Since Burma's ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), transferred power to a quasi-civilian government in March 2011, Congress has been largely deferential to the decisions of the White House, the Department of State, and the Department of the Treasury on the conduct of U.S. policy towards Burma. The Obama Administration has ushered in a new approach to U.S. relations with Burma (Myanmar). Over the last two years, the Obama Administration has responded to such promising developments in Burma by enhancing and increasing high-level meetings with the Thein Sein government and selectively easing many of the existing sanctions on Burma. The 113 th Congress may choose to consider a number of different issues raised by the Obama Administration's Burma policy, as well as Burma's political and economic development, including:
Is President Thein Sein's government committed to democracy and the protection of human rights in Burma, and does it have the ability to continue to implement reforms? Little is known about the attitudes of senior military officers toward Burma's political reforms or what role they think the military should have in Burma's "disciplined democracy." Some critics of the Obama Administration's handling of Burma relations maintain that it has moved too fast and too far in relaxing sanctions and has become too close to President Thein Sein and the Union Government. Other critics say that the Obama Administration has moved too slowly and cautiously, and that the United States is losing what little influence it may have over the political dynamics and economic development of Burma. Three of the five new laws— P.L. 112-33 , P.L. 112-36 , and P.L. 112-163 —extended the general import ban contained in Section 3 of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 ( P.L. 108-61 ) which is subject to annual renewal. 112-74 and P.L. P.L. 112-192 granted the Secretary of the Treasury the option of instructing the U.S. Executive Director at any international financial institution to "vote in favor of the provision of assistance for Burma by the institution, notwithstanding any other provision of law" if the President has determined to do so is in the national interest of the United States. Specific Issues and Implementation

Beyond the possibility of examining the general framework of U.S. policy towards Burma, Congress may also contemplate pursuing a number of specific issues related to U.S. policy, including the Obama Administration's implementation of the existing laws specifying aspects of U.S. policy. 108-61 ); and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta's Anti-Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act) ( P.L. The 113 th Congress may, if it so decides, take an active role in the determination and conduct of U.S. policy towards Burma during this potentially critical period in the nation's possible transition to a civilian democratic government based on the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights.
U.S. policy towards Burma has undergone a discernible shift in its approach since a quasi-civilian government was established in March 2011. While the overall objectives of U.S. policy towards the country remain in place—the establishment of civilian democratic government based on the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights—the Obama Administration has moved from a more reactive, "action-for-action" strategy and a skeptical and cautious attitude towards the newly created Union Government and Union Parliament to a more proactive mode. The new approach is designed to foster further reforms based on some form of partnership with the Union Government, headed by President Thein Sein.
During the last two years, the Obama Administration has conducted much of its policy towards Burma using existing constitutional and legal authority, while regularly consulting with Congress about the actions taken. The 112th Congress passed five laws containing provisions related to U.S. policy in Burma. Three laws—P.L. 112-33, P.L. 112-36, and P.L. 112-163—extended the general import ban contained in Section 3 of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (2003 BFDA, P.L. 108-61) which is subject to annual renewal. P.L. 112-74 placed restrictions on the use in Burma of appropriated funds for certain Defense and State Department programs. P.L. 112-192 granted the Secretary of the Treasury the option of instructing the U.S. Executive Director at any international financial institution to "vote in favor of the provision of assistance for Burma by the institution, notwithstanding any other provision of law" if the President has determined that to do so is in the national interest of the United States. The 113th Congress will have the opportunity to decide what role it will play in the future course of U.S. policy in Burma.
The Administration's Burma policy in 2011 and 2012 may be characterized as the combination of increasing engagement with Burma's Union Government, Union Parliament, and selected opposition groups, and the waiving or easing of many of the existing economic sanctions imposed on Burma by various laws, including the 2003 BFDA and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta's Anti-Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286). However, the Administration may decide that it is approaching the limit of actions it can take with regard to easing of sanctions without Congress passing new legislation.
Some critics of the Obama Administration say that it has moved too fast and too far in easing the existing sanctions, given the continued reports of serious human rights violations and significant restrictions on civil liberties. Other critics think the Administration has moved too slowly and cautiously in waiving sanctions, hindering the reform process in Burma and blocking greater U.S. participation in Burma's economic development.
Certain key issues with regard to Burma's political situation may be important to the future course of U.S. policy in Burma. First, President Thein Sein's vision for Burma's "disciplined democracy" has not been clearly elaborated, and his commitment to further reforms remains untested. Second, the view of Burma's military leadership on political reforms is uncertain. Third, the path for possible reconciliation between the country's Burman majority and various ethnic minorities is unclear.