However, firms may also charge consumers different prices for the same  (or very similar) goods and services even when there are no differences  in costs to produce. No federal law expressly prohibits businesses from charging different  prices for the same or similar consumer goods and services targeted to  men and women. While  the factors we controlled for likely proxy for various costs and consumer  preferences, we could not fully observe all underlying differences in costs  and demand for products targeted to different genders. For 5 of 10 Product Categories Analyzed, Women’s Products Sold at Higher Average Prices Than Men’s after Controlling for Some Observable Factors

Women’s versions of personal care products sold at a statistically  significant higher average price than men’s versions for 5 of the 10  personal care product categories we analyzed—using two different price  measures and after controlling for observable factors that could affect  price, such as brands, product size or quantity, promotional expenses  (see table 1) and other product-specific attributes (e.g., scent, special  claims, form). We Could Not Determine the Extent to Which Price Differences May Be Due to Market Factors as Opposed to Gender Bias

Though we found that the target gender for a product is a significant  factor contributing to price differences we identified, we do not have  sufficient information to determine the extent to which these gender- related price differences were due to gender bias as opposed to other  factors. Our econometric analysis controlled  for many observable factors related to costs, such as product size,  promotional activity, and packaging type. Studies We Reviewed Found Limited Evidence of Price Differences for Men and Women for Mortgages, Small Business Credit, and Auto Purchases

We reviewed studies that compared prices for men and women in four  markets where the product or service is not differentiated by gender:  mortgages, small business credit, auto purchases, and auto repairs. After controlling for borrower credit characteristics and other factors, three  studies did not find statistically significant differences in interest rates  between men and women for the same type of mortgage, while one study  found that women paid higher mortgage rates for certain subprime loans. In addition, one study found that female borrowers defaulted less  frequently on their loans than male borrowers with similar credit  characteristics, suggesting that women as a group may pay higher  mortgage rates than men relative to their default risk. While these studies  attempted to control for factors other than gender or sex that could affect  borrowing costs, several lacked important data on certain borrower risk  characteristics. Also, several studies analyzed  nonrepresentative samples of loans, such as subprime loans or loans  originated more than 10 years ago, which limits the generalizability of the  results (see table 2). However, their  analysis did not include data on some borrower credit characteristics such  as credit score and debt-to-income ratio that could affect borrowing  costs. Federal Agencies Have Identified Limited or No Consumer Concerns about Price Differences Based on Sex or Gender

		Federal Agencies Monitor Consumer Complaints and Identified Limited Examples of Concerns of Price Differences Based on the Consumer’s Sex or Gender

BCFP and HUD have responsibilities to monitor consumer complaints in  the consumer credit and housing markets, respectively. Officials from BCFP  and HUD said they have not identified a need to develop other consumer  education resources specific to gender-related price differences. We found that average retail prices paid  were significantly higher for women’s products than for men’s in 5 out of  10 personal care products. One category had mixed results based on two  price measures analyzed, and two others showed no significant gender  price differences. Appendix III: Objectives, Scope, and Methodology

This report examines (1) how prices compared for selected categories of  consumer goods that are differentiated for men and women, and potential  reasons for any significant price differences; (2) what is known about the  extent to which men and women may pay different prices in, or  experience different levels of access to, markets for credit and goods and  services that are not differentiated based on gender; (3) the extent to  which federal agencies have identified and taken steps to address any  concerns about gender-related price differences; and (4) state and local  government efforts to address concerns about gender-related price  differences. The product categories included underarm deodorants, body  deodorants (typically sold as a spray), disposable razors, nondisposable  razors, razor blades, shaving creams, shaving gels, and three categories  of fragrances. To examine the federal role in overseeing gender-related price  differences, we reviewed relevant federal statutes and agency guidance,  and interviewed officials from the Federal Trade Commission (FTC),  Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection (BCFP), the Department of  Housing and Urban Development (HUD), and the Department of Justice  (DOJ). These complaints could be about price differences  because of gender.
Why GAO Did This Study

Gender-related price differences occur when consumers are charged different prices for the same or similar goods and services because of factors related to gender. While variation in costs and consumer demand may give rise to such price differences, some policymakers have raised concerns that gender bias may also be a factor. While the Equal Credit Opportunity Act and Fair Housing Act prohibit discrimination based on sex in credit and housing transactions, no federal law prohibits businesses from charging consumers different prices for the same or similar goods targeted to different genders.
GAO was asked to review gender-related price differences for consumer goods and services sold in the United States. This report examines, among other things, (1) how prices compared for selected goods and services marketed to men and women, and potential reasons for any price differences; (2) what is known about price differences for men and women for products not differentiated by gender, such as mortgages; and (3) the extent to which federal agencies have identified and addressed any concerns about gender-related price differences.
To examine these issues, GAO analyzed retail price data, reviewed relevant academic studies, analyzed federal consumer complaint data, and interviewed federal agency officials, industry experts, and academics.

What GAO Found

Firms differentiate many consumer products to appeal separately to men and women by slightly altering product attributes like color or scent. Products differentiated by gender may sell for different prices if men and women have different demands or willingness to pay for these product attributes. Of 10 personal care product categories (e.g., deodorants and shaving products) that GAO analyzed, average retail prices paid were significantly higher for women's products than for men's in 5 categories. In 2 categories—shaving gel and nondisposable razors—men's versions sold at a significantly higher price. One category—razor blades--had mixed results based on two price measures analyzed, and two others—disposable razors and mass-market perfumes—showed no significant gender price differences. GAO found that the target gender for a product is a significant factor contributing to price differences identified, but GAO did not have sufficient information to determine the extent to which these gender-related price differences were due to gender bias as opposed to other factors, such as different advertising costs. Though the analysis controlled for several observable product attributes, such as product size and packaging type, all underlying differences in costs and demand for products targeted to different genders could not be fully observed.
Studies GAO reviewed found limited evidence of gender price differences for four products or services not differentiated by gender—mortgages, small business credit, auto purchases, and auto repairs. For example, with regard to mortgages, women as a group paid higher average mortgage rates than men, in part due to weaker credit characteristics, such as lower average income. However, after controlling for borrower credit characteristics and other factors, three studies did not find statistically significant differences in borrowing costs between men and women, while one found women paid higher rates for certain subprime loans. In addition, one study found that female borrowers defaulted less frequently than male borrowers with similar credit characteristics, and the study suggested that women may pay higher mortgage rates than men relative to their default risk. While these studies controlled for factors other than gender that could affect borrowing costs, several lacked important data on certain borrower risk characteristics, such as credit scores, which could affect analysis of gender disparities. Also, several studies analyzed small samples of subprime loans that were originated in 2005 or earlier, which limits the generalizability of the results.
In their oversight of federal antidiscrimination statutes, the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection, Federal Trade Commission, and Department of Housing and Urban Development have identified limited consumer concerns based on gender-related pricing differences. GAO's analysis of complaint data received by the three agencies from 2012–2017 found that they had received limited consumer complaints about gender-related price differences. The agencies provide general consumer education resources on discrimination and consumer awareness. However, given the limited consumer concern, they have not identified a need to incorporate additional materials specific to gender-related price differences into their existing consumer education resources.