Disconnected youth may also lack strong social networks that provide assistance in the form of employment connections and other supports such as housing and financial assistance. The purpose of the report is to provide context for Congress about the characteristics of youth who are neither working nor in school, and the circumstances in which they live. Research since the late 1990s has sought to identify and characterize disconnected youth. The Congressional Research Service (CRS) conducted an analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau's Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey (CPS) to more fully understand the characteristics of disconnected youth, and to provide recent data on the population. Based on select questions in the CPS, the analysis constructs a definition of disconnection that includes noninstitutionalized youth ages 16 through 24 who were not working or in school at the time of the survey (February through April 2014) and did not work or attend school any time during the previous year (2013). For these reasons, the number and share of youth in the analysis who are considered disconnected are smaller than in some other studies. Still, 2.4 million youth ages 16 through 24—or 6.1% of this population—met the definition of disconnected in 2014 (disconnected for all of 2013 and between February and April of 2014). Like many other studies, the CRS analysis finds that a greater share of female and minority youth tend to be disconnected, although in some recent years rates of disconnection among females and males have been similar or converged. The CRS analysis also evaluates other characteristics that have not been widely studied in the existing research. For instance, compared to their peers in the general population, disconnected youth tend to have fewer years of education, and are more likely to live apart from their parents (except for youth ages 22-24) and be poor. The analysis finds that the parents of disconnected youth are more likely than their counterparts to be unemployed and to have a lower level of educational attainment. Rates of disconnection have ranged from about 3.9% (in 1999 and 2000) to just over 7.5% (in 2010). Methodology and Number of Disconnected Youth

Across the studies, estimates of the number of disconnected youth vary because of their methodology, the age range of youth, and the period of time examined. Reasons Associated with Disconnection

The factors that contribute to disconnection are not entirely clear, though some research has shown that parental education and receipt of public assistance, as well as race and ethnicity, play a role. As discussed further below, the CRS definition of disconnected youth is more narrow than most definitions employed by other studies because it captures those who are not working and not in school for a longer period of time (versus at a point in time, or for instance, over a six-month period). This definition is intended to exclude youth who may, in fact, be connected for part or most of a year, and may be between jobs or taking an extended break after school. Unlike all of the other studies, youth who are married to a connected spouse and are parenting are also excluded from the definition, based on the assumption that these young people work in the home by caring for their children and rely on financial and social support from their spouses. Disconnected youth will likely face numerous challenges as they transition to adulthood. Disconnected youth tend to have fewer years of schooling than their connected counterparts. Given the state of the current economy, youth disconnection rates would be expected to stabilize. They are also more likely to live in poverty. Interventions to connect youth to school and work depend on a number of factors. Interventions can also focus on particular institutions or systems , such as the family, community, schools, and job training programs. These interventions may help to address some of the reasons why youth are not working or in school.
In recent years, policymakers and youth advocates have focused greater attention on young people who are neither working nor in school. Generally characterized as "disconnected," these youth may also lack strong social networks that provide assistance in the form of employment connections and other supports such as housing and financial assistance. Without attachment to work or school, disconnected youth may be vulnerable to experiencing negative outcomes as they transition to adulthood. The purpose of the report is to provide context for Congress about the characteristics of disconnected youth, and the circumstances in which they live. These data may be useful as Congress considers policies to retain students in high school and to provide opportunities for youth to obtain job training and employment.
Since the late 1990s, social science research has introduced different definitions of the term "disconnected." Across multiple studies of disconnected youth, the ages of the youth and the length of time they are out of school or work for purposes of being considered disconnected differ. In addition, a smaller number of studies have also incorporated incarcerated youth into estimates of the population. Due to these methodological differences, the number of youth who are considered disconnected varies. According to the research, the factors that are associated with disconnection are not entirely clear, though some studies have shown that parental education and receipt of public assistance are influential.
This Congressional Research Service (CRS) analysis expands the existing research on disconnected youth. The analysis uses Current Population Survey (CPS) data to construct a definition of "disconnected." This definition includes noninstitutionalized youth ages 16 through 24 who were not working or in school at the time of the survey (February through April) and did not work or attend school any time during the previous year. The definition is narrower than those used by other studies because it captures youth who are unemployed and not in school for a longer period of time. This is intended to exclude youth who may, in fact, be connected for part or most of a year. Youth who are both married to a connected spouse and are parenting are also excluded from the definition. For these reasons, the number and share of youth in the analysis who are considered disconnected are smaller than in some other studies. Still, 2.4 million youth ages 16 through 24—or 6.1% of this population—met the definition of disconnected in 2014, meaning that they were not in school or working for all of 2013 and at some point between February and April of 2014. Between 1988 and 2014, the rate of disconnection fluctuated between 3.9% (1999 and 2000) and 7.5% (2010). As expected, rates of disconnection have varied over time depending on economic cycles.
Like the existing research, the CRS analysis finds that a greater share of minority youth, particularly black males, are disconnected, and that their rates of disconnection have been higher over time. The analysis evaluates some other characteristics that have not been widely studied in the existing research. For instance, compared to their peers in the general population, disconnected youth tend to have fewer years of education, and are more likely to live apart from their parents and (if they married to a disconnected spouse or are not married) to have children. Disconnected youth are also twice as likely to be poor than their connected peers. The analysis further finds that the parents of disconnected youth are more likely than their counterparts to be unemployed and to have lower educational attainment.
Given the state of the current economy, rates of disconnection may remain stable or decrease. Policymakers may consider interventions to reconnect youth to work and/or school. Interventions can target children and youth at a particular stage of their early lives. Interventions can also focus on particular institutions or systems, such as the family, community, and schools.