## 1. Introduction: What is Moral Psychology?



Contemporary moral psychology--the study of human thought and
behavior in ethical contexts--is resolutely interdisciplinary:
psychologists freely draw on philosophical theories to help structure
their empirical research, while philosophers freely draw on empirical
findings from psychology to help structure their
 theories.[1]




While this extensive interdisciplinarity is a fairly recent
development (with few exceptions, most of the relevant work dates from
the past quarter century), it should not be a surprising development.
From antiquity to the present, philosophers have not been bashful
about making empirical claims, and many of these empirical claims have
been claims about human psychology (Doris & Stich 2005). It is
therefore unremarkable that, with the emergence of scientific
psychology over the past century and a half, some of these
philosophers would think to check their work against the systematic
findings of psychologists (hopefully, while taking special care to
avoid being misled by scientific controversy; see Doris 2015, Chapter
3; Machery & Doris forthcoming). 



Similarly, at least since the demise of behaviorism, psychologists
have been keenly interested in normative phenomena in general and
ethical phenomena in particular. It is therefore unremarkable that
some of these psychologists would seek to enrich their theoretical
frameworks with the conceptual resources of a field intensively
focused on normative phenomena: philosophical ethics. As a result, the
field demarcated by "moral psychology", routinely involves
an admixture of empirical and normative inquiry, pursued by both
philosophers and psychologists--increasingly, in the form of
collaborative efforts involving practitioners from both fields. 



For philosophers, the special interest of this interdisciplinary
inquiry lies in the ways moral psychology may help adjudicate between
competing ethical theories. The plausibility of its associated moral
psychology is not, of course, the only dimension on which an ethical
theory may be evaluated; equally important are *normative*
questions having to do with how well a theory fares when compared to
important convictions about such things as justice, fairness, and the
good life. Such questions have been, and will continue to be, of
central importance for philosophical ethics. Nonetheless, it is
commonly supposed that an ethical theory committed to an impoverished
or inaccurate conception of moral psychology is at a serious
competitive disadvantage. As Bernard Williams (1973, 1985; cf.
Flanagan 1991) forcefully argued, an ethical conception that commends
relationships, commitments, or life projects that are at odds with the
sorts of attachments that can be reasonably expected to take root in
and vivify actual human lives is an ethical conception with--at
best--a very tenuous claim to our assent.



With this in mind, problems in ethical theory choice making reference
to moral psychology can be framed by two related inquiries:


1. What empirical claims about human psychology do advocates of
competing perspectives on ethical theory assert or presuppose?
2. How empirically well supported are these claims?



The first question is one of philosophical scholarship: what are the
psychological commitments of various positions in philosophical
ethics? The second question takes us beyond the corridors of
philosophy departments and to the sorts of questions asked, and
sometimes answered, by the human sciences, including psychology,
anthropology, sociology, history, cognitive science, linguistics and
neuroscience. Thus, contemporary moral psychology is
*methodologically pluralistic*: it aims to answer philosophical
questions, but in an empirically responsible way.



However, it will sometimes be difficult to tell which claims in
philosophical ethics require empirical substantiation. Partly, this is
because it is sometimes unclear whether, and to what extent, a
contention counts as empirically assessable. Consider questions
regarding "normal functioning" in mental health care: are
the answers to these questions statistical, or evaluative (Boorse
1975; Fulford 1989; Murphy 2006)? For example, is "normal"
mental health simply the psychological condition of most people, or is
it *good* mental health? If the former, the issue is, at least
in principle, empirically decidable. If the latter, the issues must be
decided, if they can be decided, by arguments about value.



Additionally, philosophers have not always been explicit about
whether, and to what extent, they are making empirical claims. For
example, are their depictions of moral character meant to identify
psychological features of actual persons, or to articulate ideals that
need not be instantiated in actual human psychologies? Such questions
will of course be complicated by the inevitable diversity of
philosophical opinion.



In every instance, therefore, the first task is to carefully document
a theory's empirically assessable claims, whether they are
explicit or, as may often be the case, tacit. Once claims apt for
empirical assessment have been located, the question becomes one of
identifying any relevant empirical literatures. The next job is to
assess those literatures, in an attempt to determine what conclusions
can be responsibly drawn from them. Science, particularly social
science, being what it is, many conclusions will be provisional; the
philosophical moral psychologist must be prepared to adjudicate
controversies in other fields, or offer informed conjecture regarding
future findings. Often, the empirical record will be crucially
incomplete. In such cases, philosophers may be forced to engage in
empirically disciplined conjecture, or even to engage in their own
empirical work, as some philosophers are beginning to
 do.[2]



When the philosophical positions have been isolated, and putatively
relevant empirical literatures assessed, we can begin to evaluate the
plausibility of the philosophical moral psychology: Is the speculative
picture of psychological functioning that informs some region of
ethical theory compatible with the empirical picture that emerges from
systematic observation? In short, is the philosophical picture
*empirically adequate*? If it is determined that the
philosophical conception is empirically adequate, the result is
*vindicatory*. Conversely, if the philosophical moral
psychology in question is found to be empirically *in*adequate,
the result is *revisionary*, compelling alteration, or even
rejection, of those elements of the philosophical theory presupposing
the problematic moral psychology. The process will often be
*comparative*. Theory choice in moral psychology, like other
theory choice, involves tradeoffs, and while an empirically
undersupported approach may not be decisively eliminated from
contention on empirical grounds alone, it may come to be seen as less
attractive than theoretical options with firmer empirical
foundations.



The winds driving the sort of disciplinary cross-pollination we
describe do not blow in one direction. As philosophers writing for an
encyclopedia of philosophy, we are naturally concerned with the ways
empirical research might shape, or re-shape, philosophical ethics. But
philosophical reflection may likewise influence empirical research,
since such research is often driven by philosophical suppositions that
may be more or less philosophically sound. The best interdisciplinary
conversations, then, should benefit both parties. To illustrate the
dialectical process we have described, we will consider a variety of
topics in moral psychology. Our primary concerns will be
philosophical: What are some of the most central problems in
philosophical moral psychology, and how might they be resolved?
However, as the hybrid nature of our topic invites us to do, we will
pursue these questions in an interdisciplinary spirit, and are hopeful
that our remarks will also engage interested scientists. Hopefully,
the result will be a broad sense of the problems and methods that will
structure research on moral psychology during the 21st
century.


## 2. Thought Experiments and the Methods of Ethics



"Intuition pumps" or "thought experiments"
have long been well-used items in the philosopher's toolbox
(Dennett 1984: 17-18; Stuart et al. 2018). Typically, a thought
experiment presents an example, often a hypothetical example, in order
to elicit some philosophically telling response. If a thought
experiment is successful, it may be concluded that competing theories
must account for the resulting response. These responses are supposed
to serve an *evidential role* in philosophical theory choice;
if you like, they can be understood as *data* competing
theories must
 accommodate.[3]
 If an appropriate audience's ethical responses to a thought
experiment conflict with the response a theory prescribes for the
case, the theory has suffered a counterexample.



The question of whose responses "count" philosophically
(or, who is the "appropriate" audience) has been answered
in a variety of ways, but for many philosophers, the intended audience
for thought experiments seems to be some species of "ordinary
folk" (see Jackson 1998: 118, 129; Jackson & Pettit 1995:
22-9; Lewis 1989: 126-9). Of course, the relevant folk
must possess such cognitive attainments as are required to understand
the case at issue; very young children are probably not an ideal
audience for thought experiments. Accordingly, some philosophers may
insist that the relevant responses are the considered judgments of
people with the training required to see "what is at stake
philosophically". But if the responses are to help adjudicate
between competing theories, the responders must be more or less
theoretically neutral, and this sort of neutrality is
rather likely to be vitiated by philosophical education. A dilemma
emerges. On the one hand, philosophically naive subjects may be
thought to lack the erudition required to grasp the philosophical
stakes. On the other, with increasing philosophical sophistication
comes, very likely, philosophical partiality; one audience is
naive, and the other
 prejudiced.[4]



However exactly the philosophically relevant audience is specified,
there are empirical questions that must be addressed in determining
the philosophical potency of a thought experiment. In particular, when
deciding what philosophical weight to give a response, philosophers
need to determine its *origins*. What features of the
*example* are implicated in a given judgment--are people
reacting to the substance of the case, or the style of exposition?
What features of the *audience* are implicated in their
reaction--do different demographic groups respond to the example
differently? Are there factors in the environment that are affecting
people's intuitive judgments? Does the order in which people
consider examples affect their judgments? Such questions raise the
following concern: judgments about thought experiments dealing with
moral issues might be strongly influenced by *ethically
irrelevant* characteristics of the example or the audience or the
environment or the order of presentation. Whether a characteristic is
ethically relevant is a matter for philosophical discussion, but
determining the status of a particular thought experiment also
requires empirical investigation of its causally relevant
characteristics. We'll now describe some examples of such
investigation.



As part of their famous research on the "heuristics and
biases" that underlie human reasoning, Tversky and Kahneman
(1981) presented subjects with the following problem:



> 
> 
> Imagine that the U.S. is preparing for the outbreak of an unusual
> Asian disease, which is expected to kill 600 people. Two alternative
> programs to combat the disease have been proposed. Assume that the
> exact scientific estimate of the consequences of the programs are as
> follows:
> 
> 
> * If Program A is adopted, 200 people will be saved.
> * If Program B is adopted, there is a 1/3 probability that 600
> people will be saved, and a 2/3 probability that no people will be
> saved.
> 
> 
> 



A second group of subjects was given an identical problem, except that
the programs were described as follows:



> 
> * If Program C is adopted, 400 people will die.
> * If Program D is adopted, there is a 1/3 probability that nobody
> will die and a 2/3 probability that 600 people will die.
> 
> 
> 



On the first version of the problem, most subjects thought that
Program A should be adopted. But on the second version, most chose
Program D, despite the fact that the outcome described in A is
identical to the one described in C. The disconcerting implication of
this study is that ethical responses may be strongly influenced by the
manner in which cases are described or *framed*. It seems that
such framing sensitivities constitute ethically irrelevant influences
on ethical responses. Unless this sort of possibility can be
confidently eliminated, one should hesitate to rely on responses to a
thought experiment for adjudicating theoretical controversies. Such
possibilities can only be eliminated through systematic empirical
 work.[5]



While a relatively small percentage of empirical work on
"heuristics and biases" directly addresses moral
reasoning, numerous philosophers who have addressed the issue
(Horowitz 1998; Doris & Stich 2005; Sinnott-Armstrong 2005;
Sunstein 2005) agree that phenomena like framing effects are likely to
be pervasively implicated in responses to ethically freighted
examples, and argue that this state of affairs should cause
philosophers to view the thought-experimental method with considerable
concern.



We turn now to order effects. In a pioneering study, Petrinovich and
O'Neill (1996) found that participants' moral intuitions
varied with the order in which the thought experiments were presented.
Similar findings have been reported by Liao et al. (2012), Wiegman et
al. (2012), and Schwitzgebel & Cushman (2011, 2015). The
Schwitzgebel and Cushman studies are particularly striking, since they
set out to explore whether order effects in moral intuitions were
smaller or non-existent in professional philosophers. Surprisingly,
they found that professional philosophers were also subject to order
effects, even though the thought experiments used are well known in
the field. Schwitzgebel and Cushman also report that in some cases
philosophers intuitions show substantial order effects when the
intuitions of non-philosophers don't.



Audience characteristics may also affect the outcome of thought
experiments. Haidt and associates (1993: 613) presented stories about
"harmless yet offensive violations of strong social norms"
to men and women of high and low socioeconomic status (SES) in
Philadelphia (USA), Porto Alegre, and Recife (both in Brazil). For
example:



> 
> 
> A man goes to the supermarket once a week and buys a dead chicken. But
> before cooking the chicken, he has sexual intercourse with it. Then he
> cooks it and eats it. (Haidt et al. 1993: 617)
> 
> 
> 



Lower SES subjects tended to "moralize" harmless and
offensive behaviors like that in the chicken story. These subjects
were more inclined than their high SES counterparts to say that the
actor should be "stopped or punished", and more inclined
to deny that such behaviors would be "OK" if customary in
a given country (Haidt et al. 1993: 618-19). The point is not
that lower SES subjects are mistaken in their moralization of such
behaviors while the urbanity of higher SES subjects represents a more
rationally defensible response. The difficulty is deciding
which--if any--of the conflicting responses is fit to serve
as a constraint on ethical theory, when both may equally be the result
of more or less arbitrary cultural factors.



Philosophical audiences typically decline to
moralize the offensive behaviors, and we ourselves share their
tolerant attitude. But of course these audiences--by virtue of
educational attainments, if not stock portfolios--are
overwhelmingly high SES. Haidt's work suggests that it is a
mistake for a philosopher to say, as Jackson (1998: 32n4; cf. 37)
does, that "my intuitions reveal the folk conception in as much
as I am reasonably entitled, as I usually am, to regard myself as
typical". The question is: typical of what demographic? Are
philosophers' ethical responses determined by the philosophical
substance of the examples, or by cultural idiosyncrasies that are very
plausibly thought to be ethically irrelevant? Once again, until such
possibilities are ruled out by systematic empirical investigation, the
philosophical heft of a thought experiment is open to question.



In recent years there has been a growing body of research reporting
that judgments evoked by moral thought experiments are affected by
environmental factors that look to be completely irrelevant to the
moral issue at hand. The presence of dirty pizza boxes and a whiff of
fart spray (Schnall et al. 2008a), the use of soap (Schnall et al.
2008b) or an antiseptic handwipe (Zhong et al. 2010), or even the
proximity of a hand sanitizer dispenser (Helzer & Pizarro 2011)
have all been reported to influence moral intuitions. Tobia et al.
(2013) found that the moral intuitions of both students and
professional philosophers are affected by spraying the questionnaire
with a disinfectant spray. Valdesolo and DeSteno (2006) reported that
viewing a humorous video clip can have a substantial impact on
participant's moral intuitions. And Strohminger et al. (2011)
have shown that hearing different kinds of audio clips (stand-up
comedy or inspirational stories from a volume called *Chicken Soup
for the Soul*) has divergent effects on moral intuitions.



How should moral theorists react to findings like these? One might, of
course, eschew thought experiments in ethical theorizing. While this
methodological austerity is not without appeal, it comes at a cost.
Despite the difficulties, thought experiments are a window, in some
cases the only accessible window, into important regions of ethical
experience. In so far as it is disconnected from the thoughts and
feels of the lived ethical life, ethical theory risks being
"motivationally inaccessible", or incapable of engaging
the ethical concern of agents who are supposed to live in accordance
with the normative standards of the
 theory.[6]
 Fortunately, there is another possibility: continue pursuing the
research program that systematically investigates responses to
intuition pumps. In effect, the idea is to subject philosophical
thought experiments to the critical methods of experimental social
psychology. If investigations employing different experimental
scenarios and subject populations reveal a clear trend in responses,
we can begin to have some confidence that we are identifying a deeply
and widely shared moral conviction. Philosophical discussion may
establish that convictions of this sort should serve as a constraint
on moral theory, while responses to thought experiments that empirical
research determines to lack such solidity, such as those susceptible
to order, framing or environmental effects, or those admitting of
strong cultural variation, may be ones that ethical theorists can
safely disregard. 


## 3. Moral Responsibility



A philosophically informed empirical research program akin to the one
just described is more than a methodological fantasy. This approach
accurately describes a number of research programs aimed at informing
philosophical debates through interdisciplinary research.



One of the earliest examples of this kind of work was inspired in
large part by the work of Knobe (2003a,b, 2006) and addressed
questions surrounding "folk morality" on issues ranging
from intentional action to causal responsibility (see Knobe 2010 for
review and discussion). This early work helped to spur the development
of a truly interdisciplinary research program with both philosophers
and psychologists investigating the folk morality of everyday life.
(See the *Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy* article on
Experimental Moral Philosophy for a more complete treatment of this
research.)



Another related philosophical debate concerns the compatibility of
free will and moral responsibility with determinism. On the one hand,
incompatibilists insist that determinism (the view that all events are
jointly determined by antecedent events as governed by laws of
nature), is *incompatible* with moral responsibility.
Typically, these accounts also go on to specify what particular
capacity is required to be responsible for one's own behavior
(e.g., that agents have alternate possibilities for behavior, or are
the "ultimate" source of their behavior, or both (Kane
2002: 5; Haji 2002:
 202-3).[7]
 On the other hand, compatibilists argue that determinism and
responsibility are *compatible*, often by denying that
responsible agency requires that the actor have genuinely open
alternatives, or rejecting the ultimacy condition that requires
indeterminism (or impossible demands for self-creation). In short,
compatibilists hold that people may legitimately be held responsible
even though there is some sense in which they "could not have
done otherwise" or are not the "ultimate source" of
their behavior. Incompatibilists deny that this is the case.
Proponents of these two opposing positions have remained relatively
entrenched, and some participants have raised fears of a
"dialectical stalemate" (Fischer 1994: 83-5).



A critical issue in these debates has been the claim that the
incompatibilist position better captures folk moral judgments about
agents whose actions have been completely determined (e.g., G.
Strawson 1986: 88; Smilansky 2003: 259; Pereboom 2001: xvi;
O'Connor 2000: 4; Nagel 1986: 113, 125; Campbell 1951: 451; Pink
2004: 12). For example, Robert Kane (1999: 218; cf. 1996: 83-5),
a leading incompatibilist, reports that in his experience "most
ordinary persons start out as natural incompatibilists", and
"have to be talked out of this natural incompatibilism by the
clever arguments of philosophers".



Unsurprisingly, some compatibilists have been quick to assert the
contrary. For example, Peter Strawson (1982) famously argued that in
the context of "ordinary interpersonal relationships",
people are not haunted by the specter of determinism; such
metaphysical concerns are irrelevant to their experience and
expression of the "reactive attitudes"--anger,
resentment, gratitude, forgiveness, and the like--associated with
responsibility assessment. Any anxiety about determinism, Strawson
insisted, is due to the "panicky metaphysics" of
philosophers, not incompatibilist convictions on the part of ordinary
people. However, incompatibilists have historically been thought to
have ordinary intuitions on their side; even some philosophers with
compatibilist leanings are prepared to concede the incompatibilist
point about "typical" response tendencies (e.g., Vargas
2005a,b).



Neither side, so far as we are aware, has offered much in the way of
systematic evidence of actual patterns of folk moral judgments.
Recently however, a now substantial research program has begun to
offer empirical evidence on the relationship between determinism and
moral responsibility in folk moral judgments.



Inspired by the work of Frankfurt (1988) and others, Woolfolk, Doris,
and Darley (2006) hypothesized that observers may hold actors
responsible even when the observers judge that the actors could not
have done otherwise, if the actors appear to "identify"
with their behavior. Roughly, the idea is that the actor identifies
with a behavior--and is therefore responsible for it--to the
extent that she "embraces" the behavior, or performs it
"wholeheartedly" regardless of whether genuine
alternatives for behavior are
 possible.[8]
 Woolfolk et al.'s suspicion was, in effect, that people's
(presumably tacit) theory of responsibility is compatibilist.



To test this, subjects were asked to read a story about an agent who
was forced by a group of armed hijackers to kill a man who had been
having an affair with his wife. In the "low
identification" condition, the man was described as being
horrified at being forced to kill his wife's lover, and as not
wanting to do so. In the "high identification" condition,
the man is instead described as welcoming the opportunity and wanting
to kill his wife's lover. In both cases, the man is not given a
choice, and does kill his wife's lover.



Consistent with Woolfolk and colleagues' hypothesis, subjects
judged that the highly identifying actor was more responsible, more
appropriately blamed, and more properly subject to guilt than the low
identification
 actor.[9]
 This pattern in folk moral judgments seems to suggest that
participants were not consistently incompatibilist in their
responsibility attributions, because the lack of alternatives
available to the actor was not alone sufficient to rule out such
attributions.



In response to these results, those who believe that folk morality is
incompatibilist may be quick to object that the study merely suggests
that responsibility attributions are influenced by identification, but
says nothing about incompatibilist commitments or the lack thereof.
Subjects still may have believed that the actor could have done
otherwise. To address this concern, Woolfolk and colleagues also
conducted a version of the study in which the man acted under the
influence of a "compliance drug". In this case,
participants were markedly less likely to agree that the man
"was free to behave other than he did" and yet they still
held the agent who identified with the action as more responsible than
the agent who did not. These results look to pose a clear challenge to
the view that ordinary folk are typically incompatibilists.



A related pattern of responses was obtained by Nahmias, Morris,
Nadelhoffer and Turner (2009) who instead described agents preforming
immoral behaviors in a "deterministic world" of the sort
often described in philosophy classrooms. One variation read as
follows:



> 
> 
> Imagine that in the next century we discover all the laws of nature,
> and we build a supercomputer which can deduce from these laws of
> nature and from the current state of everything in the world exactly
> what will be happening in the world at any future time. It can look at
> everything about the way the world is and predict everything about how
> it will be with 100% accuracy. Suppose that such a supercomputer
> existed, and it looks at the state of the universe at a certain time
> on March 25th, 2150 C.E., twenty years before Jeremy Hall is born. The
> computer then deduces from this information and the laws of nature
> that Jeremy will definitely rob Fidelity Bank at 6:00 PM on January
> 26th, 2195. As always, the supercomputer's prediction is
> correct; Jeremy robs Fidelity Bank at 6:00 PM on January 26th,
> 2195.
> 
> 
> 



Subjects were then asked whether Jeremy was morally blameworthy. Most
said yes, indicating that they thought an agent could be morally
blameworthy even if his behaviors were entirely determined by natural
laws. Consistent with the Woolfolk et al. results, it appears that the
subjects' judgments, at least those having to do with moral
blameworthiness, were not governed by a commitment to
incompatibilism.



This emerging picture was complicated, however, by Nichols and Knobe
(2007), which argued that the ostensibly compatibilist responses were
performance errors driven by an affective response to the
agents' immoral actions. To demonstrate this, all subjects were
asked to imagine two universes--a universe completely governed by
deterministic laws (Universe A) and a universe (Universe B) in which
everything is determined except for human decisions which are not
completely determined by deterministic laws and what has happened in
the past. In Universe B, but not Universe A, "each human
decision *does not have to happen* the way it does". Some
subjects were assigned to a concrete condition, and asked to make a
judgment about a specific individual in specific circumstances, while
others were assigned to an abstract condition, and asked to make a
more general judgment, divorced from any particular individual. The
hypothesis was that the difference between these two conditions would
generate different responses regarding the relationship between
determinism and moral responsibility. Subjects in the concrete
condition read a story about a man, "Bill", in the
deterministic universe who murders his wife and children in a
particularly ghastly manner, and were asked whether Bill was morally
responsible for what he had done. By contrast, subjects in the
abstract condition were asked "In Universe A, is it possible for
a person to be fully morally responsible for their actions?"
Seventy-two percent of subjects in the concrete condition gave a
compatibilist response, holding Bill responsible in Universe A,
whereas less than fifteen percent of subjects in the abstract
condition gave a compatibilist response, allowing that people could be
fully morally responsible in the deterministic Universe A.



In line with previous experimental work demonstrating that increased
affective arousal amplified punitive responses to wrongdoing (Lerner,
Goldberg, & Tetlock 1998), Nichols and Knobe hypothesized that
previously observed compatibilist responses were the result of the
affectively laden nature of the stimulus materials. When this
affective element was eliminated from the materials (as in the
abstract condition), participants instead exhibited an incompatibilist
pattern of responses.



More recently, Nichols and Knobe's line of reasoning has come
under fire from two directions. First, a number of studies have now
tried to systematically manipulate how affectively arousing the
immoral behavior performed is, but have not found that these changes
significantly alter participants' judgments of moral
responsibility in deterministic scenarios. Rather, the differences
seem to be best explained simply by whether the case was described
abstractly or concretely (see Cova et al. 2012 for work with patients
who have frontotemporal dementia, and see Feltz & Cova 2014 for a
meta-analysis). Second, a separate line of studies from Murray and
Nahmias (2014) argued that participants who exhibited the apparently
incompatibilist pattern of responses were making a critical error in
how they understood the deterministic scenario. In particular, they
argued these participants mistakenly took the agents, or their mental
states, in these deterministic scenarios to be "bypassed"
in the causal chain leading up to their behavior. In support of their
argument, Murray and Nahmias (2014) demonstrated that when analyses
were restricted to the participants who clearly did not take the agent
to be bypassed, these participants judged the agent to be morally
responsible (blameworthy, etc.) despite being in a deterministic
universe. Unsurprisingly, this line of argument has, in turn, inspired
a number of further counter-responses, both empirical (Rose &
Nichols 2013) and theoretical (Bjornsson & Pereboom 2016),
which caution against the conclusions of Murray and Nahmias.



While the debate continues over whether the compatibilist or
incompatibilist position better captures folk moral judgments of
agents in deterministic universes, a related line of research has
sprung up around what is widely taken to be the most convincing
contemporary form of argument for incompatibilism: manipulation
arguments (e.g., Mele 2006, 2013, Pereboom 2001, 2014).
Pereboom's Four-Case version, for example, begins with the case
of an agent named Plum who is manipulated by neuroscientists who use a
radio-like technology to change Plum's neural states, which
results in him wanting and then deciding to kill a man named White. In
this case, it seems clear that Plum did not freely decide to kill
White. Compare this case to a second one, in which the team of
neuroscientists programmed Plum at the beginning of his life in a way
that resulted in him developing the desire (and making the decision)
to kill White. The incompatibilist argues that these two cases do not
differ in a way that is relevant for whether Plum acted freely, and
so, once again, it seems that Plum did not freely decide to kill
White. Now compare this to a third case, in which Plum's desire
and decision to kill White were instead determined by his cultural and
social milieu, rather than by a team of neuroscientists. Since the
only difference between the second and third case is the particular
technological process through which Plum's mental states were
determined, he would again seem to not have freely decided to kill
White. Finally, in a fourth and final case, Plum's desire and
decision to kill White was determined jointly by the past states and
the laws of nature in our own deterministic universe. Regarding these
four cases, Pereboom argues that, since there is no difference between
any of the four cases that is relevant to free will, if Plum was not
morally responsible in the first case, then he was not morally
responsible in the fourth.



In response to this kind of manipulation-based argument for
incompatibilism, a number of researchers have taken aim at painting a
better empirical picture of ordinary moral judgments concerning
manipulated agents. This line of inquiry has been productive on two
levels. First, a growing number of empirical studies have investigated
moral responsibility judgments about cases of manipulation, and now
provide a clearer psychological picture for why manipulated agents are
judged to lack free will and moral responsibility. Second, continuing
theoretical work, informed by this empirical picture, has provided new
reasons for doubting that manipulation based arguments actually
provide evidence against compatibilism.



One line of empirical research, led by Chandra Sripada (2012) has
asked whether manipulated agents are perceived to be unfree because
(a) they lack ultimate control over their actions (a capacity
incompatibilists take to be essential for moral responsibility) or
instead because (b) their psychological or volitional capacities (the
capacities focused on by compatibilists) have been damaged. Using a
statistical approach called Structural Equation Modeling (or SEM),
Sripada found that participants' moral responsibility judgments
were best explained by whether they believed the psychological and
volitional capacities of the agent were damaged by manipulation and
not whether the agent lacked control over her actions. This finding
suggests that patterns of judgment in cases of manipulation are more
consistent with the predictions of compatibilism than with
incompatibilism.



Taking a different approach, Phillips and Shaw (2014) demonstrated
that the reduction of moral responsibility that is typically observed
in cases of manipulation depends critically on the role of an
*intentional* manipulator. In particular, ordinary people were
shown to distinguish between (1) the moral responsibility of agents
who are made to do a particular act by features of the situation they
are in (i.e., situational determinism), and (2) the moral
responsibility of agents who are made to do that same act by another
intentional agent (i.e., manipulation). This work suggests that the
ordinary practice of assessing freedom and responsibility is likely to
clearly distinguish between cases that do and do not involve a
manipulator who intervenes with the intention of causing the
manipulated agent to do the immoral action. A series of studies by
Murray and Lombrozo (2016) further elaborates these findings by
providing evidence that the specific reduction of moral responsibility
that results from being manipulated arises from the perception that
the agent's mental states are *bypassed*.



Collectively, two lessons have come out of this work on the ordinary
practice of assessing the moral responsibility of manipulated agents:
(1) folk morality provides a natural way of distinguishing between the
different cases used in manipulation-based arguments (those that do
involve the intentional intervention of a manipulator vs. those that
don't) and (2) folk morality draws an intimate link between the
moral responsibility of an agent and that agent's mental and
volitional capacities. Building on this increasingly clear empirical
picture, Deery and Nahmias (2017) formalized these basic principles in
theoretical work that argues for a principled way of distinguishing
between the moral responsibility of determined and manipulated
agents.



While the majority of evidence may currently be in favor of the view
that folk morality adheres to a kind of "natural
compatibilism" (Cova & Kitano 2013), this remains a
contentious topic, and new work is continually emerging on both sides
of the debate (Andow & Cova 2016; Bear & Knobe 2016;
Bjornsson 2014; Feltz & Millan 2013; Figdor & Phelan
2015; Knobe 2014). One thing that has now been agreed on by parties on
both sides of this debate, however, is a critical role for careful
empirical studies (Bjornsson & Pereboom 2016; Knobe 2014;
Nahmias 2011).


## 4. Virtue Ethics and Skepticism About Character



To date, empirically informed approaches to moral psychology have been
most prominent in discussions of moral character and virtue. The focus
is decades of experimentation in "situationist" social
psychology: unobtrusive features of situations have repeatedly been
shown to impact behavior in seemingly arbitrary, and sometimes
alarming, ways. Among the findings that have most interested
philosophers:


* *The Phone Booth Study* (Isen & Levin (1972: 387):
people who had just found a dime in a payphone's coin return
were 22 times more likely than those who did not find a dime to help a
woman who had dropped some papers (88% v. 4%).
* *The Good Samaritan Study* (Darley & Batson 1973: 105):
unhurried passersby were 6 times more likely than hurried passersby to
help an unfortunate who appeared to be in significant distress (63% v.
10%).
* *The Obedience Experiments* (Milgram 1974) subjects
repeatedly punished a screaming victim with realistic (but simulated)
electric shocks at the polite request of an experimenter.
* *The Stanford Prison Study* (Zimbardo 2007): college
students role-playing as "guards" in a simulated prison
subjected student "prisoners" to grotesque verbal and
emotional abuse.



These experiments are *part of an extensive empirical literature,
where* social psychologists have time and again found that
disappointing omissions and appalling actions are readily induced by
apparently minor situational
 features.[10]
 The striking fact is not that people fail standards for good conduct,
but that they can be so *easily* induced to do so.



Exploiting this observation, "character skeptics" contend
that if moral conduct varies so sharply, often for the worse, with
minor perturbations in circumstance, ostensibly good character
provides very limited assurance of good conduct. In addition to this
claim in *descriptive psychology*, concerning the fragility of
moral character, some character skeptics also forward a thesis in
*normative ethics*, to the effect that character merits less
attention in ethical thought than it traditionally
 gets.[11]




Character skepticism contravenes the influential program of
contemporary *virtue ethics*, which maintains that advancing
ethical theory requires *more* attention to character, and
virtue ethicists offer vigorous
 resistance.[12]
 Discussion has sometimes been overheated, but it has resulted in a
large literature in a vibrantly interdisciplinary field of
"character studies" (e.g., Miller et al.
 2015).[13]
 The literature is too extensive for the confines of this entry, but
we will endeavor to outline some of the main issues. 



The first thing to observe is that the science which inspires the
character skeptics may itself be subject to skepticism. Given the
uneven history of the human sciences, it might be argued that the
relevant findings are too uncertain to stand as a constraint on
philosophical theorizing. This contention is potentially buttressed by
recent prominent replication failures in social psychology. 



The psychology at issue is, like much of science, unfinished business.
But the replication controversy, and the attendant suspicion of
science, is insufficient grounds for dismissing the psychology out of
hand. Philosophical conclusions should not be based on a few studies;
the task of the philosophical consumer of science is to identify
*trends* in *convergent* strands of evidence (Doris
2015: 49, 56; Machery & Doris forthcoming). The observation that
motivates character skepticism--the surprising situational
sensitivity of behavior--is supported by a wide range of
scientific findings, as well as by recurring themes in history and
biography (Doris 2002, 2005). The strong situational
discriminativeness of behavior is accepted as fact by high proportion
of involved scientists; accordingly, it is not much contested in
debates about character skepticism.



But the philosophical implications of this fact remain, after
considerable debate, a contentious issue. The various responses to
character skepticism need not be forwarded in isolation, and some of
them may be combined as part of a multi-pronged defense. Different
rejoinders have differing strengths and weaknesses, particularly with
respect to the differing pieces of evidence on which character
skeptics rely; the phenomena are not unitary, and accommodating them
all may preclude a unitary response. 



One way of defusing empirically motivated skepticism--dubbed by
Alfano (2013) "the dodge"--is simply to deny that
virtue ethics makes empirical claims. On this understanding, virtue
ethics is cast as a "purely normative" endeavor aiming at
erecting ethical ideals in complete absence of empirical commitments
regarding actual human psychologies. This sort of purity is perhaps
less honored than honored in the breach: historically, virtue ethics
has been typified by an interest in how actual people *become*
good. Aristotle (*Nicomachean Ethics*, 1099b18-19)
thought that anyone not "maimed" with regard to the
capacity for virtue may acquire it "by a certain kind of study
and care", and contemporary Aristotelians have emphasized the
importance of moral education and development (e.g., Annas 2011). More
generally, virtue-based approaches have been claimed to have an
advantage over major Kantian and consequentialist competitors with
respect to "psychological realism"--the advantage of
a more lifelike moral psychology (see Anscombe 1958: 1, 15; Williams
1985; Flanagan 1991: 182; Hursthouse 1999: 19-20). 



To be sure, eschewing empirical commitment allows virtue ethics to
escape empirical threat: obviously, empirical evidence cannot be used
to undermine a theory that makes *no* empirical claims.
However, it is not clear such theories could claim advantages
traditionally claimed for virtue theories with regard to moral
development and psychological realism. In any event, they are not
contributions to empirical moral psychology, and needn't be
further discussed here.



Before seeing how the debate in moral psychology might be advanced, it
is necessary to correct a mischaracterization that serves to arrest
progress. It is too often said, particularly in reference to Doris
(1998, 2002) and Harman (1999, 2000), that character skepticism comes
to the view that character traits "do not exist" (e.g.,
Flanagan 2009: 55). Frequently, this attribution is made without
documentation, but when documentation is provided, it is typically in
reference to some early, characteristically pointed, remarks of Harman
(e.g., 1999). Yet in his most recent contribution, Harman (2009: 241)
says, "I do not think that social psychology demonstrates there
are no character traits". For his part, Doris has repeatedly
asserted that traits exist, and has repeatedly drawn attention to such
assertions (Doris 1998: 507-509; 2002: 62-6; 2005: 667;
2010: 138-141; Doris & Stich 2005: 119-20; Doris &
Prinz 2009). 



With good reason, to say "traits do not exist" is
tantamount to denying that there are individual dispositional
differences, an unlikely view that character skeptics and antiskeptics
are united in rejecting. Quite unsurprisingly, this unlikely view is
seriously undersubscribed in both philosophy and psychology. It is
endorsed by neither the most aggressive critics of personality,
situationists in social psychology such as Ross and Nisbett (1991),
nor by the patron saint of situationism in personality psychology:
Mischel (1999: 45). Mischel disavows a trait-based approach, but his
skepticism concerns a *particular approach to traits*, not
individual dispositional differences more generally. 



Then the question of whether or not traits exist is *emphatically
not the issue* dividing more and less skeptical approaches to
character. Today, all mainstream parties to the debate are
"interactionist", treating behavioral outcomes as the
function of a (complex) person by situation interaction (Mehl et al.
2015)--and it's likely most participants have always been
so (Doris 2002: 25-6). Contemporary research programs in
personality and social psychology freely deploy *both* personal
and situational variables (e.g., Cameron, Payne, & Doris 2013;
Leikas, Lonnqvist, & Verkasalo 2012; Sherman, Nave, &
Funder 2010). The issue worth discussing is not whether individual
dispositional differences exist, but *how these differences should
be characterized*, and how (or whether) these individual
differences, when appropriately characterized, *should inform
ethical thought*. 



An important feature of early forays into character skepticism was
that skeptics tended to focus on *behavioral implications* of
traits rather than the *psychological antecedents* of behavior
(Doris 2015: 15). Defenders of virtue ethics observe that character
skeptics have had much to say about situational variation in behavior
and little to say about the psychological processes underlying it,
with the result that they overlook the rational order in
people's lives (Adams 2006: 115-232). These virtue
ethicists maintain that the behavioral variation provoking character
skepticism evinces not unreliability, but rationally appropriate
sensitivity to differing situations (Adams 2006; Kamtekar 2004). The
virtuous person, such as Aristotle's exemplary
*phronimos* ("man of practical wisdom") may
sometimes come clean, and sometimes dissemble, or sometimes fight, and
sometimes flee, depending on the particular ethical demands of his
circumstances.



For example, in the Good Samaritan Study, the hurried passersby was on
the way to an appointment where they had agreed to give a
presentation; perhaps these people made a rational
determination--perhaps even an ethically defensible
determination--to weigh the demands of punctuality and
professionalism over ethical requirement to check on the welfare of a
stranger in apparent distress. However attractive one finds such
accounting for this case (note that some of Darley and Batson's
[1973] hurried passersby failed to notice the victim, which strains
explanations in terms of their rational discriminations), there are
other cases where the "rationality response" seems plainly
unattractive. These are cases of ethically irrelevant influences
 (Sec. 2 above;
 Doris & Stich 2005), where it seems unlikely the influence could
be cited as part of a rationalizing explanation of the behavior:
it's odd to cite failing to find a dime as
*justification* for failing to help--or for that matter,
finding a dime as *justification* for doing so.



It is certainly appropriate for virtue ethicists to emphasize
practical rationality in their accounts of character. This is a
central theme in the tradition going back to Aristotle himself, who is
probably the most oft-cited canonical philosopher in contemporary
virtue ethics. But while the rationality response may initially
accommodate some of the troubling behavioral evidence, it encounters
further empirical difficulty. There is an extensive empirical
literature problematizing familiar conceptions of rationality:
psychologists have endlessly documented a dispiriting range of
reasoning errors (Baron 1994, 2001; Gilovich et al. 2002; Kahneman et
al. 1982; Tversky & Kahneman 1973; Kruger & Dunning 1999;
Nisbett & Borgida 1975; Nisbett & Ross 1980; Stich 1990;
Tversky & Kahneman 1981). In light of this evidence, character
skeptics claim that the vagaries afflicting behavior also afflict
reasoning (Alfano 2013; Olin & Doris 2014). 



Research supporting this discouraging assessment of human rationality
is controversial, and not all psychologists think things are so bleak
(Gigerenzer 2000; Gigerenzer et al. 1999; for philosophical commentary
see Samuels & Stich 2002). Nevertheless, if virtue ethics is to
have an empirically credible moral psychology, it needs to account for
the empirical challenges to practical reasoning: how can the relevant
excellence in practical reasoning be developed? 



Faced with the challenge to practical rationality, virtue ethicists
may respond that their theories concern *excellent* reasoning,
not the *ordinary* reasoning studied in psychology. Practical
wisdom, and the ethical virtue it supports, are expected to be
*rare*, and not widely instantiated. This state of affairs, it
is said, is quite compatible with the disturbing, but not
exceptionlessly disturbing, behavior in experiments like
Milgram's (see Athanassoulis 1999: 217-219; DePaul 1999;
Kupperman 2001: 242-3). If this account is supposed to be part
of an empirically contentful moral psychology, rather than unverified
speculation, we require a detailed and empirically substantiated
account of how the virtuous few get that way--remember that an
emphasis on moral development is central to the virtue ethics
tradition. Moreover, if virtue ethics is supposed to have widespread
practical implications--as opposed to being merely a celebration
of a tiny "virtue elite"--it should have an account
of how the less-than-virtuous-many may at least tolerably
*approximate* virtue. 



This point is underscored by the fact that for some of the troubling
evidence, as in the Stanford Prison Study, the worry is not so much
that people fail standards of virtue, but that they fail standards of
*minimal decency*. Surely an approach to ethics that celebrates
moral development, even one that acknowledges (or rather, insists)
that most people will not attain its ideal, might be expected to have
an account of how people can become minimally decent.



Recently, proponents of virtue ethics have been increasingly proposing
a suggestive solution to this problem: virtue is a skill acquired
through effortful practice, so virtue is a kind of expertise (Annas
2011; Bloomfield 2000, 2001, 2014; Jacobson 2005; Russell 2015; Snow
2010; Sosa 2009; Stichter 2007, 2011; for reservations, see Doris, in
preparation). The virtuous are expert at morality and--given the
Aristotelian association of virtue and happiness--expert at life.




An extensive scientific literature indicates that developing expert
skill requires extensive preparation, whether the practitioner is a
novelist, doctor, or chess master--around 10,000 hours of
"deliberate practice", according to a popular
generalization (Ericsson 2014; Ericsson et al. 1993). The
"10,000-hour rule" is likely an oversimplification,
but there is no doubt that attaining expertise requires intensive
training. Because of this, people rarely achieve eminence in more than
one area; for instance, "baseball trivia" experts display
superior recall for baseball-related material, but not for
non-baseball material (Chiesi et al. 1979). Conversely, becoming
expert at morality, or (even more ambitiously) expert at the whole of
life, would apparently require a *highly* generalized form of
expertise: to be good, there's a *lot* to be good at.
Moreover, it's quite unclear what deliberate practice at life
involves; how exactly does one get better at being good? 



One obvious problem concerns specifying the "good" in
question. Expertises like chess have been effectively studied in part
because there are accepted standards of excellence (the
"ELO" score used for ranking chess players; Glickman
1995). To put it blithely, there aren't any chess skeptics. But
there have, historically, been *lots* of moral skeptics. And if
there's not moral knowledge, how could there be moral experts?
And even if there are moral experts, there's the problem of how
are they to be identified, since it is not clear we are possessed of
standard independent of expert opinion itself (like winning chess
matches) for doing so (for the "metaethics of expertise",
see McGrath 2008, 2011).



Even if these notorious philosophical difficulties can be
resolved--as defenders of expertise approaches to virtue must
think they can--matters remain complicated, because if moral
expertise is like other expertises, practice alone--assuming we
have a clear notion of what "moral practice"
entails--will be insufficient. While practice matters in
attaining expertise, other factors, such as talent, also matter
(Hambrick et al. 2014; Macnamara et al. 2014). And some of the
required endowments may be quite unequally distributed across
populations: practice cannot make a jockey into an NFL lineman, or an
NFL lineman into a jockey. 



What are the natural endowments required for moral expertise, and how
widely are they distributed in the population? If they are rare, like
the skill of a chess master or the strength of an NFL lineman, virtue
will also be rare. Some virtue ethicists believe virtue should be
widely attainable, and they will resist this result (Adams 2006:
119-123, and arguably Aristotle *Nicomachean Ethics*
1099b15-20). But even virtue ethicists who embrace the rarity of
virtue require an account of what the necessary natural endowments
are, and if they wish to also have an account of how the less
well-endowed may achieve at least minimal decency, they should have
something to say about how moral development will proceed across a
population with widely varying endowments.



What is needed, for the study of moral character research to advance,
is an account of the biological, psychological, and social factors
requisite for successful moral development--on the expertise
model, the conditions conducive to developing "moral
skill". This, quite obviously, is a tall order, and the research
needed to systematically address these issue is in comparative
infancy. Yet the expertise model, in exploiting connections with areas
in which skill acquisition has been well studied, such as music and
sport, provides a framework for moving discussion of character beyond
the empirically under-informed conjectures and assumptions about
"habituation" that have been too frequent in previous
literature (Doris 2015: 128).


## 5. Egoism *vs.* Altruism



People often behave in ways that benefit others, and they sometimes do
this knowing that it will be costly, unpleasant or dangerous. But at
least since Plato's classic discussion in the second Book of the
*Republic*, debate has raged over *why* people behave in
this way. Are their motives altruistic, or is their behavior
ultimately motivated by self-interest? Famously, Hobbes gave this
answer:



No man giveth but with intention of good to himself, because gift is
voluntary; and of all voluntary acts, the object is to every man his
own good; of which, if men see they shall be frustrated, there will be
no beginning of benevolence or trust, nor consequently of mutual help.
(1651 [1981: Ch. 15])



Views like Hobbes' have come to be called
 *egoism*,[14]
 and this rather depressing conception of human motivation has any
number of eminent philosophical advocates, including Bentham, J.S.
Mill and
 Nietzsche.[15]
 Dissenting voices, though perhaps fewer in number, have been no less
eminent. Butler, Hume, Rousseau and Adam Smith have all argued that,
sometimes at least, human motivation is genuinely altruistic.



Though the issue that divides egoistic and altruistic accounts of
human motivation is largely empirical, it is easy to see why
philosophers have thought that the competing answers will have
important consequences for moral theory. For example, Kant famously
argued that a person should act "not from inclination but from
duty, and by this would his conduct first acquire true moral
worth" (1785 [1949: Sec. 1, parag. 12]). But egoism maintains
that *all* human motivation is ultimately self-interested, and
thus people *can't* act "from duty" in the
way that Kant urged. Thus if egoism is true, Kant's account
would entail that no conduct has "true moral worth".
Additionally, if egoism is true, it would appear to impose a strong
constraint on how a moral theory can answer the venerable question
"Why should I be moral?" since, as Hobbes clearly saw, the
answer will have to ground the motivation to be moral in the
agent's
 self-interest.[16]



While the egoism vs. altruism debate has historically been of great
philosophical interest, the issue centrally concerns psychological
questions about the nature of human motivation, so it's not
surprise that psychologists have done a great deal of empirical
research aimed at determining which view is correct. Some of the most
influential and philosophically sophisticated empirical work on this
issue has been done by Daniel Batson and his associates. The
conclusion Batson draws from this work is that people *do*
sometimes behave altruistically, and that the emotion of empathy plays
an important role in generating altruistic motivation.
 [17]
 Others are not convinced. For a discussion of Batson's
experiments, the conclusion he draws from them, and some reasons for
skepticism about that conclusion, see sections 5 and 6 of the entry
"Empirical Approaches to Altruism" in this encyclopedia.
In this section, we'll focus on some of the philosophical
spadework that is necessary before plunging into the empirical
literature.



A crucial question that needs to be addressed is: What, exactly, is
the debate about; what *is* altruism? Unfortunately, there is
no uncontroversial answer to this question, since researchers in many
disciplines, including philosophy, biology, psychology, sociology,
economics, anthropology and primatology, have written about altruism,
and authors in different disciplines tend to use the term
"altruism" in quite different ways. Even among
philosophers the term has been used with importantly different
meanings. There is, however, one account of altruism--actually a
cluster closely related accounts--that plays a central role both
in philosophy and in a great deal of psychology, including
Batson's work. We'll call it "the standard
account". That will be our focus in the remainder of this
 section.[18]



According to the standard account, an action is altruistic if it is
motivated by an ultimate desire for the well-being of another person.
This formulation invites questions about (1) what it is for a behavior
to be *motivated by an ultimate desire*, and (2) the
distinction between *desires that are self-interested* and
*desires that are for the well-being of others*.



Although the second question will need careful consideration in any
comprehensive treatment, a few rough and ready examples of the
distinction will suffice
 here.[19]
 Desires to save someone else's life, to alleviate someone
else's suffering, or to make someone else happy are paradigm
cases of desires for the well-being of others, while desires to
experience pleasure, get rich, and become famous are typical examples
of self-interested desires. The self-interested desires to experience
pleasure and to avoid pain have played an especially prominent role in
the debate, since one version of egoism, often called
*hedonism*, maintains that these are our *only* ultimate
desires.



The first question, regarding ultimate desires, requires a fuller
exposition; it can be usefully explicated with the help of a familiar
account of *practical
 reasoning*.[20]
 On this account, practical reasoning is a causal process via which a
desire and a belief give rise to or sustain another desire. For
example, a desire to drink an espresso and a belief that the best
place to get an espresso is at the espresso bar on Main Street may
cause a desire to go to the espresso bar on Main Street. This desire
can then join forces with another belief to generate a third desire,
and so on. Sometimes this process will lead to a desire to perform a
relatively simple or "basic" action, and that desire, in
turn, will cause the agent to perform the basic action without the
intervention of any further desires. Desires produced or sustained by
this process of practical reasoning are *instrumental*
desires--the agent has them because she thinks that satisfying
them will lead to something else that she desires. But not
*all* desires can be instrumental desires. If we are to avoid
circularity or an infinite regress there must be some desires that are
*not* produced because the agent thinks that satisfying them
will facilitate satisfying some other desire. These desires that are
not produced or sustained by practical reasoning are the agent's
*ultimate* desires, and the objects of ultimate desires, the
states of affairs desired, are desired for their own sake. A behavior
is *motivated* by a specific ultimate desire when that desire
is part of the practical reasoning process that leads to the
behavior.



If people do sometimes have ultimate desires for the well-being of
others, and these desires motivate behavior, then altruism is the
correct view, and egoism is false. However, if *all* ultimate
desires are self-interested, then egoism is the correct view, and
altruism is false. The effort to establish one or the other of these
options has given rise to a vast and enormously sophisticated
empirical literature. For an overview of that literature, see the
 empirical approaches to altruism entry.


## 6. Moral Disagreement



Given that moral disagreement--about abortion, say, or capital
punishment--so often seems intractable, is there any reason to
think that moral problems admit objective resolutions? While this
difficulty is of ancient coinage, contemporary philosophical
discussion was spurred by Mackie's (1977: 36-8)
"argument from relativity" or, as it is called by later
writers, the "argument from disagreement" (Brink 1989:
197; Loeb 1998). Such "radical" differences in moral
judgment as are frequently observed, Mackie (1977: 36) argued,
"make it difficult to treat those judgments as apprehensions of
objective truths".



Mackie supposed that his argument undermines *moral realism*,
the view that, as Smith (1994: 9, cf. 13) puts it, 



> 
> 
> moral questions have correct answers, that the correct answers are
> made correct by objective moral facts ... and ... by
> engaging in moral argument, we can discover what these objective moral
> facts
>  are.[21]
> 
> 
> 
> 



This notion of objectivity, as Smith recognizes, requires
*convergence* in moral views--the right sort of argument,
reflection and discussion is expected to result in very substantial
moral agreement (Smith 1994:
 6).[22]



While moral realists have often taken pretty optimistic positions on
the extent of actual moral agreement (e.g., Sturgeon 1988: 229; Smith
1994: 188), there is no denying that there is an abundance of
persistent moral disagreement; on many moral issues there is a
striking *failure of convergence* even after protracted
argument. Anti-realists like Mackie have a ready explanation for this
phenomenon: Moral judgment is not objective in Smith's sense,
and moral argument cannot be expected to accomplish what Smith and
other realists think it
 can.[23]
 Conversely, the realist's task is to *explain away*
failures of convergence; she must provide an explanation of the
phenomena consistent with it being the case that moral judgment is
objective and moral argument is rationally resolvable. Doris and
Plakias (2008) call these "defusing explanations". The
realist's strategy is to insist that the preponderance of actual
moral disagreement is due to limitations of disputants or their
circumstances, and insist that (very substantial, if not
 unanimous)[24]
 moral agreement *would* emerge in *ideal* conditions,
when, for example, disputants are fully rational and fully informed of
the relevant non-moral facts.



It is immediately evident that the relative merits of these competing
explanations cannot be fairly determined without close discussion of
the factors implicated in actual moral disagreements. Indeed, as acute
commentators with both realist (Sturgeon 1988: 230) and anti-realist
(Loeb 1998: 284) sympathies have noted, the argument from disagreement
cannot be evaluated by *a priori* philosophical means alone;
what's needed, as Loeb observes, is "a great deal of
further empirical research into the circumstances and beliefs of
various cultures". This research is required not only to
accurately assess the extent of actual disagreement, but also to
determine *why* disagreement persists or dissolves. Only then
can realists' attempts to "explain away" moral
disagreement be fairly assessed.



Richard Brandt, who was a pioneer in the effort to integrate ethical
theory and the social sciences, looked primarily to anthropology to
help determine whether moral attitudes can be expected to converge
under idealized circumstances. It is of course well known that
anthropology includes a substantial body of work, such as the classic
studies of Westermarck (1906) and Sumner (1908 [1934]), detailing the
radically divergent moral outlooks found in cultures around the world.
But as Brandt (1959: 283-4) recognized, typical ethnographies do
not support confident inferences about the convergence of attitudes
under ideal conditions, in large measure because they often give
limited guidance regarding how much of the moral disagreement can be
traced to disagreement about factual matters that are not moral in
nature, such as those having to do with religious or cosmological
views.



With this sort of difficulty in mind, Brandt (1954) undertook his own
anthropological study of Hopi people in the American southwest, and
found issues for which there appeared to be serious moral disagreement
between typical Hopi and white American attitudes that could not
plausibly be attributed to differences in belief about nonmoral
 facts.[25]
 A notable example is the Hopi attitude toward animal suffering, an
attitude that might be expected to disturb many non-Hopis:



> 
> 
> [Hopi children] sometimes catch birds and make "pets" of
> them. They may be tied to a string, to be taken out and
> "played" with. This play is rough, and birds seldom
> survive long. [According to one informant:] "Sometimes they get
> tired and die. Nobody objects to this". (Brandt 1954: 213)
> 
> 
> 



Brandt (1959: 103) made a concerted effort to determine whether this
difference in moral outlook could be traced to disagreement about
nonmoral facts, but he could find no plausible explanation of this
kind; his Hopi informants didn't believe that animals lack the
capacity to feel pain, for example, nor did they have cosmological
beliefs that would explain away the apparent cruelty of the practice,
such as beliefs to the effect that animals are rewarded for martyrdom
in the afterlife. The best explanation of the divergent moral
judgments, Brandt (1954: 245, 284) concluded, is a "basic
difference of attitude", since "groups do sometimes make
divergent appraisals when they have identical beliefs about the
objects".



Moody-Adams argues that little of philosophical import can be
concluded from Brandt's--and indeed from
much--ethnographic work. Deploying Gestalt psychology's
doctrine of "situational meaning" (e.g., Dunker 1939),
Moody-Adams (1997: 34-43) contends that all institutions,
utterances, and behaviors have meanings that are peculiar to their
cultural milieu, so that we cannot be certain that participants in
cross-cultural disagreements are talking about the same
 thing.[26]
 The problem of situational meaning, she thinks, threatens
"insuperable" methodological difficulty for those
asserting the existence of intractable intercultural disagreement
(1997: 36). Advocates of ethnographic projects will likely
respond--not unreasonably, we think--that judicious
observation and interview, such as that to which Brandt aspired,
*can* motivate confident assessments of evaluative diversity.
Suppose, however, that Moody-Adams is right, and the methodological
difficulties are insurmountable. Now, there's an equitable
distribution of the difficulty: if observation and interview are
really as problematic as Moody-Adams suggests, *neither* the
realists' *nor* the anti-realists' take on
disagreement can be supported by appeal to empirical evidence. We do
not think that such a stalemate obtains, because we think the
implicated methodological pessimism excessive. Serious empirical work
can, we think, tell us a lot about cultures and the differences
between them. The appropriate way of proceeding is with close
attention to particular studies, and what they show and fail to
 show.[27]



As Brandt (1959: 101-2) acknowledged, the anthropological
literature of his day did not always provide as much information on
the exact contours and origins of moral attitudes and beliefs as
philosophers wondering about the prospects for convergence might like.
However, social psychology and cognitive science have recently
produced research which promises to further discussion; during the
last 35 years, there has been an explosion of "cultural
psychology" investigating the cognitive and emotional processes
of different cultures (Shweder & Bourne 1982; Markus &
Kitayama 1991; Ellsworth 1994; Nisbett & Cohen 1996; Nisbett 1998,
2003; Kitayama & Markus 1999; Heine 2008; Kitayama & Cohen
2010; Henrich 2015). Here we will focus on some cultural differences
found close to (our) home, differences discovered by Nisbett and his
colleagues while investigating regional patterns of violence in the
American North and South. We argue that these findings support
Brandt's pessimistic conclusions regarding the likelihood of
convergence in moral judgment.



The Nisbett group's research can be seen as applying the tools
of cognitive social psychology to the "culture of honor",
a phenomenon that anthropologists have documented in a variety of
groups around the world. Although these groups differ in many
respects, they manifest important commonalities:



> 
> 
> A key aspect of the culture of honor is the importance placed on the
> insult and the necessity to respond to it. An insult implies that the
> target is weak enough to be bullied. Since a reputation for strength
> is of the essence in the culture of honor, the individual who insults
> someone must be forced to retract; if the instigator refuses, he must
> be punished--with violence or even death. (Nisbett & Cohen
> 1996: 5)
> 
> 
> 



According to Nisbett and Cohen (1996: 5-9), an important factor
in the genesis of southern honor culture was the presence of a herding
economy. Honor cultures are particularly likely to develop where
resources are liable to theft, and where the state's coercive
apparatus cannot be relied upon to prevent or punish thievery. These
conditions often occur in relatively remote areas where herding is a
main form of subsistence; the "portability" of herd
animals makes them prone to theft. In areas where farming rather than
herding dominates, cooperation among neighbors is more important,
stronger government infrastructures are more common, and
resources--like decidedly unportable farmland--are harder to
steal. In such agrarian social economies, cultures of honor tend not
to develop. The American South was originally settled primarily by
peoples from remote areas of Britain. Since their homelands were
generally unsuitable for farming, these peoples have historically been
herders; when they emigrated from Britain to the American South, they
initially sought out remote regions suitable for herding, and in such
regions, the culture of honor flourished.



In the contemporary South, police and other government services are
widely available and herding has all but disappeared as a way of life,
but certain sorts of violence continue to be more common than they are
in the North. Nisbett and Cohen (1996) maintain that patterns of
violence in the South, as well as attitudes toward violence, insults,
and affronts to honor, are best explained by the hypothesis that a
culture of honor persists among contemporary white non-Hispanic
southerners. In support of this hypothesis, they offer a compelling
array of evidence, including:


* demographic data indicating that (1) among southern whites,
homicides rates are higher in regions more suited to herding than
agriculture, and (2) white males in the South are much more likely
than white males in other regions to be involved in homicides
resulting from arguments, although they are *not* more likely
to be involved in homicides that occur in the course of a robbery or
other felony (Nisbett & Cohen 1996: Ch. 2)
* survey data indicating that white southerners are more likely than
northerners to believe that violence would be "extremely
justified" in response to a variety of affronts, and that if a
man failed to respond violently to such affronts, he was "not
much of a man" (Nisbett & Cohen 1996: Ch. 3)
* legal scholarship indicating that southern states "give
citizens more freedom to use violence in defending themselves, their
homes, and their property" than do northern states (Nisbett
& Cohen 1996: Ch. 5, p. 63)



Two experimental studies--one in the field, the other in the
laboratory--are especially striking.



In the field study (Nisbett & Cohen 1996: 73-5), letters of
inquiry were sent to hundreds of employers around the United States.
The letters purported to be from a hardworking 27-year-old Michigan
man who had a single blemish on his otherwise solid record. In one
version, the "applicant" revealed that he had been
convicted for manslaughter. The applicant explained that he had been
in a fight with a man who confronted him in a bar and told onlookers
that "he and my fiancee were sleeping together. He
laughed at me to my face and asked me to step outside if I was man
enough". According to the letter, the applicant's nemesis
was killed in the ensuing fray. In the other version of the letter,
the applicant revealed that he had been convicted of motor vehicle
theft, perpetrated at a time when he needed money for his family.
Nisbett and his colleagues assessed 112 letters of response, and found
that southern employers were significantly more likely to be
cooperative and sympathetic in response to the manslaughter letter
than were northern employers, while no regional differences were found
in responses to the theft letter. One southern employer responded to
the manslaughter letter as follows:



> 
> 
> As for your problems of the past, anyone could probably be in the
> situation you were in. It was just an unfortunate incident that
> shouldn't be held against you. Your honesty shows that you are
> sincere.... I wish you the best of luck for your future. You have
> a positive attitude and a willingness to work. These are qualities
> that businesses look for in employees. Once you are settled, if you
> are near here, please stop in and see us. (Nisbett & Cohen 1996:
> 75)
> 
> 
> 



No letters from northern employers were comparably sympathetic.



In the laboratory study (Nisbett & Cohen 1996: 45-8)
subjects--white males from both northern and southern states
attending the University of Michigan--were told that saliva
samples would be collected to measure blood sugar as they performed
various tasks. After an initial sample was collected, the unsuspecting
subject walked down a narrow corridor where an experimental
confederate was pretending to work on some filing. The confederate
bumped the subject and, feigning annoyance, called him an
"asshole". A few minutes after the incident, saliva
samples were collected and analyzed to determine the level of
cortisol--a hormone associated with high levels of stress,
anxiety and arousal, and testosterone--a hormone associated with
aggression and dominance behavior. As Figure 1 indicates, southern
subjects showed dramatic increases in cortisol and testosterone
levels, while northerners exhibited much smaller changes.



![[two graphs: for both a solid line indicates 'culture of honor subjects' and a dotted line 'non-culture of honor subjects'. The graph on the left has a y-axis measuring per cent change in cortisol level from 0 to 85 and a x-axis with 'control' and 'insult'; a solid line goes from 40% for control to 85% for insult and a dotted line from 40% for control to 35% for insult. The right graph has the same x-axis but the y-axis is labeled '% change in testosterone level' and goes from 0 to 15; the solid line goes from about 4% for control to about 14% for insult and the dotted line from about 4% to 5%.]](moral-psych-emp-plain.svg)

Figure 1




The two studies just described suggest that southerners respond more
strongly to insult than northerners, and take a more sympathetic view
of others who do so, manifesting just the sort of attitudes that are
supposed to typify honor cultures. We think that the data assembled by
Nisbett and his colleagues make a persuasive case that a culture of
honor persists in the American South. Apparently, this culture affects
people's judgments, attitudes, emotion, behavior, and even their
physiological responses. Additionally, there is evidence that child
rearing practices play a significant role in passing the culture of
honor on from one generation to the next, and also that relatively
permissive laws regarding gun ownership, self-defense, and corporal
punishment in the schools both reflect and reinforce southern honor
culture (Nisbett & Cohen 1996: 60-63, 67-9). In short,
it seems to us that the culture of honor is deeply entrenched in
contemporary southern culture, despite the fact that many of the
material and economic conditions giving rise to it no longer widely
 obtain.[28]



We believe that the North/South cultural differences adduced by
Nisbett and colleagues support Brandt's conclusion that moral
attitudes will often fail to converge, even under ideal conditions.
The data should be especially troubling for the realist, for despite
the differences that we have been recounting, contemporary northern
and southern Americans might be expected to have rather more in
common--from circumstance to language to belief to
ideology--than do, say, Yanomamo and Parisians. So if there
is little ground for expecting convergence in the case at hand, there
is probably little ground in a good many others.



Fraser and Hauser (2010) are not convinced by our interpretation of
Nisbett and Cohen's data. They maintain that while those data do
indicate that northerners and southerners differ in the strength of
their disapproval of insult-provoked violence, they do not show that
northerners and southerners have a real moral disagreement. They go on
to argue that the work of Abarbanell and Hauser (2010) provides a much
more persuasive example of a systematic moral disagreement between
people in different cultural groups. Abarbanell and Hauser focused on
the moral judgments of rural Mayan people in the Mexican state of
Chiapas. They found that people in that community do not judge
*actions* causing harms to be worse than *omissions*
(failures to act) which cause identical harms, while nearby urban
Mayan people and Western internet users judge actions to be
substantially worse than omissions. 



Though we are not convinced by Fraser and Hauser's
interpretation of the Nisbett and Cohen data, we agree that the
Abarbanell and Hauser study provides a compelling example of a
systematic cultural difference in moral judgement. Barrett et al.
(2016) provides another example. That study looked at the extent to
which an agent's intention affected the moral judgments of
people in eight traditional small-scale societies and two Western
societies, one urban, one rural. They found that in some of these
societies, notably including both Western groups, the agent's
intention had a major effect, while in other societies agent intention
had little or no effect. 



As we said at the outset, realists defending conjectures about
convergence may attempt to *explain away* evaluative diversity
by arguing that the diversity is to be attributed to shortcomings of
discussants or their circumstances. If this strategy can be made good,
moral realism may survive an empirically informed argument from
disagreement: so much the worse for the instance of moral reflection
and discussion in question, not so much the worse for the objectivity
of morality. While we cannot here canvass all the varieties of this
suggestion, we will briefly remark on some of the more common forms.
For concreteness, we will focus on Nisbett and Cohen's
study.



*Impartiality*. One strategy favored by moral realists
concerned to explain away moral disagreement is to say that such
disagreement stems from the distorting effects of individual interest
(see Sturgeon 1988: 229-230; Enoch 2009: 24-29); perhaps
persistent disagreement doesn't so much betray deep features of
moral argument and judgment as it does the doggedness with which
individuals pursue their perceived advantage. For instance, seemingly
moral disputes over the distribution of wealth may be due to
perceptions--perhaps mostly inchoate--of individual and
class interests rather than to principled disagreement about justice;
persisting moral disagreement in such circumstances fails the
impartiality condition, and is therefore untroubling to the moral
realist. But it is rather implausible to suggest that North/South
disagreements as to when violence is justified will fail the
impartiality condition. There is no reason to think that southerners
would be unwilling to universalize their judgments across relevantly
similar individuals in relevantly similar circumstances, as indeed
Nisbett and Cohen's "letter study" suggests. One can
advocate a violent honor code without going in for special
 pleading.[29]
 We do not intend to denigrate southern values; our point is that
while there may be good reasons for criticizing the honor-bound
southerner, it is not obvious that the reason can be failure of
impartiality, if impartiality is (roughly) to be understood along the
lines of a willingness to universalize one's moral
judgments.



*Full and vivid awareness of relevant nonmoral facts*. Moral
realists have argued that moral disagreements very often derive from
disagreement about nonmoral issues. According to Boyd (1988: 213; cf.
Brink 1989: 202-3; Sturgeon 1988: 229), 



> 
> 
> careful philosophical examination will reveal ... that agreement
> on nonmoral issues would eliminate *almost all* disagreement
> about the sorts of moral issues which arise in ordinary moral
> practice. 
> 
> 
> 



Is this a plausible conjecture for the data we have just considered?
We find it hard to imagine what agreement on nonmoral facts could do
the trick, for we can readily imagine that northerners and southerners
might be in full agreement on the relevant nonmoral facts in the cases
described. Members of both groups would presumably agree that the job
applicant was cuckolded, for example, or that calling someone an
"asshole" is an insult. We think it much more plausible to
suppose that the disagreement resides in differing and deeply
entrenched evaluative attitudes regarding appropriate responses to
cuckolding, challenge, and insult.



Savvy philosophical readers will be quick to observe that terms like
"challenge" and "insult" look like
"thick" ethical terms, where the evaluative and
descriptive are commingled (see Williams 1985: 128-30);
therefore, it is very difficult to say what the extent of the factual
disagreement is. But this is of little help for the expedient under
consideration, since the disagreement-in-nonmoral-fact response
apparently *requires* that one *can* disentangle factual
and moral disagreement.



It is of course possible that full and vivid awareness of the nonmoral
facts might motivate the sort of change in southern attitudes
envisaged by the (at least the northern) moral realist. Were
southerners to become vividly aware that their culture of honor was
implicated in violence, they might be moved to change their moral
outlook. (We take this way of putting the example to be the most
natural one, but nothing philosophical turns on it. If you like,
substitute the possibility of northerners endorsing honor values after
exposure to the facts.) On the other hand, southerners might insist
that the values of honor should be nurtured even at the cost of
promoting violence; the motto "death before dishonor",
after all, has a long and honorable history. The burden of argument,
we think, lies with the realist who asserts--*culture and
history notwithstanding*--that southerners would change their
mind if vividly aware of the pertinent facts.



*Freedom from "Abnormality*". Realists may contend
that much moral disagreement may result from failures of rationality
on the part of discussants (Brink 1989: 199-200). Obviously,
disagreement stemming from cognitive impairments is no embarrassment
for moral realism; at the limit, that a disagreement persists when
some or all disputing parties are quite insane shows nothing deep
about morality. But it doesn't seem plausible that
southerners' more lenient attitudes towards certain forms of
violence are readily attributed to widespread cognitive disability. Of
course, this is an empirical issue, but we don't know of any
evidence suggesting that southerners suffer some cognitive impairment
that prevents them from understanding demographic and attitudinal
factors in the genesis of violence, or any other matter of fact. What
is needed to press home a charge of irrationality is evidence of
cognitive impairment *independent* of the attitudinal
differences, and further evidence that this impairment is implicated
in adherence to the disputed values. In this instance, as in many
others, we have difficulty seeing how charges of abnormality or
irrationality can be made without one side begging the question
against the other.



Nisbett and colleagues' work may represent a potent
counterexample to any theory maintaining that rational argument tends
to convergence on important moral issues; the evidence suggests that
the North/South differences in attitudes towards violence and honor
might well persist even under the sort of ideal conditions under
consideration. Admittedly, such conclusions must be tentative. On the
philosophical side, not every plausible strategy for "explaining
away" moral disagreement and grounding expectations of
convergence has been
 considered.[30]
 On the empirical side, this entry has reported on but a few studies, and
those considered, like any empirical work, might be
criticized on either conceptual or methodological
 grounds.[31]
 Finally, it should be clear what this entry is *not* claiming:
any conclusions here--even if fairly earned--are not a
"refutation" of all versions of moral realism, since there
are versions of moral realism that do not require convergence
(Bloomfield 2001; Shafer-Landau 2003). 
Rather, this discussion should give an idea of the empirical work
philosophers must encounter, if they are to make defensible
conjectures regarding moral disagreement.


## 7. Conclusion



Progress in ethical theorizing often requires progress on difficult
psychological questions about how human beings can be expected to
function in moral contexts. It is no surprise, then, that moral
psychology is a central area of inquiry in philosophical ethics. It
should also come as no surprise that empirical research, such as that
conducted in psychology departments, may substantially abet such
inquiry. Nor then, should it surprise that research in moral
psychology has become *methodologically pluralistic*,
exploiting the resources of, and endeavoring to contribute to, various
disciplines. Here, we have illustrated how such interdisciplinary
inquiry may proceed with regard to central problems in philosophical
ethics.