Current U.S. space policy is based on a set of fundamental factors which, according to an Eisenhower presidential committee, "give importance, urgency, and inevitability to the advancement of space technology." The four factors are the compelling need to explore and discover; national defense; prestige and confidence in the U.S. scientific, technological, industrial, and military systems; and scientific observation and experimentation to add to our knowledge and understanding of the Earth, solar system, and universe. They are still part of current policy discussions and influence the nation's civilian space policy priorities—both in terms of what actions NASA is authorized to undertake and the appropriations each activity within NASA receives. Sputnik and America's "Sputnik Moment"

On October 4, 1957, the USSR launched Sputnik, the world's first artificial satellite. The USSR's ability to launch a satellite ahead of the United States led to a national concern that the United States was falling behind the USSR in its science and technology capabilities and thus might be vulnerable to a nuclear missile attack. The United States faces a far different world today than 50 years ago. No Sputnik moment, Cold War, or space race exists to help policymakers clarify the goals of the nation's civilian space program. The Hubble telescope, Challenger and Columbia space shuttle disasters, and Mars exploration rovers frame the experience of current generations, in contrast to the Sputnik launch and the U.S. The administration and OSTP will develop policies that will:
•    Close the gap between retirement of the Space Shuttle and launch of the next generation of space vehicles to minimize any interruption in access to low-earth orbit, and take full advantage of the research opportunities provided by the International Space Station. •    Strengthen NASA's missions in space science, weather, climate research, and aeronautical research. •    Help establish a robust and balanced civilian space program, and engage international partners and the private sector to amplify NASA's reach. •    Re-establish the National Aeronautics and Space Council, which will report to the President and oversee and coordinate civilian, military, commercial and national security space activities. The results of the review are to be completed in sufficient time so that the Administration decision may consider the results of the panel's deliberations in deciding what action to take regarding human space flight by August 2009. This, in turn, might potentially help Congress determine the most appropriate balance of funding available among NASA's programs during its authorization and appropriation process. For example, if Congress believes that national prestige should be the highest priority, they may choose to emphasize NASA's human exploration activities, such as establishing a Moon base and landing a human on Mars. If they consider scientific knowledge the highest priority, Congress may emphasize unmanned missions and other science-related activities as NASA's major goal. If international relations are a high priority, Congress might encourage other nations to become equal partners in actions related to the International Space Station. If spinoff effects, including the creation of new jobs and markets and its catalytic effect on math and science education, are Congress' priorities, then they may focus NASA's activities on technological development and linking to the needs of business and industry, and expanding its role in science and mathematics education. During the 111 th Congress, policymakers may discuss another authorization bill for future years, and identify new priorities for civil space exploration. Possible U.S. Civilian Space Policy Objectives
The "space age" began on October 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union (USSR) launched Sputnik, the world's first artificial satellite. Some U.S. policymakers, concerned about the USSR's ability to launch a satellite, thought Sputnik might be an indication that the United States was trailing behind the USSR in science and technology. The Cold War also led some U.S. policymakers to perceive the Sputnik launch as a possible precursor to nuclear attack. In response to this "Sputnik moment," the U.S. government undertook several policy actions, including the establishment of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), enhancement of research funding, and reformation of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) education policy.
Following the "Sputnik moment," a set of fundamental factors gave "importance, urgency, and inevitability to the advancement of space technology," according to an Eisenhower presidential committee. These four factors include the compelling need to explore and discover; national defense; prestige and confidence in the U.S. scientific, technological, industrial, and military systems; and scientific observation and experimentation to add to our knowledge and understanding of the Earth, solar system, and universe. They are still part of current policy discussions and influence the nation's civilian space policy priorities—both in terms of what actions NASA is authorized to undertake and the appropriations each activity within NASA receives. The United States faces a far different world today. No Sputnik moment, Cold War, or space race exists to help policymakers clarify the goals of the nation's civilian space program. The Hubble telescope, Challenger and Columbia space shuttle disasters, and Mars exploration rovers frame the experience of current generations, in contrast to the Sputnik launch and the U.S. Moon landings. As a result, some experts have called for new 21st century space policy objectives and priorities to replace those developed 50 years ago.
The Obama Administration has stated that the U.S. must maintain and take full advantage of its technical and strategic superiority in space. Among its proposed actions are closing the gap between retirement of the Space Shuttle and launch of the next generation of space vehicles; strengthening NASA's missions in space science, weather, climate research, and aeronautical research; helping establish a robust and balanced civilian space program, and engaging international partners and the private sector to amplify NASA's reach; re-establishing the National Aeronautics and Space Council, which will report to the President and oversee and coordinate civilian, military, commercial and national security space activities; and ensuring freedom of space. In addition, the administration has decided to conduct an independent review of planned U.S. human space flight activities. The panel's report is to be completed in sufficient time so it will serve as input for Obama Administration's decisionmaking scheduled for August 2009.
During the 111th Congress, policymakers may discuss a NASA authorization bill including identifying priorities for U.S. civil space exploration. This might help Congress determine the most appropriate balance of funding for NASA's programs during its authorization and appropriation process. For example, if Congress believes that national prestige should be the highest priority, they may choose to emphasize NASA's human exploration activities. If scientific knowledge is the highest priority, Congress may emphasize unmanned missions and other science-related activities. If international relations are a high priority, Congress might encourage other nations to become equal partners in actions related to the International Space Station. If spinoff effects are of interest, they may focus on technological development and linking to the needs of business and industry, and expanding its role in science and mathematics education.