	Introduction

In the United States, births to unmarried women (i.e., nonmarital births) are widespread, including families of varying income class, race, ethnicity, and geographic area. Many analysts attribute this to changed attitudes over many years about fertility and marriage. They find that many adult women and teenage girls no longer feel obliged to marry before, or as a consequence of, having children. Although nonmarital childbearing is not a new phenomenon, the relatively recent factors associated with historically high levels of nonmarital childbearing are that women are marrying later in life and more couples are cohabiting. Other factors include decreased childbearing of married couples, increased marital dissolution, increased sexual activity outside of marriage, participation in risky behaviors that often lead to sex, improper use of contraceptive methods, and lack of marriageable partners. Most children who grow up in mother-only families, father-only families, step-parent families, or families in which the mother is cohabiting with a male partner become well-adjusted, productive adults. However, a large body of research indicates that children who grow up with only one biological parent in the home are more likely to be financially worse off and have worse socioeconomic outcomes (even after income differences are taken into account) compared to children who grow up with both biological parents in the home. This report analyzes the trends in nonmarital childbearing in the United States, discusses some of the characteristics of unwed mothers, addresses some issues involving the fathers of children born outside of marriage, and offers some concluding remarks. Recent data indicate that the notion that unmarried births equal mother-only families is no longer fully correct. In 2013, there were 1.6 million nonmarital births. Moreover, the age and nonmarital birth data for 1990 and 2013 displayed in Figure 5 show that for all age groups a growing share of women are having nonmarital births. Some of the highlights include the following:
black women are more likely to have children outside of marriage than other racial or ethnic groups; it is not teenagers but rather women in their early twenties who have the highest percentage of births outside of marriage; single motherhood is more common among women with less education than among well-educated women; a substantial share of nonmarital births (44%) were to women who had already given birth to one or more children; a significant number of unwed mothers are in cohabiting relationships; and women who have a nonmarital birth are less likely than other women to eventually marry. It appears that one result of the so-called sexual revolution was that many men increasingly believed that women could and should control their fertility via contraception and abortion. As a result, many men have become less willing to marry the women they impregnate. One of the trends that this report highlights is that although there has been a rise in nonmarital births, it does not mean that there has been a subsequent rise in mother-only families. Instead, it reflects the rise in the number of couples who are in cohabiting relationships. Because the number of women living in a cohabiting situation has increased substantially over the last several decades, many children start off in households in which both of their biological parents reside. Nonetheless, cohabiting family situations are disrupted or dissolved much more frequently than married-couple families. The large number of nonmarital births has added to the complexity of families.
Although nonmarital births (i.e., births to unmarried women) are not a new phenomenon, their impact on families has not diminished and there is much agreement that the complexity of modern family relationships and living arrangements may further complicate the well-being of children born to unwed mothers.
For the past six years (2008-2013), the percentage of all U.S. births that were nonmarital births remained unchanged at about 41% (1.6 million births per year), compared with 28% of all births in 1990 and about 11% of all births in 1970. Many of these children grow up in mother-only families. Although most children who grow up in mother-only families or step-parent families become well-adjusted, productive adults, the bulk of empirical research indicates that children who grow up with only one biological parent in the home are more likely to be financially worse off and have worse socioeconomic outcomes (even after income differences are taken into account) compared to children who grow up with both biological parents in the home.
In the United States, nonmarital births are widespread, touching families of varying income class, race, ethnicity, and geographic area. Many analysts attribute this to changed attitudes over the past few decades about fertility and marriage. They find that many adult women and teenage girls no longer feel obliged to marry before, or as a consequence of, having children. With respect to men, it appears that one result of the so-called sexual revolution is that many men now believe that women can and should control their fertility via contraception or abortion and have become less willing to marry the women they impregnate.
Factors that are associated with the historically high levels of nonmarital childbearing include an increase in the median age of first marriage (i.e., marriage postponement), decreased childbearing of married couples, increased marital dissolution, an increase in the number of cohabiting couples, increased sexual activity outside of marriage, participation in risky behaviors that often lead to sex, improper use of contraceptive methods, and lack of marriageable partners.
The data indicate that for all age groups, a growing share of women are having nonmarital births. Women ages 20 through 24 currently have the largest share of nonmarital births.
Although there has been a rise in nonmarital births, it does not mean that there has been a subsequent rise in mother-only families. Instead, it reflects the rise in the number of couples who are in cohabiting relationships; in fact, recent data indicate that more than half of nonmarital births are to cohabiting parents. Because the number of women living in a cohabiting situation has increased substantially over the last several decades, many children start off in households in which both of their biological parents reside. Nonetheless, cohabiting family situations are disrupted or dissolved much more frequently than married-couple families. Moreover, the family complexity that sometime starts with a nonmarital birth may require different public policy strategies than those used in the past for mother-only families.
This report analyzes the trends in nonmarital childbearing, discusses some of the characteristics of unwed mothers, addresses some issues involving the fathers of children born outside of marriage, and offers some concluding remarks.