Since 1979, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), P.L. Paying particular attention to congressional influence on policy, Part I of this CRS Report discusses the U.S. "one China" policy concerning Taiwan since the United States (under President Nixon) began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People's Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing, which has insisted on its "one China" principle . In July 2007, Representative Tom Lantos, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said that it was impractical for Taiwan to seek membership in the U.N.
A convergence emerged rhetorically among the PRC, Taiwan, and the United States on cross-strait "peaceful development" after Ma Ying-jeou became president in Taiwan in May 2008 and cross-strait tension reduced (partly due to a resumption of dialogue). On the 20 th anniversary of the Taiwan Policy Review of 1994, Representative Ed Royce, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, led a total of 29 Members to send a letter, on September 23, 2014, to Secretary of State John Kerry, calling for expanding engagement with Taiwan. Since the early 1990s, U.S. interests in the military balance as well as Taiwan's security and democracy have faced continued challenges due to the PRC's military modernization, moves perceived by Beijing as promoting de jure independence under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)'s president (2000-2008), and resistance in Taiwan by the Kuomintang (KMT) party to raising defense spending and strengthening self-defense. Peaceful Settlement

Third, the questions of the PRC's possible use of force, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, and possible U.S. help in Taiwan's self-defense were left contentious and critical for U.S. interests. The U.S. "one China" policy has differed from the PRC's principle on "one China," and there have been questions about whether U.S. policy is one of support, non-support, or opposition to unification or independence. The United States did not explicitly state its own position on the status of Taiwan in the three U.S.-PRC Joint Communiques. After termination of the treaty, Congress passed and President Carter signed the TRA of 1979, adding U.S. commitment to assist Taiwan's self-defense and a potential U.S. role in maintaining peace in the strait. Reagan also gave "Six Assurances" to Taiwan. Overview of Issues

In short, since 1971, U.S. Presidents—both secretly and publicly—have continued to articulate a "one China" policy in understandings with the PRC. Nonetheless, policy makers have continued to face unresolved issues, while the political and strategic context of the policy has changed dramatically since the early 1970s. Congressional oversight of successive Presidents has watched for any new agreements with Beijing and any shift in the U.S. stance closer to that of Beijing's "one China" principle —on questions of sovereignty, arms sales, or dialogue. Not recognizing the PRC's claim over Taiwan or Taiwan as a sovereign state, U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled. U.S. policy leaves the Taiwan question to be resolved by the people on both sides of the strait: a "peaceful resolution" with the assent of Taiwan's people and without unilateral changes. In other words, U.S. policy focuses on the process of resolution of the Taiwan question, not any set outcome. 96-8

Enacted April 10, 1979
Section 2(b) It is the policy of the United States
(1) to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan, as well as the people on the China mainland and all other peoples of the Western Pacific area;
(2) to declare that peace and stability in the area are in the political, security, and economic interests of the United States , and are matters of international concern;
(3) to make clear that the United States decision to establish diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means;
(4) to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States;
(5) to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character; and
(6) to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan.
Despite broadly consistent statements, the U.S. "one China" policy concerning Taiwan remains somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations. Apart from questions about what the policy entails, issues have arisen about whether U.S. Presidents have stated clear positions and have changed or should change policy, affecting U.S. interests in security and democracy. This CRS Report, updated through the 113th Congress, analyzes the "one China" policy since U.S. Presidents began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People's Republic of China (PRC). Taiwan calls itself the Republic of China (ROC) and does not recognize the PRC. There are three sets of issues: sovereignty over Taiwan; PRC use of force or coercion against Taiwan; and cross-strait dialogue. The United States recognized the ROC until the end of 1978 and has maintained non-diplomatic engagement with Taiwan after recognition of the PRC in 1979. The State Department claims an "unofficial" relationship with Taiwan. The United States did not explicitly state Taiwan's status in the U.S.-PRC Joint Communiques of 1972, 1979, and 1982. The United States "acknowledged" the "one China" position of both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
Since 1971, U.S. Presidents—both secretly and publicly—have articulated a "one China" policy in understandings with the PRC. Congressional oversight has watched for any new agreements and any shift in the U.S. stance closer to that of Beijing's "one China" principle—on questions of sovereignty, arms sales, or dialogue. Not recognizing the PRC's claim over Taiwan or Taiwan as a sovereign state, U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled. With added conditions, U.S. policy leaves the Taiwan question to be resolved by the people on both sides of the strait: a "peaceful resolution" with the assent of Taiwan's people and without unilateral changes. In short, U.S. policy focuses on the process of resolution of the Taiwan question, not any set outcome.
The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, P.L. 96-8, has governed U.S. policy in the absence of a diplomatic relationship or a defense treaty. The TRA stipulates the expectation that the future of Taiwan "will be determined" by peaceful means. The TRA specifies that it is U.S. policy, among the stipulations: to consider any non-peaceful means to determine Taiwan's future "a threat" to the peace and security of the Western Pacific and of "grave concern" to the United States; "to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character;" and "to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion" jeopardizing the security, or social or economic system of Taiwan's people. The TRA provides a congressional role in determining security assistance "necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability." President Reagan also offered "Six Assurances" to Taipei in 1982, partly to continue arms sales.
Policy makers have continued to face unresolved issues, while the political and strategic context of the policy has changed dramatically since the 1970s. Since the early 1990s, U.S. interests in the military balance as well as Taiwan's security and democracy have been challenged by the PRC's military buildup (particularly in missiles) and potential coercion, moves perceived by Beijing for Taiwan's de jure independence under the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP's) president (2000-2008), and resistance in Taiwan by the Kuomintang (KMT) party to investing in self-defense. After the KMT's Ma Ying-jeou became President in May 2008, Taipei and Beijing reduced tension and resumed talks—beyond seeking detente. With President Obama since 2009, a rhetorical convergence emerged about "peaceful development" of cross-strait ties. However, disagreements remain about the PRC's goal of political talks for unification, Taiwan's status, Taiwan's self-defense, and U.S. arms sales and other cooperation with Taiwan. On September 23, 2014, 29 Members of the House sent a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry, calling for a new Taiwan Policy Review (after 20 years) to examine expanded engagement with Taiwan.