, the landholder managed
  affairs directly, perhaps with the aid of a bailiff.
  If a manor contained several villages or wide-
  ly scattered holdings, the landholder might
  appoint seneschals to manage the various
  holdings. A seneschal visited
  each village two or three
  times a year to inquire about
  rents, services, customs, lands,
  and buildings. He was respon-
  sible for measuring the fields,
  inquiring about plows and mills, and trying to main-
  tain harvest yields. The seneschal rarely had the
  power to remove a bailiff or other servants directly
  appointed by the landholder. Nor could he consent
  to a serf purchasing his or her freedom, marrying
  outside the manor, or taking holy orders.
  Bailiffs were appointed by the landholder to
  handle daily management of a village. The bailiff
  was responsible for overseeing the fields, caring for
  animals, and ensuring that the landholder’s rights
  were enforced. Landholders also appointed reeves to
  oversee their tenants.
  Reeves collected debts, examined charters for
  land sales between villagers, and brought villagers to
  the manorial court. Reeves were also respon-
  sible for arresting and detaining fleeing
  serfs. Reeves sometimes were overseers
  on village projects like road repair or
  bridge building.
  Account Rolls
  Landholders’ officers kept various
  records and accounts of their duties.
  Many English accounts were based on
  the Rolls of the Pipes made by every
  sheriff on Michaelmas (September
  29). The royal Exchequer made and
  kept the Rolls based upon each sher-
  iff’s annual report. Bailiffs, reeves, and
  other officers made annual accounts in
  a similar format. Most date from
  12-13C. Arithmetic was reported
  in Roman numerals, but may
  have been calculated using more
  simple methods. Math errors were
  common.
  The landholder’s primary concern was to
  enforce his or her labor rights. Serfs generally owed
  three days labor per week.
  Usually, this was reckoned as one person’s labor,
  so a serf could substitute a spouse or older child.
  During certain times of the year, serfs owed extra
  boon work, but while providing it they were paid by
  the landowner with a meal. In addition to labor, serfs
  Page 25
  V. Governance
  If you must choose a bailiff or servant, do not chose
  them for kindred or liking, or other reasons, if they are not
  of good reputation, and let them be true and prudent and
  know things about cattle and tillage. Have no provosts or
  messers except from your own men, if you have them, and
  that by election of your tenants, for if they do no wrong you
  shall have recovery from them.
  –William of Henley
  k
  
  often owed a rent in fish, eggs, eels, honey, or other
  small game or crops.
  Some landholders allowed serfs to pay “rent” in
  lieu of some labor services. This rent, the quitrent or
  cens was based on the land’s value. In 13C, some
  urban merchants lent money to peasants for a per-
  manent mortgage, the sur-cens, used by the mer-
  chants to invest without committing usury and by
  the peasant family to improve its land.
  Peasants owed rent in the form of labor or
  money. A few owned both free and “servile” land,
  and owed labor for the latter. The amount was set by
  the amount of land the family held. A family hold-
  ing 16 acres might owe 150 days’ labor per year.
  When money was owed, the amount was fixed.
  When inflation struck, it might be profitable for
  the farmer to pay in silver rather than sweat. On one
  manor in 1330, for example, a farmer holding 16
  acres owed 5 s per year or 150 days’ labor (which was
  worth 10 s).
  Custom varied about when a farmer had to
  make up work due on holy days or delayed by severe
  weather. Generally, a sick farmer only had to make
  up plowing duties. If unable to plow, he or she was
  required to pay someone to do the work. A widow or
  widower was often given from three weeks to a
  month to mourn the death.
  Nobles also protected their rights over forest
  animals. This often caused problems for the farmers,
  who were forbidden to harm forest animals, but
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 26
  Compotus of William Bullock, Reeve of Barkham
  from the feast of St. Gregory Pope, the fourth year of King
  Edward son of King Henry to the Purification of Blessed
  Virgin Mary next ensuing.
  RENT OF ASSIZE
  The same answers for 4 l 2 s 9 d yield of the whole
  rents of assize per annum.
  Sum 4 l. 2. 9.
  WORKS SOLD
  The same answers for 39 s 8 d yield of the rents and customs
  sold. And for 2 s 1 d yield of 10 cocks and 10 hens of Chirset
  sold. And for 3 d yield of 38½ eggs sold.
  Sum 42 s
  ISSUES OF THE MANOR
  The same answers for 2 s 5 d yield of the pannage of the hogs
  of the lord’s tenants. And for 5 s yield of beechmast sold. And
  for 25 s 1 d for pasture sold. And for 4 s for the meadow sold
  and 9 d for furze sold. And 2 d for rushes sold; and 20 d for
  forage sold.
  Sum 40 s 11 d
  SALE OF GRAIN
  The same answers for 11 s 4 d yield of 2 quarters of rye,
  price per quarter 5 s 8 d. And of 15 s 8¼ d for 4 quarters, 1½
  bushels of rye sold, price per quarter 4 s 8 d. And of 7 s for 3½
  quarters of oats sold, price per quarter 2 s. And of 25 s 2 d for
  13 quarters, 1 bushel of oats price per quarter 23 d
  Sum 58 s 10¼ d
  TALLIAGE
  The same answers for 20 s yield of the tailage of the whole
  manor.
  Sum 20 s
  FINES AND PERQUISITES
  The same answers for 9 s of William le Grand for entry on
  an encroachment which contains 6 acres. And for 7 s for a
  heriot of William Symond and for 8 s paid by his son William
  for entry on his father’s lands. And for 2 s 4 d yield of pleas
  and perquisites.
  Sum 26 s. 4 d
  Sum of the whole receipts 13 l 10 s 10¼ d.
  ACQUITTANCE
  And he answers in acquittance of a Reeve for one year 10 s
  2½ d And in Hedage [tolls at a wharf] paid 8 d.
  Sum 10 s 10½ d
  EXPENSES FOR NECESSARIES
  The same answers for 1 quarter of oats bought for sowing 12
  d, price per quarter 12 d. For plowing and harrowing 3 acres
  17½ d. For the said oats and for 4 acres of grain and 3½ acres
  of oats, reaping and binding, 22½ d price per acre 3 d. For car-
  riage of grain and oats 2 d. For 4 quarters, 5½ bushels of grain
  and 4 quarters 1 bushel of oats, threshing and winnowing, 12
  d. For 1¼ quarters of grain bought 5 s, price per quarter 40 d.
  For 12½ quarters of oats bought 16 s 1¾ d, price per quarter
  15½ d.
  Sum 27 s 10 d
  SAMPLE ACCOUNT ROLL
  Sum of the total expenses 38 s 8½ d. And so he owes clear 11 l 12 s 1¾ d which he pays upon his account and is quit.
  
  often poached for meat or to get rid of bothersome
  pests. On the island of Ré, off the French coast, in
  1199, deer destroyed most of the grain and grapes.
  The abbot begged Raoul of Mauléon to renounce his
  rights over the animals. Raoul agreed to let the peas-
  ants kill deer, but not rabbits or hares, in return for
  10 s per vineyard plot and each setter of land. When
  forest animals were not grazing on crops, farmers
  also had to be wary of the landholder’s mounts and
  dogs which might trample fields during a hunt.
  Landholders had the right of justice over their
  farmers. Some regions divided this right into high jus-
  tice (crimes punishable by death), which included
  adultery, false weights and measures, homicide, trea-
  son, and theft; middle justice (crimes punishable by
  amputation and branding or fines over 60 s), and low
  justice (all other crimes with fines under 60 s). In
  theory, peasants and free tenants could appeal to
  royal justice. In practice, this right was hard to exer-
  cise. Serfs had almost no appeal rights.
  The right of justice was a lucrative source of
  income. Farmers paid a fee to bring the case, a fee
  for settling out of court, a fee for a decision by the
  landholder, and, of course, the fine imposed. In 15C,
  some kingdoms split fines between the landholder
  and the Church. Landholders were constantly
  accused of taking bribes and of corruption.
  Some fineable offenses were insulting anyone
  above one’s station; being a scold or gossip; trespass;
  neglect or damage to fields, hedges, or buildings;
  moving boundary stones; playing or gambling on
  holy days; and assaults or brawls. Punishments
  ranged from fines to public humiliation to maiming
  to banishment. A landholder needed the right of
  high justice to punish a crime with death. Otherwise
  the accused was held until the next royal assize,
  transported to it, and tried.
  Serious crimes were rare, despite the prevalence
  of knives, swords, and other weapons. Weapons were
  brandished, but rarely used. Montaillou, a village of
  250 in southern France, had only one murder in
  over 20 years in mid-14C. If convicted of a major
  crime, most farmers were hanged. Peasants, and
  rarely serfs, could be banished for arrears in rent or
  labor, for decrepitude, or for other crimes.
  In criminal cases, the accuser and accused
  could settle matters by combat. Combat was also
  used to settle accusations against one’s honor, to
  settle disputes over land, and to settle claims of
  murder or treason. Trial by combat was fairly rare in
  England and Italy, but common in the Holy Roman
  Empire and northern France. Defendants younger
  than 21, older than 60, women, or priests could hire
  a champion.
  Clergy were forbidden to engage in combat;
  women sometimes did. Weapons were set by the
  accused’s status. If a knight accused a peasant, then
  the battle was fought with a peasant’s customary
  weapons. If a peasant accused a knight, then they
  fought with knightly weapons. Pope Innocent III 
  publicly condemned trial by combat in 1215.
  Most farmers did not have recourse to ecclesias-
  tical courts, which handled offenses by clergy and
  offenses against the Church. Clergy were forbidden
  to shed blood, so many ecclesiastical courts handed
  the condemned to civil authorities for execution.
  High clergy – bishops and abbots – often inflicted
  death sentences exactly as secular nobles.
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 27
  p
  
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 28
  FEES (ENGLAND)
  Item
  Year
  Amount
  Location
  Avoid service as reeve
  1314
  20 s
  Brigstock
  Fine, Baking bread in own oven
  1231
  ½ d
  Edlinebrugge
  [see Monopolies]
  Fine, Illegal fishing
  1337
  2 d
  Iver
  Fine, Killing goat
  c.1000
  2 d
  Fine, Killing horse
  c.1000
  30 s
  Fine, Killing human
  c.1000
  1 l
  Fine, Killing ox
  c.1000
  30 d
  Fine, Killing sheep
  c.1000
  1 s
  Fine, Moving field marker
  13C
  12 d
  Fine, Soliciting a prostitute
  1369-70
  2 l
  Rodez, France
  Fine, Rape
  1369-70
  5 l
  Rodez, France
  Fine, Attempted Rape
  1307
  20 l
  Montaillou, France
  Fine, Selling supplies to English
  1369-70
  5 l
  Rodez, France
  Fine, Settling without leave
  1289
  6 d
  Farnham
  Fine, Settling without leave
  1301
  3 d
  Farnham
  Gable (fee to use land)
  pre-11C
  1 d/acre
  Herbaticum (pasture fee)
  11C
  1 animal per
  Sicily
  40 pastured
  Leave to settle suit
  1382-1429
  2-3 d
  Writtle
  Leave to withdraw suit
  1382-1429
  2-3 d
  Writtle
  Leywrite [Fee for fornication outside of marriage] 1305-22
  12 d
  Leywrite
  1322-40
  3 d - 6 d
  Leywrite
  1359
  5 s 4 d
  License to marry landed widow
  1379
  20 s
  Coltenham
  by her right (i.e. use of land for her life)
  License to marry landed widow
  1310
  6 s 8 d
  Coltenham
  License to marry landed widow
  1318
  4 s
  Coltenham
  Manumission
  1223
  12 d
  Farnham
  Manumission
  1267
  5 s
  Farnham
  Manumission
  1278
  40 s
  Farnham
  Merchet [Marriage fee]
  1261
  10 s
  Gawlingay
  Merchet
  1272
  6 s 8 d
  Stillington
  Merchet
  1272
  20 s
  Stillington
  Merchet
  1272
  1 s
  Stillington
  Merchet
  1289
  ½ to 1 s
  Farnham
  Merchet
  1291
  6 d
  Cuxham
  Merchet, general license (ave.)
  1398-1458
  73 d
  Ramsey
  Merchet, marry freeman (ave.)
  1398-1458
  80 d
  Ramsey
  Merchet, typical (ave.)
  1398-1458
  56 d
  Ramsey
  Pannage
  11C
  1 pig per
  30 pigs grazing Sicily
  Payment, Serf leaving manor
  1292
  6 d
  Farnham
  Payment, Stranger to settle
  1246
  1 s
  Farnham
  Taking Holy Orders
  1235
  6 s 8 d
  Wolrichston
  
  BY THE CLERGY
  The clergy governed the manor through punish-
  ment for evading tithes and customary fees and by
  penance for sins. The tithe (more fully discussed on
  pp. 64-66) was the Church’s primary source of rev-
  enue and was vigorously enforced. The Church also
  had several customary fees: the heusire (rent for a
  serf’s house and garden on an ecclesiastical manor);
  the Peter’s Pence (assessed on a serf’s cattle (1 d per
  30 d value of cattle for married serfs, half that for
  unmarried serfs); and the ploualmes (assessed on
  every plow yoked between Easter and Pentecost).
  The Church had its own courts which handled
  cases involving the inheritance of goods, but not
  land, divorce, and other cases involving marriage.
  Any cleric had the right to appeal to ecclesiastical
  justice, but laymen could rarely ask for it.
  Penance
  The parish priest also listened to his parish-
  ioners’ confessions and adjudged penance according
  to tradition and sometimes written penitentials.
  Isidore of Seville, a noted theologian, wrote that
  “there are eight chief vices – from which arise a
  copious multitude of faults – gluttony, fornication,
  avarice, languor, wrath, dejection, vainglory, and
  lastly the very leader and queen of these, pride.” Sins
  were a matter for the Church, which imposed
  penances ranging from self-denial to exile and
  forced pilgrimages. In assigning penance, the
  Church saw itself as a physician of the soul, seeking
  to cure the sickness of sin. Penance varied by gender,
  age, class, marital status, and the nature of the
  offense. It was imposed separately from ecclesiastical
  and civil punishments.
  Confessions could be made in public or in pri-
  vate depending on the confessee’s standing. By 9C
  at least confessions made in private were made
  under a seal of secrecy. While not publicly per-
  formed, penance was easily observable by one’s
  neighbors and likely a subject of general speculation
  and gossip. Before 13C, it seems likely that confes-
  sions were rarely made, probably just before leaving
  for long journeys, pilgrimages, war, or when con-
  fronted with life-threatening illness. The Fourth
  Lateran Council (1215) mandated that every
  Christian be confessed once per year and receive
  communion at Easter. Otherwise the Christian
  might be denied entrance to the church and denied
  a Christian burial. The Christian had to confess to
  the priest having jurisdiction over his or her diocese,
  or could confess to another with the first’s permis-
  sion. A few matters, like bigamy, fornication with a
  virgin, and murder of clergy could only be heard by
  bishops.
  At the end of this chapter there is a sampling of
  penances from various medieval penitentials (most-
  ly 6-9C); these penitentials are now historical docu-
  ments and do not reflect the current practices of the
  Catholic Church. When a penance is listed, it gen-
  erally includes: 3 days of each week without wine,
  mead, and meat, plus fasting until evening and eat-
  ing dry food; for three 40 day periods (Advent, Lent,
  and Pentecost) only eating dry food and fasting 3
  days until noon and 3 days until the evening vespers
  service (fasting on Sundays was forbidden); and on
  Sundays and certain holy days, the penitent could
  eat as much as his or her family or companions. 
  Penance could sometimes be satisfied by other
  measures. A year’s penance could be exchanged for
  3,000 lashes reciting a psalm at each 100. A month’s
  penance could be exchanged for singing 1,200
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 29
  SAMPLE COURT ROLLS
  The bailiff has accused Adam the miller that he
  dug white earth [chalk] in the way between
  Ledecumbe and Chelry to the hurt of his neighbors
  of Ledecumbe, and he says that he has not, and puts
  himself upon inquisition and let an inquisition be
  taken; in respite until next court
  – Letcombe Reggis, Berks, November 23, 1268
  John Daunsere in mercy for damages done in
  the lord’s wood by breaking and cutting down the
  lord’s thorns on the heath, by pledge. Sum 42 d.
  – Brightwaltham, August 20, 1272
  John Shad in mercy for a trespass made in
  Howelotesfeld with his draught cattle, pledge John
  atte Welle, fine 3 d.
  Thomas Fox for a trespass made in the wood,
  also Hugh Gibbe in mercy for the same 3 d.
  Rose Neuman for a trespass made with her
  sheep in the grass, pledge Thomas Sox 3 d.
  John Wolward in mercy for his oxen in the
  wood, pledge W. Fox 3 d.
  – Addington, Surrey, 1313
  
  psalms while kneeling. They could also be satisfied
  by fines: in 10C England, one day’s fast equaled 1 d,
  a whole year equaled 30 s. In the 14C, the Church
  began to evolve the indulgence system where sinners
  could do penance for sins they had not yet commit-
  ted. Clergy entrusted with granting indulgences
  were called quaestors or pardoners.
  Sanctuary
  The right to sanctuary allowed any Christian to
  seek shelter from civil law in a church for 40 days.
  The right was commonly claimed by those in politi-
  cal trouble and by thieves. The sanctuary seeker was
  fed by the church and was subject to civil justice if
  he or she left the church grounds. The church could
  refuse to give sanctuary, especially to clergy seeking
  it or to those who had committed crimes against the
  Church.
  Most pursuers, even the crown, would respect
  the church grounds, but there are a few exceptions.
  In 955, a mob tried to break open a Welsh church
  where a man had taken refuge. In 1284, a London
  goldsmith who had wounded a man was himself
  murdered on church grounds by the man’s friends.
  The murderers were successful in making the crime
  look like a suicide at first. When a witness came for-
  ward, the conspirators were arrested. Several were
  excommunicated and then executed by drawing and
  quartering. One was burnt. The church was inter-
  dicted by the archbishop; its door and window were
  stopped up with thorns.
  The sanctuary seeker could use the 40 days to
  confess and do penance; to ask the clergy to inter-
  cede with the civil authorities; or to escape from
  whomever might be watching the church. At times,
  the seeker was allowed to emigrate after
  confession and penance. Edward
  II ordered that, after the end
  of the 40
  days, the
  s e e k e r
  could be refused
  food and would not be
  allowed to emigrate.
  BY THE VILLAGERS
  The villagers themselves set many of their own
  rules and judged many of their disputes. The weight
  of a farmer’s vote depended on how much land his
  or her family held. In some matters, the landholder’s
  consent was required. In others, serfs were allowed a
  voice. In general, however, serfs and landless labor-
  ers were rarely consulted.
  The landholder often pressured villagers to hold
  regular councils and to settle their differences there.
  He or she could fine peasants for not attending reg-
  ular council meetings.
  Villagers appointed or nominated several offi-
  cials including wardens (to oversee other officers),
  provosts (to oversee animals and prevent stealing
  during harvest), messors (to defend against tres-
  passers), and woodwardens (to monitor use of the
  forest). Most of the officers were married men. Some
  women served in these posts, especially as ale-
  tasters. How often women served and whether they
  voted for officers is uncertain. Most historians
  believe such service to be rare.
  Almost none of these important officers were
  paid for their services. Where an officer had duties
  to the landholder, he or she might be paid with a
  parcel of land, an allotment of grain, or a share of
  fines. Other officials included ale-tasters (to ensure
  that ale was properly made), jurors (to judge dis-
  putes between farmers), grange-keepers and barn-
  keepers (to measure and monitor winter stores), and
  tax collectors.
  Manors did not have police forces. English vil-
  lagers organized themselves into tithings of ten adult
  (over age 12) males led by a tithingman (decennar-
  ius). All of a tithing’s members were liable for the
  actions of each other. They were expected to report
  crimes committed within their group and could be
  collectively fined. Each year, tithings gathered to
  induct new members and fine those illegally outside
  the system. Women, it appears, were never members
  of tithings because they were legal dependents of a
  male member.
  Unmarried women and widows were expected to
  attend manorial courts. They did infrequently give
  pledges for legal debts of family and neighbors. On
  the whole, however, they had little official role in the
  village’s governance.
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 30
  s
  
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 31
  SAMPLE PENANCES
  Abortion, 39 or fewer days from conception
  1 year
  Abortion, 40+ days from conception
  3 years
  Adultery
  1 year
  Baptism, allowing child to die unbaptized
  1 year
  Bathing with someone of other sex
  1 year
  Bestiality, offender under 15
  40 days, animal killed
  Bestiality, offender under 20
  15 years, animal killed
  Bestiality, married offender over 20
  20 years, animal killed
  Bestiality, married offender over 50
  No communion until deathbed, animal killed
  Bigamy with 2nd spouse
  1 year
  Bigamy with 3+ spouses
  7 years
  Burglary
  3 years, one of which on bread and water
  Celebrating Passover with Jews
  Driven from Church
  Communion, knowingly giving to heretics or Jews
  10 years
  Conjuring storms
  7 years
  Cross dressing
  3 years
  Cursing
  1 week plus apologize to target
  Divination, performing
  5 years
  Drunkenness of priest
  2 months
  Drunkenness, until vomiting
  15 days
  Eating or drinking beside pagan sacred
  two 40-day periods
  places; knowing
  Eating or drinking beside pagan sacred
  40 days on bread and water
  places; unknowing
  Eating unclean flesh or carrion unless
  40 days
  necessary to prevent starving
  Embezzlement, church funds
  3 years plus restitution
  Embezzlement, money for poor
  3 years plus restitution
  Fornication by a bishop
  13 years plus lose rank
  Fornication, desire but unable to do so
  40 days
  Fornication with parent
  3 years
  Fornication with virgin
  1 year plus fine paid to parent
  Fraud by bishop
  13 years plus lose rank
  Fraud with false weights and measure
  20 days on bread and water
  Giving "serious" sacrifices to demons
  10 years
  Giving "trivial" sacrifices to demons
  1 year
  Gluttony, until vomiting
  3 days
  "Guiding" (teaching/leading) the barbarians
  Penance for life
  if any Christian is thereby killed
  "Guiding" the barbarians if no
  14 years
  Christian is thereby killed
  Heresy by baptized Christian
  12 years
  Homosexual acts between women
  3 years
  Homosexual acts between men, if frequent
  10-15 years
  Homosexual acts between men, if infrequent
  3 years
  
  Fief Section V: Governance
  Page 32
  SAMPLE PENANCES
  Magical amulets, making
  3 years
  Mass, unknowingly allowing to be said
  1 year
  by heretic
  Mass, unknowingly allowing heretic
  40 days
  to participate
  Murder, accidental
  1 year
  Murder, with anger
  3 years
  Murder, to avenge parent or sibling
  4 years
  Murder, by bishop
  13 years, plus lose rank
  Murder, of clergy
  7 years
  Murder, of Jew or pagan
  40 days
  Murder, at liege's command
  40 days
  Murder, premeditated
  Exile for life
  Murder, in war
  40 days
  Perjury, committed in a church
  11 years
  Perjury, inducing another to commit
  7 years
  Perjury, knowing
  4 years
  Perjury, suspicion but not actual knowledge
  2 years
  that may be untrue
  Perjury, unknowing
  1 year
  Praying with Jews
  1 week
  Receiving stolen goods
  6 months
  Robbery
  6 months
  Slander
  3 years on bread and water
  Sodomy, with spouse
  40 days
  Touching or kissing woman, by priest
  40 days
  Theft, animal
  fine of 2-5 similar animals
  Theft, food, 1st offense
  1 year
  Theft, money
  replace x4 if from church; x2 if from secular person,
  plus 7 years' penance if frequent
  Theft, property
  replace goods plus fine of good's price
  Theft, during war (plunder)
  40 days plus 1/3 to be given to Church or poor
  Usury
  3 years
  Violating a tomb
  5 years
  Vow made on pagan sacred object
  3 years
  Worshiping demons or idol
  3 years
  Wounding in brawl
  pay leech's fee, plus fine, plus make up any lost work
  f
  
  A manor’s animals fit into two categories: work
  animals and food animals. All animals were treated
  harshly. They weren’t believed to have human-like
  feelings, or reason (though they were believed to
  have estimativa which let them perceive intent and
  emotions), or souls. Thus, humans did not owe ani-
  mals any affection or loyalty.
  Food animals were usually owned by individual
  families. Work animals were sometimes jointly owned
  by families. In Italy, a farmer could lease a food animal
  in return for half its wool, cheese or other products.
  Work animals could be leased for a fixed payment and
  restitution of the animal’s value if lost or for some
  fraction (usually 1/4) of the profits made from
  using the animal and restitution of the
  value if lost.
  FOOD ANIMALS
  Cattle, goats, pigs, and sheep were
  the manor’s basic food animals. Many
  animals were killed the same year they were born, so
  the manor only worried about keeping one male per
  village or per two or three villages and several breed-
  ing females healthy for the next year. Otherwise, food
  animals subsisted on fodder and rubbish with minimal
  supervision. Children kept animals out of the fields.
  At the end of autumn, landholders and peasants
  took careful stock of their animals and fodder and
  decided which animals to slaughter. Pigs were stickled
  for black pudding and then butchered for pork. Sheep
  were butchered for mutton and their skins sold for
  parchment. The winter slaughter required a fair
  amount of salt to preserve the meat and hide. Eight
  pounds of salt could brine-cure 100 pounds of meat.
  A pound of salt was needed per pound of cattle,
  horse, and deer hide preserved. A half-pound of salt
  was needed per pound of sheep hide. Too little salt
  caused spoilage. Too much salt caused hard, dry, bare-
  ly edible meat.
  Animals surviving the slaughter were moved
  into shelter for the winter. The landholder’s animals
  lived in barns. Farmers’ animals often shared part of
  the house.
  Wolves preyed on food animals in all seasons, but
  especially in winter. Wolves were feared not only
  because they preyed on livestock, but because they
  sometimes ate humans too. Soldiers saw wolves feast-
  ing on dead horses and men after a battle. They
  believed that once wolves acquired a taste for human
  flesh they would eat nothing else.
  In France, wolves were hunted for sport.
  Elsewhere they were hunted as pests. Wolf meat was
  considered inedible – hunters placed mutton in the
  cavity of a slain wolf for the dogs. By the end of the
  Middle Ages, wolves were all but extinct in Europe.
  Cattle were kept either in enclosed fields or in
  wooden cow sheds. In the winter, at least, they were
  housed at night to protect them from wolves
  and to add their heat to the family
  home. Few bulls were kept – one could
  service the cows from three villages.
  Most males were gelded to make them
  more docile. Young calves were slaugh-
  tered in the spring for their skin, which
  became vellum. Cows were also valued for
  their milk: a cow produced 120 to 150 gallons of milk
  per year; whereas a sheep produced only 7 to 12 gal-
  lons of milk each year.
  Goats were kept for meat, milk, wool, and fertil-
  izer, but performed the task less well than sheep.
  Goats, however, were hardy and able to graze on
  nearly any greenery. Sheep outnumbered goats by
  about 10 to 1. Goat skin, especially kid skin, was used
  for gloves.
  Pigs were either kept in loose herds watched by a
  swineherd or kept in a sty. By 14-15C, the sty was
  increasingly more common, but less efficient than
  herding. A sow will provide 2 litters per year of 6 or
  more piglets. By its second year, a pig was a reasonable
  size for meat. By 13C, wandering adult pigs were fitted
  with iron nose rings to discourage destructive rooting.
  Sheep were raised to provide meat, milk, wool,
  and fertilizer. Sheep, not cows, were the primary source
  of a farmer’s milk. In the French Pyrénées, the number
  of sheep a farmer owned was as important in measur-
  ing status as the amount of land owned. A farmer who
  owned a dozen sheep was considered well off.
  Before 8C, sheep were mostly kept for meat.
  After 8C, and especially after 11C, they were raised
  VI. Husbandry
  Page 33
  e
  
  for wool. Women washed and sheared the sheep, pro-
  ducing about a pound of wool per sheep per year.
  Sheep were raised in four basic colors: white, black,
  grey, and brown. Unlike pigs, sheep need careful tend-
  ing – they cannot defend themselves against preda-
  tors nor adapt well to weather changes. Sheep must
  be kept out of the fields because they crop so closely
  to the soil that cows and even horses can find little to
  eat after the sheep are done. Sheep were marked with
  bells, an ochre dye (riddle), and clipped ears.
  Landholders in England and France had the sole
  right to build dovecots. Doves produced dung to fer-
  tilize the fields and meat for feasts. Landholders also
  kept rabbits in warrens or in walled, paved court-
  yards. Newborn or unborn rabbits were not consid-
  ered “meat” and could be eaten on meatless fast days.
  Landholders often forbade villagers to own dogs or
  harm rabbits.
  Landholders built beehives for honey and wax.
  Hives were made of straw bound into a spiral in a
  dome or flat shape. To keep them dry, some were built
  into walls or gables, others were protected with a
  straw “hat”. Finally, landholders built fish ponds to
  supply fish for Church-imposed meatless days.
  Tenants might get piscary – the right to fish in the
  landholder’s pond.
  WORK ANIMALS
  Horses and oxen were
  the basic work animals. They
  pulled carts, hauled logs and
  stones, and plowed the fields. Once the padded
  horse collar and iron horseshoes had been intro-
  duced, the horse replaced the ox for most chores.
  The decision of which to use depended on speed
  (horses are faster), strength (oxen are stronger), and
  food required (oxen are cheaper to feed).
  Work animals were well cared for because they
  were expensive to replace. When they became too old
  to work, they were killed and sold for their hides. An
  ox’s working life was about 2-3 years. In 13C, the
  hides and meat of 16 old oxen could buy 14 new ones.
  The hides of 16 old horses could only buy seven new
  ones. Oxen were roasted for their meat. In continental
  Europe, horse meat was eaten; in England it was not.
  Ox hide was used for shoe leather. Horse hide was
  used for shoe leather, clothing, and furnishings.
  The basic types of horses were the affer (work
  horse), destrier (war horse), and palfry (riding horse).
  Work horses lasted about 15-20 years. There were a
  few texts on equine veterinary medicine. Jordanus
  Ruffus, a horse veterinarian to Frederick II
  Barbarossa, wrote De Medicine Equorum sometime
  between 1250 and 1256. Teodorico Borgognoni and
  Laurentius Rusius also wrote noted books on equine
  surgery in 1276 and early 14C respectively.
  Horses were, at first, allowed to roam wild in
  forests and small pastures (called parks). Every year,
  landholders rounded up the foals. Some were trained
  as riding horses, others as work horses. From 12C
  onward, large landholders and abbeys began system-
  atic breeding programs. This successfully developed
  the large warhorse.  Landholders quickly learned that
  it was far easier to lose a trait than to gain it. Mares
  began to be kept more carefully to keep undesirable
  stallions from getting to them.
  The Franks discovered Arabian horses during
  battles with Moors in 8C. In 964, Charles II of France
  forbade his subjects to give Vikings byrunics (mail
  coats), arms, or horses, as ransom, or for any other
  reason. Violators were executed as traitors. English
  and French landholders bought breeding stock from
  Spain, Lombardy, Denmark, Frisia, and Holland.
  Small landholders rarely had the land or food to
  breed horses. If left to graze, a horse needs a large pas-
  ture because it will not eat grass near its own drop-
  pings. A landholder would also need to hire a stallion
  to breed with his or her mares, or could purchase
  horses at need. In an attempt to breed more war hors-
  es, Philip III of France ordered every noble with 200
  livre of land or more and every “bourgois” with more
  than 1,500 livre of property to possess a brood mare.
  Every abbot, baron, count, and duke was required to
  have 4-6 breedable mares.
  Landholders kept dogs and falcons for hunting.
  There were several breeds of dogs: the lymer (track-
  er), brachet (hare hunter), greyhound (small game
  chaser), and alnut (bear and boar hunter). A modest
  landholder might own 3 to 4 dogs and join with
  neighbors for large hunts. The crown might own a
  pack of 50 or more dogs for its hunting. A
  Burgundian law punished dog theft by requiring the
  thief to publicly kiss the dog’s posterior. Hunting birds
  included the gerfalcon, sparrow hawk, kestrel, and
  goshawk. A hunting falcon’s theft was punished by
  letting the bird eat 6 oz. of flesh from the thief’s breast
  or head.
  Fief Section VI: Husbandry
  Page 34
  t
  
  Among the landholder’s privileges was that of
  bans or banalités (traditional monopolies). The most
  common were the mill; bread oven; brewhouse;
  cider, olive, and wine presses; smithy; tanneries; and
  iron forges.
  BREWING
  In England, ale brewing was regulated by the
  13C Assize of Bread and Ale (Assisa panis et cervisie).
  The Assize allowed landholders to fine those who
  used false weights and measures and charged higher
  than the proscribed price. The price was based upon
  the price of grain, limiting speculation and the
  opportunity for profit. Anyone who sold
  ale for profit was required to pay a
  fee at the regular manorial court.
  Landholders were also customarily
  entitled to the tolcester, one gallon from
  every batch of ale brewed by their ten-
  ants. After the Black Plague in 14C,
  ale brewing slowly became a full-
  time profession instead of a wide-
  spread hobby.
  Everyone, from children to
  the elderly, from farmers to
  nobles, drank ale throughout
  the day. Water was often pol-
  luted. Milk was used for cheese
  and butter. Wine was too
  expensive for any but the
  nobles. So ale was drunk in large
  quantities. Edward I provided his
  soldiers with about a gallon of ale
  per day. That allotment appears
  in household accounts, monastic ledgers, and even
  charitable allowances for the poor.
  In continental Europe, beer was a more common
  drink. For local consumption, ale was likely brewed
  by farmers since it required less skill and fewer uten-
  sils. Ale was sweeter than beer, but soured in a few
  days, thus creating a consistent strong demand.
  Beer, although more bitter, produced more alcoholic
  results from less grain, lasted longer, and was more
  likely to survive rough transportation to markets.
  Nearly every female farmer knew how to make
  ale and many sporadically sold their excess for prof-
  it. A few women, perhaps 40 in a total population of
  1,400, concentrated on ale-making and often con-
  trolled 60% or more of a manor’s production. Most
  were married women assisted by their husbands and
  children. Men sometimes competed in brewing,
  especially in regions where men spent more time in
  seasonal jobs like fishing and husbandry than in
  farming.
  Brewing was time-consuming and required sev-
  eral adults or an adult assisted by older children.
  Barley, oats, wheat, or some combination thereof
  was ground, soaked for several days, then drained of
  excess water, piled into a couch, germinated into
  malt, and cured in a kiln. The dried malt was
  then mixed with hot water to ferment it. The
  wort was drained and herbs added. To make beer,
  the malt was seethed for an hour or two
  with hops, colled, and the yeast and
  seasonings added.
  A bushel of grain produced
  between 6 ½ (very strong) and 12
  (very weak) gallons of ale. On aver-
  age, a bushel of malt produced 8 or 9
  gallons of “indifferent” ale or 18 to
  20 gallons of “very good” beer.
  A batch of ale could be ready
  within a day or less. Unfortunately,
  it soured within a few days.  At a
  castle in Worcestershire in 1446,
  ale brewers were forbidden to sell
  ale more than four days old. Ale
  also spoiled quickly if jostled during transport or
  forced to endure temperature changes. Most ale was
  sold or drunk where it was made.
  Beer or hopped ale swiftly became popular when
  it was introduced to England in 14-15C. Although
  beer was clearer, cheaper, and easier to preserve and
  transport, the necessary hops had to be imported
  from the continent, making it an unlikely product
  for most small villages.
  Most households had the basic supplies for
  brewing – grain, a large soaking vat, a trough or ladle
  to draw off water, and shovels or forks to turn grain
  VII. Monopolies
  Page 35
  
  in the couch. Only a malt kiln could not commonly
  be found in a farmer’s house. Although the process
  for making beer was similar, the necessity for import-
  ed hops and for more fuel made it a more expensive
  product for villagers to produce.
  MILLS
  The landholder could build a
  water or wind powered grain mill.
  While only serfs were required to
  grind grain there, the only alterna-
  tives for peasants were to use inef-
  ficient hand mills or to travel to
  another landholder or town’s
  mills. Serfs could be fined for tak-
  ing their grain elsewhere (20 s in 12C England) or
  for possessing hand mills. If a mill was so busy that it
  could not take more grain, or if the mill pond was
  lowered by drought, the serfs needed to wait 1½ to
  3 days before seeking other mills.
  Landholders usually rented mills to a peasant for
  an initial fee (26 s 8 d in 1208, Farnham; 2½ l 3½ s
  in 1348, Dewsbury) and an annual rent (10 s 3 d,
  Farnham). The miller then charged a fee (multure)
  for grinding grain. Multure was commonly 1/13 of
  the grain or flour for serfs and 1/24 of the grain or
  flour for peasants. Peasants could also pay a fee to
  jump a line of serfs and have their grain ground
  immediately.
  The miller was one of the least popular members
  of a village. Most were suspected of stealing grain,
  mixing lesser grain with a customer’s, and levying
  exorbitant fees.
  OVENS
  A shortage of wood for cook-
  ing in England led to communal
  baking ovens and ale brewing
  vats. The landholder became the
  only person who could build a
  communal oven. Again, serfs were
  required to use them regardless of
  the ability or honesty of the baker. Peasants were
  free, in theory, to find another oven, but rarely did
  so.
  Landholders appointed a peasant to be their
  baker. Some paid an entry fee (6 s 8 d for 3 years,
  Tintinhull, 1438; 10 s for 1 year, Tintinhull, 1459)
  and an annual rent. Others paid a portion of the
  oven’s profits. Bakers were allowed a profit of 4 d and
  the bran for each quarter of wheat and 2 loaves for
  the baking fee. He or she was expected to make 418
  pounds of bread from every 8 bushels of grain.
  Anything above that amount the baker could keep.
  Fief Section VII: Monopolies
  Page 36
  a
  
  Medieval society saw itself as divided into three
  classes – nobles (those who fought), clergy (those
  who prayed), and peasants (those who worked).
  Manors were home to about 90% of all three classes
  until about 13C. Thereafter, towns and cities began
  to grow in both size and importance.
  Life on a manor was cooperative, public, and
  tenuous. Villagers needed to work together to sur-
  vive. Farmers shared plows, work animals, and
  tools. They worked together to plant and harvest
  their fields. They were liable as a group for duties
  owed by their officials to the landholder.
  Cooperation was essential, but that didn’t mean the
  village was harmonious. There are hundreds of
  records in manor rolls of suits over trespassing, petty
  theft, and dishonored loans, and about the quality
  of labor and pay.
  Village life was intensely public. Everyone knew
  everyone else from birth; most families were inter-
  married. Both confession and penance were public,
  as were the village and manorial courts. Gossip,
  church, and the courts were about the only diver-
  sion from the familiar rut of village life. Conversely,
  there was also a concern for privacy and confiden-
  tiality. There were lawsuits over gossip, eavesdrop-
  ping, and disclosing confidential matters.
  Villagers rarely traveled beyond the sound of
  their church’s bells. A few went as far as the nearest
  market town; fewer still ran away to try their luck in
  the cities. Sometimes a family came to the nearest
  market town to settle. There was an intense fear of
  strangers, and disdain for those on neighboring
  manors.
  Life was tenuous. Villagers were at best a har-
  vest or two away from starvation. They were
  dependent on the landholder to protect the fields
  from bandits and war. They relied on the Church to
  protect their fields from bad weather, crop disease,
  and pests. Education and medical care were folklore
  handed down from parent to child and from priest
  to parishioner.
  Some of the basic social divisions were between
  landholder, peasant, and serf. Farmers were divided
  among themselves by land divisions. A wealthy serf
  family might hold 30 acres, a poor serf family 15
  acres, and a cotter family five acres.
  Population density varied. The adult male popu-
  lation of Bigstock, a holding of 1,400 acres, ranged
  from a low of 355 to a high of 495 between 1287 and
  1348. Women and minor children likely quadrupled
  that figure to reach a total population of between
  1,420 to 1,980.
  SERFS
  And we prohibit anyone to sell a man out of the country. But
  if he, who wishes to make his serf free, hand him over to the sher-
  iff by his right hand in full assembly, he must proclaim him quit of
  the yoke of servitude by manumission and show him free ways . . .
  – Laws of William the Conqueror
  We wish it to be known to the present generation and to pos-
  terity that Emma and Ikha, two pious women, belonging to the
  ancient stock of our church, have lost by fire the charter of their
  liberty, have come to us, and have sought from us that we would
  give them another. Now we, already assured of the truth of their
  statements, grant freely, and by this charter confirm them, liberty
  for themselves, and their posterity.
  – Gery, Abbot of St-Trond, 1172
  Being a serf was just about the bottom rung of
  medieval society. The only lower classes were crimi-
  nals and slaves. (Slavery existed in parts of medieval
  Europe; most were owned by wealthy merchants as
  household staff.) Jews were forbidden by the Fourth
  Lateran Council to own Christian slaves or serfs.
  Serfs were by far the most numerous part of
  medieval society.
  A person became a serf by birth, voluntary sub-
  mission, or, rarely, by marriage to a serf. Children of
  serfs were often themselves serfs. (In England, they
  VIII. Population
  Page 37
  n
  
  took the status of their mother. In northern Italy,
  children of mixed serf and peasant marriage were
  part serf and part peasant; if twins, one was a serf
  and the other peasant.) Eleventh century canon law
  deemed children and spouses of clergy as serfs. This
  custom was ignored by 14C. One could pay for the
  right to become a serf on a manor. The candidate
  was often a refugee or a criminal trading freedom for
  the chance to make a living as a farmer. When an
  outsider became a serf on an English manor,
  he or she was usually assigned to a
  tithing.
  Once a serf, a person could
  regain their freedom by manu-
  mission (purchasing it), by
  residence in a chartered
  city, by taking holy orders
  (see below), or, rarely, by
  marriage to a free person.
  Manumission’s price varied
  depending on the relative
  bargaining power of serf and
  landholder. Canon law for-
  bade clergy to manumit serfs
  except for fair market value; lay
  nobles sometimes freed serfs as a
  charitable act.
  With the rise of northern European
  chartered cities in 12C, a serf who could escape to a
  city and survive there for a year and one day became
  free. In Italian cities, the communes resisted granti-
  ng freedom to runaway farmers; in many a serf had
  to survive for 10 years before becoming free. Large
  landholders, some of whom controlled unchartered
  cities, often had agreements to return escaped serfs.
  In 10C northern Italy, the records of some
  manors had become so confused that imperial dele-
  gates had trouble telling whether a given farmer was
  a serf or peasant. Emperor Otto III complained that
  serfs lied. On manors where landholders had been
  negligent about enforcing their rights, farmers
  demanded poof of their own servitude. The Emperor
  responded by ruling in 998 that a serf who declared
  himself free was required to duel the landholder or
  the landholder’s champion. The Emperor also for-
  bade without exception the liberation of any serf
  held by the Church.
  A serf was partly property. Legally, a serf owned
  nothing. Practically, a serf owned some tools and
  farming implements. If part of a manor was sold or
  transferred, the serfs who worked that land went
  with it. Some landholders managed their serfs’ mar-
  riages with as much attention and care as when
  breeding their horses and dogs. If serfs from two dif-
  ferent manors married, the respective landholders
  agreed how the children would be divided.
  Serfs had some enforceable rights. Landholders
  needed serf labor in the fields. Without it, they could
  not maintain their castles, warhorses, and
  arms. In return for that labor, land-
  holders guaranteed the serfs’ right
  to farm their strips. The serf
  could buy, sell, and devise
  land within their families
  and to other villagers with-
  out landholder interfer-
  ence. They could only be
  evicted for rare reasons
  like murder, treason, or
  absolute and total neglect
  of their fields and labor
  duties.
  The distinguishing mark
  of the serf, as opposed to the
  peasant, was what compulsory
  labor and duties he or she was sub-
  ject to. Serfs owed uncompensated labor
  based on how much land the family “held.” Many
  owed additional labor as needed. In some villages,
  they also owed various payments in kind. In
  Farnham, the serfs together owed their landholder
  380 chickens and 3,000 eggs per year. In addition,
  serfs were subject to various marriage fees (merchet)
  and inheritance taxes (heriot).
  The average serf household is believed to have
  been four to six persons including spouses, children,
  and grandparents. Serf women performed much of
  the family’s labor – the margin for survival was too
  narrow to allow otherwise. Men held the plow;
  women guided the team. Both men and women har-
  rowed, seeded, weeded, reaped, and harvested.
  Women were more likely to tend the family’s ani-
  mals and sew its cloth. Men were more likely to do
  heavy labor and boon work. There are no records of
  women holding traditional serf offices like constable,
  reeve, or bailiff, but some were ale-testers and war-
  dens. It is not clear if women who held land spoke at
  village meetings.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 38
  h
  
  PEASANTS
  The next major rung up the social ladder was
  the peasant. “Peasant” first appears in English writ-
  ing in 1313 and then referred to a very small num-
  ber of farmers, perhaps 2% or less of those on a
  manor. One could become a peasant by birth, mar-
  riage, or manumission.
  A peasant’s daily life was little different from a
  serf’s. Instead of paying for the right to live on the
  manor with labor, the peasant paid rent in coin or
  crops or animals instead of in sweat. Instead of pay-
  ing heriot, a peasant’s heirs paid a fee of 1 s to 13½
  s to receive the land. Peasants also had the rarely
  exercised right to appeal the landholder’s decisions
  to royal courts and to sue therein. Some English
  farmers sued in royal court to have their status
  determined. Important tests included whether the
  farmer in question had ever paid a merchet or held
  traditional serf posts like reeve and bailiff.
  CRAFTERS
  The manor’s crafters were more likely to be
  peasants than serfs. Most learned their trade from
  their parents. On small manors, a crafter might work
  part-time at a craft and part-time in the fields.  Most
  carpenters and smiths were men, who were aided by
  their wives and daughters. Widows inherited their
  husband’s tools and trades. A few were recognized as
  femmes soles, crafters in their own right.
  The most notable manor crafters were black-
  smiths and carpenters. Millers and bakers were also
  crafters. In addition, even a small manor had its
  brewers, weavers, and others who produced their
  wares for the village and landholder. Larger manors
  might have armorers, fletchers, harness-makers, and
  tailors. Ecclesiastical manors might employ glaziers,
  enamelers, even goldsmiths.
  A manor’s blacksmith made and repaired farm
  implements, nails, and horseshoes. The main parts of
  a wheeled plow – the share and the coulter – were
  made of iron and needed frequent repair. Most
  smiths could make crude repairs on armor and
  weapons, but actually making either was a specialized
  trade. Being a blacksmith was a prestigious profes-
  sion. Turning raw iron into tool or weapon quality
  steel required significant skill. Blacksmiths were
  reputed to be allies of dark powers. They could cast
  or break spells, cure disease, and repair broken bones. 
  Blast furnaces appeared on large manors and
  towns in mid-14C. Water wheels pumped large bel-
  lows which increased the temperature in the fur-
  nace. The new furnace produced a steel that was 4%
  carbon and 96% iron. It allowed smiths to cast iron
  and to produce steel with less ore and at less cost.
  Cauldrons and better tools became affordable.
  A manor’s carpenter made and repaired most of
  its buildings, fences, wagons, harrows, and tool han-
  dles. The carpenter and smith worked together to
  make many tools.
  Pottery was often a part-time craft for some
  farmers. Jugs, cooking vessels, bowls, mugs, and tiles
  were produced wherever there was suitable clay.
  Glazed tiles or a glazed jug were rare luxuries for the
  average farmer. Brick chimneys and brick-lined
  hearths became increasingly common in 15C.
  Tanning and tawing animal hides was an elabo-
  rate, messy, smelly process which again was likely a
  part-time craft for some farmers. In the cities and
  towns, large tanneries purchased the surrounding
  countryside’s deadstock and turned it into leather.
  SERVANTS
  Both landholders and wealthy peasants had
  household servants. Full-time servants could com-
  prise 6-10% of a village’s population. Single peasant
  men and women traveled as itinerant laborers.
  When they married, they settled as farmers. Other
  laborers learned their trade from their parents and
  usually inherited the post when their parents grew
  too old or sick to perform their duties. Common ser-
  vants on small manors included a gateskeeper (who
  often doubled as the manor’s carpenter), a dairy-
  maid, carters, drovers, cooks, stable hands, and ani-
  mal traders.
  Servants were paid partly in cash, partly in kind,
  and partly in food. A dairymaid on Farnham was
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 39
  s
  
  paid 2 d per month, received one cheese per year,
  and was allocated 2 quarters of grain every 6
  months. She had the right to take some milk and
  cheese from her animals. The huntsmaster received
  the hide of game taken with his animals. He also
  received an ox skin in the winter for dog leashes
  and a cow hide in the summer for his boots. Those
  who flayed an animal got its head and shoulders.
  Other servants received a quarter of grain every
  eight weeks.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 40
  CRAFTER AND SERVANT WAGES (ENGLAND)
  Job
  Year
  Wages (per day)
  Comments
  Armorer
  1287-1305
  18 d/wk.
  Carpenter
  1210
  1½ - 2 d
  Carpenter
  1250
  3 d
  Carter
  13C
  2 d per ton per mile
  for hauling grain
  1 d per ton per mile
  Carter
  1299
  1-2 d
  Carter
  14C
  2½ d
  Carter
  1366-7
  6 s/yr.
  Carter with cart
  1280
  4 d
  Dairymaid
  1301
  2 d/mo.
  Plus 1 cheese/yr. and grain ration
  Dairymaid
  1366-7
  5 s/yr.
  Dairymaid
  1455
  10 s/yr.
  Gate-keeper
  1290
  6 s 8 d/yr.
  Guard, 5
  1222
  2 d/day for 16 days
  Harper
  13C
  5 s
  Horse Groom
  1210
  1½ d
  Hunts master
  13-14C
  ½ d
  Plus two hides per year
  Hunts master, royal
  1311
  12 d
  + ½ d per day for each hunting dog
  Hunter, berner
  1311
  3 d
  Hunter, fewterer
  1311
  2 d
  Hunts master, royal
  1322
  7 ½ d
  Hunts master, royal
  1323, 1326
  9 d
  Laborer
  1369-70
  2 s 6 d/day
  for hauling stone (women paid ½ rate) 
  Mason
  1246
  3 d
  Mason
  1287-1305
  9 d - 2 s/wk
  Musician
  1464
  7½ d
  Musician
  15C
  12 d
  royal musicians accompanying king
  to war in France
  Oxherd
  1366-7
  5 s/yr.
  Plowdriver
  1366-7
  5 s/yr.
  Plowholder
  1366-7
  6 s/yr.
  Reaper or binder
  1380
  4 d
  male and female
  Reaper w. scythe
  13C
  1 d if fed, 2 d if not
  male
  Reaper w. sickle
  13C
  ½ d if fed, 1 d if not
  female
  Reaper w. scythe
  14C
  3 d if fed
  male
  Reaper w. sickle
  14C
  2½ d if fed
  female
  Shepherd
  1366-7
  6 s/yr.
  Stonecutter
  1369-70
  4 s 8 d/day
  Swineherd
  1366-7
  5 s/yr.
  
  CLERGY
  Despite the sheer number of clergy in medieval
  Europe (2-3% of 13C England), a small manor was
  likely part of a larger parish and so would not have
  its own resident priest. The average parish had 4 to
  5 male clergy to tend its 300 parishioners. These
  usually resided together at a collegiate church and
  rarely traveled to the outlying villages. Even if the
  village had its own church, many priests did not
  reside on their parish. Many collected the benefice
  (fee) of the parish and hired a lesser cleric to actual-
  ly tend it. Other clergy held more than one benefice
  and again hired a lesser cleric to tend their various
  parishes.
  Most priests were “Mass” priests – they lived
  near urban areas and said masses on behalf of the
  dead for a small fee (4 d to 5 s). The parish priest was
  often born of a small landholder or peasant family
  within the parish. Priests were allowed to marry until
  12C; married priests were found well into 13C.
  Clerical celibacy was first mandated by Gregory
  VII in 1074, but sporadically enforced. Some parish-
  ioners preferred a married advisor who understood
  their problems; others disliked supporting the
  priest’s family and feared that the role would become
  hereditary.
  A resident priest might be assisted by a boy who
  performed household chores and a female house-
  keeper. After 13C, he might be assisted by church-
  wardens, who were elected from the parishioners to
  manage the building, vestments, and vessels in
  return for a small stipend.
  Why did anyone seek ordination? No matter
  how illiterate the cleric, no matter how poor the
  parish, a priest had status. All clergy had benefit of
  ecclesiastical law for any crime other than misde-
  meanors or high treason. In general, clergy could
  expect more lenient treatment from their own courts
  than from civil authorities. Low-born clergy had a
  greater opportunity for advancement and a greater
  chance for salvation than their secular relatives.
  The parish priest had several responsibilities.
  First, he was expected to teach parishioners about
  their faith, correct their sins, prevent heresy, and
  perform the sacraments. He baptized babies and told
  parents how to perform an emergency baptism if he
  were not present for the birth; arranged children’s
  confirmation; cared for the sick; buried the dead;
  and said the appropriate masses.
  By 14C, he was expected to expound on the 14
  articles of the faith, the seven sacraments (see pg.
  43), the seven works of mercy (corporal: feed the
  hungry, give drink to the  thirsty, clothe the naked,
  harbor strangers, visit the sick, minister to prisoners,
  and bury the dead; spiritual: convert sinners,
  instruct the ignorant, counsel the doubtful, comfort
  the sorrowful, bear wrongs patiently, forgive injuries,
  and pray for the living and the dead), the seven
  virtues (faith, hope, charity, justice, prudence, tem-
  perance, and fortitude), the ten commandments of
  the Old Testament and the two commandments of
  the Gospel, and the seven sins (pride, covetousness,
  lust, envy, gluttony, anger, and sloth).
  The priest was also expected to give charity to
  the poor and hospitality to travelers. The parish
  expected him to provide supernatural protection
  against natural disasters. Excommunication rituals 
  were used to kill eels in lakes, banish sparrows from
  a church, and destroy pests like caterpillars and
  “palmer worms.”
  Statues of saints and relics were carried into the
  fields to summon rain, banish hail, and slay insects.
  The priest blessed the fields, animals, and harvest
  alike. Church bells were rung to disperse storms and
  scatter demons. Landholders and farmers alike
  looked to the church to ward off famine and plague.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 41
  
  The parish priest was expected to provide for
  himself and the Church by farming the glebe
  (parish’s freehold); collecting benefice (tithe), cure
  (mortuary offerings), and fees; and passing on the
  appropriate share to the bishop (see pg 29).  The
  glebe, intermingled in the village’s fields,  was equal
  to or larger than the holding of a wealthy farmer.
  Some priests had the right to graze their animals on
  the common lands, to collect fallen wood for repairs,
  to cut peat, and to cut a Yule log. Priests did not col-
  lect money during mass, but some charged for per-
  forming baptism and marriage.
  The Church strongly discouraged priests from
  requiring payment for sacraments. Instead, parish-
  ioners made offerings at Christmas, Easter, the festi-
  val of the church’s patron saint, and the festival of
  the church’s dedication. They gave “mass pennies”
  for bread and wine shared at mass. “Plow pennies”
  were offered for a spring blessing of the plow and its
  team. Offerings were made to have a mass said on
  the anniversary of a loved one’s death, to announce
  bans, at weddings and churchings, and at funerals.
  Parishioners often supplied bread, wax, candles,
  eggs at Easter, cheese at Whitsuntide (the seventh
  week after Easter), and fowl at Christmas. In those
  few rural churches that had pews, the priest rented
  them.
  Priests could and did charge to say special mass-
  es for the dead. Benedictines were granted the
  unique ability to absolve sins. If a Benedictine said a
  mass every day for 30 days on behalf of a single per-
  son, that soul was believed to ascend directly to
  Heaven freed of Purgatory. A single priest could say
  four such masses each day. Large churches were
  filled with altars to allow several priests to celebrate
  mass at once. Canterbury Cathedral had at one
  point some 400 altars and 600 priests each to cele-
  brate masses for the dead.
  The Church had a series of problems with its
  rural priests. The most important were ignorance,
  nonresidence, and holding multiple benefices. Many
  resident rural clergy were ignorant of even basic
  theology. In 1222, five of seventeen priests serving
  the chapter of Salisbury cathedral were unable to
  translate the first sentence of the first prayer in the
  Canon of the Mass.
  Part of the problem, however, was a change in
  the priest’s perceived role. Before 12C, a parish
  priest was expected to correctly perform the rituals
  and instruct parishioners. After 12-13C, a parish
  priest was expected to take an active role in com-
  bating ignorance, heresy, and traces of pagan cus-
  toms. The priest was more tightly supervised by the
  bishop and his delegates. He also had to compete
  with mendicant friars. Thus, the problem may not
  have been as much ignorance as changing duties.
  Other complaints about resident clergy included
  being too “secular” – keeping horses; hunting; wear-
  ing fine clothes; eating fine meals; gambling; letting
  their tonsure grow out; and acting as merchant,
  moneylender, tavern keeper, seneschal, bailiff, or
  other secular roles. Other complaints included
  bigamy, embezzlement, murder, nepotism, simony,
  sodomy, witchcraft, and usury.
  Nonresident clergy were a persistent problem for
  the Church. Priests and canons (members of a
  cathedral chapter or a collegiate church) needed the
  permission of their bishop to be absent. They
  received it to study at universities, to attend a noble
  as a clerk or chaplain, to go on Crusade, to visit
  parishes or estates abroad, to go on holiday or pil-
  grimage, or even to escape “bad weather.” Many
  popes, including Innocent III, condemned nonresi-
  dent clergy, but the practice continued well into
  15C. Certainly they produced a fair amount of dis-
  satisfaction among the parishioners, who saw the
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 42
  o
  
  bulk of their tithes being sent off the parish to a dis-
  tant priest.
  Clergy with multiple benefices were a similar
  persistent problem for the Church. The average
  gross tithe income for a parish was 10 s per year; a
  very small number exceeded 5 l per year. After divi-
  sion, that left perhaps 2 ½ s per year for the priest.
  To support priests who taught at universities or held
  major offices, the Church allowed priests to hold
  more than one parish, receive its tithe, and hire
  someone to say the services at that church. By 14C,
  many priests held 2 or 3 benefices and received an
  annual income of 26-30 l. A priest holding a single
  benefice in 14C might earn 8-10 l per year. The
  Church could do little about the problem but exert
  strong social pressures on offenders, and discourage
  bishops from appointing clergy to multiple benefices.
  Mass, Sacraments, and Rituals
  The seven sacraments of the Church are bap-
  tism, confirmation, confession, communion, mar-
  riage, last rites, and (for males only) ordination. In an
  emergency, any Christian can perform a baptism or
  last rites. An ordained priest can perform those rites
  plus confession, communion, and marriage. Only a
  bishop can perform confirmation and ordination.
  The most common religious ceremony was mass.
  A priest often said mass daily for himself and any
  guests or servants. On Sunday, he said three masses
  for the entire parish – Matins, High Mass, and
  Evensong. Matins were begun near dawn and were
  sparsely attended. A few hours later, the priest rang
  the church bell for High Mass. Everyone in the
  parish was, in theory, required to attend unless pre-
  vented by illness or some other grave excuse. In
  many areas, only about half the villagers regularly
  attended services. Before the service, many visited
  the adjacent graveyard.
  Parishioners knelt or sat on the straw covered
  floor. Landholders brought stools, and sometimes
  their hunting dogs and falcons. The service was in
  Latin and there was little for parishioners to do –
  most could not read the Bible and hymns were rare
  (the Ave Maria appeared in France in early 13C).
  Many parishioners talked and gossiped. Those that
  paid attention complained that their priest mum-
  bled, clipped words, and whispered passages.
  Wealthy landholders and farmers might own
  primers, beads, and breviaries to study during mass.
  Everyone wore their best clothing, but their best and
  the priest’s vestments alike might be quite tattered
  and patched.
  As discussed under Clothing, a priest ideally
  had special garments worn just for mass – the alb,
  chasuble, hood or collar, and a stole. He also carried
  an embroidered maniple (essentially a towel used to
  handle and clean the chalice used for Mass).
  The priest read the Gospel and then announced
  whether there were any holy days or fast days in the
  upcoming week. He offered specific prayers for the
  pope, bishop, clergy in general, the king, landholder,
  and for any parishioner in need of spiritual aid. He
  then offered prayers for the church’s benefactors, for
  those who had committed deadly sin or who were in
  debt, for pilgrims, and for the souls of the dead. A
  sermon in the vernacular followed (sometimes read
  or cribbed from a book of sermons) along with a the-
  ology lesson and local announcements.
  Before 13C, most rural priests were not expected
  to preach. Few knew how. Bishops licensed monks 
  and later friars to preach doctrine, but most stayed in
  the cities. Franciscans were willing to preach in the
  countryside, but could only preach morals, unless
  specifically licensed to preach doctrine.
  Communion was rarely offered. Indeed, the
  Fourth Lateran Council (1215) only required that
  Christians take it once a year at Easter. Before a
  parishioner received communion, he or she con-
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 43
  CHURCH FEASTS
  The Church set aside a number of days on
  which work was technically forbidden, but
  often was performed. The usual days were: 12
  days at Yule; February 15th (commemorating
  when Christ overcame the Devil); March
  12th, the Feast of St. Gregory; 7 days before
  and 7 days after Easter; June 19th (commem-
  orating Sts. Peter and Paul); the week before
  St. Mary’s Mass (September 8th); All Hallows
  Eve; and 4 Wednesdays in 4 Ember Weeks
  (week after first Sunday in Lent, after
  Whitsunday, after September 14, and after
  December 13). The festival of the patron saint
  of the village’s church and the festival of its
  consecration were local feast days.
  
  fessed in a long process covering the past year and
  taking several hours. The priest gave absolution,
  delivered communion, and assigned penance. It was
  critical that the parishioner be in a state of grace
  when receiving communion. Villagers would also
  receive communion as part of the Last Rites.
  At weekly services, the parishioners paid for the
  village baker to make a loaf of bread (pain bénit)
  which was divided among the parishioners as a sym-
  bol of community. When the doctrine of transub-
  stantiation was enunciated in 1215, priests began to
  hold the host and consecrated wine in even more
  reverence. Many withheld the chalice from their
  parishioners to keep the Blood of Christ from being
  spilled and offered instead a sip of unconsecrated
  wine from a less ornate chalice.
  After High Mass, the priest visited
  the 
  sick 
  in 
  the 
  parish.
  Parishioners were instructed to
  spend the day on works of mercy
  and kindness. Many danced,
  drank, and played in the church-
  yard and surrounding fields. The
  Church hierarchy was scandalized
  by what it saw as disrespect for the
  dignity of the church and for the
  sanctity of the day, but it could
  enforce few reforms. When an
  archbishop of Rouen came across
  peasants plowing a field on a
  saint’s day, he confiscated the
  plow team and demanded a
  fine. This enforcement was so
  rare, however, that the tale
  has survived since 1264.
  Vespers was said in the early evening, and the
  parishioners could then go home.
  In addition to the major sacraments, parish-
  ioners had a variety of blessings and customs. On
  Easter Sunday in parts of England, all the fires in the
  village were extinguished. A new fire was kindled in
  the church. All the village fires were rekindled from
  it. The church’s fire was tended to burn continuous-
  ly until next Easter. Plows, plow beasts, and seeds
  were blessed each spring. Children received bless-
  ings at birth, their first haircut, and, for men, their
  first shave.
  Peasants and serfs made a public confession
  about once a year. Nobles and clergy might confess
  more often. (See pg. 29) Confession was the major
  time when clergy could inquire into their parish-
  ioners’ beliefs and actions. Confessors were expected
  to cross-examine their parishioners carefully.
  Foresters and other civil officials were warned not to
  hold “confessions” on pain of excommunication.
  The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) required
  each parishioner to confess once a year to his or her
  local parish priest. Boniface VIII’s bull Summa
  Cathedram (1300) allowed friars to receive confes-
  sions with the permission of the local priest or bish-
  op. This created a massive theological and political
  dispute within the Church, in part because it
  allowed malefactors to bypass their local priest and
  confess to a (perhaps more lenient) stranger.
  Another priestly duty was to ensure that every
  parishioner was baptized and received
  Last Rites before death. Baptism and
  Last Rites were the only sacraments
  any Christian could give in a gen-
  uine emergency. Even if the words
  were spoken in the vulgar tongue,
  even if the wrong words were
  spoken, so long as the intention
  was good, the rite was considered
  successful.
  Confirmation
  (sometimes
  called “Bishoping” in England)
  was necessary for a baptized
  Christian to partake of commun-
  ion. Children as young as 1 year
  old were brought before the bish-
  op when he made his annual
  inspection of the parish.
  While not a sacrament, women
  were
  “churched” after giving birth to purify themselves.
  The custom came from an Old Testament rule that
  a women was “impure” for six weeks following child-
  birth and thus could not attend mass. At the end of
  the six weeks, she was welcomed back into the com-
  munity with a “churching” ceremony.
  Baptismal and Proprietary Churches
  Churches were divided between baptismal
  churches and proprietary churches. As the name
  implies, a baptismal church had been given by its
  bishop the right to have a baptismal font and burial
  ground. Baptismal churches were important in Italy
  and less critical in other areas. The distinction
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 44
  t
  
  between baptismal churches and proprietary
  churches is primarily important in figuring out
  which church is entitled to tithes if there is more
  than one church in a parish. The distinction is also
  important in deciding who is responsible for sup-
  porting the church and who can sell its land, vest-
  ments, and vessels. In 12C, the distinction became
  less important as more rights were granted to propri-
  etary churches. This led to a shift from the baptismal
  plebeium to the general parish.
  Baptismal churches had the sole right to perform
  baptisms. On Palm Sunday, the olive or palm
  branches were blessed at its baptistry. Other litanies
  (solemn processions) and important ecclesiastical
  banquets were held there. Parishioners were
  required to visit baptismal churches on important
  church festivals. Clergy in subject churches were
  often required to vow obedience to the rector of the
  baptismal church and to pay a small fee as a token of
  subordination.
  The church’s rector was nominated by the parish
  and approved by the bishop. Rectors were required
  to attend the bishop’s annual synod and to host the
  bishop during periodic visits to the diocese. Large
  baptismal churches were “collegiate” churches
  where several clergy lived together as a religious
  community. In these churches, the clergy chose one
  of their number to act as an “archpriest” or plebanus.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 45
  CHURCH INCOMES AND EXPENSES
  Item
  Year
  CostorAnnual Wage
  Comments
  Alb with amice
  1389
  3 s
  Cambridge
  Bell, church
  13C
  18-20 l
  Bible
  1331
  110 l
  England
  Chalice
  1389
  10 s
  Cambridge
  Chaplain
  13C
  14 l
  Chaplain
  1224
  50 s
  Chaplain, stipendary
  13C
  66 s 8 d
  Chrism
  until 12C
  6 d/year
  After 12C no cost
  Churchwarden
  14C
  1 s
  Clerk
  1220
  20 s
  Stunning
  Clerk
  1229
  40 s
  Wincester
  Deacon
  1236
  4 l
  Bamburgh
  Fee, avoid
  1363
  20 pullets (chickens)
  England
  churchwarden duty
  Fee, avoid
  1364
  1 s 6 d
  England
  churchwarden duty
  Fee, avoid synod
  13C
  1-2 s
  Priest, “pluralist”
  13C
  26-30 l
  with 2-3 prebends
  Fee, for funeral
  1369-70
  8 d
  Rodez, France (technically 
  illegal under canon law)
  Indulgence
  1307
  10-20 l
  Rome
  Indulgence
  1300
  12 d
  Montaillou, France
  Priest
  1236
  8 l
  Barnburgh
  Priest, parish
  13C
  14 l
  Hereford
  Priest, parish
  1295
  3 l 6 s 8 d
  Subdeacon
  1236
  3 l 6 s 8 d
  Bamburgh
  Vestments, simple
  13C
  10-20 s
  Vicar
  13C
  8-10 s
  Vicar
  1214
  40 s
  Vicar
  1214
  1 d/day
  2 d/day on certain feast days
  Wafer (host) maker
  13C
  6 s 8 d
  
  Proprietary churches were those built by a lay
  landholder or his or her ancestors. Their land was
  still owned by the landholder who could sell, rent, or
  bequeath it at will. The landholder nominated the
  priest, subject to the bishop’s approval. A propri-
  etary church could not
  have a baptismal font.
  Often, a baptismal church’s
  rector traveled to propri-
  etary churches to say mass
  on the feast of the proprietary
  church’s saint.
  Friars and Pardoners
  Friars often visited rural
  parishes. The major mendi-
  cant movements were estab-
  lished in 13C. The friars were
  clergy who, unlike monks,
  lived among the laity and
  preached directly to them. In
  1300, Boniface’s bull Summa
  Cathedram established the
  rights of friars and other cler-
  gy. Friars could preach in a
  parish by invitation of its
  priest or in a diocese by
  invitation of its bishop.
  They could preach in pub-
  lic places, but not in the
  parish church unless invit-
  ed. They could hear confession, but were required to
  give a quarter of all offerings and legacies received to
  the parish priest. The number of friars authorized to
  receive confessions was limited by the friars them-
  selves.
  The laity flocked to friars because they were usu-
  ally better educated and better traveled than their
  local counterparts. Their preaching was plain and
  lively-they told stories about their travels, joked, and
  read poetry. They even asked their audience to join
  in and encouraged heckling. Many friars were open-
  ly contemptuous of parish clergy and preached
  against them to their own parishioners. As tithes
  and gifts flowed to their orders, the other clergy
  complained to the bishops and to the papacy.
  In 14C, friars were joined by itinerant pardoners.
  A complicated rationalization had convinced the
  Church that it had an unlimited “treasury” of good
  deeds done by the saints which it could sell to expi-
  ate a sinner’s deeds or those of his ancestors.
  Pardoners were licensed by the church to disburse
  this treasury. Authorized pardoners bore letters from
  the papacy or a local bishop certifying their
  respectability. Unauthorized
  pardoners
  also wandered
  about, much in the fashion
  of friars, preaching, showing
  their relics, and selling indul-
  gences.
  Heretics
  There were a number of
  prominent heretical move-
  ments in the countryside of
  medieval 
  Europe. 
  Among
  them were the Cathars and
  Waldensians of southern and
  eastern France, the Brethren
  of the Free Spirit, and others.
  The 
  doctrinal 
  differences
  between the movements are
  perhaps less relevant to a small
  manor than their similarities.
  Most appeared in areas
  where the parish clergy and
  local monasteries had been
  lax and corrupt for years.
  Heretics preached directly
  to the populace in the vernacular.
  Some even translated the Bible, with varying
  degrees of accuracy, and urged the faithful to study
  it for themselves. Many were well-trained theolo-
  gians. Catholic bishops sent to debate Cathar the-
  ologians in southern France often found themselves
  losing on fine points of scripture. (Dominicans and
  Franciscans fared better in their debates.) Many
  heretics were demonstrably poor – they lived simple
  lives in the community and did not take tithes for
  their income. Many of the major heretical move-
  ments allowed women to preach and act as full
  members of the clergy.
  The Church took a strong stand against heresy
  and expected its bishops and priests to combat it
  wherever it appeared. Eventually, the Church creat-
  ed the Inquisition to examine the beliefs of parish-
  ioners, particularly in areas like Southern France
  and Spain which had strong heretical movements.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 46
  m
  
  NOBLES
  Certain barons have enormous power because of their land,
  domains, and the nobility that goes with them. Thereby, their
  wives have considerable status. These women must be highly
  knowledgeable about government, and wise – in fact, far wiser
  than most other such women in power. The knowledge of a
  baroness must be comprehensive that she can understand every-
  thing. Of her a philosopher might have said: “No one is wise who
  does not know some part of everything.” Moreover, she must have
  the courage of a man . . . If barons wish to be honored as they
  deserve, they spend very little time in their manors and on their
  own lands. Going to war, attending their prince’s court, and trav-
  eling are three primary duties of such a lord. So the lady, his com-
  panion, must represent him at home during his absences . . .
  When wronged, her men must be able to turn to her for refuge
  . . . She must be knowledgeable in the mores of her locality and
  instructed in its usages, rights, and customs. She must be a good
  speaker . . . Again, she should have a man’s heart. She must
  know the laws of arms and all things pertaining to warfare, ever
  prepared to command her men if there is need of it. She has to
  know both assault and defense tactics to insure that her fortress-
  es are well defended, if she has any expectation of attack or
  believes she must initiate military action . . .
  A slightly different manner of life from that of the baroness-
  es is suitable for ladies and demoiselles living in fortified places or
  on their lands outside of town . . . These women spend much of
  their lives in households without husbands . . . So the ladies will
  have responsibilities for managing their property, their revenues,
  and their lands. She must know the yearly income from her
  estate. The lady or demoiselle must be well informed about the
  rights of domains of fiefs and secondary fiefs, about contributions,
  the lord’s rights of harvest, shared crops, and all other rights of
  possession, and the customs both local and foreign . . . Farming
  also is this good housekeeper’s domain. In what weather and in
  what season the fields should be fertilized; whether the land is
  moist or dry; the best way to have furrows run according to the
  lay of the land; their proper depth, straightness, and parallel lay-
  out; and the favorable time for sowing with seed suited to the land
  – all this she must know . . . The excellent keeper of the house-
  hold sometimes brings in more profit than derives from the rents
  and income of the land itself.
  – Christian de Pizan, Le Livre des Trois Vertus (1405)
  “Nobles” are not an easily defined class – they
  varied from those holding knight’s fees, who lived
  little better than peasants, to great counts and kings.
  In general, they all owned sufficient land to support
  themselves and their families. Men and women both
  were trained in warfare. Men were trained from
  childhood to prove their mettle in battle and tour-
  nament. Women were trained to defend their
  manors during their husband’s frequent absences.
  From the farmer’s perspective, it mattered little
  whether the landholder was a secular noble or a
  cleric. The farmer was far more concerned about
  whether he or she was efficient or lax, conservative
  or profligate, present or absent, a caring manager or
  renowned as a “flayer of rustics.”
  Toward the end of the Middle Ages, knighthood
  became separate from landholding. A man could be
  knighted by his father, uncle, a local noble, or by roy-
  alty. Women were admitted to certain chivalric
  orders – St. James of Compostelle, St. John of
  Jerusalem, the Servants of Virtue, the Order of the
  Cordeliers, and others-and referred to as equitissa or
  chavaliére, but they were apparently not considered
  “knights”. In Bretagne, unmarried women who
  inherited land were called “knights”, but again their
  status is unclear. Knighthood ceremonies were fairly
  simple until the end of 12C; the clerical trappings of
  knighthood, including vigils, appear in the mid-13C.
  Noble men had primary responsibility for
  defending the manor, but were rarely present to do
  so. They spent most of the summer away from the
  manor at tournaments, war, their liege’s court, or on
  Crusade. When home, they were expected to defend
  the manor from bandits, brigands, and foraging
  expeditions.
  Noble women had limited political power. In
  England, they were often considered under the pro-
  tection of their father, husband, or other guardian. It
  was highly unlikely that a single woman with any
  sort of land would remain unmarried. On the other
  hand, a noble woman was most likely to know the
  fief’s accounts and affairs because she remained
  there while her husband went to tournaments and
  war. She was the more likely landholder to be liter-
  ate in Latin and French. She oversaw servants and
  laborers, handled transactions, and helped weave
  and sew the clothing her family wore. As a widow,
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 47
  The lord ought to love God and justice, and be faith-
  ful and true in his sayings and doing, and he ought to hate
  sin and injustice, and evil-doing. The lord ought not to
  take counsel with young men full of young blood, and
  ready courage, who know little or nothing of business, nor
  any juggler, flatterer, or idle taker, nor such as bear wit-
  ness by present, but he ought to take counsel with worthy
  and faithful men, ripe in years, who have seen much, and
  know much, and who are known to be of good fame, and
  who never were caught or convicted for treachery or any
  wrong doing . . .
  –William of Henley
  
  she was entitled to 1/3 to 2/3 of the land in her own
  right and had the right to reside in the remainder for
  her life provided she remained chaste. Her children
  remained with her until age 7 or so. Many were then
  sent away to be educated by their uncles, aunts,
  cousins, godparents, or other patrons.
  The landholder’s primary source of income was
  his or her own fields, customary monopolies, and
  rights. Ransom from prisoners taken in war and at
  tournaments could be lucrative income, but then
  the landholder risked being captured himself. War
  also brought opportunities for pillage. A few land-
  holders even robbed travelers in times of relative
  peace.
  A landholder’s expenses began with basic family
  needs including food and clothing. He or she need-
  ed to retain servants appropriate to his or her sta-
  tion. The landholder and his or her soldiers needed
  arms, armor, and war horses. Then there were pay-
  ments owed to the landholder’s liege and to the
  Church. What remained went to amusements –
  feasts (including receptions, marriages, knightings,
  holy days, etc.), hunting, and tournaments.
  Generosity was a virtue; frugality and avarice a
  vice. Landholders seemed constantly in need of
  money, constantly in debt. When a landholder’s
  income failed, he or she could sell liberties back to
  the farmers and could borrow money from the
  Church and from Jewish and Italian moneylenders.
  Unfortunately for their creditors, landholders
  were a poor credit risk and often took to bor-
  rowing from one creditor to pay interest
  to another in an endless spiral of
  debt. Since neither the Church nor the royal pro-
  tectors of the Jews and Italian bankers were general-
  ly willing to root a recalcitrant landholder from his
  or her castle, defaults were common.
  TRAVELERS
  Even a small manor might be visited by lay trav-
  elers as well as by friars and other clergy. Like friars,
  these wanderers brought stories of the wider world
  to nobles and farmers alike. Travelers might be crim-
  inals and vagabonds, herbalists, messengers, ped-
  dlers, and pilgrims.
  On the one hand, they were suspicious and
  untrusted because they did not have any local per-
  son to vouch for their behavior. A stranger traveling
  at night might quickly be accused of any unsolved
  thefts or mischief. On the other hand, they were
  deemed deserving of charity and prayer because they
  did not have the protection of local patrons. Noble
  travelers, their servants, and minstrels might be
  invited guests of a local monastery. Others might
  seek refuge in the nearest church. Poor travelers
  might be allowed to sleep in a hay loft or on the
  church floor.
  Criminals were commonly banished. Those ban-
  ished (outlaw, m., weyve, f.) were literally outside the
  law. They could be killed by anyone who encoun-
  tered them. Intermingled with those actually outside
  the law were robbers and thieves traveling just
  ahead of their crimes.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 48
  
  Runaway serfs, artisans, and other vagabonds some-
  times found their way into villages seeking work.
  Entertainers of various types traveled from town
  to town and occasionally performed at small manors
  enroute. There were many jugglers, musicians,
  singers, and animal trainers. Their repertoires
  ranged from learned ballads of courtly love and
  knights’ deeds, to saints’ lives and Bible stories, to
  coarse drinking songs. Since a small manor could
  probably not afford a professional resident entertain-
  er, a wanderer’s visit was likely quite welcome.
  A number of travelers sold herbal remedies of
  one sort or another. Both England and France
  issued royal laws prohibiting unlicenced
  physicians in 14C. Given the average
  knowledge and skill of a university
  educated physician in 14C, how-
  ever, a patient might fare no
  worse at the hands of a wander-
  ing herbalist.
  Although not a traveler per
  se, a hermit might be near a vil-
  lage. Occasionally, a person
  might decide to take up solitary
  residence in the forest and pray. To
  prevent imposters, the Church
  issued testimonial letters to hermits
  discussing their purpose and dedi-
  cation to God. In Germany and
  France, a village might also be
  visited by penitent flagellants 
  (14C) who whipped themselves
  with knotted cords. The flagellants were condemned
  by the papacy in 1349; archbishops and bishops were
  ordered to imprison them.
  Large landholders and officials had messengers 
  who carried letters and important documents.
  Merchants, small landholders, and farmers often
  relied on travelers to deliver their letters. In general,
  a messenger was unlikely to visit a small manor
  unless it lay near a major road. If one did, he was
  likely extended every courtesy, including being
  allowed to take a short-cut through the fields.
  Pilgrims were common, starting in 12C. Some
  traveled to the great shrines of Jerusalem, Rome,
  and Santiago de Compostelle in Spain. Others jour-
  neyed to more convenient sites like Canterbury,
  Mont-St-Michel, or Rochmadour. Their motives
  ranged from religious devotion, to fulfilling a vow or
  expiating a sin, to adventure, to escaping family or
  duties. Most were merchants, clergy, and nobles;
  farmers could rarely afford the journey. The pilgrim-
  age routes to major destinations were along major
  roads with inns maintained by the major monastic
  orders. Unless a small manor lay near one of those
  routes or near a significant minor shrine, it was
  unlikely to receive many pilgrims.
  To limit false pilgrims, Richard II decreed in
  1388 that each must get a letter of passage from
  appointed royal officials. Those traveling by sea had
  to get a license at certain ports (Boston, Bristol,
  Dartmouth, Dover, Kingston-upon-Hull, London,
  Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Plymouth, Sandwich,
  Southampton, and Yarmouth) or else they
  could not be taken on any ship. In
  1389, the crown limited departing
  pilgrims to leaving from Dover
  or Plymouth. Returning pil-
  grims often carried small lead
  or pewter medallions sewn on
  their garments as souvenirs of
  the trip. Usually, they had sto-
  ries of their adventures and of
  the wider world.
  In mountainous regions, vil-
  lages might be annually visited by
  migrating shepherds and their
  flocks. The shepherds spent their
  summers in mountain pastures
  and their winters in the lowlands.
  Twice each year they brought their
  entire flock across the countryside.
  Local landholders negotiated with shepherds about
  where their flocks would spend the night, and
  deposit their valuable manure. Shepherds were used
  as messengers by farmers, and widely credited with
  magical powers.
  Mountainous villages sometimes lay near shep-
  herd fields. Villagers working in distant fields or
  gathering wood in the forest might take shelter from
  bad weather in the shepherds communal home, the
  cabane. A typical cabane was made of stone and held
  six to ten shepherds. Sheep, often in flocks of 200-
  300, were protected from wolves, bears and lynx in
  a cortal (a fenced shelter). The cortal was also used
  as a shelter for temporary workers or visitors.
  Shepherds in southern France were known to shel-
  ter Cathars and other heretics from the Inquisition.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 49
  g
  
  HIDDEN PRESENCES: CROWN, LIEGE
  AND BISHOP
  A number of important people could influence
  the manor without setting foot on it. They included
  the crown, the landholder’s liege, and the local bish-
  op. The landholder’s liege and the bishop often had
  a right to demand hospitality (shelter and food) from
  the manor, and regularly exercised it to keep down
  their own expenses.
  The crown had its greatest effect through its tax
  collectors and its courts. The English crown divided
  the countryside into shires. Each shire had an assem-
  bly called a moot, and its sheriff. The shire was divid-
  ed into hundreds, each with its own hundred-moot
  and hundred-reeve. Local landholders replaced the
  hundred-reeve by the end of 10C, but the hundred-
  moot survived as a farmers’ assembly. A 9C royal
  ordinance said that hundred courts met every
  month in a central place. In late 10C, the English
  crown created several ship-hundreds to supply a royal
  fleet of 60 ships. The ship-hundreds were not gov-
  erned by sheriffs, but by whoever was responsible for
  each ship.
  In post-Conquest England, the sheriff was a
  common intermediary between the crown and the
  manors. The sheriff was charged with collecting
  royal taxes, delivering writs, attaching property, pur-
  chasing or seizing supplies for the royal army, and
  empaneling jurors for royal courts. Landholders
  could summon him to enforce rents and services and
  to dispel riots. The Magna Carta limited the sheriff
  to two visits per year because his presence caused a
  loss of time and money. In 1258, another royal
  reform limited sheriffs to one year terms and
  required them to hear all complaints of injustices in
  their shires. The sheriff was also charged with aiding
  other royal officers, including foresters and hunts
  masters. As the Robin Hood ballads suggest, sheriffs
  were not popular with farmers. Many were accused
  of cruelty and harshness, especially in attaching
  property and collecting royal taxes.
  Another common royal official was the coroner,
  who was charged with investigating sudden or
  unnatural deaths. Each county elected four coroners
  from its landholders. When a body was found, the
  coroner was summoned and the bailiff summoned a
  jury from the village and neighboring villages to
  investigate the death. The coroner and the jury then
  examined the body and questioned family, neigh-
  bors, and witnesses. If an item was responsible for an
  accidental death, it was confiscated and sold to pay
  for prayers for the deceased’s soul. (The deceased
  had, after all, died without the sacrament of Last
  Rites.) The coroner was responsible for collecting
  the item and turning it over to the royal treasury.
  The crown also sent itinerant royal judges to
  investigate royal officials. The Magna Carta fixed
  their inquests to four per year. There were also the
  various forest officials discussed on pages 22-23.
  The French system, created by Philippe II
  Auguste in mid-12C, relied on ballis. The ballis was
  an administrator, diplomat, judicial officer, and had
  control of the royal troops. Often, a ballis held one
  or more important castles for the crown. He also
  enforced royal laws, especially criminal laws. The
  Counts of Savoy used a less powerful ballis and
  relied upon castellans, who were obliged to provide
  an annual accounting to a tribunal of clerks.
  The king himself was seen by peasants as their
  protector, with a holy duty to guarantee peace and
  justice. Peasants believed that their king could not
  wish them to be unhappy and would not tolerate
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 50h
  
  corrupt officials. Their only explanation for rapa-
  cious royal officials was that the king was being
  deceived by sycophants at court. Thus, when peas-
  ants revolted, they often hoped the crown would
  make a personal appearance and set right the wrongs
  done them.
  The landholder’s liege had a powerful influence.
  The liege might be the crown, an intermediate land-
  holder, a cleric, or a city or town. The liege had two
  powerful rights – to compel the landholder to attend
  his or her court, and to demand hospitality when
  visiting. A landholder was often called to court to
  advise his or her liege, to witness important
  events, or merely to be evaluated. Lieges
  visited frequently to see how a manor was
  managed, to listen to complaints, and to
  reduce their household expenses by living
  off the landholder’s supplies.
  The medieval bishop was responsi-
  ble for ordaining and overseeing each
  parish within his diocese. Bishops were
  divided into the “Ordinary,” who were
  more concerned with royal administra-
  tion, and the “Suffragan,” who were
  responsible for the bishop’s sacra-
  mental duties. A diocese usually
  had 2-6 suffragan bishops. A
  bishop often delegated his
  tasks 
  to 
  various 
  aides,
  including the archdeacon
  (charged with collecting the
  bishop’s share of tithes, often given a
  defined geographic region to administer),
  archpriest (later dean) (ceremonial), chancellor
  (private secretary, head of cathedral school, library,
  and archives, judge of cases not handled by archdea-
  cons and appeals from archdeacon’s decisions), vicar
  forane (later rural dean) (regional administrative and
  investigative), and vicar general (Pre-13C, special
  confessor for sins only a bishop can absolve. Post
  13C, the bishop’s deputy able to exercise ordinary
  jurisdiction as if he were the bishop). Of the above,
  the archdeacon is most likely to actually visit parish-
  es, investigate matters there, perform confirmations,
  examine priests, and ordain them.
  Until 11C, bishops were usually elected by lay
  leaders in their community. In 11C, the cathedral
  chapter began to elect the bishop. In practice, the
  bishop was usually chosen from a list of nominees
  drafted by powerful nobles or the crown. The
  Chapter of Salisbury was once arrested when it
  failed to elect the king’s candidate. A papal legate
  intervened to prevent the chapter from being
  charged with treason. The candidate was elected on
  a second ballot.
  The involvement of nobles in choosing bishops
  led to an investiture conflict between Pope Gregory
  VIII and Emperor Henry of the Holy Roman
  Empire. In England, the pope appointed the bishop
  of Worcester. All other bishops were appointed by
  the crown. No other European kingdom had the
  same power over its bishops.
  The bishop had the right to compel all
  the clergy in his diocese to attend
  his 
  annual 
  synod. 
  Some
  allowed clergy to pay a fee of 1-
  2 s to avoid the trip. Most bish-
  ops held their synods in the early
  fall, just after the harvest. A few held a
  second session in the spring. The
  synod provided an occasion where civil
  and ecclesiastical lawsuits could be heard
  and settled, reforms announced, and
  clergy educated.
  The local bishop, theoretically, had
  a duty to make an annual visit to each
  parish within his diocese. On these visits, he
  interviewed the clergy and parishioners looking for
  irregularities, ecclesiastical crimes, and so on.
  Unfortunately, most bishops had 2,000 to 3,000
  clerics under their care, and diocese too large to
  conveniently supervise. Bishops delegated their
  investigatory duty to an archdeacon or rural dean.
  If the manor’s church was a proprietary one, it was
  subject to the rural archpriest of the local baptismal
  church. The rural archpriest had many of the pow-
  ers of a petty bishop and had a duty to visit each
  church to say mass on the feast of its patron saint.
  A bishop’s visit was a significant strain on a
  parish’s supplies. He could arrive with 30 to 40 ser-
  vants and their horses, all of which needed shelter
  and food. The Third Lateran Council (1179) recog-
  nized this problem and suggested limits. An arch-
  bishop could only demand hospitality for himself
  and 50 others. A bishop could bring a retinue of 30.
  An archdean was limited to 7 and a dean to 2. There
  didn’t seem to be any formal limit on how long the
  visit could last, however.
  Fief Section VIII: Population
  Page 51
  f
  
  The manor was the heart of medieval society. In
  addition to supporting its farmers, it provided the
  vast majority of the food eaten by royalty, guild mas-
  ters, artisans, bishops, knights, and beggars. But its
  inhabitants were generally illiterate and ill-traveled.
  Almost all lived their entire lives without ever trav-
  eling beyond the sound of their church’s bell (about
  a 5 mile radius).
  Given their isolation, customs varied tremen-
  dously by time and place, even between neighboring
  manors. Record keeping was
  sparse, often limited to terse
  court rolls and tax records.
  Those rare writers who con-
  cerned themselves with small
  manors were rarely insiders,
  and often had an agenda or
  view they wished to spread in
  their works. This section
  should be taken as a gross
  generalization, at best.
  CHILDREN
  Childbirth was a mystery
  to 
  most 
  medieval 
  men.
  Women gave birth alone, or
  surrounded by other women.
  Even 
  gynecological 
  texts
  rarely include a description of
  a birth, although some do
  describe breach births and cesarean sections.
  Childbirth was dangerous, but most women and
  infants survived it.
  After birth, the child was washed in warm water
  mixed with oil, salt, rose petals, or other herbs. The
  mother or midwife cut the umbilical cord. If the
  child were unhealthy, it was baptized immediately.
  Otherwise, it was presented to the father. Folklore
  holds that in some regions, the father could reject
  the child at this point. If he held it, washed it, and
  named it, the child was accepted. If he did not, the
  child could be abandoned, presumably after a lay
  baptism. It does not appear from surviving records
  that infanticide was common in rural or urban areas.
  If the infant had not already been baptized, he or
  she was taken to the church for baptism. The infant’s
  godparents, the father, the midwife, and other family
  members were all present. After the priest made cer-
  tain the infant was not already baptized, the child
  was baptized in the font and anointed with chrism.
  The child was then brought to the altar where the
  godparents made a profession of faith on its behalf. A
  feast often followed the ceremony.
  Infants were tightly wrapped in swaddling
  clothes and left in a cradle
  for most of the first two
  years. The mother or
  older 
  children 
  were
  responsible for baby-sit-
  ting. 
  The 
  swaddling
  clothes made the infant
  less mobile and less able
  to get into trouble if left
  unattended or taken into
  the fields while his or her
  parents worked. In Italy,
  farm women might also
  have infants from local
  nobles and wealthy mer-
  chants in their home to
  wet nurse.
  Toddlers, age 2-3, were
  allowed to wander and
  play. At this point, children
  began to spend time divided by sex. Boys followed
  their fathers into the fields. Girls remained in the
  house and garden. Now free to wander, toddlers
  often injured themselves with the hearth fire, brew-
  ing and cooking pots, the well, and with farm tools.
  From ages 4 to 6, children were given increasingly
  responsible chores.
  At ages 8 to 12, children were given productive
  chores. They watched younger children and ani-
  mals, fetched water, fished, gathered, and helped
  with field and household tasks. In some households,
  their work allowed their mother the time to brew,
  spin, or otherwise try to make market products. At
  age 12, boys joined tithing groups. Children could
  not inherit freely until age 20 or 21.
  IX. Society
  Page 52
  j
  
  CLOTHING
  Let a man at rest have a pellice, and a cote or bilaut provid-
  ed with sleeves and openings, slit at the crotch. Braies are need-
  ed to cover the lower limbs, and stockings or chauces should be
  worn around the legs, while covering the feet with laced boots or
  leather shoes. An undershirt of muslin, silk, or cotton, or linen-
  the fur of the outer mantle should be gris or vair, or rabbit, or
  lérot, and the mantle’s edging can be of sable or marten, or
  beaver, or otter, or fox fur . . .
  – Alexander Neckam c. 1180
  Male small landholders, lesser clergy, and farm-
  ers all wore the same basic styles of clothing – sim-
  ple tunics and leggings of wool or perhaps linen.
  Women wore similar basic styles of wool or linen
  dresses and leggings. Cotton was grown in Italy and
  Spain, but it was rarely used for everyday clothing.
  Silk, imported from Byzantium and later from Italy,
  was reserved for the finest clothing and vestments.
  Sumptuary laws were for cities and royal courts.
  Small landholders could not afford the materials
  that would violate them.
  Clothing included linen undershorts (braies), an
  undershirt (chainse) or underdress (chemise or kirtle),
  and an outer layer (cote, bliaut, or sorcot). In cold
  weather, one might add a fur-lined pellice and man-
  tle. When saying Mass a priest or monk ideally wore
  a white linen undertunic (alb) and a decorated over-
  tunic (chasuble). The ornateness and cleanliness of
  the garments depended greatly on the wealth of the
  parish. A deacon assisting a priest at a wealthy
  parish might even wear a silk dalmatic or linen tuni-
  cle (both kinds of upper tunics worn over the alb).
  Medieval clothing did not have pockets; belong-
  ings were kept in belt pouches and sacks, or tied in
  long sleeves.
  Most of the clothing was made of fabric made on
  the manor. A landholder or wealthy peasant might
  add a fur trim or lining. Boots, shoes, and belts were
  likely also made of local leather. Some farmers might
  have leather shoes; most wore wooden clogs or cloth
  wrappings.
  For farmers and crafters, styles changed slowly.
  Ambitious or vain small landholders might try to fol-
  low the changing styles of the royal courts and the
  cities.
  A landholder or exceptionally wealthy peasant’s
  clothing might be accented with jewelry. Precious
  stones were given as gifts and were seen as invest-
  ments and as collateral.  Gems included diamonds,
  sapphires, rubies, pearls, turquoises, emeralds, jet,
  coral, amber, garnet, and beryl. Certain gems were
  believed to have magical or medicinal powers. Gems
  were set into ring brooches used to fasten cloaks,
  belts, rings, neck chains, or sewn onto clothing.
  Almost all gems were imported, and would be rare
  on a small landholding except as family treasures,
  gifts, ransom, or war booty.
  DIET
  The diet of those living on the manor was as
  simple as their clothing. In the early Middle Ages,
  the major difference was volume and quality.
  Landholders could eat larger meals, and were more
  likely to have game meat included in the meal. Their
  bread was more finely ground; the flour was less like-
  ly to be stretched with chestnuts or acorns.
  In 13C, a peasant family of four ate six quarters,
  five bushels of grain; two flitches (sides) of bacon; and
  unknown amounts of milk and cheese; some garden
  produce; and barley ale each year. Pottage made from
  beans, peas, and oatmeal was a staple. Grain was
  made into a coarse bread which contained enough
  abrasive grit to wear a peasant’s teeth flat.
  Everyone drank ale and cider made from the
  farmers’ crops. A 13C landholder might eat 2-3
  pounds of meat or fish per day and about 4,000 to
  5,000 total calories per day. Children and the elder-
  ly likely drank goats’ milk. Even in regions where
  wine was not grown, small landholders and parish
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 53
  r
  
  clergy managed to have it imported. Wine was
  pressed each fall and stored in barrels. By summer, it
  was nearly sour.
  Everyone on the manor ate small game (like rab-
  bits and hares), small birds, acorns, and fish. Pigs
  were raised exclusively for food, thus pork was com-
  mon. Horses, oxen, and sheep were more rarely
  eaten. Landholders, both male and female, hunted
  incessantly and added their game to the table. Since
  game meat was more tender, it could be roasted.
  Farmers usually stewed their meat. Landholders also
  ate bream, carp, eels, geese, and swans from fish
  ponds and streams. A landholder’s food budget
  could be 1/3 to 2/3 of their income.
  It was the mark of a good host to offer a fine
  table to superiors and neighbors. Few nobles or cler-
  gy traveled without a large retinue of armed escorts,
  family, servants, staff, and carters. A single feast
  could quickly deplete a manor’s stores. On a single
  feast day in 1310, one English manor consumed 600
  bundles of firewood to roast 14 oxen, 78 sheep, 24
  pigs, 22 calves, and miscellaneous fish and fowl. The
  guests were served 320 gallons of wine and more
  than 1,100 gallons of ale. Over ten quarters of wheat
  were needed to make 1,000 loaves served.
  Horseflesh and some other meats were taboo.
  Some theologians cautioned against eating hares
  because it might make one a pedophile. During
  famines, there were stories about cannibalism in the
  cities and towns. It would be nearly impossible for
  someone to vanish into the stewpot on a small
  manor, but there were tales of desperate parents who
  ate their children during famines.
  Cannibalism tales also arose during peasant
  rebellions. Froissart, a 14C historian, wrote about
  French peasants during the Jacquiere uprising
  (1358) who “slew a knight and after did put him on
  a broach and roasted him at the fire in the sight of
  the lady his wife and his children; and after the lady
  had been enforced and ravished with ten or twelve,
  they made her perforce eat of her husband.”
  INHERITANCE
  Landholders and farmers alike were preoccupied
  with providing for their children. Unfortunately,
  there are few records from which one can discern
  how small inheritances were passed along. The
  deceased’s estate passed by local custom, which var-
  ied widely, unless he or she made a written will. The
  clergy had a monopoly on drafting wills, witnessing
  dying dispositions, and acting as executors. Their fee
  for a will in 1197 was 3 marks. Often, the Church
  could benefit handsomely from a dying person’s bad
  conscience.
  There is great debate about whether a male
  landholder could devise land which owed military
  service to a woman. Visigoth law allowed men and
  women to share equally in inheritance. Salic law for-
  bade women to inherit land. The Italian Libri
  Fedruorum allowed daughters to inherit land if per-
  mitted by the liege and if they paid a relief for the
  privilege. The German provisium (12-13C) allowed
  daughters to inherit and sons to hold land in joint
  tenure. In England, an estimated 10-15% of a
  manor’s lands might be controlled by women, most-
  ly widows.
  A widow’s dower gave her rights over a third of
  the marital property. Some customs allowed a widow
  a “free bench” or the use of from half to all of the
  marital property until her death. Free bench lands
  could not be sold without the consent of the widow’s
  husband’s heirs, but she could lease them. She could
  also buy out the husband’s heirs, sell the lands
  secretly, or sell lands to a third party through the
  heirs. At remarriage, the new groom might pay an
  entry fee to retain the use of the land.
  Landholders might also transfer the widow’s
  land to her heirs and direct that the heirs support
  her. The current consensus is that, at least before
  13C, land could be held by women without cumber-
  some guardianships. In southern France and in Italy,
  land could also be held jointly by a group of heirs.
  The Italian consorzerie was one type of “corporate”
  landholder.
  For a male farmer, his right to till the land passed
  to his widow, so long as she remained single (ad
  viduitatem). Children’s rights varied. One system
  passed land to his eldest son, to his eldest daughter,
  and to other children in the same order. If his widow
  had not survived him and he did not have any chil-
  dren, his land passed to his eldest brother, to his eld-
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 54
  v
  
  est sister, and then to cousins in the same order.
  Illegitimate children were not entitled to an inheri-
  tance unless acknowledged by their father. If no
  legal heir could be found, that fact was proclaimed
  after mass at Martinmass (November 11) and
  Hockaday (2nd Tuesday after Easter). If no one
  came forward after the second proclamation, the
  land escheated to the landholder. Personal property
  passed to his widow for her maintenance, then was
  divided equally among his children.
  Another system passed land entirely either to
  the eldest son (primogeniture) or youngest son
  (Borough English), if there were no sons, the land was
  divided equally among any daughters. A third
  English system found near Rockingham Forest
  passed all of the land the family had purchased dur-
  ing the father’s life to the eldest son and all of the
  land the father had inherited to the younger son.
  Again, if there were no sons, the land was divided
  equally among any daughters.
  In Northern France, particularly Anjou and
  Normandie, peasants divided their holdings equally
  among either all of their sons or all of their children.
  In Southern France, the senior male had the
  absolute right to designate his own successor, at the
  expense of any descendants or claimants. Other
  children were given a dowery (legitimate por-
  tion) or fratrisia (fraternal portion), which
  remained the property of the child even
  after marriage.
  Heirs had a year from the death to
  make their claims, after that the inher-
  itance was final. Disputes over proper-
  ty were resolved by the reeve and
  bailiffs.
  A deceased serf’s heirs owed two
  inheritance taxes: heriot and mortu-
  ary. The landholder claimed as
  heriot a serf’s best animal or prop-
  erty. The parish priest claimed
  the serf’s second best animal
  or property as mortuary. Heirs
  of landholders and peasants
  often owed reliefs in order to
  claim 
  the 
  deceased’s
  lands. 
  In 
  11C, 
  a
  count’s relief was 8
  horses, 4 breast-plates, 4 helmets, 4 lances, 4 shields,
  and 4 swords. A baron’s relief was 4 horses, 2 breast-
  plates, 2 shields, 2 helmets, 2 lances, and 2 swords.
  A knight’s relief was 1 horse, 1 breast-plate, 1 hel-
  met, 1 shield, 1 lance, and 1 sword; or paying 200 s.
  A peasant’s relief was a year’s rent. (The Magna
  Carta fixed a knight’s relief at 100 solidi).
  Heirs to a fief had to renew their oaths as vassal
  and landholder. Within two to three generations,
  the memory that the liege had given the heir’s
  ancestors the land had faded. The renewed oath was
  a matter of personal honor and status, not a proper-
  ty contract. Heirs thought of  the inherited land as
  theirs, as freely transferable, and as inalienable
  except by a legal judgement.
  A liege might try to influence who a landholder
  chose as an heir, but landholders expected to be able
  to devise their property to their heirs without signif-
  icant interference. Where the land had been given
  to the landholder’s ancestors by the Church, it could
  only be devised to those named in the original grant.
  The Church, which was forbidden to permanently
  sell its land, transferred the land for the grantee’s
  life, or sometimes for several lifetimes.
  Unfortunately, two or three generations later, the
  fact that the grant was conditional might be forgot-
  ten. This led to lengthy, often futile, legal battles.
  Inheritance disputes were common. They
  depended, in part, on how valuable the inherited
  land was and how onerous were the duties
  associated with it. If it was worth less than the
  duties, the heirs might let it escheat to the
  landholder and try to negotiate a new deal. If
  the land was worth more than the duties,
  relatives might appear from distant villages
  and towns to make claims. When land was
  particularly dear, a serf’s parents might
  transfer it during their lives to forestall
  disputes. The transfer gave the child a
  certain measure of autonomy and
  reduced the parent’s ultimate control
  over their child. A gift of land
  could, on the other hand,
  anchor a child to the village
  and keep him or her from
  seeking a living in the towns.
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 55
  
  MARRIAGE
  Landholders and farmers worried about making
  good marriages for their children. Marriage was both
  a sacrament and a legal contract. For nobles, it
  involved tedious negotiations over property rights
  cemented by a hand-fasting or “troth-plight” at the
  church door. The church wedding was performed
  months or even years later, usually after the marriage
  had proven fertile.
  Noble marriages included dowery (property
  given from the bride’s family to the
  groom’s) and the dos (countergift of
  coins or a ring from the groom to the
  bride). It was often followed by a large
  feast which displayed the families’
  wealth. For farmers, property negotia-
  tions were a lesser concern and the feast
  was more modest, but an agreement
  between the families about property,
  an exchange of vows, and a public
  feast were still important. The
  church wedding still usually took
  place after several children had
  been born.
  The Church defended brides,
  who were frequently much
  younger than their grooms. The
  higher the couples’ social class, the
  greater the likely disparity in ages.
  The Church insisted that both must
  consent to the marriage. It gave both
  parties enforceable rights to demand
  sexual satisfaction from the other. (At this time,
  women were thought to be “insatiable”). It enforced
  an incest taboo by denying marriage to people too
  closely related. (The Church included those related
  within seven degrees (pre-1215) or four degrees
  (post-1215), as well as spiritual kinship (godpar-
  ents). The marriage contract gave a noble woman
  rights to her dower and to her inheritance.
  Since men were the primary owners and heirs to
  land, women married into their husband’s house-
  hold and moved to his home. Often she shared the
  same house with his parents, grandparents, and
  unmarried siblings. Historians believe that this sys-
  tem, now called patrilocality, is one of the strongest
  factors in rural traditionalism, conservatism, and in
  enforcing patriarchal authority. It forces the bride to
  give up many of her family customs and ties. If her
  home is not on or near her husband’s, it also means
  she has less protection and support from her family
  and neighbors and must depend on her husband’s
  family and community.
  Custom allowed both widows and widowers to
  remarry, but the Church discouraged it. Custom
  allowed husbands to repudiate their wives for adul-
  tery, but not vice-versa. Again, the Church discour-
  aged this. The Church did permit divorce for con-
  sanguinity (close kinship). In practice, this was used
  as an excuse when an alliance had become incon-
  venient or the wife did not bear sons. (Medieval
  physicians had not discovered that a child’s sex is
  determined by the father’s sperm).
  Farmers intermarried within the
  manor despite the near certainty of
  violating the consanguinity ban. The
  Church seems to have ignored this
  problem, even levying the cus-
  tomary landholder’s fine (merchet)
  on women who married outside a
  Church held manor. Since few
  farmers had a nuptial mass, their
  arrangements were disregarded. De
  facto divorces were easy to arrange if
  the marriage itself had not been
  publicly celebrated. For both
  nobles and farmers, early death
  tended to end marriages after
  an average of 15 to 17 years.
  The merchet (England) or fro-
  mariageo (France) was a fee paid in
  goods when a female serf or, more rarely, a female
  peasant, married someone outside the manor. A sim-
  ilar fee was due if a serf took holy orders without per-
  mission. The amount of the fee varied, but rarely
  exceeded 5 s.
  A detailed study of English merchets in late 14C
  found that most were paid by brides or their moth-
  ers, likely from their own earnings as laborers.
  Otherwise their fathers or family paid the fee. The
  merchet was one of the few occasions when women
  sought sureties to guarantee their payment. It may
  have been intended to reimburse the landholder for
  the serf’s children’s lost labor. In some cases it may
  have been a tax on the property the bride brought
  out of the manor into her husband’s household. It
  may even merely have been based on the bride’s
  ability to pay a fee. Landholders sometimes replaced
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 56
  y
  
  the fine with an agreement with the groom’s land-
  holder dividing the children between the manors.
  A recent survey of historians has been unable to
  find any historical basis for the infamous droit de
  seigneur or jus primae noctis (alleged right of a male
  landholder to sleep with a bride on her wedding
  night). Landholders could collect a leywrite from
  female serfs who had sexual relations before the
  marriage. The amount varied, but did not exceed 2
  s. In theory, this reimbursed the landholder for the
  serf’s diminished value in marriage. Entire villages
  could be fined for concealing a leywrite or merchet
  due. In Germany and parts of England, landholders
  could force the marriage of a serf widow. This right
  was usually contested and resulted in the payment of
  a fee for remaining unmarried.
  To preserve their wealth from dissipating among
  grandchildren, some families married off their
  daughters and only one son. Younger sons were sent
  into the clergy. Other sons, the juvenes, sought pow-
  erful patrons and wealth by tournament victories or
  by marriage to a wealthy heiress. It was common for
  men to marry when they had established their liveli-
  hood (30+), and to marry young women (late teens)
  who could bear many healthy heirs.
  PLAGUE
  The Black Plague reached England in 1348. It
  first appeared in Dorsetshire around the feast of St.
  Peter (June 29) and reached London around the
  feast of All Saints (November 1). As one historian
  later wrote: “Then towns once full of men became
  destitute of inhabitants; and so violently did the
  pestilence increase that the living were scarce able
  to bury the dead. Indeed, in certain houses of men of
  religion, scarcely two out of twenty men survived. It
  has been estimated by many that hardly a tenth part
  of mankind had been left behind. A murrain among
  animals followed immediately upon this pestilence;
  then rents ceased; then the land because of the lack
  of tenants, who were nowhere to be found, remained
  uncultivated.”
  The Plague was a disaster on an unprecedented
  scale. Whole villages perished. With the diminished
  workforce, harvests failed. The English crown issued
  orders to its sheriffs in 1351 to compel men and
  women younger than 60 to work at pre-Plague
  wages. Those who refused were imprisoned.
  The English crown also forbade landholders to
  pay more than the pre-Plague rate and tried to
  enforce “reasonable” price controls on food vendors,
  bakers, and butchers. Similar steps were taken by
  local authorities in France, Germany, and Italy.
  Nevertheless, the deaths so reduced the workforce
  that farmers were easily able to find additional land.
  Wages and peasant rights rose dramatically.
  TOURNAMENTS
  A knight cannot shine in war if he has not been prepared for
  it in the tournaments. He must have seen his own blood flow,
  have heard his teeth crackle under the blows of his adversaries,
  have been dashed to the earth with such force as to feel the weight
  of his foes, and, disarmed twenty times, he must twenty times
  have retrieved his failures, more set than ever upon the combat.
  Thus, will he be able to confront actual war with the hope of
  being victorious.
  – Roger of Hoveden (English chronicler)
  The tournament was a male landholder’s princi-
  pal peacetime hobby. Tournament goers ranged in
  age from 23 to 55, averaging 30 from 1293 to 1334.
  It was said, in fact, that almost every fortnight there
  was a tournament in one place or another. Many
  were held to celebrate weddings and coronations.
  Others were held in conjunction with markets and
  fairs.
  Tournaments originated in France and were
  referred to elsewhere as Conflictus Gallicus or
  batailles francaises. The term referred specifically to
  massed combats or mêlées between knights; eventu-
  ally it came to refer to all knightly combat competi-
  tions.  The “joust,” part of most tournaments, was a
  Fief Section IX: Society
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  d
  
  combat between two individual knights, usually
  mounted at first and continuing on foot.
  Tournaments came in two basic forms: à plai-
  sance (with blunted weapons) or à outrance (with
  sharpened weapons). There was even a water-joust
  form where the contestants stood in the front of a
  boat and tried to strike other contestants or a target
  mounted on a pole. In 15C, tournaments included a
  kolbenturnier (“baton course”) in which contestants
  tried to knock each other’s helms off with wooden
  maces. Another German format, the scharfrennen,
  used saddles without front or rear supports – the
  object was to unhorse one’s opponent.
  The tournament was likely invented
  by Geoffrey de Preuilly 
  around 1062. Early tour-
  naments were little more
  than agreed-upon battles
  between opponents. The
  only difference between an
  early tournament and war
  was the participants’ intent.
  Knights used sharpened
  weapons and did not con-
  sider any strokes “foul” or
  any tactics “forbidden.”
  Groups of knights might
  waylay a single knight; tour-
  neyers were attacked after they had lost vital pieces
  of armor, or were shot with arrows. One could even
  hold back one’s forces until after the battle was
  joined, or join in after the start. The only rules were
  to honor various refuges for knights to rest and
  rearm, and to capture and ransom the opponent, not
  kill him. It was considered unethical and foolish to
  injure a contestant’s horse. Foolish, because the vic-
  tor often won his opponent’s horse as a prize.
  Fatal accidents happened. In 1095, Evrardus
  held a tournament near Tournai, Flanders. Count
  Henri III of Louvain invited Jocelyn of Vorst, a vas-
  sal, to enter the lists against him. Jocelyn reluctant-
  ly did so and tried to unhorse Henri. The blow
  struck in the chest, killing the Count.
  Tournaments became popular around 1170.
  Many were held in conjunction with markets and
  fairs so that a tourneyer could buy armor, arms, har-
  nesses, and horses. In a few cases, knights on oppo-
  site sides of sieges sometimes agreed to a few lance
  passes to relieve boredom. Most tournaments were
  held near the borders between England and France
  (near Calais especially), and between England and
  Scotland.
  Mêlée tournaments in 12-14C involved teams of
  20 to 250 contestants. The day before the tourna-
  ment was filled with trial jousts and, when the
  Church permitted, masses. The tournament com-
  menced with a series of individual jousts (com-
  mençailles), then the mêlée tournaments with lance,
  then sword. Those captured moved outside the list
  to arrange terms with their captors. Others could
  rest and rearm in refuges called recets.
  Tournaments were an investment. Contestants,
  of course, had to pay for
  their own travel, lodgings,
  and horse care. In 1285-6,
  John of Brittany spent 100
  l on four months of tour-
  nament 
  going. 
  Some
  households traveled to
  tournaments together and
  used them to train the
  household forces and
  retainers as a unit. These
  household knights and
  retainers then looked to
  their patrons for pay-
  ments to replace ransomed or
  wounded horses and to care for those injured or
  killed in battle.
  In pre-13C tournaments, mounted contestants
  were often accompanied by foot soldiers and
  archers. Successful unlanded knights or those with
  small holdings might find important patrons.
  Successful large landholders might attract house-
  hold knights and retainers. Mercenary leaders also
  followed the tournaments and might be more easily
  hired by successful contestants.
  In many cases, the winner was awarded the
  loser’s armor and horse, which he could keep or sell.
  The winner could also often claim a ransom from
  the loser himself. In one fabliau, a knight is
  described as “ne vigne, ne terre” who lived on what
  he made in ransom. When he became too old to win
  tournaments, he fell into poverty.
  Often the vanquished promised to pay the ran-
  som and was then freed on parole to return home
  and raise it. If the vanquished failed to pay, the vic-
  tor could sue the vanquished, sue any sureties, or
  Fief Section IX: Society
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  m
  
  challeng the vanquished to a judicial duel. He or she
  could also publically humiliate the vanquished by
  hanging the vanquished’s coat of arms or image in
  degrading positions in public places.
  The first mention of a prize for a tournament
  victory is a golden lion awarded to Sir Roger
  Mortimer at Kenilworth in 1279. By 14C, prizes
  were limited to those formally awarded; a victor
  could no longer claim his foes’ arms or horse.
  Among the more successful combatants was William
  Marshall, who captured 103 knights, their horses,
  armor, and baggage in a single year.
  Towards the end of 12C, mêlée tournaments
  became less popular and jousts began to be arranged.
  Later tournaments included both jousts by individu-
  als and mêlée between groups of up to 40 on a side.
  Contrary to modern beliefs, the jousting goal was to
  break the lance, thus showing a
  clean blow. An intact lance was
  the sign of a glancing blow or
  complete miss. Some involved a
  fixed number of passes; one in
  Toury, France, in 1380 involved
  three courses with the lance,
  three exchanged blows with bat-
  tle-axe, 
  and 
  three 
  dagger
  thrusts.
  In late 14C, some knights
  developed an alternative to
  jousts. They would hold a pass or
  bridge, denying passage to any
  knight who would not joust with
  them. One of the most famous jousts of this type was
  arranged by Boucicault in 1390 at St-Inglevert
  between Calais and Boulogne. The heralds cried for
  three months that Boucicault and two companions
  would hold the field for thirty days (March 20 to
  April 20) and would joust with any knight or squire
  who approached. No combats would be allowed on
  Fridays, Saturdays, or Sundays, in keeping with the
  Truce of God. Those who were enemies of France
  would run a course of five strokes with sharpened
  lances. Friends of the king were restricted to blunt-
  ed lances.
  Boucicault and his companions set up a pavilion
  shaded by a great elm. Two shields were hung, one
  denoting peace, the other war. Beside them lay five
  sharpened lances and five blunted lances. A horn
  hung from a branch of the tree. The challenger was
  to sound the horn and strike the shield indicating
  the contest desired. Each shield also carried the
  arms of the three defending knights so a challenger
  could choose which champion would appear.
  Beyond the defenders’ pavilion was another one
  for the arming and retiring of knights. Wine and
  food was provided in generous supply by Boucicault.
  Some 40 foreign and 120 French knights took
  Boucicault’s challenge.
  In 13-14C, tournament armor and weapons
  began to sharply diverge from those used for combat.
  A vamplate was added to the lance to protect the
  arm. It was also tipped with a coronal to catch armor
  without piercing it. A lance rest was added to the
  breast-plate. By 14C, tourneyers began to need two
  separate sets of helmets and breast plates. Armor
  became heavier and saddles sturdier.
  By 15C, tournament armor 
  was completely unsuited for the
  battlefield. It had even become
  too expensive for all but the
  wealthiest of knights, some of
  whom commissioned “loaner”
  armor 
  for 
  their 
  guests.
  Tournaments had become a
  courtly spectacle. Since each
  participant brought with him
  two squires, a half-dozen atten-
  dants, and sundry armorers and
  weaponers, the potential profit
  attracted artisans, entertainers,
  merchants, mountebanks, pick-
  pockets, and prostitutes.
  In 1430, Philippe le Bon, Duke of Bourgogne,
  held a week-long tournament to celebrate his mar-
  riage to Isabella of Portugal. For three days the
  knights were divided into teams, but jousted indi-
  vidually in a divided market square. The best knight
  and squire from each team was given a jewel or a
  golden chain.
  King Réné of Anjou wrote a treatise on tourna-
  ments in the mid-15C. He discussed how feasts and
  dances should be held each evening; how the
  defending and attacking knights should choose their
  relative supporters for the mêlée; the role of heralds
  and pursuivants; and how judges were to be chosen.
  His treatise discussed when the participants should
  arrive at the site and in what order they should enter
  the town.
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 59
  e
  
  They should display their arms on long poles at
  the door of their lodging and their banners from an
  upper window. The helms and banners of each noble
  were to be displayed before the tournament began to
  be certain that all had the right to take part. The
  tournament would last for 5 days – the day of arrival,
  the day of display, the day for all contestants to take
  the necessary oaths, a day or two of tournaments,
  and a day for feasting and awarding prizes.
  Tournaments were condemned by the Church
  and banned by many secular rulers. They made it
  more likely that a knight would accidently kill
  another Christian, and even more likely that he
  would commit the sin of pride. Tourneyers and their
  followers were also brawlers. A Rochester tourna-
  ment held in 1251 turned into a riot as foreign
  knights were chased into the town. The Church
  offered the Crusades as an alternative challenge,
  but knights saw no reason not to participate in both
  pastimes.
  In 12-13C, church burial was technically forbid-
  den to anyone fatally wounded in the sport. In prac-
  tice, many of the higher clergy were members of the
  contestants’ noble families and were willing to come
  to some sort of understanding. The ban did spark a
  number of folk legends about the ghosts of tourney-
  ers wandering in search of revenge. Often household
  knights of bishops participated in the sport alongside
  those of secular nobles.
  Knighting ceremonies became
  more mystical, including blessings
  and vigils, in 13C, perhaps to
  counteract the secular influence of
  the tournament. The various papal
  bans were lifted by John XXII in
  1316, who feared that the numbers
  of potential Crusaders had been
  too badly limited by forbidding par-
  ticipation of excommunicated
  tourneyers.
  Secular authorities were also
  concerned about tournaments.
  Some feared bands of armed
  knights roaming the countryside.
  Others feared that tournaments would provide a
  cover for major landholders planning rebellion. And
  there was the possibility that a tournament fatality
  might be a well concealed murder. Tourneyers were
  sometimes ambushed enroute, and tournaments
  sometimes turned into riots between feuding fac-
  tions. The Boston fair of 1288, for example, turned
  into a riot in which the marketplace was burned.
  The English crown alone tried to regulate tour-
  nament locations. In 1194, Richard I ordered that
  tournaments could only be held under a charter.
  Participants paid for entry by rank. An earl paid 20
  marks, a baron 10 marks, a landed knight 4 marks,
  and landless knights 2 marks. In 1477, the fees were
  changed to 10 marks for an earl, 4 l for a baron, 40 s
  for a landed knight, and 20 s 8 p for an esquire. The
  crown tried to forbid foreign knights from attending
  English tournaments, and set forth rules for con-
  duct. Violations were punished by forfeiting a horse
  and armor, imprisonment, and fines.
  The crown authorized five lists (tournament
  fields), all south of the river Trent. One was near
  Wiltshire, another near Warwickshire, another near
  Suffolk, a fourth near Northamptonshire, and the
  last near Nottinghamshire. The site restriction and
  the ban on foreigners quickly fell by the wayside, but
  other restrictions survived.
  In 1292, Edward I limited each tourneyer to
  three armed esquires as attendants. Each had to be
  identified with the noble’s arms, and could only be
  armed with broadswords. Each tourneyer could have
  an unlimited number of unarmed escorts. The audi-
  ence and heralds were forbidden to carry arms.
  Edward I’s restrictions sharply
  decreased the number of riots and
  brawls between factions.
  TRAVEL
  Landholders with large estates
  traveled incessantly from holding
  to holding. Lesser landholders and
  clergy owed a duty to host their
  superiors and a customary number
  of retainers. A large group, or a
  lengthy stay, could quickly bank-
  rupt a small manor or parish.
  Noble travelers could expect hos-
  pitality in another noble’s house-
  hold if their families were not foes, and if the noble
  were present. Often a bailiff or steward was not
  authorized to accept guests without prior permis-
  sion. Travelers could also take refuge in a church or
  monastery. Travelers so often abused church hospi-
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 60g
  
  tality, that Edward I forbade anyone to seek lodging
  in a religious house unless he or she were invited by
  its superior or had founded it.
  A household’s luggage might include kitchen
  utensils, baking implements, bedding, furniture, per-
  sonal effects, and extra food. Rather than supplying
  several manor houses in a fief, its landholder main-
  tained one set of household necessities. All guests,
  even royalty, were expected to bring what they need-
  ed for their comfort. Only the armories were kept
  fully equipped.
  Transportation methods were primitive; roads
  were little better than rutted tracks. Most landhold-
  ers traveled by horse, often with pack horses, carts,
  and even carriages for supplies and luggage. Carts
  were used for cargo. They had fixed front wheels and
  could not turn well. Two-wheeled plaustrum were
  maneuverable, but easily bogged down in muddy or
  uneven ground. Rivers were commonly used to
  transport bulky goods like grain. They were crossed
  at ferries, fords, and bridges. All three often involved
  some form of toll for maintenance.
  Besides being physically unsafe, the roads were
  often targets of bandits. In at least one case, the ban-
  dit who assaulted a group of travelers in “Cannock
  Wood” was none other than a wandering knight and
  two of his squires. The travelers were taken to a near-
  by priory; their goods were apportioned, and the ban-
  dits proceeded on to another priory. Denied entrance
  by its abbess, they broke into the barn and stole fod-
  der for their horses. They were later apprehended by
  the local bailiff and several guards.
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 61
  TOURNAMENT AND WAR EXPENSES
  (England, unless otherwise noted)
  Item
  Date
  Cost
  Arrow
  1300-05
  1/4 d for 2
  Arrow
  1347
  1 s 4 d for sheaf
  Arrow
  1480
  1 ½ d
  Bascinet (helmet)
  1300-05
  2 s 2 ½ d
  Bascinet
  1324
  10 s
  Bascinet
  1337
  3 s
  Bascinet
  1350
  13 s
  Bolt, shaft
  1277
  26 s - 34 s 4 d per thousand
  Bolt, iron head
  1277
  14 d - 16 d per thousand
  Crossbow, large
  1277
  5 s - 7 s
  Crossbow, small
  1277
  3 s - 5 s
  Gauntlets, iron
  1337
  1 s
  Gauntlets, plate
  1350
  6 s 8 d
  Greaves, plate
  1324
  15 s
  Greaves, plate
  1350
  26 s 8 d (burnished and decorated)
  Habegeon (mail shirt)
  1200
  13 s 4 p
  Habegeon
  1324
  2 l 10 s
  Haketon (leather shirt)
  1312
  10 s
  Haketon
  1337
  5 s
  Hauberk (long mail shirt)
  1200
  5 s
  Hauberk and iron grieves
  1224
  6 s 8 d (pledged for debt)
  Helmet, tournament
  1391
  2 l 13 s 4 d
  Helmet, war
  1350
  10 s 
  Horse, war
  1160
  10 s
  Horse, war
  1194
  11 l 12 s
  Horse, war
  1171-2
  40 s
  Horse, war
  1216
  14 - 50 l
  
  Fief Section IX: Society
  Page 62
  TOURNAMENT AND WAR EXPENSES
  (Continued from Page 61)
  Item
  Date
  Cost
  Horse, war
  1337
  28 l 12 s
  Horse, war
  1339
  64 l 8 s
  Horse, war
  1359
  36 l 
  Horse feed
  1314-15
  6¼-7½ d per day
  Lance
  1300-05
  6 d
  Lance
  1337
  3 d
  Long bow
  1227
  12 d - 1 s 6 d
  Long bow
  1324
  6 s 8 d
  Long bow
  1347
  1 s 3 d
  Long bow (unseasoned)
  1418
  1 s 6 d
  Long bow (seasoned)
  1418
  2 s
  Long bow (yew)
  1475
  3 s 4 d
  Royally set max. price
  Long bow
  1480
  2 s
  Quiver
  1480
  9 d
  Quiver, belt
  1480
  2 d
  Ransom, war, English king
  1193
  100,00 l
  Ransom, war, French king
  1249
  50,000 l
  Ransom, war, knight
  1297
  1,000 l
  Ransom, war, small landholder
  1317
  30 l
  Ransom, war, knight
  1337
  2,000 l
  Ransom, war, count
  1346
  3,000 l
  Ransom, war, du Guesclin
  1363
  30,000 l
  Ransom, war, du Guesclin
  1365
  40,000 l
  Ransom, war, du Guesclin
  1367
  100,000 l
  Ransom, war, knight banneret
  1424
  14,000 l
  Stableboy
  1314-15
  2 d per day
  Sword
  1324
  3 s 4 d
  Tent
  1324
  1 l 19 s 15 d
  Supplies for a Tournament held at Windsor, England
  Ailettes (buckram) (pair)
  1278
  8 d
  Arms and armor
  1278
  7 s-25 s
  Arms and armor of Earl of Lincon
  1278
  33 s 4 d
  Helmet (leather)
  1278
  2 s
  Helmet (gilded leather)
  1278
  14 s
  Sword (whalebone)
  1278
  7 d
  Sword (silvered whalebone) 
  1278
  25 s 7 d
  Sword (silvered whalebone w.
  1278
  28 s 13 d
  gilded hilt)
  Shield (wooden, unpainted)
  1278
  5 d
  d d d
  
  As has been noted elsewhere in Fief, a medieval
  manor was basically self-sufficient. Nevertheless,
  some of its earnings did leave it in royal taxes, tithes,
  and payment for certain trade goods. When it did
  need to trade, its goods were subject to various
  taxes, tolls, and market fees. Taxes and tithes not
  only drained part of a manor’s income, they often
  drained its supply of coinage because a purse of sil-
  ver was far easier and cheaper for the landholder
  and priest to transport than a cart of grain.
  TAXES
  Both the crown and superior landholders
  imposed taxes on their vassals. Churches had been
  immune from taxes since 6-7C. In England, the most
  commonly imposed royal tax was the danegeld, col-
  lected mostly from
  the poor. It was
  abolished by Henry
  III in 1162. Edward
  III imposed a tax on
  movable goods in
  14C. There were
  poll taxes in 1379
  and 1381. Other
  notable English royal
  taxes included the
  Saladin “Tithe”
  in
  1188 and the ransom
  of Richard I in 1193.
  These royal taxes were
  collected by the sheriff
  and paid to the Royal
  Exchequer. There was a long-running debate about
  whether clergy were subject to royal taxes. Edward I
  enforced their tax obligations by denying access to
  royal law to clergy who refused to pay his taxes.
  The Saladin Tithe was an odd mix of royal and
  clerical tax. Designed to finance the Crusades, it
  consisted of one-tenth of rents and movable goods
  except knightly and clerical arms, clothing, and
  books. The tithe was collected in the presence of
  the parish priest, rural dean, a Templar, a
  Hospitaller, a royal servant, and the bishop’s clerk.
  Anyone who did not pay the tithe was threatened
  with excommunication.
  Edward III gave London a letter patent to
  charge a tax on all carts and horses bringing goods
  into the city. The tax was designed to repair and
  maintain the roads around the city. Carts and hors-
  es bringing provisions to nobles were exempt from
  the tax. Other royal taxes included tolls on imports
  and exports – often fixed in a license issued by the
  Exchequer.
  In France, royal taxes were first imposed by
  Chilperic in 6C and caused an immediate tax revolt 
  in Limoges. The crown sup-
  pressed 
  the 
  rebellion,
  killing many of the rebels
  and any clergy suspected of
  supporting the rebellion.
  In 9C, the crown collected
  the heribannum, a graduat-
  ed tax on free persons
  based on the value of
  their movable goods (i.e.
  everything but land and
  buildings). A few cen-
  turies later, royal taxes
  were imposed for sup-
  port of the Kingdom of
  Jerusalem.
  In 1166, Louis VII 
  imposed a five year tax on the property and
  rents of his subjects. Henry II of England imposed
  the same tax on his tenants in France at double the
  rate for the first year. Starting in 1272, Philippe III 
  began taxing his subjects who did not join him on
  military campaigns. Over the next 30 years, that tax
  was extended to those who did not normally serve
  (women and clergy), and finally even to those who
  served in his army.
  X. Taxes, Tithes,
  and Tolls
  Page 63
  g
  
  TITHES
  The tithe was the most widespread tax in
  medieval Europe. It touched every Christian family
  and provided vital support to every church,
  monastery, and bishop. Parishioners were vitally
  concerned about what goods and rents were subject
  to the tithe and often did their
  best to avoid its reach. Clergy
  depended on tithes for their liveli-
  hood and fought vigorously to
  avoid evasion and keep control
  over tithe revenues. Church
  records are full of disputes
  between clergy over who was enti-
  tled to which tithe and how it
  might be spent.
  Like “fief,” “tithe” was used to
  describe a wide variety of circum-
  stances. Its most common mean-
  ing was a tax of one-tenth of every
  family’s gross income from agricul-
  ture and certain other sources. In
  Italy, it described a tax of one-
  tenth the produce from agriculture paid by tenant
  farmers to landholders. Elsewhere, it was used to
  describe a tax paid by tenant farmers to landholders
  for the use of forest and common lands. In 13-14C,
  it described a Church tax on clerical income used to
  fund the Crusades. It was used to describe some sec-
  ular taxes like the English “Saladin Tithe.” It was
  used to describe a one-tenth income tax imposed by
  Italian communes. “Tithe” could even be used to
  describe certain customs duties.
  In Fief, “tithe” refers to the first of those, the fee
  imposed by the Church on every Christian family.
  Early references appear in 5C; secular enforcement
  began in 10C. According to a 9C
  Church council, neither hardship,
  nor poverty, nor slavery was an
  excuse for not paying the tithe.
  Everyone was subject to it, even
  clergy. In practice, most clergy paid
  tithe obligations on their lands and
  animals from their tithe income
  from parishioners. In 1160, Pope
  Adrian 
  IV
  ruled 
  that 
  the
  Cistercian, 
  Hospitaller, 
  and
  Templar orders were exempt from
  the tithe on lands they directly
  managed. In some cases, monks
  were also exempt from tithes on
  land they cultivated themselves. In
  1215, Innocent III added the Premonstatensian
  order to the list of those exempt from the tithe.
  Tithes were paid on income from crops and ani-
  mals. In 13C, it was extended to all labor and profit.
  Some sources say that “unsavory” gains from
  usurers, jongleurs, and prostitutes was not subject to
  tithe. In 1228, Bishop Roger le Noir of London con-
  Fief Section X: Taxes, Tithes, and Tolls
  Page 64
  TAXES
  Item
  Year
  Country
  Amount
  Danegeld
  1042-66
  England
  7 d per hide of land (paid in 2 installments)
  Danegeld
  1083
  England
  6 s per hide of land
  Danegeld,
  1096
  England
  4 s per hide of land
  Entry Tax, London
  14C
  England
  1 d per cart, 1 farthing per horse entering or
  leaving the city; carts bringing sand, gravel,
  or clay paid 3 d per week
  Heribannum
  9C
  France
  3 l for 6 l+ of movable goods
  6 s for 3-6 l of movable goods
  5 s for 1-3 l of movable goods
  Property tax, royal
  1166
  France
  1 d per 1 l value of property and rents
  Rent, land on manor
  typical
  1 mark per virgate (32 acres)
  Saladin Tithe
  1188
  England
  1/10 of rents and most movable goods
  Taille for Jean II of
  1356-80
  France
  6 s per town hearth, 2 s per rural hearth
  France’s ransom
  sales tax of 12 d per l l.
  z
  
  firmed that city-dwellers paying 20 s per year rent
  owed the Church ½ d each Sunday and every
  Apostle’s fast day (8 total). Those who paid 10 s per
  year rent owed ¼ d on the same days. In 1343, a
  Canterbury synod ordered the tithe extended to
  timber. The English House of Commons objected
  and prohibited secular enforcement of any collec-
  tion for old timber. In 1398, Archbishop Arundel of
  Canturbury added 22 saints’ days to those on which
  city-dwellers owed tithe, adding nearly 1/3 to the
  Church’s income.
  In practice, parishioners seemed to have round-
  ed the one-tenth in their favor. In 1311, for exam-
  ple, 74 lambs were born on Farnham; 6 were given
  to the parish church as tithes. In 1309, 94 lambs
  were born on Farnham; 8 were given as tithes. Using
  that ratio, farmers might avoid the worst effects of
  the tithe on their livestock. Parishioners were often
  suspected of cheating tithes, thus mortuary (death
  tax) was justified as “for tithes wilfully, or ignorantly
  detained or imperfectly paid.”
  Tithes, mortuary beasts, and donations were
  stored in Church-owned barns or sometimes in
  churches themselves. The Capitulary of Mantua
  (813) provided that each parish would elect 4 to 8
  parishioners to witness tithe payments. Those who
  did not pay received 3 warnings from the parish
  priest. After the third warning, they were shut out of
  the church. Thereafter, they could be fined 6 s by
  the landholder. As a last resort, the priest could have
  their house closed up and the debtor imprisoned and
  fined if he or she tried to re-enter the dwelling.
  Tithe disputes could be held in either ecclesias-
  tical or secular courts. It was not until 13C that
  English secular courts ceded tithe disputes to the
  clergy. In 12C, the papacy increasingly became
  involved in disputes between clergy over tithe rev-
  enues. The ecclesiastical procedures were long,
  expensive, and involved many opportunities for
  appeals and delay. Secular courts, when available,
  allowed the use of compurgation (having others swear
  to one’s honesty), ordeals, and judicial duels (all for-
  bidden in ecclesiastical procedure).
  To whom were tithes due? Leo IV wrote in 847
  that tithes should be paid to churches where holy
  baptism was given. Every church was given a fixed
  group of estates from which it collected tithes. At
  first, priests regarded tithes as payment for giving the
  sacraments. In 835, for example, one priest withheld
  communion from parishioners who did not pay the
  tithe. The Church disagreed with this approach. In
  a 909 synod, it maintained that priests must admin-
  ister sacraments even if they received no tithes or
  offerings.
  Under 8C practice, churches received tithes in
  order of seniority – if a new church were built, it
  could not infringe on the tithe revenues of existing
  churches. In 8C, monasteries and abbeys began
  keeping tithes from their own lands for their use,
  thus depriving existing churches of their revenues.
  After many disputes, the Church affirmed the
  monks’ rights.
  In 9C Italy, tithe rights were strongly tied to bap-
  tismal churches. Elsewhere, tithes were collected
  according to local customs. By 10C, most secular
  landholders gave the tithes of their estates as they
  pleased; the Church permitted any church perform-
  ing pastoral functions to receive a share of tithes.
  Fractions of tithes were given to various churches
  and monasteries. Wine tithes were popularly given
  to monasteries.
  Tithes were a critical source of income to parish
  priests. In late 12C, Alexander III actively encour-
  aged bishops and archbishops to enforce their tithe
  rights. A Westminister synod in 1175 ordered all
  tithes to be paid according to custom and hurled
  anathemas and excommunications against violators.
  By 11-12C, many tithes had been granted to dis-
  tant monasteries and orders. They sold the right to
  collect the tithe to local bailiffs for a fixed annual
  fee. In 13C, the Church finally accepted the reality
  that secular landholders received and controlled a
  fair portion of tithe revenues. In late 13C, tithes paid
  in coin began to replace tithes paid in grain and ani-
  mals. This was a benefit to the clergy and the farm-
  Fief Section X: Taxes, Tithes, and Tolls
  Page 65
  h
  
  ers. Coin was easier to transport and allowed a papal
  banking system to transfer tithe credits across
  Europe. In lean years, clergy benefitted from a tithe
  calculated on average harvests. In good years, or
  when inflation devalued coins, farmers benefitted
  from the fixed sum.
  In 5-6C, the tithe was believed to belong to God
  and was to be used exclusively for pilgrims, captives,
  and the poor. The sums were paid to the clergy to
  prevent evasion and to prevent confusion with alms.
  Later, tithes were considered subject to a customary
  distribution between bishop, clergy, fabric (physical
  maintenance of a church), and the poor (quadripar-
  tition), or between bishop, clergy, and fabric (triparti-
  tion). Quadripartion was common in England,
  Germany, and Italy. Tripartion was common in
  France and Spain. Local clergy received the tithes
  and sent their bishops an annual accounting.
  Bishops were expected to examine the accounts for
  signs of fraud or misuse. In some areas, bishops could
  assign the share for the fabric and the poor outside
  the parish, often to a monastery.
  Tithes made their way to the Papacy through its
  internal tax system. In 1199, Pope Innocent II 
  imposed a direct tax on the Church to finance the
  Fourth Crusade. The tax was again imposed in 1215
  for the Fifth Crusade. The papal tax system
  was dramatically overhauled
  by John XXII (1316-
  34).
  TOLLS
  Tolls were mainly fees charged on travelers and
  merchandise to build, maintain, and repair roads
  and bridges. Landholders whose land contained
  navigable rivers or minor roads levied tolls. The
  French crown tried to reduce tolls in 8-9C in order
  to improve trade. The English crown created royal
  highways in 13C which were free of tolls. In 1187,
  William II of Sicily abolished all tolls on bridges,
  rivers, and roads in his royal demise. In theory, pil-
  grims and students were immune to tolls; in prac-
  tice, it depended on the landholder’s whims. 
  Excessive tolls encouraged traffic to find other
  routes and so tended to be self-limiting. One abbot
  charged a toll for use of a bridge by anyone except
  armed knights (whom he feared). A noble charged a
  toll on every cart of merchandise that used his road
  and spent the money on repairing the road. In 1353,
  Edward III granted a patent for a tax on all mer-
  chandise going to the staple (market) at
  Westminister, the proceeds to be used to repair that
  road. Cities charged tolls on crafters and on goods
  passing through their gates. Coblenz, Germany, for
  example, charged a toll of one loaf of bread per week
  from each of its bakers, 8 d per year from cobblers,
  and imposed a tax on foreign shoemakers trading in
  the town.
  Fief Section X: Taxes, Tithes, and Tolls
  Page 66
  
  Though markets and fairs are terms often used indiscrimi-
  nately, there is a difference between them, for fairs deal with larg-
  er things and only once in the year, or at least rarely in the same
  place, and to them come men from afar. But markets are for less-
  er things, the daily necessities of life; they are held weekly and only
  people from near at hand come. Hence markets are morally worse
  than fairs. They are held on feast days, and men miss thereby the
  divine office and the sermon and even disobey the precept of hear-
  ing Mass, and attend these meetings against the Church’s com-
  mand. Sometimes, too, they are held in graveyards and other holy
  places . . . Sometimes again the lord is defrauded of market dues,
  which is perfidy and disloyalty . . . Sometimes, too, quarrels hap-
  pen and violent disputes . . . Drinking is occasioned . . .
  – Humbert de Romans (1194-1277)
  A manor was nearly self-sufficient. Given aver-
  age weather and conditions, it supplied all the food
  necessary to feed its residents and animals, all of the
  raw wool needed for their clothing, all of the wood
  needed for building, cooking, heat, and tools, and all
  of the labor it needed. It had a mill to grind its grain
  and an oven for its bread. Its crafters built and main-
  tained its buildings, fences, and tools.
  But even in average years, it often needed to
  import some things. If not located on a shore, it
  needed salt to preserve meat for the winter. If not
  located on a river or coast, it needed fish for meals
  on Church meatless days. If its landholder did not
  have the right to take wood from a nearby forest, it
  needed wood for buildings and heat. It might also
  need pitch, tar, and heavy stone for construction
  and repair. It might need iron and other metals for
  tools and weapons. The church needed wine for
  services; landholders wanted wine for their tables.
  Although taxes and tithes could be paid in
  goods, it was often easier to pay
  in coin. Occasionally, a manor might import skilled
  laborers, especially stone masons and, of course,
  would need coins to pay the laborers’ salary. Finally,
  a manor needed to exchange some of its goods for
  coin to pay those officials owed cash salaries.
  Thus, even in average years, a manor had to
  engage in some trade. It exported ale, apples, beer,
  deadstock (hides and meat), garden crops, grain
  (often wheat), hay, livestock, nuts, wood, and wool.
  On some manors, farmers first had to offer their cat-
  tle and horses to the landholder, who could purchase
  at 2-4 d below the market price. If a manor was
  located near a cloth manufacturing city, like those in
  Flanders or northern Italy, its women might be hired
  as spinners and weavers. The wool factor would sell
  them the raw wool or raw thread and buy back the
  finished thread or cloth.
  Unfortunately, most of its exports went to local
  markets, which shared basically the same weather
  and resources. If a manor had a good year, chances
  were its neighbors did as well, and the local market
  prices were depressed by the surplus. If a manor had
  a bad year, again its neighbors did as well, and the
  local grain price rose. Transporting heavy grain over
  large distances was difficult and costly. In most
  regions, wagons pulled by oxen carried grain to mar-
  ket. In mountainous regions, goods were carried in
  baskets and bundles on human backs. In these areas
  portability was a major component of trade.
  Only a manor blessed with a navigable river,
  major road, or port could break out of its local mar-
  kets and perhaps grow into a profitable holding or
  even a regional trade center.
  XI. Trade
  Page 67
  q
  
  DEBT
  If you can improve your lands by tillage or cattle, or other
  means beyond the extent, put the surplus in reserve, for if corn
  fails, or cattle die, or fire befall you, or other mishap, then what
  you have saved will help you. If you spend in a year the value of
  your lands and profit, and one of these chances befall you, you
  have no recovery except by borrowing, and he who borrows from
  another robs himself.
  – William of Henley
  Landholders were chronically in debt. A manor
  faced enough disasters to upset its average equilibri-
  um. Society made a virtue of generosity and a vice of
  frugality. Thus, in good years a landholder was
  expected to demonstrate his or her good fortune
  with feasts and gifts. In a bad year, there were few
  reserves and little ready cash for supplies. Even if a
  landholder were frugal, a single reign by a profligate
  successor could drain a manor’s reserves of decades
  of careful management.
  After a bad harvest, a landholder might look to
  his or her neighbors and liege. Unfortunately, they
  would likely be suffering as
  well. Bad weather, disease,
  natural disasters, or war
  had likely hit the entire
  region. The landholder
  might look to the Church
  or his or her family, but
  again risked that they had
  been struck by the same
  disaster.
  Problems were also
  built into the manor’s eco-
  nomics. The landholder’s
  income was mostly in labor
  and in kind. Fees and fines
  were fixed by custom and
  could not easily be raised. It
  was thus hard for landholders to react to inflation or
  coin devaluations.
  Meanwhile, a landholder’s needs were becoming
  more expensive. Armor was heavier and more elab-
  orate in 13-15C than in 9-12C. A knight needed a
  heavier war horse to bear the extra weight, which
  was more expensive to breed and to feed. As reliefs
  and tithes began to be paid in coin, not kind, the
  landholder had to sell surplus for coin or borrow.
  Landholders 
  could 
  turn 
  to 
  either 
  the
  “Lombards” or to Jewish moneylenders. During 9-
  15C, the Church forbade Christians to lend money
  to other Christians at interest. The “Lombards” were
  northern Italian bankers who found various sub-
  terfuges to avoid this prohibition. Lombard bankers
  were common in many European cities. Jewish rab-
  bis did not prohibit Jews from lending at interest to
  non-Jews. Faced with Christian prohibitions and
  prejudices against Jews in the guilds and trades,
  many Jewish communities and families turned to
  moneylending to survive.
  In 13C England, small landholders were the bulk
  of the Jewish moneylenders’ clients. They offered
  three basic loan systems. First, one could pawn
  (pledge) some valuable item for the debt. If the
  pawn was not redeemed during the term of the loan,
  the moneylender could sell it. Jewish moneylenders 
  could not take church vessels, bloodstained or damp
  clothing, an artisan or crafter’s tools, or unwin-
  nowed grain as pawns.
  Second, one could borrow money by contract,
  often secured by land or by property remaining in
  the debtor’s possession.
  The debt contract was
  sealed, often by royal offi-
  cials charged with this
  task. Copies of the con-
  tract were kept by the
  lender, debtor, and crown.
  Interest rates were high.
  Phillippe II of France
  capped the legal rate of
  interest in 13C Franc at 2
  d per 1 l per week, or 43%
  per year. (It was difficult
  to foreclose on an armed
  landholder in a fortified
  manor house, however).
  The Church sometimes
  ordered Jews to stay or forgive debts of Crusaders.
  The crown sometimes seized Jewish leaders to force
  them to forgive debts. At times compound interest
  was allowed; at times it was forbidden. At times the
  crown ordered Jews to let debtors have three years
  to repay, free of additional interest; sometimes it rig-
  orously enforced debts.
  Third, one could assign a right to income –
  bridge tolls, mill multure, taxes, even tithes – for a
  fixed period. In this case, the creditor took over all
  collection efforts until the period ended. The debtor
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 68o
  
  could be sued in royal court if he or she interfered
  with the collection.
  Farmers also borrowed money, usually from each
  other. They bought goods and services on credit or
  installment payments, pledged to make annual pay-
  ments, and pledged as sureties on each others’ debts.
  The sums were small. In 1382-1429, a study of
  Writtle’s court found debt collection suits ranged in
  amounts from 2 to 10 s. The debts were either loans
  of goods to be returned (commodatum), loans to be
  paid in money or grain (mutuum), or
  loans to be repaid in services (presti-
  tum).
  Enforcing loans
  was difficult.
  Moneylenders often turned to royal officials to
  foreclose on property. If that failed, the debt
  was sold to someone capable of collecting
  it, often a rival of the debtor. In later 15C,
  large landholders began buying debts of
  smaller landholders and consolidat-
  ing their lands. Collection suits
  between farmers could be brought
  up to ten years after the default,
  even if the creditor and debtor
  had both died.
  Moneylenders were, not
  surprisingly, very unpopular.
  Partly this was because they were
  foreigners (Italians) or of a different faith (Jews).
  Partly it was because moneylenders lived in towns
  and cities, rarely having any personal ties to their
  clients. One of the first things that happened in any
  uprising was for a moneylender’s books to be
  destroyed and the moneylender himself killed.
  LOCAL FAIRS
  Most of a manor’s trade was done at local fairs
  and nearby market towns. Markets were held week-
  ly in larger villages, in towns, and at the gates of
  some abbeys and castles. These traded grain, food,
  and local crafts. Local officials were supposed to
  ensure fair dealing, but strangers were considered
  fair game for swindles.
  Each church had a traditional right to
  hold a fair on the feast of its saint and on the
  anniversary of its dedication. Thus, each
  village held at least one local fair each year.
  As more chapels, churches, and monaster-
  ies crowded the countryside, their fairs
  began stealing each others’ markets.
  The English crown eventually
  required landholders to either have
  a license (morlat) to hold a fair or
  to demonstrate a customary right
  to hold it. In applying for a mor-
  lat, the landholder had to assert
  that the fair would not prejudice
  the rights of existing fairs. The
  crown often required fairs to be at
  least 7 miles apart – a reasonable
  distance assuming a farmer trav-
  eled 1/3 of a day to the fair,
  spent 1/3 of a day at the fair, and returned home in
  the remaining 1/3 of a day. Multiday fairs had a larg-
  er minimum distance, estimated at about 20 miles.
  Moreover, in 1328, Edward III required landholders
  to announce at the beginning of each fair how long
  it would last so that both the landholder and mer-
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 69
  FAIR FEES
  Item
  Date
  Location
  Price
  Bed, rented
  1250-1320
  Huntingdonshire
  4 ½ d for fair
  Bed, rented
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  ½ d per night
  Entry fee, cider
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  4 d per cask
  Entry fee, geese
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  1 goose of 13
  Entry fee, wheat
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  2 d per cartload
  Entry fee, wine
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  4 d per cask
  Fine, juror’s failure to appear
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  6 d
  House, purchase,
  near fairgrounds
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  30 l 
  Stall rental
  1250-1320
  Winchester
  3 d per day
  
  chants would depart at the end of the chartered
  duration. The fair holder also had to cry any appli-
  cable assizes (often those fixing prices for bread and
  ale), test weights and measures, and test the quality
  of any wine sold.
  At first, local fairs were held in the church’s
  yard. The Church disapproved because fairs were
  often associated with brawls, dancing, drinking, and
  other unchurchly activities. In 1283, Edward I for-
  bade fairs and markets to be held in churchyards.
  Larger fairs divided merchants into various
  groups. Livestock was sold outside the town or vil-
  lage proper. Grain was sold in another area and wool
  in a third. A farmer might find himself or herself
  moving from market to market to sell their wares.
  Some entered into temporary partnerships to maxi-
  mize their sales. 
  Because all of the local farmers were gathered at
  a fair, it was a good time for the landholder to call a
  manorial court and make important announce-
  ments. Many fairs were followed by a communal
  feast called a lee-ale or scot-ale. Villagers each paid
  a fee to provide food for these feasts.
  Various ball games were often played between
  rival villages. In general the rules were simple, the
  teams large, and the action furious. Broken bones
  and even accidental deaths were reported in several
  court rolls. Ball games included the ancestors of soc-
  cer, hockey, cricket, bowling, handball, and tennis.
  Wrestling and archery competitions, foot races,
  bear-baiting, and cock fighting were common.
  Disputes between vendors and fairgoers at local
  fairs were settled by the village’s reeve. The reeve
  and 2-3 others also witnessed contracts. Disputes at
  large fairs were settled by the Court of Pie-Powder
  (from pieds poudres – dusty feet). The court tried
  cases before a jury of traders and settled contracts
  for goods, disturbances at the fair, and slander of
  wares. Its jurisdiction was only over actions at the
  fair and within its bounds. It could only punish a
  thief, for example, if he stole from the fair’s mer-
  chants and was caught within its grounds. In 1478,
  Edward IV reformed these courts following allega-
  tions of corruption and abuse.
  At large French fairs, judges were appointed by
  the regional landholder to settle disputes. In 1349,
  Philippe VI ordered that every royally chartered fair
  could have two wardens, one chancellor for its seal,
  two lieutenants, 40 notaries, and 100 sergeants. The
  wardens and chancellors made annual reports of the
  state of the fair to the Chamber of Accounts in Paris.
  A 1349 law also dealt with the payment and settle-
  ment of contracts made at the fair and required each
  contract to be marked with the fair’s seal if it were
  to be enforced by the fair’s judges.
  The largest fairs were those held in Champagne,
  Novgorod, Aix-la-Chapelle, Geneva, Cologne,
  Frankfort, Bruges, and Stourbridge. The St. Ives fair,
  Huntingdonshire (1 month following Easter), and St.
  Giles fair, Winchester (first two weeks of September),
  were among England’s major fairs. In 15C, Florence’s
  fairs took in at least 15-16 million l per year. These
  fairs were international centers for trade lasting for
  several weeks, where vast amounts of goods and coin
  were exchanged. Unless a manor was on one of these
  fair’s trade routes or near the fair itself, they would
  have little effect on its economy.
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 70
  o
  g
  
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 71
  PRICES
  Item
  Date
  Location
  Price
  Ale, per gallon
  1301
  Oxford, England
  1 ½ d
  Ale, per gallon
  1356
  London
  1 ½ d
  Ass
  1326-50
  Pistoia
  11 1 
  Ass
  1350
  Ravenna
  8 l
  Ass
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  15 l (ave)
  Ass
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  20 l 8 s (ave)
  Ass
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  16 l 4 s (ave)
  Barley, per bushel
  1210
  Farnham, England
  1 s 6 d
  Barley, per bushel
  1213
  Farnham, England
  2 s 4 d
  Barley, per bushel
  1301
  Oxford, England
  7 ½ d
  Barley, per bushel
  1356
  London
  7 ½ d
  Barley, per bushel
  1370
  London
  7 d
  Barley, per bushel
  1387
  London
  6 d
  Beer, 3 persons, 1 day
  1210
  Newcastle, England
  4 d
  Bread, 3 persons, 1 day
  1331
  Newcastle, England
  2 d
  Butter, per pound
  1299
  Farnham, England
  1 d
  Butter, per pound
  1301
  Farnham, England
  ½ d
  Calf
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  17 l 3 s (ave)
  Calf
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  19 l 9 s (ave)
  Calf
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  30 l (ave)
  Calf
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  20 l 2 s (ave)
  Cannon
  1350s
  England
  13 s 4 d
  Carriage
  1333
  England
  1,000 l
  Carriage
  1397
  England
  400 l
  Cart, body
  1313-14
  Glatton, England
  18 d
  Cart, farm, used
  1303
  Farnham, England
  9 s
  Cart, fit wheel to axle
  1356-7
  Pittington, England
  3 d
  Cart, wheel
  1313-14
  Glatton, England
  8 d
  Cart, wheel
  1293-4
  Knowle, England
  8 d
  Cask, empty
  1300-05
  England
  8 d
  Cheese, per 182 lbs
  1210
  Farnham, England
  6 s 5 d
  Cheese, per 182 lbs
  1248
  Farnham, England
  7 s
  Cheese, per 182 lbs
  1290
  Farnham, England
  9 s
  Chicken
  1213
  Farnham, England
  ½ d
  Chicken
  1232
  Farnham, England
  1 d
  Coal, sea, per bushel
  1300-05
  England
  1 d
  Coffer, ornamented
  1384
  Florence, Italy
  7-8  l (pair)
  Cow
  mid-8C
  England
  3 s
  Cow
  1213
  Farnham, England
  2 s
  Cow
  1262
  Farnham, England
  9 s 9 d
  Cow
  1263-4
  Pistolia, Italy
  21 l 8 s (ave)
  Cow
  14C
  England
  9 s 5 d
  Cow
  1302
  Pisa
  18 l
  Cow
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  21 l 8 s (ave)
  
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 72
  PRICES
  Item
  Date
  Location
  Price
  Cow
  1348-9
  Waltham, England
  3 s 4½ d
  Cow
  1350
  Ravenna
  10 l
  Cow
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  37 l 7 s (ave)
  Cow
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  49 l 5 s (ave)
  Cow
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  35 l 7 s (ave)
  Eggs, per thousand
  1220
  Farnham, England
  1 s 8 d
  Eggs, per thousand
  1232
  Farnham, England
  2 s 6 d
  Fetters
  1222
  Farnham, England
  6 d
  Fodder, 3 horses, 1 day
  1331
  Newcastle, England
  10 d
  Fowl
  14C
  England
  1 d
  Goat
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  2  l 1 s (ave)
  Goat
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  2 l 8 s (ave)
  Goat
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  3 l 3 s (ave)
  Goat
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  3 l 2 s (ave)
  Ginger
  13C
  England
  70 s
  Goshawk, female †
  15C
  England
  3 l 10 s
  Goshawk, male †
  15C
  England
  28 s
  Herring, per thousand
  1220
  London, England
  5 s
  Horse, cart/work
  1250-1350
  England
  28 s 6 d
  Horse, cart
  1348-9
  Waltham, England
  7 s 10¾ d
  Horse, courser
  1154-89
  England
  20-30 s
  Horse, courser
  1250-1350
  England
  10-50 l
  Horse, courser
  1302
  Artois, France
  60 l
  Horse, destrier
  1154-89
  England
  30-60 s
  Horse, destrier
  1250-1350
  England
  50-100 l
  Horse, “hobby”
  1250-1350
  England
  40 s - 2 l
  Horse, “pack”
  1250-1350
  England
  7-8 s
  Horse, palfry
  11C
  England
  20-30 s
  Horse, palfry
  1250-1350
  England
  10-50 l
  Horse, palfry
  1302
  Artois, France
  50 l
  Horse, plow
  mid-8C
  England
  12 s
  Horse, plow
  1208
  Farnham, England
  6 s 1 d
  Horse, plow
  1225
  Farnham, England
  6 s 5 d
  Horse, plow
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  24 l 7 s (ave)
  Horse, plow
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  36 l 4 s (ave)
  Horse, plow
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  38 l 3 s (ave)
  Horse, plow
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  41 l 2 s (ave)
  Horse, rouncy
  1250-1350
  England
  5-10 l
  Horse, rouncy
  1302
  Artois, France
  34 l
  Horse, war (see pg 34)
  Horse, work
  1348-9
  Waltham, England
  2 s 6 d
  Millet, per bushel
  1170
  Pisa, Italy
  ½ s
  † hunting bird
  
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 73
  PRICES
  Item
  Date
  Location
  Price
  Millet, per bushel
  1173
  Pisa, Italy
  3½ s
  Millet, per bushel
  1174
  Pisa, Italy
  6 s
  Millet, per bushel
  1371
  Verona, Italy
  30 s
  Millstone
  1285
  Farnham, England
  40 s
  Millstone
  1287
  Farnham, England
  37½ s
  Mule
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  75 l 9 s (ave)
  Mule
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  76 l 1 s (ave)
  Mule
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  81 l 6 s (ave)
  Mule
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  62 l 3 s (ave)
  Oats, per bushel
  1170
  Pisa, Italy
  2 s
  Oats, per bushel
  1174
  Pisa, Italy
  5 s
  Oats, per bushel
  1210
  Farnham, England
  1 s 3 d
  Oats, per bushel
  1251
  Farnham, England
  1 s 10 d
  Oats, per bushel
  1301
  Oxford, England
  4 d
  Ox
  1182-88
  England
  4 s 2 d
  Ox
  1192
  England
  3 s
  Ox
  1201
  England
  7 s
  Ox
  1210
  Farnham, England
  5 s 7 d
  Ox
  1246
  Farnham, England
  6 s
  Ox
  14C
  England
  13 s 1 d
  Ox
  1306
  Siena, Italy
  16 l 10 s
  Ox
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  19 l 8 s (ave)
  Ox
  1348-9
  Waltham, England
  9 s 4 d
  Ox
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  34 l 3 s (ave)
  Ox
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  48 l 6 s (ave)
  Ox
  1400-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  32 l 8 s (ave)
  Pig
  118-1192
  England
  2 s
  Pig
  1201
  England
  2 s
  Pig
  1222
  Farnham, England
  2 s
  Pig
  1287
  Farnham, England
  1 s 6 d
  Pig
  1348-9
  Waltham, England
  3 s
  Plates
  1303
  England
  1 s
  Plaustrum, wheel
  1276-7
  Knowle, England
  20 d
  Pot, brass
  1303
  England
  4 s
  Pot, water
  1303
  England
  12 d
  Rye, per bushel
  1210
  Farnham, England
  2 s
  Salt, per bushel
  1289
  Farnham, England
  3 d
  Salt, per pound
  1287
  England
  ½ d
  Salt, per pound
  1300
  England
  1 1/4 d
  Sheep
  1180s
  England
  6 d
  Sheep
  1192
  England
  4 d
  Sheep
  1201
  England
  10 d
  Sheep
  1265
  Farnham, England
  1 s 3 d
  Sheep
  14C
  England
  1 s 5 d
  
  Fief Section XI: Trade
  Page 74
  PRICES
  Item
  Date
  Location
  Price
  Sheep
  1326-50
  Pistoia, Italy
  1 l 8 s (ave)
  Sheep
  1351-75
  Pistoia, Italy
  2 l 2 s (ave)
  Sheep
  1376-1400
  Pistoia, Italy
  3 l 4 s (ave)
  Sheep
  1401-25
  Pistoia, Italy
  2 l 5 s (ave)
  Sheep, 20 †
  1307
  Montaillou, France
  10  l
  Springald ††
  1350s
  England
  3 l 6 s 8 d
  Sword & sheath
  mid-8C
  England
  7 s
  Tripod and andiron
  1303
  England
  6 d
  Tub and brewing apparatus
  1303
  England
  2 s
  Vat, brewing
  1303
  England
  2 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1165
  England
  1 s 9½ d
  Wheat, per bushel
  1170
  Pisa, Italy
  3 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1173
  Pisa, Italy
  4 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1174
  Pisa, Italy
  9 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1178
  England
  1 s 7 d
  Wheat, per bushel
  1184
  England
  1 s 10 d
  Wheat, per bushel
  1210
  Farnham, England
  3 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1213
  Farnham, England
  2 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1251
  Farnham, England
  3 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1301
  Oxford, England
  1 s
  Wheat, per bushel
  1346
  Lincon, England
  3 d
  Wheat, per bushel
  1369
  Verona, Italy
  27 d
  Wheat, per bushel
  1371
  Verona, Italy
  55 d
  Wine, per gallon
  1170
  Pisa, Italy
  4 s
  Wine, per gallon
  1173
  Pisa, Italy
  8 s
  Wine, per gallon
  1174
  Pisa, Italy
  15 s
  Wine, per gallon
  1290
  Farnham, England
  3½ d
  Wine, per gallon
  1300
  England
  2 ½ d
  Wool, per pound
  1208
  Farnham, England
  1½ d
  Wool, per pound
  1251
  Farnham, England
  2½ d
  Wool, per pound
  1298
  Farnham, England
  2½ d
  † plus 6 l for their wool
  †† fixed crossbow used for sieges
  x
  
  There are many fine books on medieval weapons
  and armor. Fief can barely scratch the surface of the
  styles of armor and weapons, knights’ tactics, and
  the history of battles. And most of those
  refinements were outside a small
  landholder’s concerns. Small land-
  holders could rarely afford fancy
  equipment or evolve convoluted
  tactics. Most often, they formed
  part of a larger landholder’s force and
  served as they were instructed to.
  The main military justification for
  manors was to support a decentralized
  cavalry and support forces.
  From a landholder’s per-
  spective, the manor pro-
  vided a steady supply of
  food, feed and fodder,
  scattered fortifications,
  labor on fortifications
  and roads, and money for
  armor and weapons. From
  a farmer’s perspective,
  the manor provided a
  nearby fortification and a
  trained, armored warrior
  to respond quickly to brigands and greedy neighbors.
  From a higher noble’s perspective, manors provided
  a body of trained warriors and fortifications which
  he or she did not need to maintain. The noble need-
  ed only provide some support for contingencies.
  In 1307, Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford,
  retained Sir Bartholomew de Enfield, a landless
  knight, for life. In peace, Sir Bartholomew received
  hay and oats for four horses, wages for three men
  and his chamberlain, and could dine in Earl
  Humphrey’s hall. In war, Sir Bartholomew received
  hay and oats for eight horses, wages for seven men
  and his chamberlain, and sufficient horses for him-
  self in war and in tournament. In addition, Sir
  Bartholomew received land worth 40 silver marks
  per annum (3 l 5 s 4 p), which could be seized by the
  earl if he failed to perform the military services due.
  There were a few manors held for nonmilitary
  duties called sergeanties. The landowner might be
  obligated to look after a liege’s hawks or dogs, or pro-
  vide equipment or naval vessels. In one particularly
  silly example, the holder of Hemingstone in Suffolk
  was obligated to leap, whistle, and fart for the king’s
  amusement on Christmas Day. Sergeanties were
  uncommon, and were phased out
  in 13C in favor of military serv-
  ice or rents.
  ARMIES
  Medieval armies were
  small. The entire force at the
  Battle of Hastings (1066) was
  about 8,000 soldiers, of which
  2,000-3,000 were cavalry.
  William the Conqueror’s
  post-conquest army consist-
  ed of 5,000-6,000 knights,
  each owing 2 months service
  in war and 40 days’ service in
  peace, not counting castle
  garrison duties. When Louis
  VI of France faced Henry I of
  England at Brémule (1119), he had
  400 knights to face Henry’s 500 knights. Three
  French knights were killed, 140 were taken prisoner
  (common soldiers and peasants were often beneath
  the notice of chroniclers).
  The army was loosely organized into units of
  major landholders and their vassals. There were no
  standing armies or organized regiments. Each group
  had its own loyalties, goals, and rivalries. The
  French, in particular, were cursed with poor disci-
  pline in the Hundred Years War. Knights rode over
  each other and their own auxiliary forces in their
  haste to engage the English and capture knights for
  ransom. In addition to the landholder’s units, there
  might also be mercenaries, auxiliaries, servants, and
  camp followers.
  Heraldry came into fashion in mid-13C as a way
  to distinguish armored knights and their units in
  battle or on the tournament field. Heraldry started
  as a fairly simple system, but quickly evolved a com-
  plex set of rules about colors, images, and their posi-
  XII. Warfare
  Page 75
  o
  
  tions. Heralds appeared in early 14C to identify
  tournament combatants, supervise festivals, and sort
  out the heraldic rules.
  Some landholders served in armies as part of
  their duties to their liege. When that obligation
  ended, the landholders were free to return home
  unless paid. Many landholders disputed just what
  military service they owed. In 1171, the English
  crown found that landholders claimed to owe about
  half the fighters the crown thought were due.
  Sometimes landholders were paid from the start.
  In December, 1181, Count Baldwin V of Hainault 
  spent 1,850 silver marks to go to war, remain there,
  and return in five weeks. The Count also had to pay
  mercenaries to defend his own fief. He paid 600 l to
  one group in a village near Valenciennes and 400 l
  to another at a village near Brabant.
  Summoning the Army
  The English army was summoned when the
  crown sent sheriffs to serve a writ of summons on its
  royal vassals. The writ gave a specific time and place
  to gather for military service. The vassals, who each
  owed a fixed number of fighters, then sent summons
  to their vassals, and so on until all those who owed
  service were notified. It took about three to eight
  weeks to gather the royal army.
  If a landholder disobeyed a summons to war, the
  consequences ranged from a fine (40-50 s in 11C) to
  forfeiture of one’s lands, depending on the type of
  summons and the landholder’s specific obligations.
  LANDHOLDER’S OBLIGATIONS
  Landholders and landless knights served as the
  army’s cavalry. In 11-12C, anyone who fought on
  horseback was a knight (milites). By 14C, mounted
  warriors were divided into bannerets, knights,
  squires, sergeants, and valets. The distinction was
  based on skill, wealth, and social status. Bannerets
  were paid twice as much as knights, who were in
  turn paid twice as much as squires and sergeants.
  Bannerets commanded and supported between
  ten and fifteen knights, their equipment, and retain-
  ers – an expensive undertaking beyond the means of
  a small landholder. “Knight” described any mounted
  warrior. It was often a hereditary rank, depending
  primarily on whether the candidate had the wealth
  to maintain the necessary armor and horses. In 1224
  and 1241, the English king ordered that every adult
  man holding 80 l worth of land should be knighted.
  The law was unpopular and only sporadically obeyed
  by landholders, who wished to avoid the financial
  costs of knighthood.
  Sergeants appeared as a rank in late 12C. These
  were also mounted warriors who seem to have owed
  their landholder military service separately from
  their right to hold their land. Squires and valets
  were lesser-paid mounted warriors – the ranks are
  sometimes used interchangeably.
  Landless knights were members of a large land-
  holder’s household. Some were given small amounts
  of land (berwicks) which supplied their food and
  clothing, but were too small to support their arms,
  armor, and horses.
  War required a significant investment. In 12C, a
  knight’s armor and weapons cost perhaps 30 s. This
  included chain armor, a metal helmet, a lance or
  spear, a sword, and a shield. By the end of 13C, it
  cost 50 s. This now included heavier mixed chain
  and plate armor, a metal helmet, a lance, a sword, a
  shield, and likely horse armor. The extra weight
  required a larger horse, which in turn was more
  expensive to breed and to feed. Until 13C, every
  knight was expected to have three horses: a
  warhorse, and two riding horses (rounceys). Many
  wealthy knights maintained four or five horses dur-
  ing war. After 13C, the cost of maintaining horses
  had become so expensive, that some landholders
  who had the revenues to become knights refused the
  honor. These non-knight warriors were sometimes
  called men-at-arms (homines ad arma).
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 76
  u
  
  The reason that a knight needed so many hors-
  es was that if one were forced to do heavy work (like
  carrying a knight around a battlefield) for more than
  3 hours per day over 5 or 6 days it would collapse
  from overwork. Knights maintained several horses
  so they could rotate them on campaign. On top of
  this, horses were expensive to feed. A single horse
  needs 10 pounds of hay and 8 gallons of water per
  day. If it is doing heavy work, it needs an additional
  10 pounds of oats per day.
  The return on the landholder’s investment
  was speculative. In battle, the landholder
  risked his life, his health, and his wealth. If
  captured, he could be held for ransom.
  Custom held that the amount should not
  bankrupt him, but any lesser amount
  was acceptable. (In some cases, the
  landholder or household knight’s
  liege might pay the ransom, com-
  pensate for crippling injuries, and
  replaced damaged equipment
  and wounded horses). If suc-
  cessful, however, the landhold-
  er could win rich ransoms and
  pillage spoils. After a successful
  campaign, a monarch or
  liege also often awarded
  cash bonuses or land for
  outstanding valor.
  The English Assize of Arms
  (1181) required “every holder of
  a knight’s fee have a hauberk,
  helmet, a shield, and a lance.”
  In 1282, Edward I required all
  of his subjects with at least
  30 l in landed income to keep
  a warhorse and armor. An
  English Assize of Arms (1347)
  required landholders with 30
  s of land to supply one man-
  at-arms (usually the land-
  holder) and one archer. Some
  small landholders held a sergeanty of archery which
  required them to serve 40 days each year with a
  crossbow.
  The French Etablishments de Saint Louis (c.1270)
  required barons and royal vassals to serve for 40 days
  and 40 nights to defend the kingdom and set the
  rate for paid service after that term ended. If called
  to fight outside the kingdom, even if paid, a land-
  holder did not have to serve. By 1282, Charles of
  Anjou expected a knight to have 4 horses and 3
  aides (an esquire and 2 “boys”) armed with
  sword and dagger.
  The Norman Kingdom of Sicily in 12C
  required nearly any male who could
  supply a war horse (a destrenus or a ronzi-
  nus) to do so. The war horse could not
  be used for farming, and had to be fed with
  barley. Farmers (likely free peasants) could
  serve as royal knights on occasion. The
  Norman army also included servientes, who
  seem to be equivalent to unlanded household
  knights. Many served the crown by garrison-
  ing royal castles.
  Scutage
  At first, English landholders were
  expected to serve 2 months in war and 40
  days in peace. By 13C, a landholder could
  substitute a fee for this direct personal serv-
  ice. The commutation, called scutage or scu-
  tagium, was eventually used to escape military
  service altogether. The rate in late 12C was
  approximately 6 d per day owed. In 1277 it
  was 2 s per day owed for a knight and 1 s per
  day owed for a sergeant/man-at-arms.
  Scutage was primarily an English custom
  and was more rarely allowed in France and
  Germany. Italian landholders had few formal
  military duties. Their armies were mostly
  composed of hired mercenaries.
  There are several theories about why
  the English monarchs allowed landholders
  to pay scutage. Perhaps it was easier to
  accept payment which could supply and
  support a smaller army rather than try to
  maintain and transport a large force drawn
  from the entire island. A monarch had
  more use for a few hundred knights who
  would campaign for a year rather than a host of
  thousands of knights who would serve for only a
  month.
  Edward I (1272-1307) increasingly relied on
  paid knights and soldiers rather than relying on feu-
  dal duties. Although some barons resisted becoming,
  in effect, royal mercenaries, many were happy for
  the coin.
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 77e
  
  PEASANT’S OBLIGATIONS
  Despite the impression given by the chansons de
  geste (knightly romances), the medieval army was
  more than just mounted knights. It included foot
  soldiers (pedites), sergeants, and archers, who were
  usually peasants and townspeople. Some soldiers
  were small landholders who could not afford a
  knight’s equipment.
  In 1181, Henry II ruled that all free English men
  could be summoned to defend the kingdom and the
  crown. All those in Henry’s continental possessions
  with 100 l worth of movable goods were to have a
  horse and knight’s equipment. Those with 20 l to 40
  l worth of movable goods were to have a haubergeon
  (mail shirt), spear, and sword. The poorest were to
  have a gambeson (quilted
  cloth shirt), iron cap, spear,
  and sword or bow and
  arrows. For England, those
  with an annual income or
  movable goods worth 40 l
  were to have a complete set
  of knight’s armor. Those with
  28 l to 40 l of income or
  goods were to have a hauber-
  geon, iron headpiece, and
  lance. The poorest were to
  have a gambeson, iron head-
  piece, and spear. English law
  also regulated the sale, pawn,
  and export of weapons.
  Starting in late 13C, sol-
  diers were recruited by royal commissioners of array.
  The royal commissioners were given a quota of sol-
  diers to recruit from a given county or region. Abuse
  and corruption were common. Villages and small
  towns saw commissions as a way to rid themselves of
  troublemakers and criminals. For some farmers,
  however, a soldier’s pay and the chance of booty was
  a reasonable incentive to volunteer.
  English royal foot soldiers were loosely organized
  into units of twenty under a vintenar, and one hun-
  dred under a constable. There was frequent change
  among the members of a unit and no sense of regi-
  mental identity. Desertion, especially when the army
  was near its home territory or working with better
  paid mercenary units, was common.
  Foot soldiers were needed for sieges and for cas-
  tle garrisons. In a siege, they stormed walls and for-
  aged for supplies. In a peace-time garrison, they
  defended a fortification from bandits, peasant upris-
  ings, and sudden attacks. In war, the garrison dou-
  bled or tripled so that it could protect the fortifica-
  tion and harass opposing armies, foraging parties,
  and scouts. A major royal castle might have a war-
  time garrison of 500 soldiers and 150 knights.
  Peasants were allowed to own weapons to pro-
  tect their homes from bandits and criminals. Indeed,
  royal accounts suggest that monarchs did not equip
  “conscripted” troops. Peasants were expected to
  bring their own weapons or be supplied by their vil-
  lage or landholder. Peasants were not allowed to
  carry weapons except during war. In 1152, Emperor
  Frederick I ordered judges to fine any peasant who
  carried arms.
  In war, a soldier’s
  equipment included a steel
  cap, mail coif, hauberk,
  leather gorget, soft leather
  leg armor, chausses with
  metal studs, and an axe or
  pole-arm. The soldier’s
  armor was likely a genera-
  tion or two out of date.
  Other 
  weapons 
  might
  include a sword or bow.
  Unlike knights, soldiers
  were always paid, either by
  their landholder or by who-
  ever summoned the army.
  Their pay did not include
  food. The English monarch bought and transported
  large quantities of food to its armies, where it was
  sold at a profit or given as a reward for success. Food
  might also be distributed in lieu of wages.
  Count Bouchard of Vendôme secured the town
  guards’ services from April to August in one year.
  For April to May, he paid the guards’ wages from his
  own pocket. For June to August, he paid their wages
  from a tax (gaitagium) on the townspeople. For the
  remainder of the year, his vassals each sent one
  month’s garrison as part of their duties.
  Being a solider was dangerous. Knights consid-
  ered it dishonorable to be captured by peasants or
  mercenaries. They also knew that some soldiers, par-
  ticularly the Flemish and Swiss, often killed knights
  rather than take ransoms. Knights also realized that
  peasant and mercenary armor and weapons were
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 78
  d
  
  rarely worth the effort of capturing them. Thus,
  knights rode down soldiers while looking for more
  “worthy” adversaries. Even worse, the knights on
  one’s own side sometimes rode down their own sol-
  diers in their haste to engage other knights. Finally,
  archers and soldiers were outside the chivalric code;
  they could be tortured and executed with impunity.
  Archers
  The English relied heavily on archers. Unlike
  soldiers, archers were usually recruited as part of a
  noble’s retinue, not conscripted individually by com-
  missioners of array. In 1345-46, a
  landholder owning 5 l of land
  was asked to provide one archer
  for the royal army, those owning
  10 l a mounted archer (hobelar),
  and those owning 10 l to 20 l one
  man at arms.
  Their principal weapons were
  the long bow (likely introduced
  around mid-11C) and the crossbow
  (introduced in 12C). Both landhold-
  ers and peasants used bows for hunt-
  ing and competitions, but landholders
  did not use bows in battle. The English
  preferred long bows. The French and
  Italians preferred crossbows, and even
  introduced mounted crossbow archers in
  mid-13C.
  There are records of regular archery
  competitions in England starting in
  early 13C. In 1363, Edward III made
  archery contests compulsory on
  Sundays and feast days. In 1369,
  Edward III ordered sheriffs in London to
  forbid healthy men from any other sport – “throwing
  of stones, wood, iron, handball, football, bandyball,
  cambuck, or cock fighting, nor other such like vain
  plays” – and instead to practice archery. Edward IV
  issued another ban on dice and other amusements in
  1470.
  In 1472, Edward IV noted the dearness of bows
  and regulated prices and orders. Merchants were
  required to import 4 bow staves per ton of merchan-
  dise with their wares.
  The French, having been victims of English
  longbows in several battles, did train their own
  archers. The French crown did not promote archery
  as the English, but it did encourage corporations of
  archers in major towns.
  The Scots had also often been victims of English
  archers. James I of Scotland ordered in 1424 that all
  men practice as archers from age 12. The command
  was sporadically followed until muskets began to
  replace bows in 16C.
  Having a reserve of trained archers was danger-
  ous. Many of Wat Tyler’s followers in the 1281
  Peasant Rebellion were archers. Archers were also
  prominent in the 1414 Oldcastle rebellion
  and Cade’s rebellion of 1450.
  The 
  legend 
  of 
  Robin 
  Hood,
  England’s most famous archer,
  is mentioned in Piers Plowman
  in 1377; a number of Robin
  Hood ballads were collected in
  1495 in the Lytell Geste of Robyn
  Hode (The Robin Hood of these
  tales is a yeoman, a peasant, not a dis-
  possessed noble). Some historians believe
  Robin Hood was an actual person; others
  contend he was a composite of various
  folk heroes.
  Mercenaries
  Mercenaries were most commonly
  used in Italy and southern France.
  Their use depended upon reliable rev-
  enues, usually from scutage. Richard I 
  and John I used mercenaries exten-
  sively. The royal accounts from 1215
  shows 375 foreign knights in John’s
  service. Politically, mercenaries were
  useful – they expected to be reliably
  paid, not granted land or political
  favors for their service. They were also more reliable
  soldiers for unpopular monarchs, like John I. For
  similar reasons, mercenaries were very unpopular
  with the nobles. They were also perceived as cruel
  and undisciplined, with no respect for the clergy or
  for nobles.
  Louis VII of France and Emperor Frederick
  Barbarossa of the Holy Roman Empire agreed in the
  1160s to expel mercenaries from their lands.
  Mercenaries were condemned by the Vatican’s
  Third Lateran Council of 1179. The Magna Carta 
  (1215) promised that all foreign knights, crossbow-
  men, sergeants, and paid soldiers would be removed
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 79f
  
  from the kingdom. Mercenaries reappeared in
  northern Europe during the Hundred Years War 
  (14-15C) when their usefulness outweighed their
  political cost.
  As troops, mercenaries were effective so long as
  they were steadily paid and kept busy. There is not
  much information available about who composed
  the mercenary forces or how they were trained. It is
  likely that many were younger sons of small land-
  holders, artisans, peasants, and escaped serfs.
  Naval Service
  In the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, some land-
  holders paid a royal tax, the marinarios, for upkeep of
  the royal navy. Other landholders were liable to pro-
  vide ships and sailors. In 12C, Caltagirone owed 250
  sailors for the fleet; Nicosia owed 296 sailors; the
  bishop of Patti owed 20 sailors. The obligations were
  reduced in early 13C. Other landholders owed duty
  watching the coast and supplying wood, pitch, and
  other naval supplies.
  SERFS’ OBLIGATIONS
  Originally, the ability to bear arms was a mark
  of freedom. If a landholder armed a serf, the serf
  was thereby manumitted. Conversely, if a free man
  refused to serve when called, he could be made a
  serf. In 1225, the English crown gave serfs the
  responsibility of bearing arms in defense of the
  kingdom. Those who possessed 20 s in movable
  goods were to have an iron headpiece and padded
  doublet. Those with 40 s in movable goods were to
  have an axe and spear. In 1264, each village had to
  chose four to eight soldiers to be armed with spears,
  bows and arrows, crossbows, and swords to serve
  the crown.
  BANDITS, MERCENARIES, AND
  FORAGING PARTIES
  Bandits were an ongoing menace to manors.
  Criminals, runaway serfs, and other vagabonds com-
  monly lived in the forests and marshes near manors
  where they could steal crops and waylay travelers.
  Occasionally, a bold bandit might try to capture an
  ill-defended small manor. The capture generally
  lasted until the landholder’s neighbors or liege
  recaptured the manor.
  In war, a small manor’s most likely foe was not a
  large siege, but wandering groups of mercenaries.
  Dismissed by the crown or a major landholder after
  a battle, these wandering groups would often pillage
  the countryside on their way to their next employer.
  Walter Map described the bands in 1180 as an
  abominable heretical sect, thousands strong, armed
  with leather and iron, who pillaged, violated, and
  devastated everything. Some captured castles or for-
  tified monasteries, declared themselves the land-
  holders, and began to exact services from the coun-
  tryside. When peace returned, the major landhold-
  ers were forced to root them out of their lairs.
  England had less problems with mercenaries
  than France and Italy. The Magna Carta obliged the
  crown to send away “all foreign knights and cross-
  bowmen and mercenaries who had crossed over with
  their arms and horses to harm the land.”
  Another threat was foraging parties. Medieval
  armies did not travel with supply trains before 15C;
  they lived off the countryside. It was common for
  armies to deny their foes forage by burning and
  trampling crops, looting and burning villages, and
  slaughtering animals. Being on the fringes of a siege
  could be as devasting to a small manor as being its
  target. Fortunately, unless a manor was located on a
  contested border, this was a once-in-a-lifetime
  event.
  Robber Knights
  The massive changes following the Plague of
  1347-48 impoverished many landholders. Grain
  prices fell sharply because of decreased demand and
  increased use of the best arable land. The cost of
  maintaining ever more elaborate armor, and larger
  horses to carry it, rose. Peasants and serfs fled the
  countryside for better pay in the cities. Those land-
  holders who could not find bureaucratic posts or
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 80
  n
  
  work as mercenaries sometimes turned into “robber
  barons” who attacked wealthy travelers, imposed
  ruinous tolls, incited border wars, and raided their
  neighbors to maintain their wealth. One German
  count raided three villages for a total of 226 cows, 95
  horses, 50 pigs and 1,005 sheep in 1364-65.
  To be successful, a robber knight needed skill in
  picking his victims so as to exact the maximum prof-
  it without provoking retaliation by his or her feudal
  superiors or a dangerous peasant uprising.
  SIEGES
  War was often a series of sieges and skirmishes,
  occasionally interrupted by a large field battle. The
  siege began with an offer of surrender terms and var-
  ious threats. If no terms were offered, the attacker
  could pillage and slaughter at will. A defender might
  promise to surrender if no relieving force arrived
  within a specific period – often a month to two
  months.
  If negotiations were unsuccessful,  the attacker
  began filling defensive ditches and moats, battering
  walls, and building siege engines.  If the defender
  made a reasonable effort to resist, he or she could
  negotiate with the attacker to avoid the horrific con-
  sequences of a successful assault or unconditional
  surrender. A landholder could set conditions for the
  surrender of a bailiff or seneschal; commonly the
  defender had to hold out for a specified period – usu-
  ally one to three months – before negotiating to give
  the landholder time to relieve the siege.
  The defenders might respond with their own
  siege engines, boiling oil and water poured on
  attackers, and forays from small gates. Both sides
  suffered from dysentery and disease. In one siege in
  1415, dysentery killed far more than the actual fight-
  ing. Often neither side had enough cooks to keep
  ravenous troops from eating half-cooked meat and
  spoiled bread, leading to further disease and deaths.
  If the defenders negotiated a surrender, they
  might be allowed to keep certain belongings or given
  safe passage to the nearest friendly force. If the
  defenders were forced into an unconditional surren-
  der, they were at their attacker’s mercy.
  Farnham was captured by the French in 1216-
  1217. The records do not show whether its garrison
  resisted. They do show that the manor’s life contin-
  ued basically as it had before the occupation. The
  French depleted its stores but did not destroy any
  major buildings. William Marshall besieged Farnham
  in March, 1217, and recaptured it after 6 days. The
  French garrison was offered safe conduct to London.
  The French tried to storm it again in April, but were
  only able to capture an outer bailey.
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 81
  
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 82
  MILITARY WAGES
  (English unless otherwise noted)
  Role
  Date
  Amount Per Day
  Comments
  Archer
  1260
  3 d
  Archer
  1277
  3 d
  Archer
  1299
  3 d
  Archer
  1355
  3-4 d
  Archer
  1415
  6 d
  Archer, crossbow
  1199
  3 d
  Archer, crossbow
  1282
  3 d
  Archer, mounted
  1199
  7½ d; 15 d if archer had 2 horses
  Archer, mounted
  1340s
  6 d
  Archer, mounted
  1415
  20 marks/year, 6 d/day when in France
  Baron
  1415
  4 s
  Carpenter, master
  1300
  9 d
  siege engineer
  Chaplain
  1355
  6 d
  Duke
  1355
  13 s 4 d
  Duke
  1415
  13 s 4 d
  Earl
  1355
  6 s 8 d
  Earl
  1415
  6 s 8 d
  Hobelar
  1300
  6 d
  “light calvary” used in open
  countryside like Scotland and Wales
  Hobelar
  1325
  6 d
  Knight
  1165
  8 d
  Knight
  1200
  2-3 s
  Knight
  1202
  7 s 6 d
  French
  Knight
  1212
  2 s
  Knight
  1215
  2 s
  Knight
  1277
  1 s
  Knight
  1295
  15 s
  French
  Knight
  1300
  2 s
  Knight
  1355
  2 s
  Knight
  1415
  2 s
  Knight, bannerett
  1300
  4 s
  Knight, bannerett
  1355
  4 s
  Sergeant
  1165
  1 d
  Sergeant
  1200
  6 d
  mounted, with hauberk
  Sergeant
  1200
  4 d
  mounted, with only one
  horse and no hauberk
  Sergeant
  1200
  2 d
  on foot
  Sergeant
  1212
  1 s
  Sergeant
  1300
  1 s
  Soldier
  1165
  1 d
  Soldier
  1200
  2 d
  Soldier
  1202
  10 d
  French
  Soldier
  1212
  2 d
  
  Chevauchée
  An alternative to the siege was a destructive raid
  of “fire and sword” to pacify a region by destroying
  its crops and buildings. William I pacified both the
  county of Maine in France and the north of England
  in 11C using punitive raids to destroy the lands of
  any landholder who opposed him. The Scots used
  similar raids against English border areas in early
  14C. The raiding army essentially supplies itself from
  the crops and money it plunders, making it a very
  cost-effective tactic.
  The chevauchée reached its height in the first
  half of the Hundred Years War, when the English
  burned large swaths of northern France and
  Aquitaine (General Sherman’s march to Atlanta dur-
  ing the American Civil War is a more modern exam-
  ple of a chevauchée). A French peasant uprising in
  the late 1350s and raids by mercenary Free
  Companies after 1361 added to the rural devastation.
  A landholder caught in the path of a
  chevauchée had few options. If the landholder
  retreated to the safety of a castle, then the sur-
  rounding fields and buildings were destroyed. Crops
  could be replanted, but expensive buildings like mills
  might be impossible to replace. Generally raiders
  were more numerous and better trained than a cas-
  tle garrison, and if the landholder battled the raiders
  and succeeded, he or she only bought time until the
  next raid. The best option was often to parlay with
  the raiders and bribe them to raid elsewhere. The
  raiders, of course, offered only short truces and
  would swiftly return to collect another payment.
  ON CAMPAIGN
  From a small landholder’s or peasant’s perspec-
  tive, war was nothing like the minstrels’ sagas. It was
  not a view of brightly colored nobles in shining
  armor charging for the glory of their monarch across
  fields of spring flowers. Like war in any century, it
  was about mud, dirt, rain, rust, rot, disease, poor
  food, greedy suppliers, spoiled rations, fear of injury
  and infection, and the stench of unburied bodies
  after a major engagement. It was about being cold
  and wet, sleeping in armor, having to tie one’s horse
  to one’s body while asleep to keep it from running
  off. It was about uncertainty and being at the whim
  of one’s liege and monarch.
  The realities of warfare bore most heavily on
  small landholders who had neither political power or
  expensive equipment to support them in the field.
  Fief Section XII: Warfare
  Page 83
  MILITARY WAGES
  (Continued from page 81)
  Role
  Date
  Amount Per Day
  Comments
  Soldier
  1215
  2 d
  Soldier
  1277
  2 d
  Soldier
  1295
  12 d
  French
  Soldier
  1300
  2 d
  Soldier
  1322
  4 d
  fully equipped with padded jerkin,
  helmet and iron gauntlets
  Soldier
  1322
  3 d
  “half” equipped
  Soldier
  1322
  2 d
  unequipped
  Soldier
  1355
  1 s
  Soldier
  1415
  1 s
  Soldier
  1415
  40 marks/year
  12 d/day when in France
  Spy
  1338
  18 d
  very rare to find records of
  actual spies as opposed to payment
  to opportunistic informants.
  Squire
  1277
  6-8 d with unarmored horse
  Squire
  1277
  1 s with armored horse
  Squire, bishop’s
  1329
  13 s 4 d/year
  Squire
  1415
  2 s
  
  Fief has already mentioned most of the factors
  that ended manorialism. Its military role vanished
  because the necessary equipment and horses became
  too expensive for small landholders to maintain. Its
  fortified manor houses and castles became easier
  prey for improved siege engines and cannon.
  Its economic role diminished because labor
  became more expensive. The Plague depopulated
  Europe and reduced demands for food. Farmers con-
  centrated their efforts on the best land and
  improved their output. Lands which had been mar-
  ginal were turned back to forest or pasturage. Those
  peasants whose labor was no longer necessary left
  the manor for the cities. Mass deaths also allowed
  the survivors to inherit more money, goods, and
  land. Wages rose; land values fell. Coin replaced in-
  kind payments and forced labor. Increasing wealth
  led to higher demands for meat, dairy products,
  wine, and for crops used for textiles and dyes.
  Farmers who survived the Plague bargained for
  greater freedoms with landholders. By 1500,
  England’s peasants are generally believed to have
  had the greatest legal freedoms in Europe.
  The Plague made Europeans more attentive to
  their souls and afterlife. A large influx of donations
  to the Church led to massive corruption and ten-
  sions within it. The Church responded by suppress-
  ing heresy and channeling reformers into orthodox
  movements like the friars. Increased education and
  better administration placed more demands on the
  parish clergy, and conversely gave them greater
  opportunities for advancement. The problems
  caused doubt about the power of the Church and
  called into question the legitimacy of the entire
  system.
  Although there were large peasant rebellions
  before the Plague, they reached a height in 14C.
  Rebellions ranged from those on a single manor to
  vast risings across entire counties. The rebellions
  were brutally suppressed and the ringleaders tor-
  tured, maimed, and slain. The tensions continued
  after the Middle Ages and merged into the rural vio-
  lence of the Protestant Reformation and Counter-
  Reformation.
  The manor was eventually transformed from a
  small, virtually independent entity into a part of
  much larger estates. In England, many smaller
  manors vanished when land became more valuable
  for sheep pasture than for grain. Over the next cen-
  tury, the network of fief, manor, and parish vanished.
  XIII. Decline of
  the Manor
  Page 84
  c
  
  NORMAN SICILY AND ITALIAN
  SHARECROPPING
  Fief concentrates primarily on Norman customs
  in England and northern France. The Normans also
  conquered southern Italy (the Kingdom of Naples)
  and Sicily in a series of battles from 1016 to 1091.
  The society they created used some of the same tra-
  ditions found in Normandie and England, adapted
  to a multiracial, multi-cultural society at the cross-
  roads of Mediterranean commerce.
  When the Normans began their Italian con-
  quest, southern Italy and Sicily were controlled by a
  variety of Muslim, Byzantine, and local rulers.
  Backed by the Papacy, the Normans eventually
  evicted the Muslims and Byzantines and brought the
  region under a somewhat centralized monarchy.
  The Norman monarchs were absolute rulers, at
  least in theory. Roger I once said “there must be no
  dispute about judgments made by the King; for it is
  a form of sacrilege to question his judgments and
  acts or his statutes and resolutions, or to contest the
  fitness of anyone chosen and appointed by the
  King.” In practice, their kingdom was isolated by ter-
  rain. Mountainous valleys, low population density,
  and poor roads made it easy for various dukes resist
  royal authority and even rebel. The kingdom was
  frequently torn apart by civil war. African Muslims 
  and Byzantine forces intermittently raided the long
  coastline and supported various landholders in their
  rebellions.
  The Normans monarchs were eventually
  replaced by French Angevin monarchs in 1267. The
  Angevins were evicted from Sicily by a rebellion
  backed by  Spanish Aragon in 1282. The Angevins
  were evicted from Naples by the Aragonese in 1442.
  The Norman monarchs divided their kingdom
  into a large royal demesne and various duchies and
  other subinfeudations which the crown tried to
  strictly control. Many grants were not technically
  hereditary, and came with onerous military duties.
  The crown also tried to maintain a strict monopoly
  on justice. Frederick II gave the Kingdom of Sicily a
  unified legal code, the Constitutions of Melfi, which
  firmly established the crown and its royal justiciars
  as the source of justice. The crown carefully man-
  aged its estates and exploited monopolies on timber,
  pitch, salt, and mining.
  Under Frederick II, each province in the royal
  demise had a “master of farms” assisted by a notary
  who collected rents, regulated farmers, and set tar-
  get yields for crops. Pasturage was strictly regulated.
  Unless a farmer could claim a customary right to
  pasture animals, he or she had to pay a fee to graze
  in the fields after the harvest.
  The Normans did not farm their lands as inten-
  sively as Italians in Lombardy and Tuscany. Their
  farms supported a population of half to a third as
  large as in northern Italy. There were fewer towns,
  fewer good harbors, and almost no native merchant
  class. Sicilian commerce was controlled by Genoese,
  Pisan, and Venetian merchants who lived in
  “colonies” (walled neighborhoods with protected
  legal rights) in the major ports.
  SHARECROPPING
  The Normans primarily relied upon a manorial
  system; however, Italy also used a sharecropping sys-
  tem. In the sharecropping system (mezzadria or
  métayage), landowners leased fields to tenants for a
  certain time, usually three years. Instead of the
  interlocking duties of the northern European manor,
  Italian landowners relied on a commercial rental
  agreement. The landowner provided half of the seed
  for crops and received half of the harvest. The
  landowner might also lease livestock to the farmer
  on similar terms of rent plus half of any births. The
  tenant might also owe gifts to the landowner of first
  Appendix
  Page 85
  b
  
  fruits, chickens, eggs, etc. or labor such as carrying
  both the tenant and landowner’s share of the crop to
  market. The Sicilian version of this system was
  called massarie.
  Sharecropping was not practiced on all Italian
  fields. In fact, there were a wide variety of relation-
  ships practiced from Sicily to the Alps. Italy had
  developed some traditional feudal institutions when
  Northern Italy was conquered by the Carolingians
  and distantly ruled by the Holy Roman Empire.
  Traditional manorial relationships could often be
  found on fiefs managed by clergy and
  some secular nobles. In Norman Sicily
  and southern Italy, the feudal sys-
  tem was strong and pervasive. In
  the Papal States occupying central
  Italy, most landholders were clergy
  or large noble families. In Tuscany
  and the northern Po River plain,
  Italian landholding did evolve
  away from feudal encumbrances
  into contractual agreements.
  Sharecropping had existed in the
  Roman Empire, but had been
  replaced by feudal rents after the fall
  of the Empire. In 10C-11C, northern
  Italian farmers began to organize into rural
  communes. These communes purchased from
  their landholders the rights to elect local gastads
  (similar to bailiffs), hold local courts, collect fines,
  and limit the landholder’s right to hospitality on
  the manor. Eventually communes copied the
  northern Italian city-states and elected consuls to
  govern them. By 13C, wealthy communes bought
  all of the feudal rights from landholders and
  made themselves directly subject to the
  dominant city-state.
  Where city-states governed
  their surrounding countryside (conda-
  to) as a communal landholder, rural communities
  were expected to supply levies for defense, sell their
  produce in the city, and submit to the jurisdiction of
  city courts and laws. The Italian climate favored
  vineyards, olive groves, and fruit trees, which were
  grown in rectangular plots by individual families
  instead of the intermingled strips of Northern
  European villages.
  The first surviving recorded sharecropping con-
  tract was signed by an abbot in southern Tuscany in
  821. There are a few scattered surviving contracts
  from 9-10C and intermittent surviving contracts
  from 11-12C.  Sharecropping expanded in Italy and
  in the rest of Europe, especially near cities, in 13C.
  By 14C, more than three-quarters of the leases
  around Siena in 1316 were for sharecropping.
  A peasant sharecropper was not independent.
  He or she rented from a large rural landholder or
  urban merchant. Cities, anxious to protect vital food
  supplies, regulated the sale of land and the price for
  crops. Cities punished peasants who left their
  land and thereby broke their lease.
  Sharecropping was a compromise
  between the theoretical freedom of
  a peasant to sell his or her fields at
  any time and the dependability of
  a serf bound to the land for life.
  A sharecropper was generally
  bound to the land for several years,
  but could depart or renegotiate the
  lease at its end. Leases could be
  general, or could specifically
  require a minimum number of
  ploughings or adequate manuring.
  Leases lasted from three to nine years
  – long enough for the peasant to reap the
  benefit of hard work, but short enough to
  be adjusted for changing prices. The land-
  holder’s investment in seed and animals gave
  him or her an incentive to protect the farmer and
  the crops.
  Usually, the landholder leased seed, animals,
  and farm tools to the farmer in return for a greater
  share of the harvest. If the harvest was smaller
  than expected, the farmer might become caught
  in a cycle of debt that was hard to
  escape.
  The consensus of historians is
  that medieval sharecropping was
  just as exploitive and abusive as its modern counter-
  parts. The landholder held most of the power to
  make and enforce the contract. The landholder kept
  the records of seed cost and debts, and set the size of
  parcels. By careful manipulation of the contract, he
  or she could earn as much surplus as from a tradi-
  tional manor, with a smaller duty to the peasant
  farmers. Peasant farmers had little bargaining power
  so long as the supply of land was smaller than the
  supply of labor.
  Appendix: Norman Sicily and Italian Sharecropping
  Page 86w
  
  The timeline includes major dates in medieval his-
  tory, which provide some reference points for readers.
  It also includes many natural events, like famines,
  floods, and plagues, which may help show conditions
  affecting various regions. Finally, it includes laws and
  uprisings which might especially effect small landhold-
  ers and farmers.
  395
  Roman Empire divided between East and West
  410
  Rome sacked
  451
  Halley’s Comet appears; Huns raid France
  460
  Celts arrive in Bretagne from England
  472
  Vesuvius erupts
  476
  Odovacar and the Goths sack Rome (End of the
  Western Roman Empire)
  481
  Clovis begins his rule of France
  496
  Clovis baptized
  511
  Clovis’ rule ends
  520
  St. Benedict of Nursia begins compiling the
  Benedictine Rule for monasteries
  542
  Plague in Constantinople
  571
  Muhammad born
  579
  Peasant revolt against King Chiperich near Limoges,
  France.
  590
  Pope Gregory I “the Great” begins reign
  604
  Pope Gregory I dies
  622
  Hegira - Muhammad flees Mecca for Medina
  632
  Muhammad dies
  636
  Muslims capture Damascus and Jerusalem
  686
  All churches with burial ground entitled to tithes of
  associated estate
  687
  Pepin of Heristal becomes first Carolingian leader
  711
  Arabs invade Spain
  714
  Charles Martel begins reign in France
  732
  Arabs defeated at Tours, France, by Charles Martel
  751
  Pepin the Short becomes King of France, Merovingian
  dynasty ends
  754
  St. Boniface dies
  755
  Umayyad caliphate begins in Spain
  768
  Charlemagne begins reign
  778
  Attack on Charlemagne’s rear guard inspires the Song
  of Roland
  787
  Danish raids on England begin
  800
  Charlemagne crowned Roman Emperor of the West
  (“Holy Roman Empire”)
  809
  Arab Empire reaches its height
  814
  Charlemagne dies; Although no comet is seen outside
  Europe, one is recorded as having appeared to mark
  his passing
  817
  St. Benedict of Aniane expands and revises the
  Benedictine Rule; Fire devastates Rome
  827
  Arabs seize Sicily
  841
  Peasant revolt against King Louis “the Pious” in
  Saxony, Germany
  842
  Danes pillage London
  843
  Carolingian Empire collapses; Treaty of Verdun divides
  it into three parts.
  844
  Danes raid Spain
  845
  Danes pillage Paris and Hamburg
  854
  All Franks required to swear fealty to the crown
  873
  All immigrants must swear loyalty to Frankish crown if
  they wish to hold property
  878
  Alfred the Great of England defeats the Danes at
  Eddington
  858
  Alfred the Great recaptures London
  909
  Monastery at Cluny founded
  911
  King Charles the Simple enters into a treaty with the
  Norse chieftain Rolf which creates the Duchy of
  Normandie; England begins paying Danegeld
  987
  Capetians replace Carolingians as French Kings
  989
  Church begins proclaiming the “Peace of God”
  996
  Peasant uprising in Normandie
  1000
  Serf rebellion in Normandie
  1002
  First Cathar executed
  1006
  Supernova visible
  1009
  Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem burned by
  Arabs. Orléans Jews blamed for instigating the
  destruction
  1017
  Truce of God outlaws combat on Sundays
  1033
  Famine Year; solar eclipse visible in Europe
  1057
  Patarene revolt begins in Milan’s countryside
  1060
  Norman conquest of Sicily begins
  1062
  Tournaments invented
  1066
  Norman invasion of England; Halley’s Comet appears
  1071
  Sicily recaptured by Normans
  1075
  Pope Gregory VII bans lay investiture; Patarene revolt
  in Milan ends
  1082-85 Outbreaks of St. Anthony’s Fire (rye ergot poison-
  ing) in Normandy
  1084
  Carthusian order founded by St. Bruno at Grande
  Chartreuse; Robert Giscard’s Normans sack Rome
  1085
  Capture of Toledo by Christians; Domesday book
  (English census); Robert Giscard defeated
  1086
  Famine, animal murrain in England
  1095
  First Crusade begins; Council of Clermont
  1098
  Crusaders take Edessa and Antioch; Cistercian order
  founded at Citeaux
  1099
  First Crusade ends with the capture of Jerusalem
  1103
  Famine, animal murrain in England
  1106
  Venice hit by floods and fire
  1111
  Animal murrain in England
  1124
  Crusaders take Tyre and occupy most of the
  Palestinian coast
  1128
  Knights Templar founded
  1131
  Animal murrain in England
  1139
  Second Lateran Council outlaws use of crossbows
  against Christians
  1141
  Crusaders driven from Edessa
  Timeline
  Page 87
  
  1142
  Decretum Gratiani codifies church law
  1143
  Monks at Cluny translate the Koran into Latin
  1147
  Second Crusade begins
  1149
  Second Crusade ends
  1150
  Po shifts its banks and floods Ferrara
  1151
  Emperor Frederick I proclaims peace; restricts carrying
  unnecessary arms
  1157
  Richard the Lionhearted born
  1160
  Waldensian movement begins
  1162
  Last recorded taking of danegeld in England
  1167
  Temujin (Genghis Khan) born
  1169
  Mount Etna erupts
  1170
  St. Dominic of Spain born; Thomas Becket of
  Canterbury murdered
  1173
  Famine in Pisa; Jews accused of using children’s blood
  in their rites (“blood libel”) 
  1174
  Famine in Pisa
  1179
  Third Lateran Council begins
  1180
  Maimonides begins writing the Misheneh Torah;
  Peasant uprising in Rosny-sur-Bois, near Paris, France
  1181
  St. Francis of Assissi born; Assize of Arms passed in
  England
  1184
  Waldensians excommunicated
  1187
  Jerusalem recaptured by the Arabs; Crusaders retain
  only Tyre, Tripoli, and Antioch; William II of Sicily
  abolishes all tolls at bridges, rivers, and roads in the
  royal demise
  1189
  Third Crusade begins
  1191
  Crusaders recapture Acre; 3,000 Muslim prisoners
  massacred
  1192
  Third Crusade ends with a three year truce
  1193
  Saladin dies in Damascus, civil war ensues
  1194
  Fire partly destroys Chartres cathedral; famine in
  Bourgogne, Champagne, and Île
  1195
  Flood at Auxerre; famine in Champagne
  1196
  Major flood strikes Paris
  1198
  Innocent III becomes pope
  1199
  Richard the Lionhearted dies
  1200
  Famine in Egypt from low rainfall
  1201
  Fourth Crusade begins; famine and sheep murrain in
  England
  1204
  Crusaders seize Constantinople
  1205
  Flood at Caen
  1206
  Temujin (Genghis Khan) chosen supreme ruler of the
  Mongols; Tremors felt in Bourgone and Limousin;
  flood in Paris
  1207
  Stedinger peasant revolt in Germany begins
  1208
  Papal legate killed in Languedoc
  1209
  Albigensian crusade against heretics in southern
  France begins
  1210
  Franciscan order founded
  1212
  Christian victory at Las Navas de Tolos; Children’s
  Crusade; Fire destroys London
  1215
  Magna Carta signed; Fourth Lateran Council
  1216
  Dominican order founded
  1218
  Murder of Mongol traders sparks Mongol attacks on
  Persia
  1219
  Flood devastates Grenoble
  1220
  Dominican rule confirmed
  1221
  St. Dominic of Spain dies; tornados cause heavy dam-
  age between Paris and Beauvais
  1222
  Earthquake damages cities on Cyprus
  1223
  Franciscan rule confirmed; earthquake in Aquitaine
  1225
  Sheep murrain in England
  1226
  St. Francis of Assisi dies
  1227
  Genghis Khan dies
  1229
  Al-Kamil delivers Jerusalem to Emperor Frederick II;
  Treaty of Meaux ends Languedoc rebellion
  1230
  Tiber floods Rome
  1231
  Papal Inquisition begun; death penalty for heretics in
  Germany and France; anti-Italian violence in England;
  Pope Gregory IX proclaims crusade against Stedinger
  “heretics” in Germany
  1234
  Stedinger peasant revolt ends at battle of Altenesch,
  Germany
  1236
  Castile captures Cordova
  1242
  Dominican Inquisitors assassinated in Avigonet by
  Cathar followers
  1244
  Jerusalem lost for the last time; the Cathar stronghold
  of Montséguer surrenders
  1245
  Council of Lyon sends diplomatic mission to the
  Mongols
  1248
  Seville captured by Christians
  1250
  Serf rebellion in Normandie
  1251
  Pastoureaux uprisings near Paris
  1252
  Genoa reintroduces gold coins
  1258
  Simon de Montfort II leads English barons’ revolt;
  famine (worst of 13C) and sheep murrain in England
  1261
  Constantinople returns to Byzantine control
  1264
  First English Parliament
  1265
  Simon de Montfort II defeated and killed by Edward I
  1267
  Tremors felt on Cyprus
  1271
  Marco Polo begins his voyages; Languedoc becomes a
  French province
  1274
  Thomas Aquinas dies
  1275
  French ordinance imposes fines on non-nobles who
  acquire fiefs
  1276
  Tiber floods Rome
  1277
  Floods devastate Holland near the Zuider Zee; sheep
  murrain in England
  1280
  Peasant uprising in Burton-on-Trent, England
  1282
  Sicilian uprising against Charles of Anjou (Sicilian
  Vespers Massacre)
  1283
  Sheep murrain in England
  1285
  Edward I prescribes burning at the stake for convicted
  sodomites (male homosexuals)
  1289
  French law enacted to regulate fishing nets and
  improve yields
  1290
  England annexes Wales; First Swiss union; bad harvest
  in England
  1291
  Acre captured by Mamluks; Crusaders driven from
  Palestine
  1297
  Mortmain Act passed in England
  1300
  Dante begins The Divine Comedy
  1302
  French defeated at Courtrai; Comet appears
  1303
  French take Pope Boniface VIII prisoner and seize
  political control of the Papacy; Tremors felt on Cyprus
  1304-05 Bad harvest in France
  Fief: Timeline
  Page 88
  
  1305
  Clement V becomes Pope
  1306
  Jews expelled from France
  1309
  Papacy moves to Avignon
  1314
  Bad harvest in England (heavy rains); Hand-held can-
  non used by Italian mercenaries (unreliable and primi-
  tive); Robert Bruce establishes Scots independence at
  Bannockburn; Swiss pikemen defeat Austrians at
  Morgarten
  1315
  Louis X frees the serfs; bad harvest in England (heavy
  rains and floods); famine in England
  1316
  Bad harvest, famine, widespread sheep murrain,
  typhoid epidemic in England
  1317
  Famine continues in France, average harvest in
  England
  1318
  Plentiful harvest in England, famine ends in England,
  lessens in France
  1320
  Poor harvest in England (drought)
  1321
  Sheep murrain ravages Scotland and Ireland; bad har-
  vest in England
  1323
  Serf uprising in Flanders begins
  1324
  Sheep murrain ravages Ireland
  1325
  Drought in England; Ibn Battuta’s travels begin
  1326
  Drought in England
  1328
  Serf uprising in Flanders ends after defeat at Cassel,
  Flanders
  1333
  Arno floods Florence
  1336
  Tamerlane (a.k.a. Timur) born
  1337
  Hundred Years’ War begins
  1338
  Artillery first appears
  1345-46 Bad harvest in France
  1346
  Mortar first appears; French slaughtered by longbows
  at Crecy
  1347
  Black Plague reaches Genoa; St. Vitus’ Dance epi-
  demics
  1350
  Boccaccio completes Decameron
  1355
  Ibn Battuta’s travels end
  1356
  Battle of Poitiers
  1357
  English crown forbids bows to be exported
  1358
  Jacquerie peasant uprising in France
  1363
  Edward III orders sheriffs to enforce archery practice
  1365
  English crown forbids archers to leave England with-
  out royal license and forbids appeal of cases to any
  court outside royal jurisdiction (i.e. the papacy)
  1369
  English crown forbids bows to be exported
  1377
  Papacy returns to Rome
  1378
  Beginning of the Great Schism: Urban VI and
  Clement VII elected pope at the same time by oppos-
  ing factions; Ciompi rebellion in Florence
  1381
  Peasants Revolt in England (Wat Tyler’s Rebellion)
  1382
  Harelle rebellion in France
  1383
  Tamerlane’s invasion of eastern Europe begins
  1400
  Chaucer completes the Canterbury Tales
  1401
  Council of Pisa elects Alexander V as third pope of
  the Schism; English law proscribes death for relapsed
  and impenitent heretics
  1404
  Severe flooding in Flanders, France
  1405
  Tamerlane dies, Mongol threat to Europe ends
  1412
  Jeanne d’Arc born in Domrémy, France
  1413
  Carboche rebellion in Paris
  1414
  Council of Constance begins
  1415
  Battle of Agincourt, more French knights killed by
  English longbows; John Huss tried and executed
  1417
  Martin V elected pope, other popes deposed;
  Armagnacs massacred in Paris; Gypsies seen in
  Hamburg
  1418
  Council of Constance ends; Henry the Navigator
  begins reign
  1421
  Dikes near Dort, Holland, fail destroying 72 villages
  1422
  Gypsies seen in Rome
  1425
  Lollardism (English heresy) declared on par with trea-
  son and felonies
  1427
  Gypsies seen in Paris
  1429
  Jeanne d’Arc successfully leads French troops against
  the English
  1431
  Jeanne d’Arc burned at the stake in Rouen; Lollards
  branded traitors to the English crown
  1436
  Paris recaptured from the English
  1437-8 Famine in England, Flanders, France, Germany, and
  Switzerland
  1444
  Cape Verde discovered by Portugal
  1449
  Rouen recaptured from the English
  1450
  Full plate armor appears; arquebus appears
  1452
  Leonardo da Vinci born
  1453
  Constantinople falls to Ottoman Turks; Hundred
  Years’ War ends
  1455
  Printing press invented by Gutenberg; Wars of the
  Roses begin
  1456
  Earthquake devastates Naples
  1460
  Matchlock pistol appears; Henry the Navigator dies
  1461
  Peasant uprising near Verona
  1465
  Ragusa begins quarantining incoming ships for 40 days
  1469
  Fredinand and Isabella begin rule; Sir Thomas Malory
  completes Morte d’Arthur (in prison)
  1475
  Michelangelo born
  1476
  Bombard appears
  1477
  Last Burgundy duke dies; parts of Burgundy annexed
  to French crown
  1478
  Papal Bull creates the Spanish Inquisition
  1481
  Inquisition begins in Spain
  1483
  Torquemada becomes Grand Inquisitor of Spain;
  Raphael born
  1484
  Portuguese discover Congo River
  1485
  Venice begins quarantining incoming ships for 40 days;
  Coronation of Henry VII replaces York dynasty with
  Tudors
  1488
  Cape of Good Hope rounded by Bartholomeu Dias de
  Novias; envoys from the Kingdom of Kongo reach
  Lisbon
  1490
  Syphilis epidemics begin
  1492
  Columbus discovers America; Grenada falls to
  Christians; Jews expelled from Spain
  1494
  Charles VIII of France invades Italy
  1495
  Charles VIII of France occupies Rome and Naples
  before being driven back to France
  1497
  Vasco de Gama rounds Africa and reaches India by sea
  1499
  Louis XII of France invades Italy and captures Milan
  1525
  German Peasant War
  Fief: Timeline
  Page 89
  
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  Page 91
  
  A
  Abbeys, 10
  Abbots; power to inflict death sen-
  tence, 27
  Abortion (penance for), 31
  Account rolls, 25; sample rolls, 26
  Acre, 11; selions and cultures, 18
  Ad viduitatem, 54
  Adrian IV, 64
  Adultery (penance for), 31
  Agisters, 22
  Agriculture, 17
  Aide, 24
  Aids, 6; levied from townspeople
  and farmers, 7
  Alb, 43, 53
  Ale, 35; prices by the gallon, 71;
  why it was cheaper than beer, 36
  Ale-tasters, 30
  All Hallows Eve, 43
  Allods, 5. See also Fiefs.
  Alms basin, 14
  Alnut, 34
  Altar linens, 14
  Angevins, 85
  Animal traders, 39
  Animals. See  Beasts, Game,
  Horses, others.
  Antiphonary, 14
  Apocrypha, 14
  Arabian horses, 34
  Archbishop Arundel of
  Canturbury, 65
  Archdeacon, 51
  Archer’s loops, 12
  Archers, 79; at tournament, 58;
  wages, 82
  Archery competitions, 79
  Architecture, 12. See also Castles,
  Churches, Houses, Granges,
  Mills.
  Archpriest, 45, 51
  Arithmetic in account rolls, 25
  Armies, 75; desertion, 78; siezure
  of supplies for by sheriff, 50; size
  of, 75; summoning, 76; traveled
  without supply trains before
  15C, 80
  Armor; as tournament prize, 58;
  conscription laws and, 78; evo-
  lution of tournament armor, 59;
  gets heavier and more elaborate,
  68; knight's relief, 55; prices of,
  61, 76; relationship to manorial
  expenses, 9
  Armorers, 39
  Arrows; prices of, 61
  Arundel of Canturbury, 65
  Assarts, 9; fines for illegal, 23
  Asses (price), 71
  Assisa panis et cervisie, 35
  Assize of Arms, 77
  Assize of Bread and Ale, 35
  Ave Maria, 43
  B
  Baby-sitting, 52
  Bailiffs, 8; duties of, 25; right to
  collect tithes, 65
  Bailiwick (forest district), 22
  Bakers, 36
  Baldwin V of Hainault, 76
  Balks, 18
  Ball games, 70
  Ballis, 50
  Banalités (monopolies), 35
  Bandits, 61, 80
  Banishment, 27
  Bankers; Jewish moneylenders, 68;
  lombards, 68; papal banking sys-
  tem, 66
  Bannerets, 76
  Bans (monopolies), 35
  Baptism, 44; any Christian may
  peform, 43; of newborns, 52
  Baptismal churches, 44
  Barley, 19; price of, 71
  Barn-keepers, 30
  Barns, 21; church barns (tithe
  barns), 15
  Bartholomew de Enfield, 75
  Bascinet. See Helmets.
  Batailles francaises. See
  Tournaments.
  Battle of Hastings, 75
  Bayle (Bailiffs), 8
  Beans and peas, 19
  Bear-baiting, 70
  Beasts; believed to have no soul,
  33; bestiality (penance for), 31;
  danger of wolves, 33; domestic
  animals, 33; wolves, bears and
  lynx threaten sheep, 49
  Beehives, 34
  Beer; price of, 71
  Belfry, 14
  Bell (church), 14; cost to build, 16
  Belt pouches, 53
  Benefice (tithe), 42
  Benefices, 5. See also Fiefs
  Bernabó Visconti, 24
  Berwicks, 76
  Bestiality (penance for), 31
  Bible; cost of, 45; translated by
  heretics, 46; work required to
  make one, 14
  Bibliography, 90
  Bigamy (penance for), 31
  Binders, 20
  Birds trained for hunting, 34. See
  also Falcons.
  Birth (childbirth), 52
  Bishop Gerhard of Cambrai, 5
  Bishop Roger le Noir, 64
  Bishops, 50; authority to perform
  confirmation and ordination, 43;
  election process, 51; ordinary
  versus suffragan, 51; penance for
  fraud by, 31; power to inflict
  death sentence, 27; relied on to
  ordain local priests, 10; source of
  chrism, 10
  Black Death. See Black Plague.
  Black Plague, 8, 57; as factor in
  manorial decline, 84; destruc-
  tion cumulative with earlier
  famine, 21
  Blacksmiths, 39
  Blast furnaces, 39
  Blessings, 44
  Boar-hunting, 24
  Page 92
  Index
  
  Boniface VIII, 44, 46
  Book of homilies, 14
  Books; common in churches, 14; of
  customary village rights and
  obligations, 25; on equine sur-
  gery, 34; taxable under Saladin
  tithe, 63
  Boon Work, 11, 25
  Borough English (inheritance sys-
  tem), 55
  Bouchard of Vendôme, 78
  Boucicault, 59
  Bovate, 11
  Bows; archers, 79; long bows
  (prices of), 62
  Brachet, 34
  Bread, 53; fed to dogs at home to
  encourage hunting prowess, 24;
  oven monopolies, 36; price of,
  71
  Breeds of dog, 34
  Brémule, 75
  Brethren of the Free Spirit, 46
  Brewing, 35
  Brigands. See Thieves,
  Mercenaries.
  Brine salting, 21
  Buckwheat, 19
  Building costs, 16
  Buildings. See Architecture.
  Burglary (penance for), 31
  Bushel, 11
  C
  Cabane, 49
  Cade’s rebellion, 79
  Calais (as host to tournaments), 58
  Caloric intake, typical, 53
  Caltagirone, 80
  Campaign, 83
  Cannibalism, tales of, 54
  Canterbury Cathedral, 42
  Carolingian empire, 6
  Carpenters, 39
  Carters, 39
  Carts, 61; prices of, 71
  Castellans, 8
  Castle chapels, 13
  Castles, 12; costs to repair walls,
  16; knightly garrisons, 77; sieges,
  81
  Cavalry, 76
  Celibacy (for clergy), 41
  Cens, 26
  Cesarean sections, 52
  Chalice (church vessel), 14
  Chancellor, 51
  Chapels, castle, 13
  Charles II, 12, 34
  Charles of Anjou, 77
  Charles V, 24
  Charles VI, 24
  Chasuble, 43
  Chavaliére, 47
  Chevauchée, 83
  Chief justices of the forests, 22
  Childbirth, 52
  Children, 52; as food during
  famines, 54; assigned to watch
  fields for pests, 19; customarily
  blessed at birth, 44; inheritance
  rights, 54; of clergy automatical-
  ly serfs, 38; swaddling clothes,
  52
  Chivalric orders, 47
  Chores, 52
  Chrism, 10; newborns anointed
  with, 52
  Church, 14; as sanctuary for
  thieves and those in political
  trouble, 30, 60; baptismal versus
  proprietary, 44; basis for church
  income, 17; castle chapels, 13;
  essential services, 10; feasts, 43;
  governance by, 27; immunity
  from taxation, 63; incomes and
  expenses list, 45; parish tithe
  incomes, 43; rituals, 43; vessels
  stored in a chest, 14
  Church hierarchy, 10
  Churching ceremony, 44
  Circular keep (castle), 12
  Cistercians, 10
  Cities; as liege to a landholder, 51;
  basis for names of French livre,
  11; cannibalism in (during
  famines), 54; craft and goods
  tolls, 66; gain importance in
  13th century, 37; growth of as
  manorial system declined, 84;
  home of choice for bishops, 43;
  Italian city-states, 86; Lombard
  bankers common in European,
  68; London entry tax under
  Edward III, 63, 64; moneylend-
  ers, 69; Mortuary (death tax),
  65; residence granting a serf
  freedom, 38; rise of chartered
  cities in 12th century, 38; share-
  cropping expanded near, 86;
  source of clothing trends, 53;
  sumptuary laws, 53; tithes owed
  by dwellers in, 65; wages better
  in, 80
  Clergy, 41. See also Priests,
  Church.
  Clothing, 53; worn for mass by
  clergy, 43
  Cobblers; taxed in Coblenz,
  Germany, 66
  Cock fighting, 70
  Coinage. See Money.
  Collegiate churches, 45
  Columbine (pigeon-dung), 20
  Combat trials, 27
  Commençailles, 58
  Commodatum, 69
  Communal oven, 36
  Communion, 44
  Compurgation, 65
  Confession, 29; public in villages,
  37, 44
  Confessors, 44; the vicar general,
  51
  Confirmation, 44; only a Bishop
  may perform, 43
  Conflictus Gallicus. See
  Tournaments.
  Consanguinity (as basis for
  divorce), 56
  Conscription, 78
  Consorzerie, 54
  Construction costs, 16
  Convents, 10
  Cooks, 39
  Coronal, 59
  Coroner, 50
  Cortal (sheep shelter), 49
  Cottages. See Houses.
  Cotton, 53
  Council of Clermont, 7
  Council of Nicaea, 14
  Count Baldwin V of Hainault, 76
  Count Bouchard of Vendôme, 78
  Count Henri III of Louvain, 58
  Count Raymond VI of Toulouse, 8
  Count William V of Aquitaine, 7
  Fief: Index
  Page 93
  
  Counter-Reformation, 84
  Court of Pie-Powder, 70
  Courtship. See Marriage.
  Crafters, 39
  Crime; adultery, 56; brigandage, 8;
  criminal court, 27; extortion, 8;
  fineable offenses, 27; illegal
  fortresses, 12; investigations by
  village coroners, 50; killing live-
  stock (fines), 28; lack of police
  in villages, 30; landholders'
  rights of justice, 27; murder in
  villages, 27; murder of clergy, 29;
  murder on church grounds, 30;
  penances, 31; rape (fines), 28;
  sanctuary from prosecution on
  church grounds, 30, 60; siezure
  of criminals' lands and property,
  8; swindles at fairs, 69; tourna-
  ments seen as breeding grounds
  for, 60
  Criminals, 48. See also Thieves.
  Croft, 15
  Crops, 17, 19; crop rotation, 18;
  grain needed for ale, 35; grain
  storage, 21; yields, 20; yields in
  Norman Sicily, 85
  Crossbows; introduction of, 79;
  prices of, 61
  Crown, 50
  Cruets (church vessels), 14
  Crusades; clergy as crusaders, 42;
  crusaders returning with
  improved castle ideas, 12;
  offered as alternative to illegal
  tournaments, 60; Saladin tithe
  to finance, 63
  Culture (division of land), 11, 18
  Cure (mortuary offerings), 42
  Currency. See Money.
  D
  Daily life on a manor, 37
  Dairymaid, 39
  Danegeld, 63, 64
  De Medicine Equorum, 34
  Deadstock (hides and meat), 67
  Deans and rural deans, 51
  Debt, 68; enforcing loans, 69
  Decennarius (tithingman), 30
  Decline of the Manor, 84
  Deer, 23; destructive to grain and
  grapes, 27
  Defensive works, 12, 81
  Deforestation in France, 22
  Demesne, 11
  Demolition costs, 16
  Demonic sacrifices (penance for),
  31
  Dernier, 11
  Desertion, 78
  Destrier, 34. See also Warhorses.
  Diet, 53. See also Food.
  Diocese (size of), 51
  Disasters; Black Plague, 8; epi-
  demics a result of famine, 21;
  famine and failed harvests, 21;
  knights turn to robbery due to,
  80; reversions of land rights due
  to, 8
  Disease. See Disasters, Sieges.
  Disputes; at fairs, 70; between
  farmers, 25; inheritance, 55;
  jurors, 30; land disputes settled
  by combat, 27; reeve and bailiffs
  settling property disputes, 55;
  tithe disputes ceded to clergy,
  65; villagers settling their own,
  30; within the Church, 10, 64
  Divorce for consanguinity, 56
  Doctrine of transubstantiation, 44
  Dogs; at mass, 43; bred for hunt-
  ing, 24; breeds, 34; dog, 24;
  eaten during famines, 21
  Domesday Book, 9, 19, 24
  Dominicans, 10
  Dos, 56
  Doves, 34
  Dower, 54
  Dowery, 55, 56
  Droit de seigneur, 57
  Drovers, 39
  Duels, 27
  Dwellings. See Houses.
  Dysentery (in siege warfare), 81
  E
  Earth. See Soil.
  Easter, 43; customs, 44
  Ecclesiastical courts, 27, 29
  Education in villages, 37
  Edward I, 35, 61, 63, 70, 77
  Edward III, 63, 66, 69, 79
  Edward IV, 70, 79
  Eggs (price of), 72
  Ember Weeks, 43
  Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, 79
  Enamelers, 39
  England’s royal forests, 22
  Enguerrand de Coucy, 22
  Entertainers, 49
  Epidemics. See Disasters.
  Equitissa, 47
  Estimativa (animal intelligence),
  33
  Estover (right to take wood for
  repairs), 22
  Etablishments de Saint Louis, 77
  Evensong, 43
  Evrardus, 58
  Exchequer, 25
  Excommunication rituals, 41
  Exile (as penance), 29
  Eyre of the itinerant justices, 23
  F
  Fairs and Markets, 69; disputes at,
  70; fees, 69; followed by feasts,
  70; held in churchyards, 14, 70;
  license (morlat), 69; tourna-
  ments in conjunction with, 57
  Falcons, 24; at mass, 43
  Fallow fields (crop rotation), 18
  Famine, 21; cannibalism during, 54
  Farmers; assigned strips of land, 18;
  borrowing money, 69; defined,
  11; limited to deadwood, 22;
  peasant sharecroppers, 86;
  rewards for land-clearing by, 9;
  typical acres held, 37; votes in
  local issues related to landhold-
  ings, 30
  Farnham, 13; besieged by William
  Marshall, 81; captured by the
  French, 81; dairymaid wages, 39;
  location, 9; mill rental, 36; serfs'
  debts, 38; storage buildings, 15
  Farting (as non-military obligation
  to liege), 75
  Feast of All Saints, 57
  Feast of St. Gregory, 43
  Feast of St. Peter, 57
  Fees. See Fines and Fees.
  Fief: Index
  Page 94
  
  Femmes soles, 39
  Fertilizer, 20
  Feudal System, 5. See also
  Obligations and Society (struc-
  ture).
  Feudalism, 5
  Fiefs, 5; along contested borders, 8;
  getting one, 7; independent, 6;
  losing one, 8; threats to, 11
  Fields, 18
  Fifth Crusade, 66
  Fines and Fees; determining "level"
  of justice rights, 27; for displac-
  ing land-dividing markers, 18;
  for taking grain to other mills,
  36; for taking shortcuts. See
  Fines and Fees.; in English
  forests, 23; list of fees and fines
  in England, 28; money in lieu of
  penance, 30; multure, 36; set by
  forest court, 23; tournament
  entry fees, 60
  Fire hazards in houses, 16
  Flagellants, 49
  Flatulence. See Farting.
  Flax, 17
  Flayer of rustics, 47
  Fletchers, 39
  Flour, 53
  Food, 53; ale, 35; as display of
  wealth at a wedding, 56; canni-
  balism, 54; crops determined by
  soil, 17; food animals, 33; food
  animals (prices of), 71; formal
  castle dinners, 13; horse meat,
  34; landholders expected to
  demonstrate good fortune with
  feasts, 68; manorial agriculture,
  17; penance for forbidden eating
  practices, 31; preservation of
  meat and fish, 21; quality in
  sieges, 81; tenuous nature of
  harvest, 37; used as reward in
  war, 78; venison, 11; young rab-
  bits not considered meat, 34
  Foot plows, 17
  Foraging parties, 80
  Forest fees and fines, 23
  Foresters-of-fee, 22; rights and
  powers, 23
  Forests and waste lands, 22
  Fortified churches, 14
  Fortresses. See Castles.
  Fourth Crusade, 66
  Fourth Lateran Council, 29, 37,
  43, 44
  Franciscans; permitted only to
  preach morals, 43
  Fratrisia, 55
  Frederick Barbarossa, 79
  Frederick II, 12, 85
  Free bench lands, 54
  Friars, 46; allowed to take confes-
  sion, 44; licensed to preach doc-
  trine, 43
  Froissart, 54
  Fulbert of Chartres, 7
  Furnishings; at Farnham castle, 13;
  at mass, 43; in a farmer's house,
  15; in a parish priest's hall, 14
  G
  Gambeson, 78
  Game (animals), 22, 23, 54
  Games, 70, 79
  Garments. See Clothing.
  Gastads, 86
  Gaston Phoebus of Foix, 23
  Gems, 53
  Geoffrey de Preuilly, 58
  Gerfalcon, 34
  Gerhard of Cambrai, 5
  Glaziers, 39
  Glebe (parish’s freehold), 42
  Glossary, 11
  Gold. See Money.
  Goldsmiths, 39
  Gores, 18
  Goshawk, 34
  Governance, 25
  Gradual book, 14
  Grain. See Crops.
  Grange-keepers, 30
  Granges, 15
  Graveyards; located next to
  churches, 14; markets and fairs
  held in, 67; unwanted infants
  abandoned in, 14; visiting before
  attending mass, 43
  Great Plague. See Black Plague.
  Gregory VII, 41
  Greyhound, 34
  H
  Hanging, 27
  Hard wheat, 19
  Harness-makers, 39
  Harrows, 19
  Harvest, 20
  Haubergeon, 78
  Hawks, 24; prices, 72
  Hay, 20
  Headlands, 18
  Heirs. See Inheritance.
  Helmets; prices of, 61; tournament
  armor advancements, 59
  Hemp, 17
  Henri III of Louvain, 58
  Henry I, 75
  Henry II, 63, 78
  Henry III, 63
  Heraldry, 75
  Heralds, 76
  Herbalists, 49
  Heresies; Albigensian heresy, 8;
  Cathars protected by shepherds,
  49; heretics, 46; heretics' loss of
  lands, 8
  Heretics. See Heresies.
  Heribannum, 63, 64
  Heriot (inheritance fee), 23; best
  animal claimed as, 55; serfs sub-
  ject to, 38
  Hermits, 49
  Heusire, 29
  Hide (land division), 11
  High justice, 27
  High Mass, 43
  Hockaday, 55
  Holiday offerings, 42
  Homage (oath of fidelity), 7
  Homines ad arma (men-at-arms),
  76
  Homosexual acts (penance for), 31
  Honey, 34
  Hook plows, 17
  Hopped ale (beer), 35
  Hops, 19
  Horses, 34; as tournament prize,
  58; at Farnham, 15; consumed
  by wolves after battles, 33;
  endurance  of, 77; fine for
  killing, 28; food and water
  requirements, 19, 77; harrows
  Fief: Index
  Page 95
  
  usually drawn by, 19; iron horse
  shoes, 21, 34; kept by resident
  clergy, 42; knights expected to
  have three, 76; padded horse
  collar, 21; pastured for manure,
  20; price list, 72; salt needed for
  preserving flesh, 33; scent used
  to camoflage hunters from deer,
  24; used for plowing, 19; vari-
  eties of, 34; warhorses (prices),
  61, 62; warhorses get heavier to
  support changes in armor fash-
  ion, 68
  Household (serf), 38
  Houses, 15; built from local mate-
  rials, 12; cost to build, 16; fire
  hazards in, 16; furnishings, 15;
  price of house near fairgrounds,
  69
  Humphrey de Bohun, 75
  Hundred (division of a shire), 50
  Hundred Years War, 8; affect on
  coinage, 11; chevauchée
  reached its height in, 83; poor
  discipline in, 75; re-emergence
  of mercenaries in, 80
  Hundred-moot, 50
  Hundred-reeve, 50
  Hunting, 23. See also Laws and
  Restrictions.
  Hunting birds, 34
  Husbandry, 33
  Huts. See Houses.
  Hymnal, 14
  I
  Illegal Acts. See Crime, Laws &
  Restrictions.
  Illegal Fortresses, 12
  Illiteracy, 43, 52
  Imports, 67
  Indulgences, 30
  Infanticide, 52
  Infants. See Children.
  Inflation, 68
  Inheritance, 54; by young children,
  52; castles likely restricted, 8;
  dying without heirs, 8; expanded
  rights for farmers on cleared
  land, 9; gaining a fief by, 7; heri-
  ot claimed by foresters, 23
  Innocent II, 66
  Innocent III, 27, 42, 64
  Inquisition, 46
  Interest rates, 68
  Intermarriage, 56
  Inventions, 21; advances in black-
  smithing, 39; archery develop-
  ment, 79; evolution of tourna-
  ment armor, 59
  Isabella of Portugal, 59
  Isidore of Seville, 29
  Itinerant justices. See Justices-in-
  eyre.
  J
  James I, 79
  Jewelry, 53
  Jews; as moneylenders, 48, 68, 69;
  blood libel (1173), 88; expelled
  from France (1306), 89; expelled
  from Spain (1492), 89; forbid-
  den to own Christian slaves or
  serfs, 37; not forbidden to prac-
  tice Usury by rabbis, 68; ordered
  to stay or forgive debts of
  Crusaders, 68; Orléans Jews
  blamed for instigating church
  destruction in Jerusalem (1009),
  87
  Jocelyn of Vorst, 58
  John I, 79
  John of Brittany, 58
  John XXII, 60, 66
  Jongleurs; exempt from tithe, 64
  Jordanus Ruffus, 34
  Joust, 57; goal of, 59
  Jugglers, 49
  Jurors, 30
  Jus primae noctis, 57
  Justices-in-eyre, 22; rights and
  powers, 23
  Juvenes, 57
  K
  Keeps. See Castles.
  Kestrel, 34
  King (from peasants' perspective),
  50
  King Réné of Anjou, 59
  Knight’s fee, 5, 9
  Knights, 76; archers and soldiers
  outside chivalric code, 79; as
  bandits (Cannock Wood), 61;
  knighting ceremonies, 60; land-
  less, 76; ne vigne, ne terre, 58;
  orders exempt from taxation, 64;
  roasted and fed to wives, 54;
  seeking patronage, 58; separate
  from landholders, 47; tourna-
  ments and jousting, 57; versus
  peasants in combat trials, 27;
  wages, 82; women as, 47
  Kolbenturnier (baton course), 58
  L
  Lance; prices of, 62
  Land divisions, 18
  Landholders, 11; expenses, 48;
  food budget, 54; military service
  as duty to liege, 76; right to tol-
  cester, 35; rights of justice, 27
  Landholdings. See  Fiefs, Manors,
  Parishes.
  Landless knights, 76
  Last rites, 44; any Christian may
  perform, 43
  Laurentius Rusius, 34
  Laws and Restrictions; animals on
  common lands limited, 20; bans
  on games and sports, 79;
  churches can't be consecrated
  without relics, 14; clergy forbid-
  den to engage in combat trials,
  27; clerics forbidden to accept
  lay offices or land, 7; days on
  which work was forbidden, 43;
  farmers limited to deadwood, 22;
  hunting laws of various king-
  doms and times, 24; hunting
  laws relaxed to battle vermin,
  27; hunting restricted in English
  Royal forests, 22; landholders'
  rights of justice, 27; letter of
  passage for pilgrims, 49; mandat-
  ed confession and communion,
  29; peasants unable to be armed
  except in wartime, 78; permis-
  sion needed to build castles, 12;
  prohibiting unlicensed physi-
  Fief: Index
  Page 96
  
  cians, 49; restrictions on sales of
  land to the church, 8; tourna-
  ments condemned and banned,
  60
  Lawsuits, 37
  Leather, 53
  Lee-ale, 70
  Legal process, 27
  Leggings, 53
  Lent, 43
  Leo IV, 65
  Leywrite, 57
  Libri Fedruorum, 5, 8, 54
  Liege, 50, 51; influence over inher-
  itance, 55
  Lighting, 16
  Linen, 53
  Lists (tournament fields), 60
  Litanies (solemn processions), 45
  Literacy (affect on mass), 43
  Little Ice Age, 21
  Lives of Saints (books), 14
  Livre, 11
  Loan systems, 68
  Loans. See Debt.
  Lombards, 68
  Long bow. See  Bows.
  Lothar III, 8
  Louis VI, 75
  Louis VII, 63, 79
  Low justice, 27
  Low persons, 24
  Lymer, 34
  Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode, 79
  M
  Magic; penance for conjuring
  storms, cursing, and divination,
  31; penance for making amulets,
  32; powers of gemstones, 53;
  priestly weather control, bless-
  ings and pest removal, 41; reput-
  ed powers of blacksmiths, 39;
  reputed powers of shepherds, 49
  Magna Carta, 50, 79, 80
  Maniple, 43
  Manors, 9, 52. See also Village and
  individual topics.
  Manual of common sacraments, 14
  Manumission, 38, 39
  Manure, 20
  Mariageo (merchet), 56
  Marinarios, 80
  Market towns, 69
  Markets. See  Fairs and Markets.
  Marriage, 56; becoming a peasant
  by, 39; fees (merchet), 38; for
  clergy, 41; into serfdom, 37;
  managed by landholders, 38; out
  of serfdom, 38; priests charging
  to perform, 42; remarriage, 54;
  to earn a fief, 7; typical age of,
  57; widows' use of marital prop-
  erty, 54
  Martinmass, 55
  Mass, 43; bell used to summon
  parishoners, 14; masses for the
  dead, 42
  Mass pennies, 42
  Master of farms, 85
  Matins, 43
  Meat preservation, 21
  Medical care in villages, 37
  Medieval society as a pyramid, 6
  Mêlées. See Tournaments.
  Men-at-arms, 76
  Mendicant friars, 42
  Mercenaries, 79; as brigands in the
  Hundred Years War, 8; at tour-
  nament, 58; common in Italian
  armies, 77; expelled from the
  Holy Roman Empire, 79; paid
  knights, 77; wandering groups,
  80
  Merchants; using sur-cens to avoid
  usury charges, 26
  Merchet, 38, 56
  Messengers, 49
  Messors, 30
  Middle justice, 27
  Miller, 36
  Millet, 19
  Mills, 16, 36
  Minstrels, 49
  Missals (prayer books), 14
  Moats; castle, 12; household, 15
  Monasteries, 10
  Money, 11
  Moneylenders, 69
  Mongols; agricultural contribu-
  tions, 19
  Monks; licensed to preach doc-
  trine, 43
  Monopolies, 35
  Monsters. See Beasts, Children.
  Moot, 50
  Mortgage (sur-cens), 26
  Motte, 12; part of fortified church-
  es, 14
  Motte-and-Bailey (castle), 12;
  Farnham, 13
  Mounts. See Horses.
  Multure (fee for milling grain), 36
  Murder. See Crime.
  Murrain, 21
  Musicians, 49
  Muslims; in southern Italy, 85
  Mutuum, 69
  N
  Naples, 12; conquered by the
  Normans, 85
  Naval service, 80
  Ne vigne, ne terre, 58
  Necromancy. See Magic.
  New Testament, 14
  Nicosia, 80
  Night soil (human waste) used as
  fertilizer, 20
  Nobles, 47; forests claimed for
  hunting by; traveled with large
  retinue, 54
  Nonresident clergy, 42
  Norman Conquest, 7
  Norman Sicily, 85
  Normans; established English
  Royal Forests, 22; French castles
  built to resist, 12; introduced
  castle building to England and
  Sicily, 12
  O
  Oath of fidelity (homage), 7
  Oats, 19
  Obligations, 6; labor obligations of
  serfs, 25
  Oldcastle rebellion, 79
  Ordination, 10. See also  Priests,
  Rector.
  Outlaws, 48. See also Thieves.
  Ovens, 36
  Oxen, 34
  Fief: Index
  Page 97
  
  P
  Padded horse collar, 21, 34
  Page, 24
  Palfry (riding horse), 34
  Palm Sunday, 45
  Palmer worms, 41
  Pannage fee, 22, 23
  Pardoners, 30, 46
  Parish priest (rector). See Priests.
  Parishes, 10
  Parks (horse pastures), 34
  Parks (hunting grounds), 24
  Paten (church vessel), 14
  Patrilocality, 56
  Pawn, 68
  Peas and beans, 19
  Peasant Rebellion (Wat Tyler), 79
  Peasants (tenant farmers), 9, 39;
  appointed as bakers, 36
  Penance, 29; public in villages, 37;
  sample penances list, 31; satis-
  fied by money instead, 30
  Penitentials, 29
  Pests. See Vermin.
  Peter’s Pence, 29
  Philip III, 34
  Philippe II, 50, 68
  Philippe III, 63
  Philippe le Bon, 59
  Philippe VI, 70
  Pie-Powder Court, 70
  Piers Plowman, 79
  Pigeon-dung (columbine), 20
  Pilgrimage; enforced as punish-
  ment for illegal hunting, 22, 29
  Pilgrims, 49
  Pillage (spoils), 77
  Piscary (fishing rights), 34
  Plague. See Black Plague.
  Plaustrum, 61
  Plebanus, 45
  Plebeium gives way to parish, 45
  Ploualmes, 29
  Ploughshares, 17, 39
  Plow pennies, 42
  Plowing, 18; parts of plow, 39;
  ploualmes, 29; plow blessed at
  Easter, 44; types of plow, 17
  Poaching, 23. See also Crime, Laws
  & Restrictions.
  Pockets absent from medieval
  clothing, 53
  Poll taxes, 63
  Pope; papal backing of Norman
  conquest of southern Italy, 85;
  some monastic orders subject
  only to, 10
  Population, 37; servant percentage,
  39; size of diocese, 51
  Population density, 37
  Pottage, 53
  Pottery, 39
  Pound sterling, 11
  Prayer (at mass), 43
  Prayer books (missals), 14
  Precious stones, 53
  Prestitum, 69
  Prices; affected by famine, 21; beer
  versus ale, 36; bows regulated by
  Edward IV, 79; cauldrons and
  tools become affordable with
  blacksmithing advances, 39;
  controlled during Plague, 57; for
  ale (basis), 35; for buildings, 16;
  of manumission, 38; price lists,
  71; tournament and war expens-
  es, 61
  Priests, 41; archpriests, 45; as land
  managers, 7; authority to per-
  form sacraments, 43; celibacy,
  41; confessors, 44; distinct from
  other social classes, 5; gaining a
  parish, 10; ignorance among, 42;
  living quarters, 14; murder of,
  29; physical requirements, 10;
  rector nominated by the parish,
  45; taking confessions, 29;
  younger sons sent to clergy to
  preserve wealth, 57
  Primogeniture, 55
  Processional (book of litanies and
  music), 14
  Proprietary churches, 44
  Prostitutes; attracted to tourna-
  ments, 59; exempt from tithe,
  64; fine for soliciting as, 28
  Protestant Reformation, 84
  Provisium, 54
  Provosts, 30
  Psalter, 14
  Q
  Quadripartion, 66
  Quaestors (pardoners), 30
  Quarter (grain measure), 11
  Quitrent, 26
  R
  Ransom; aids applied to, 6; given
  to Vikings, 34; limits on amount,
  77; of Richard I, 63; part of
  tournament rules, 58; risks of
  using as source of income, 48;
  war ransom examples, 62
  Raoul of Mauléon, 27
  Rats. See Vermin.
  Raymond VI of Toulouse, 8
  Reapers, 20
  Rebellions; as factor in manorial
  decline, 84
  Recets, 58
  Rector (parish priest), 10. See also
  Priests.
  Reeves, 25
  Reformation, Protestant, 84
  Regarders, 22
  Relics, 14
  Reliefs, 55
  Réné of Anjou, 59
  Rent; heusire, 29; mills rented to
  peasants, 36; owed by serfs, 26;
  quitrent, 26; role of fixed rents
  in decline of manorialism, 9
  Rice, 19
  Richard I, 60; ransom of, 63; use of
  mercenaries, 79
  Richard II, 24
  Ricks (grain storage), 21
  Riddle (ochre dye), 34
  Right to income (loan system), 68
  Right to sanctuary, 30
  Rights and duties. See also
  Obligations, Society (structure).
  Rivers, 61; essential for broad mar-
  kets, 67
  Roads, 18, 61
  Robber knights, 80
  Robbers. See Thieves.
  Robin Hood, 79; ballads example
  of unpopular sheriffs, 50
  Fief: Index
  Page 98
  
  Rockingham Forest (inheritance
  system), 55
  Rodents. See Vermin.
  Roger I, 85
  Roger le Noir, 64
  Roger Mortimer, 59
  Rolls of the Pipes, 25
  Roman numerals used in account
  rolls, 25
  Royal exchequer, 63
  Royal forests (English), 22
  Royalty, 50
  Runaway serfs, 80
  Rural deans, 51
  Rye, 19
  S
  Sacraments, 43; manual of com-
  mon, 14
  Saints; lives of (books), 14;
  remains of local as relics, 14;
  statues of used to control weath-
  er and kill insects, 41
  Saladin tithe, 63, 64
  Salic law, 54
  Salt, 21; used to preserve meat and
  fish, 21
  Sanctuary, 30
  Saracens; French castles built to
  resist, 12
  Saxons; established English Royal
  Forests, 22
  Scharfrennen, 58
  Scot-ale, 70
  Scotland; ordered to practice
  archery, 79
  Screw jack (invention of), 21
  Scutage, 77
  Scythes, 20; invention of, 21
  Seasons' effect on sowing, 19
  Seed sowing, 19
  Selions, 18
  Seneschals, 25
  Serfs, 37; children and spouses of
  clergy automatically, 38; defined,
  11; labor obligations, 25; mili-
  tary obligations, 80; runaways,
  80; voluntary, 38
  Sergeanties, 75
  Sergeants, 76; wages, 82
  Sergeanty of archery, 77
  Servants, 39
  Servientes, 77
  Servile land, 26
  Seven sacraments, 43
  Seven sins, 41
  Seven works of mercy, 41
  Sharecropping, 85
  Sheaf (grain measure), 11
  Sheep, 33; protected in cortal, 49
  Shell keep (castle), 12
  Shepherds, 49
  Sheriff, 22, 50
  Shields; prices of, 62
  Ship-hundreds, 50
  Shires, 50
  Sicily, 12; required supply of
  warhorses, 77; upkeep of the
  royal navy, 80
  Sickles, 20
  Sieges, Siege Engines, 81
  Silk, 53
  Silver. See Money.
  Singers, 49
  Sins. See Crime, Seven Sins,
  Penance, others.
  Society, 52; divided into three
  classes, 37
  Soil, 17
  Soldiers; and taxation, 63; peasants
  expected to supply themselves,
  78; provided with ale, 35; vari-
  eties of, 78; wages, 82
  Sorcery. See Magic.
  Sorghum, 19
  Sou, 11
  Sources, 90
  Sowing, 19
  Sparrow hawk, 34
  Spoils, 77
  Sports. See  Games.
  Squires, 76; wages, 83
  St. Mary’s Mass, 43
  Stable hands, 39
  Stables, 15
  Stall rental (at a fair, price), 69
  Statues of saints, 41
  Statues of the Virgin, mysterious,
  14
  Storage buildings, 15
  Subinfeudation, 7
  Summa Cathedram, 44, 46
  Sumptuary laws, 53
  Supernatural. See Magic.
  Sur-cens (mortgage), 26
  Swaddling clothes, 52
  Swing plows, 17
  Swords; mêlée tournaments with,
  58; peasants armed with, 80;
  prices of, 62, 74; used in boar-
  hunting, 24
  T
  Tailors, 39
  Tandem harness, 21
  Tanning, 39
  Tax collectors, 50
  Tax revolt in Limoges, 63
  Taxes, 63; marinarios (Sicilian
  naval tax), 80; mortuary (death
  tax), 65
  Technology. See Inventions.
  Templars, 10
  Tenant farmers. See Peasants.
  Teodorico Borgognoni, 34
  Terms, 11
  Thatch roofs, 12, 16. See also
  Houses.
  Thieves, 48; conscription of crimi-
  nals, 78; fields designed to dis-
  courage, 18; flesh fed to falcons,
  34; forced to kiss dogs' back-
  sides, 34; jurisdiction of the pie-
  powder court over, 70; lower
  social class than serfs, 37;
  penance for burglary, 31;
  penance for theft, 32; right to
  sanctuary in churches, 30, 60;
  robber knights, 80; travelers
  accused of being, 48; unautho-
  rized pardoners, 46
  Third Lateran Council, 51, 79
  Tilling, 17
  Timeline, 87
  Tithe barns, 15
  Tithes, 64; average tithe incomes,
  43; wine tithes, 65
  Tithingman, 30
  Tithings, 30; young boys added to,
  52
  Tolcester, 35
  Tolls, 66; at river crossings, 61
  Tournament armor, 59
  Tournaments, 57; condemned and
  banned, 60; fees for entry, 60;
  Fief: Index
  Page 99
  
  first recorded prize at, 59; forms
  of, 58
  Towns; French walls strengthened,
  12
  Tracks. See Roads.
  Trade, 67
  Transportation methods, 61
  Travel, 60; hospitality expected
  from priests, 41; noble retinue,
  54; rare for manor dwellers, 52;
  risk of being robbed by land-
  holders, 48; road maintenance,
  18, 25; tolls, 66; transportation
  methods, 61; travelers, 48
  Trends in fortress design, 12
  Trial by combat, 27
  Tripartion, 66
  Troubadors, 49
  Tun (grain measure), 11
  Tunics, 53
  U
  Underwear, 53
  Usury; not subject to tithe, 64;
  penance for, 32; sur-cens used to
  avoid charges of, 26
  V
  Valets, 76
  Vamplate, 59
  Varlet, 24
  Vassal, 5; Carolingian origin of
  term, 6
  Veneur, 24
  Verderers, 22
  Verderers’ court, 23
  Vergate, 11
  Vermin; children watching fields
  for, 19; excommunication rituals
  used to remove, 41; hunting
  laws relaxed to battle, 27; threat
  to grain storage, 21
  Vert, 11
  Vespers, 44
  Vicar forane, 51
  Vicar general, 51
  Vices, 29, 48
  Village; daily life, 37, 39; education
  and medical care, 37; gender
  roles (see also Women), 38, 52;
  graveyard, 14; intermarriage in,
  56; officials, 30; religious cus-
  toms, 44; self-sufficiency of
  manors, 67
  Villein, 11
  Vintenar, 78
  Visigoth law, 54
  W
  Wages; better pay in the cities, 80;
  crafter and servant wage list, 40;
  for clergy, 45; for servants, 39;
  improvements as factor in
  manorial decline, 84; knights',
  76; military, 82; village officials
  largely unpaid positions, 30
  Walter Map, 80
  Wanderers, 48. See also Travel.
  Wardens (forest officials), 22
  Wardens (village overseers), 30
  Warfare, 75; expense, 61, 76;
  sieges, 81
  Warhorses. See Horses.
  Wat Tyler, 79
  Water wheels, 39
  Wax, 34
  Weapons; conscription laws and,
  78; knight’s relief, 55; prices of
  (to equip a knight), 76
  Week Work, 11
  Weevils. See Vermin.
  Weyve, 48
  Wheeled plows, 17
  Whitsunday, 43
  Widows, 54
  William I, 22, 83
  William II of Sicily, 66
  William Marshall, 59, 81
  William the Conqueror, 75
  William V of Aquitaine, 7
  Wine; entry fee at fair, 69; needed
  for church services, 67
  Witchcraft. See Magic.
  Wolves, 33
  Women; admitted to chivalric
  orders, 47; allowed to preach by
  heretics, 46; as ale-makers, 35;
  as ale-tasters, 30; as serf labor-
  ers, 38; as smiths and other
  crafters, 39; childbirth, 52; con-
  sidered impure after childbirth,
  44; control of lands, 54; inheri-
  tance laws, 54; not members of
  tithings, 30; not permitted to
  repudiate husbands for adultery,
  56; penance for homosexuality,
  31; political power of noble-
  women, 47; primary users of
  sickles in harvest, 20; regarded
  as sexually insatiable, 56
  Woodwardens, 30
  Woodwards, 23
  Wool (as common clothing materi-
  al), 53
  Wool production, 34
  Work animals, 34; prices of, 71
  Works of mercy, 41
  Y
  Yule, 43
  Yule log, 42
  Fief: Index
  Page 100w
  
SOURCE: textdata/thevault/_GM Books/Fief - A Look At Medieval Society From Its Lower Rungs [Lisa J. Steele - Cumberland Games & Diversions].pdf