	Introduction

The 1995 Dayton Peace Accords, brokered primarily by the United States, ended three yearsof war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had cost hundreds of thousands of lives and created over2 million refugees and displaced persons. The Dayton Peace Accords also resulted in the deployment of a NATO-led peacekeepingforce which has been charged with providing a secure environment for the implementation of thepeace agreement. A U.N.-appointed High Representative, created by the Dayton accords, overseesthe civilian peace implementation efforts. Map of Bosnia and Herzegovina
In the more than nine years since the accords, the United States and other countries havescored significant achievements in Bosnia, including sharply reduced inter-ethnic violence, restoredfreedom of movement, and the return of many refugees and displaced persons to their homes. Theinternational community has also helped Bosnia hold largely free and fair elections and set up manyof the institutions of a modern democratic state. However, these successes in some areas have notadded up to the accomplishment of the overall goal of international efforts in Bosnia: the creationof a stable, united Bosnia, able to continue reforms on its own and integrate with Euro-Atlanticinstitutions. Almost all progress on reforms and on promoting greater unity in Bosnia continues torequire direct or indirect intervention by Ashdown and other representatives of the internationalcommunity. Reform efforts continue to be met by obstructionism or passivity by the nationalistparties which control Bosnian governments at all levels. Some observers also assert that thecumbersome institutions set up by the Dayton Peace Accords are unworkable. According to critics of current international policy on Bosnia, international interventionismhas led to dependency and irresponsibility among local elites. This problem is all the more seriousas the international commitment to Bosnia in troops and funding has decreased in recent years. Another important issue is whether Bosnia is still important to U.S. interests, particularlygiven perhaps more pressing U.S. commitments in other countries and regions. However, many observers believe that theUnited States still has a stake in Bosnia's stability, as part of building a Europe "whole and free," theoverarching U.S. objective in the region. Continued U.S. involvement in Bosnia may be needed toarrest indicted war criminals, as well as to make sure that Bosnia is not used as a haven for organizedcrime or terrorists. In December 2004, The European Union took over peacekeeping duties.
The 1995 Dayton Peace Accords, brokered primarily by the United States, ended the war inBosnia, which had cost hundreds of thousands of lives and created over 2 million refugees anddisplaced persons. The Dayton Peace Accords also set up Bosnia's current political structure of twosemi-autonomous, ethnically-based "entities" and a relatively weak central government. It resultedin the deployment of a NATO-led peacekeeping force, which was charged with providing a secureenvironment for the implementation of the peace agreement. In December 2004, a European Unionforce took over peacekeeping duties from NATO. A U.N.-appointed High Representative, createdby the Dayton Accords, oversees the civilian implementation efforts.
In the more than nine years since the accords, the United States and other countries havescored significant achievements in Bosnia, including sharply reduced inter-ethnic violence, restoredfreedom of movement, and the return of many refugees and displaced persons to their homes. Theinternational community has also helped Bosnia hold largely free and fair elections and set up manyof the institutions of a modern democratic state. However, these individual successes have notadded up to the accomplishment of the overall goal of international efforts in Bosnia: the creationof a stable, united Bosnia, able to continue reforms on its own and integrate into Euro-Atlanticinstitutions. Almost all progress on reforms and on promoting greater unity in Bosnia continues torequire direct or indirect intervention by representatives of the international community. Reformefforts continue to be met by obstructionism or passivity by the nationalist parties that controlBosnian governments at all levels. Some observers also assert that the cumbersome governinginstitutions set up by the Dayton Peace Accords are unworkable.
Supporters of international activism in Bosnia say that the only way to move forward is tocontinue to impose reforms when necessary, and that when these reforms reach a critical mass, theywill become self-sustaining. According to critics of current international policy on Bosnia,international interventionism has led to dependency and irresponsibility among local elites. Thisproblem is all the more serious as the international commitment to Bosnia in troops and funding hasdecreased in recent years.
Another important issue is whether Bosnia is still important to U.S. interests. Some say thatpressing U.S. commitments in other countries and regions argue for transferring full responsibilityfor Bosnia to European countries. Others believe that the United States still has a stake in Bosnia'sstability, as part of building a Europe "whole and free," the overarching U.S. objective in the region. They say continued U.S. involvement in Bosnia may be needed to arrest indicted war criminals, aswell as to make sure that Bosnia is not used as a haven for organized crime or terrorists. The 109thCongress will likely be involved in such issues as appropriating foreign aid for Bosnia andexamining Bosnia's compliance with its obligations to the International Criminal Tribunal for theformer Yugoslavia. This report will be updated as events warrant.