Our modelling procedure has shown that it is important to apply the combination of structural and electronic parameters to quantitatively model soil sorption characteristics of studied chemicals.


Istraživanja su pokazala da je za modeliranje sorpcijskih svojstava polarnih molekula neophodno primijeniti parametre koji opisuju elektronska svojstva proučavanih molekula.


Our study has also resulted in new information on mechanism of soil sorption process for organic chemicals.


Došli smo i do novih saznanja na molekularnom nivou o mehanizmima procesa adsorpcije organskih kemikalija na tlu.


By the application of statistical methods described above, a high quality model was obtained for describing and estimating herbicidal selectivity of phenoxyacrilates in a rice/grass system.


Primjenom ranije opisanih statističkih metoda dobiven je kvalitetan model za predviđanje selektivnosti poznate skupine herbicida (fenoksiakrilata) u sustavu riža/trava.


This is a very important result since there are only a few models reported in the literature which successfully describe selectivity of a wellknown commercial herbicides.


To jeznačajan rezultat jer je do sada u znanstvenoj literaturi objavljeno tek par modela koji uspješno opisuju selektivnost neke od poznatih skupina komercijalnih herbicida.


Finally, the application of various mathematical models enabled us to rationalize a series of our own as well as literature results from homogeneous and heterogeneous equilibria in aqueous solutions of different ionic strength (low concentration aqueous solution of NaCl, natural waters and wastewaters, human serum).


Primjenom matematičkih modela objasnili smo niz vlastitih i literaturnih podataka o homogenim i heterogenim ravnotežama u vodenim otopinama različitih ionskih jakosti (razrijeđene vodene otopine NaCl, prirodne vode i otpadne vode, te krvni serum).


The majority of results described in this section are related to environmental pollution problems. (b) Computational models.


Većina rezultata je povezana s problemom zaštite okoliša od toksičnih metala i organskih zagađivala. (b) Kompjutorski modeli.


Structural rules have been developed for a fast and slow biodegradation of organic pollutants in the environment by the application of an inductive machine learning method.


Razvijen je model perturbacije niskog ranga za realne matrice. Primjenom sustava za induktivno učenje razvijena su strukturna pravila za predviđanje brze ili spore razgradnje organskih zagađivala u okolišu.


Possibility of extending the transfer matrix method to multidimensional systems was examined.


Ispitivane su mogućnosti primjene transfer matrice na višedimenzionalne sustave.


The first results indicate existence of a formalism for building up the transfer matrix for a monomer of any size in other dimensions.


Dosadašnji rezultati pokazuju da je moguće formalizirati izgradnju transfer matrice za monomer bilo koje veličine u drugim dimenzijama.


Besides to the dimer covering problem, transfer matrix has been applied to a construction of the conjugated circuits polynomial of benzenoid polymers.


Osim za problem prekrivanja dimerima, transfer matrica primjenjena je i za konstruiranje polinoma konjugiranih prstenova za benzenoidne polimere.


We have developed an algorithm for generation of fullerene isomers and analyzed the possibility of their interconversion by the Stone-Wales transformation.


Razvili smo algoritam za generiranje fullerenskih izomera i analizirali mogućnost njihove interkonverzije Stone-Wales transformacijom.


Symmetrical properties of fullerene isomers were investigated, and the methods for geometrical presentation of fullerene structures in 2 and 3 dimensions were studied separately. (c) Quantum-chemical models.


Istražena su simetrijska svojstva izomera fullerena, a posebno su studirani postupci za prikaz fullerenskih struktura u dvije i tri dimenzije. (c) Kvantno-kemijski modeli.


The conjugated circuit model (the semi-empirical VB model) has been developed for prediction of structures, aromaticy and reactivity of heterocyclic systems (containing oxygen, nitrogen and sulphur) and big hydrocarbon clusters, which occur as centers of nucleation in formation of carbon soot and which can be of importance in astrochemistry. (d) Dynamical models.


Razvijen je model konjugiranih krugova (semi-empirijski VB model) za predviđanje strukture, aromatičnosti i reaktivnosti heterocikličkih sustava (s atomima kisika, dušika i sumpora) i velikih uglikovih grozdova, koji se pojavljuju kao središte nukleacije kod formiranja čađi, a također mogu biti od presudne važnosti u astrokemiji. Pronađena je korelacija dugog dosega u VB strukturama benzenskih mreža i kvadratično planarnih mreža. (d) Dinamički modeli.


The goal is to find simple rules which will enable inversion of cross sections as well as the contribution towards kinetics of rarefied gases, e.g. the molecular clouds.


Cilj je pronaći jednostavna pravila koja bi omogućila inverziju udarnih presjeka kao i doprinos teoriji kinetike razrijeđenih plinova, npr. molekulskih oblaka.


Towards this aim a model was developed which treats molecules as having hard core, and it was used to analyze cross sections in atom and polyatomic molecule collisions.


Razvijen je model raspršenja s čvrstom jezgrom i primjenom na analizu udarnih presjeka atoma na višeatomskim molekulama.


Classical theory of scattering with wave packets was developed, and applied to the analysis of dynamics of particles in strong electromagnetic fields.


Razvijena je klasična teorija raspršenja s valnim paketima i primijenjena na analizu dinamike čestice u jakim elektromagnetskim poljima.


In this type of a course, the communication is one of the most important factors for success of the project.


U ovakvom tipu kolegija, komunikacija je jedan od najvažnijih faktora koji osiguravaju uspjeh projekta.


Since all students at the beginning of the course didn’t know each other at all, it was important that they got to know each other very soon and learned each other’s advantages, but also disadvantages.


Pošto se studenti na početku kolegija nisu uopće međusobno poznavali, bilo je važno da se vrlo brzo upoznaju i nauče tuđe i svoje prednosti, ali i mane.


When they are cooperating with other students from the same environment they are able to evaluate other person much faster than in the case of cultural difference.


Kada surađuju s drugim studentima iz iste okoline, studenti su u mogućnosti puno brže procijeniti drugu osobu nego u slučaju kad postoje kulturološke razlike.


The way students work, differs in Croatia and Sweden, which was the source of a large number of misunderstandings at the beginning of each team's project.


Način na koji studenti rade u Hrvatskoj i Švedskoj se razlikuje, što je bio izvor mnogih nesporazuma na početku rada na projektu kod svih timova.


This is in no way surprising.


Ovo nije nimalo iznenađujuće.


Swedish culture is a typical "Low-context" (explicit) culture, while Croatia fits well in the "High-context" (implicit) culture model, typical for the Mediterranean region.


Švedska kultura je tipična "Low-context" (eksplicitna) kultura, dok se Hrvatska dobro uklapa u "High-context" (implicitni) kulturni model, tipičan za mediteransku regiju.


Differences include time needed for building trust and creating relationships, notion of time (deadlines), space and the way verbal and written agreements are understood.


Razlike su uključivale vrijeme potrebno za izgradnju povjerenja i stvaranje odnosa, osjećaj za vrijeme (rokove), prostor te način na koji se tumače verbalni i pisani dogovori.


Swedish culture is typical "monochronic", taking agreed schedules very seriously, while Croatian is more "polychronic", where commitments are achieved only if possible and are understood more as guidelines then a strict obligation.


Švedska kultura je tipična “monokrona”, koja uzima dogovorene rasporede vrlo ozbiljno, dok je hrvatska više “polikrona”, gdje su obaveze ispunjene samo ako je to moguće i shvaćene više kao naputci nego kao ozbiljne obaveze.


This problem was tackled at the beginning of the DSD course and students were warned to take this into consideration when communicating with each other.


Ovaj problem je uočen na početku provođenja kolegija i studenti su upozoreni da navedeno uzmu u obzir pri komunikaciji.


In order to successfully finish the project, students very soon realized the importance of understanding.


Kako bi uspješno završili projekt, studenti su ubrzo shvatili važnost razumijevanja dogovora.


At the very beginning all students had to give their own evaluation of their capabilities to their project leader.


Na samom početku svi studenti su morali dati svoju vlastitu procjenu svojih sposobnosti njihovom vođi projekta.


That evaluation had to be realistic since the success of the complete project depended on it.


Ta je procjena morala biti realistična jer je o njoj ovisio uspjeh cijelog projekta.


Students have a lot of difficulties to acknowledge their weaknesses especially when they are in an environment that is unknown to them.


Studenti imaju mnogo problema u priznavanju vlastitih slabosti, pogotovo kada su u okruženju koje im je nepoznato.


Additional problem arose when they didn’t know what kind of knowledge is expected.


Dodatni problem je nastao jer nisu znali kakvo znanje se od njih očekuje.


In development of software products, students didn’t know what technologies were covered in the curriculum in the other country and were very worried whether they would be able to do all that was expected from them.


U razvoju softverskih proizvoda, studenti nisu znali koje tehnologije spadaju u dio nastavnog programa u drugoj zemlji i bili su zabrinuti hoće li uopće biti sposobni napraviti ono što se od njih očekuje.


The teams in which all members knew all team weaknesses, but also its strengths, achieved much better results, since they tried to adapt the project that was given to them to their abilities.


U timovima u kojima su svi članovi znali sve slabosti, ali i jake strane tima, postignuti su puno bolji rezultati jer su timovi pokušali prilagoditi zadani projekt svojim sposobnostima.


Teams which didn't built enough trust experienced a lot of problems even at the very beginning of the project.


Timovi koji nisu izgradili dovoljno povjerenje imali su mnogo problema čak i na samom početku projekta.


Due to the cultural differences students had a hard time distinguishing other student’s cultural differences from their weaknesses, which is a big problem in building trust.


Zbog kulturoloških razlika studenti su teško razlikovali kulturološke razlike drugih studenata od njihovih slabosti, što je bio veliki problem u izgradnji povjerenja.


One way of establishing trust is to introduce discipline in the communication.


Jedan od načina na koji se uspostavlja povjerenje je uvođenje discipline u komunikaciji.


Another way is to request regular progress report from all teams.


Drugi način je tražiti redovita izvješća o napretku od svih timova.


These requests force students to give real estimation of their own capabilities to the other students, which builds trust.


Ovi zahtjevi primoraju studenta da daju stvarne procjene svojih vlastitih sposobnosti drugim studentima, što gradi povjerenje.


In order to ensure success of the project it is important to define all milestones at the beginning of the project and the expected results for each of them.


Kako bi se osigurao uspjeh projekta potrebno je definirati sve rokove na početku projekta i očekivati rezultate za svaki od njih.


It is also important to clearly define all vaguely defined areas of the project and responsibilities of each team member.


Isto tako je važno jasno definirati sva nejasna područja projekta i odgovornosti svakog člana tima.


Teams that have managed to follow these rules achieved much higher success than those where the role of each member was not precisely defined or some parts of the project remained unclear.


Timovi koji su se uspjeli pridržavati ovih pravila su postigli mnogo bolji uspjeh od onih gdje uloga pojedinog člana nije bila precizno definirana ili je neki dio projekta ostao nejasan.


Another "cultural" difference, this time institutional, concerned the ECTS points.


Još jedna “kulturološka” razlika, ovaj put institucionalna, odnosi se na ECTS bodove.


Students who enrolled into the DSD course in Croatia (last semester, the count was 19) were enabled by the Swedish partner to officially enroll to the Mälardalen University (MdH).


Studentima koji su upisali kolegij u Hrvatskoj (zadnji semestar ih je bilo 19) je od švedskog partnera bilo omogućeno da se službeno upišu na Sveučilište Mälardalen.


They were given 7.5 ECTS points for participating in the DSD course.


Švedski studenti koji su se upisali na Sveučilište Mälardalen su isto tako dobili 7.5 ECTS bodova.


Croatian students who enrolled in MdH were also credited with 7.5 ECTS. However, Croatian students who took part in the course got only 4 ECTS points for the same course from the Croatian side (FER), which was quite confusing and non-stimulating.


Međutim, hrvatski studenti koji su sudjelovali u kolegiju su dobili samo 4 ECTS boda za isti kolegij od hrvatske strane (FER), što je djelovalo zbunjujuće i nestimulativno.


The Bologna process will have to mature in Croatia before such obvious injustices are properly addressed.


Bolonjski proces u Hrvatskoj će trebati sazrijeti prije negoli takve očite nepravde budu pravilno ispravljene.


In August, the small renaissance town of Pag plays host to the Festival of Classical Music organized and managed by our world-famous pianist Lovro Pogorelić.


Renesansni gradić Pag tijekom kolovoza domaćin je Festivala ozbiljne glazbe pod ravnateljskom palicom našega pijanista svjetske reputacije Lovre Pogorelića.


Guided by the idea of enriching and ennobling both the lives of the locals and the holiday time of their guests by quality programs, Pogorelić launched the Festival that now brings top musicians to Pag.


Naime, vođen idejom da se što kvalitetnijim sadržajem obogati i oplemeni život građana i odmor njihovih gostiju, Pogorelić je pokrenuo Festival kojim u Pag dovodi vrhunske glazbenike pa će tako i ove godine paškim posjetiteljima prirediti slično iskustvo.


This year will be no different, already announced is the arrival of the Julliard Quartet from the United States, the cellist Kajana Pačko, the Brahms Trio from Moscow, and the Capella Istropolitana Ensemble.


Već sada najavljuje gostovanja Julliarda Quarteta iz Sjedinjenih američkih država, violončelistice Kajane Pačko, moskovskog Brahms trija i ansambla Capella Istropolitana.


Here are some tips on how to improve these habits and restore much needed energy to the body.


Evo nekoliko savjeta kako ih poboljšati i vratiti tijelu toliko potrebnu energiju.


Follow this advice because breakfast really is the most important meal of the day which supplies basic energy to our body and helps the metabolism function better.


Pridržavajte se ovog savjeta jer je doručak zaista najvažniji obrok u danu, koji opskrbljuje naše tijelo temeljnom energijom i pomaže boljem funkcioniranju metabolizma.


You will not go wrong if you choose one of Dukat dairy products, such as fresh milk or UHT milk with 2.8% milk fat or b.Aktiv LGG and oat flakes to start your day with.


Nećete pogriješiti ako za početak dana odaberete neki od Dukat mliječnih proizvoda poput svježeg mlijeka ili trajnog mlijeka sa 2,8% mliječne masti ili b.Aktiva LGG i zobenih pahuljica.


Three small meals and two snacks per day help stabilize blood sugar levels.


Tri manja obroka i dva međuobroka dnevno pomažu stabiliziranju razine šećera u krvi.


When planning meals, it is very important to take care of the proper combination of carbohydrates, proteins and healthy fats, found in fish, nuts and olives.


Pri planiranju obroka vrlo je važno voditi računa o pravilnoj kombinaciji ugljikohidrata, bjelančevina i zdravih masnoća, koje se nalaze u ribi, orašastim plodovima i maslinama.


Here are some ideas for a delicious and healthy meal: Dukat Drinkable yoghurt with 0.5% milk fat or ab kultura with cereals, soured cream and farmer's cheese with wholemeal rolls or wholemeal crackers, richly topped with a delicious Dukatela with tuna.


Evo nekoliko ideja za ukusan i zdrav obrok: Dukat tekući jogurt sa 0,5% mliječne masti ili ab kultura sa žitaricama, sir i vrhnje s integralnim pecivom ili pak integralni krekeri obilato premazani ukusnom Dukatelom s tunom.


Fibres should become a mandatory part of your daily diet because the food rich in fibre is low in fat, has a low energy value and makes you feel satiated faster.


Vlakna bi trebala postati obvezan dio vaše svakodnevne prehrane jer je hrana bogata vlaknima siromašna masnoćama, niske je energetske vrijednosti te daje brži osjećaj sitosti.


Also, fibres reduce blood cholesterol levels and stimulate peristalsis of the bowel.


Također, vlakna snižavaju razinu kolesterola i potiču peristaltiku crijeva.


When you are in a hurry and have no time to prepare a meal, reach for a fruity SenSia, your source of fibres and probiotic culture Bifidus Naturalis, to have a functional and refreshing meal.


Kad ste u žurbi i nemate vremena za pripremanje obroka, posegnite za voćnom SenSiom, vašim izvorom vlakana i probiotičke kulture Bifidus Naturalis te si osigurajte funkcionalan i osvježavajući obrok.


If your body is dehydrated, you will lose energy easily and feel tired.


Ako vam je tijelo dehidrirano, lako ćete ostati bez energije i osjećati se umorno.


It is therefore necessary to provide your organism with a sufficient amount of liquids and food which is naturally rich in water.


Zbog toga je potrebno osigurati organizmu dovoljne količine tekućine, kao i hranu prirodno bogatu vodom.


Let a glass of milk or chocolate milk become your delicious and healthy daily habit.


Neka vam čaša mlijeka ili pak čokoladnog mlijeka postane ukusna i zdrava svakodnevna navika.


Regular walking for 30 minutes a day has been proven to reduce the risk factors and contribute to the overall health.


Redovito hodanje od 30 min dnevno dokazano smanjuje rizične čimbenike te pridonosi cjelokupnom zdravlju tijela.


It reduces the risk of many diseases and disorders, such as diabetes (type 2), cardiovascular diseases and depression.


Ono smanjuje rizik od nastanka mnogih bolesti i poremećaja poput šećerne bolesti (tip 2), bolesti srca i krvnih žila te depresije.


In addition, it increases the mineral density of bones and extends our lifespan.


Osim toga, povećava mineralnu gustoću kostiju i produljuje naš životni vijek.


Make sure to make these 5 steps a part of your daily routine and you will feel better than ever!


Potrudite se da ovih 5 koraka postane dio vaše svakodnevnice i osjećati ćete se bolje no ikad!


Grohote is the oldest and largest village on the island of Šolta.


Grohote su najstarije i najveće mjesto na otoku Šolti.


It is located in the middle of the island, on the north-eastern edge of the Sridnje polje and is the natural and business centre.


Nalaze se na sredini otoka, na sjeveroistočnom rubu Sridnjeg polja prirodno su i gospodarsko središte.


Grohote is famous for its naïve painters (Eugen Buktenica, Dinko Sule, Marin Kalajzić).


U Grohotama su rođeni slikari naivne umjetnosti Eugen Buktenica, Dinko Sule i Marin Kalajzić.


The inhabitants of Grohote work in agriculture, maritime affairs and up until recently, with the production of Šolta’s lime.


Stanovništvo u Grohotama se bavi poljodjelstvom, pomorstvom, a donedavno i proizvodnjom šoltanskog vapna.


Colentum Hotel is located in the pinewood right next to the sand beach in the cove of Slanica on the island of Murter with a beautiful view of the entire Kornati archipelago.


Hotel Colentum nalazi se u borovoj šumi uz samu pješčanu plažu u uvali Slanica na otoku Murteru sa prelijepim pogledom na cijelo Kornatsko otočje.


On the island of Murter there are four developed towns including Murter and Jezera, which are the older ones.


Na otoku Murteru nalaze se četiri razvijena naselja od kojih su Murter i Jezera starija.


Murter is one of the 190 islands of the Šibenik Riviera and a bridge connects it with land in the town of Tisno .


Murter je jedan od 190 otoka šibenske rivijere i mostom je spojen s kopnom u mjestu Tisno.


The town of Murter was founded on the ruins of the ancient town of Colentum .


Mjesto Murter nastalo je na ruševinama antičkoga Colentuma.


In addition to traditional activities, such as farming, carpentry, and fishing today the inhabitants of Murter work in tourist and catering industry and in small businesses.


Osim tradicionalnih djelatnosti, poljoprivrede, stočarstva i ribarstva danas se stanovnici otoka Murtera bave turističkim i ugostiteljskim djelatnostima i malom privredom.


Guests can choose from 200 beds and 78 rooms.


Gostima je na raspolaganju 200 kreveta u 78 soba.


Each room has a balcony, air-condition, TV, telephone, minibar and bathroom.


Svaka soba ima balkon, klimatizaciju, TV, telefon, mini-bar, kupaonicu.


There is a beautiful beach in the close vicinity and next to the hotel there is an archaeological site with the ruins of the old Roman town after which the hotel was named.


U neposrednoj blzini vrlo je atraktivna plaža, a u samoj blizini hotela nalaze se arheološki ostaci starorimskog naselja po kojima je hotel dobio ime.


Guests of the hotel have at their disposal a leisure centre Slanica, which offers many sports programs for relaxation and leisure.


Gostima hotela na raspolaganju je rekreacijski centar Slanica sa mnoštvom sportskih sadržaja za odmor i rekreaciju.


All kinds of vessels can be rented, ranging from boats to sail boards.


Iznajmljuju se sve vrste plovila, od brodica do dasaka za jedenje na vodi.


The guests that enjoy serenity and fishing can find relaxation and quiet environment in fisher's houses on the islands of Kornati.


Ljubitelji tišine i sportskog ribolova nalaze odmor i mir na Kornatima , u ribarskim kućama.


Specialized restaurants offer gastronomic specialties.


Specijalizirani restorani gostionice nude gastronomske spacijalitete.


Branko Radosevic, the former CEO of gas company Plinacro and a candidate to be the new Government representative on the board of oil company INA, is the first in a series of managers in major Croatian state-owned firms that could face a concrete indictment in the case of the illegal favouring of the Fimi-media marketing company.


Branko Radošević, bivši predsjednik uprave Plinacra i kandidat za novog predstavnika hrvatske vlade u upravi Ine, prvi je u nizu menadžera velikih hrvatskih javnih poduzeća koji bi mogao biti suočen s konkretnom optužnicom u slučaju nelegalnog pogodovanja marketinškoj tvrtki Fimi-media.


Nacional has gained insight into documents that prove that it was in fact Radosevic that was the creator of the illegal business practice based on which Plinacro paid the marketing company owned by Nevenka Jurak, a close friend of Customs Administration director Mladen Barisic, about 6.3 million kuna for various marketing and PR jobs agreed upon in direct deals.


Nacional ima uvid u dokument koji dokazuje kako je upravo Radošević bio kreator protuzakonite poslovne prakse na temelju koje je Plinacro toj tvrtki, u vlasništvu Nevenke Jurak, bliske prijateljice ravnatelja carine Mladena Barišića, od 2006. do 2009. za razne marketinške i PR poslove dogovorene izravnom pogodbom isplatio oko 6,3 milijuna kuna.


The document in question is a regulation on trade secrets, which Radosevic approved in March of 2006, just a few months after being named to the top post in the company.


Riječ je o Pravilniku o poslovnoj tajni, dokumentu koji je Radošević odobrio u ožujku 2006., tek nekoliko mjeseci nakon što je imenovan na čelnu poziciju u kompaniji.


Based on these regulations all company marketing activities and business communication with the general public were declared trade secrets.


Na temelju tog pravilnika sve marketinške aktivnosti i poslovi komuniciranja s javnošću u kompaniji proglašeni su poslovnom tajnom.


This was the key prerequisite to avoid the provisions of the Public Procurement Act in effect at the time, based on which invitations for tenders were not obligatory for the procurement of goods and services that are considered trade secrets.


Na taj način stvoren je ključan uvjet da se izbjegnu odredbe tada važećeg Zakona o javnoj nabavi, na temelju kojeg raspisivanje javnog natječaja nije bilo obvezno za nabavu roba i usluga koje se smatraju poslovnom tajnom.


However, Nacional's source at the State Attorney's Office feels that there is no rational explanation why this status would be given to market communication affairs, and that the regulation is the key evidence in the investigation into illegal operations in Plinacro. "Not a single one of all the companies that did business with Fimi-media did it like Plinacro did.


Ipak, Nacionalov izvor iz DORH-a smatra da nema ni jednog racionalnog objašnjenja zašto bi takav status bio dodijeljen poslovima tržišnog komuniciranja, te da je taj pravilnik ključni dokaz u istrazi o nelegalnom poslovanju u Plinacru: “Ni jedna tvrtka od svih koje su poslovale s Fimi-medijom nije to radila na način kao Plinacro.


Fimi-media won most of its contracts through tenders, either public or invitational, where the terms of the tender were set to suit her profile.


Većinu svojih poslova Fimi-media dobila je putem natječaja, bilo javnih ili pozivnih, gdje su se uvjeti natječaja prilagođavali njoj.


Only Plinacro did it by declaring everything a trade secret and closing direct deals.


Samo je Plinacro to napravio tako da je sve proglasio poslovnom tajnom i sklapao izravne pogodbe.


This way of doing business went on for three years, and every new contract was concluded on the basis of an official decision by the board of directors, and there is sure to be an investigation into the roles of the other members of the board of directors, and of the supervisory board, which did nothing to prevent this practice, even though it should have." From this statement from Nacional's source it can be concluded that the investigation could also look into former Plinacro board member Dragica Krpan, Foreign Ministry spokesman and the former head of the Plinacro public relations office Mario Dragun, and even into the members of the company's supervisory board, which includes Environmental Protection, Spatial Planning and Construction Minister Marina Matulovic-Dropulic and the future Justice Minister Drazen Bosnjakovic.


Takva poslovna praksa trajala je tri godine, a svaki ugovor sklopljen je na temelju službene odluke uprave, pa će se sigurno istražiti i uloga ostalih članova uprave, kao i nadzornog odbora, koji takvu praksu nije spriječio, što je bio dužan učiniti.” Iz te izjave Nacionalova sugovornika može se zaključiti kako bi istragom mogla biti obuhvaćena i bivša članica uprave Plinacra Dragica Krpan, glasnogovornik Ministarstva vanjskih poslova i bivši predstojnik Ureda za odnose s javnošću Plinacra Mario Dragun, pa i članovi nadzornog odbora kompanije među kojima su i ministrica zaštite okoliša, prostornog uređenja i graditeljstva Marina Matulović-Dropulić te budući ministar pravosuđa Dražen Bošnjaković.


And so the investigation into Plinacro could prove to be a key step in the war on yet another tentacle of the corruption octopus that functioned in recent years at large state-owned companies, that is to say in shedding light on the roles played by high-ranking Government officials in the illicit activities that took place in these companies.


Na taj način istraga u Plinacru mogla bi se pokazati ključnim korakom u borbi protiv još jednog kraka korupcijske hobotnice koja je posljednjih godina funkcionirala u velikim državnim poduzećima, odnosno rasvjetljavanja uloge visokih Vladinih dužnosnika u nelegalnostima koje su se u tim poduzećima događale.


Plinacro started working with Fimi-media in 2006, just after Radosevic replaced Darko Karacic, who had resigned, at the top post in the company.


Plinacro je s Fimi-medijom počeo surađivati 2006., neposredno nakon što je Radošević na čelnom mjestu zamijenio Darka Karačića, koji je podnio ostavku.


Up to then Radosevic had been a member of the company's board of directors, and although he was considered a capable professional, his arrival at the helm of Plinacro was seen as the result of his friendship with Drazen Bosnjakovic, an influential HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union) Member of Parliament from Ivanic Grad and a member of the supervisory board.


Radošević je dotada bio član uprave tvrtke, a premda su ga smatrali kvalitetnim stručnjakom, njegov dolazak na čelo Plinacra protumačen je kao posljedica prijateljstva s Draženom Bošnjakovićem, utjecajnim HDZ-ovim saborskim zastupnikom iz Ivanić Grada i članom nadzornog odbora.


Appointed to the two-member Plinacro board along with Radosevic was Dragica Krpan, a long-time close associate of Marina Matulovic-Dropulic's.


Uz Radoševića u dvočlanu upravu Plinacra imenovana je Dragica Krpan, dugogodišnja bliska suradnica Marine Matulović-Dropulić.


Dragica Krpan was secretary to the municipal government when Marina Matulovic-Dropulic served as Mayor of Zagreb.


Dragica Krpan bila je tajnica Poglavarstva dok je Marina Matulović-Dropulić bila gradonačelnica Zagreba.


When Milan Bandic came into the office she was promoted to the head of the office for ownership rights affairs, and there has been speculation in the press that she also did favours for then Prime Minister Ivo Sanader himself and that she enjoyed his support as a result.


U doba Milana Bandića bila je unaprijeđena na položaj pročelnice Ureda za imovinskopravne poslove, a u medijima se spekuliralo i o tome kako je tada činila usluge i samom premijeru Ivi Sanaderu te da je zbog toga uživala njegovu podršku.


Radosevic and Dragica Krpan were appointed to their new posts on 26 November 2005, and the regulation on trade secrets was adopted on 13 March 2006.


Radošević i Dragica Krpan na novu dužnost imenovani su 26. studenoga 2005., a 13. ožujka 2006. donesen je Pravilnik o poslovnoj tajni.


The head of Plinacro's legal affairs department Vesna Matic drafted the document, but its drafting and content were monitored and approved by Radosevic himself.


Taj dokument izradila je Plinacrova pravnica Vesna Matić, no njegovu izradu i sadržaj kontrolirao je i odobrio sam Radošević.


The regulations are considered a customary business document, the kind every large firm has that sets the rules of procedure concerning information that is considered key to its operations, to prevent the competition from acquiring it.


Takav pravilnik smatra se uobičajenim poslovnim dokumentom koji ima svaka veća kompanija i kojim određuje pravila postupanja s informacijama koje smatra ključnima za svoje poslovanje, kako ih se ne bi domogla konkurencija.


With Plinacro the need is even more emphasised, as the company is the operator of the national gas distribution system, and some of the technical characteristics of the gas pipelines it administers can be considered national secrets.


Kod Plinacra ta je potreba još izraženija, jer je kompanija koja je operater nacionalnog sustava za distribuciju plina, pa se određene tehničke karakteristike plinovoda kojima upravlja mogu smatrati i državnom tajnom.


It is also understandable that the company wants to protect its investment plans, data on financial affairs, employee wages or future gas pipeline routes to prevent possible real estate speculation, but it is quite unclear why publishing data on the plans and implementation of market communication could be damaging to the business interests of Plinacro, as the regulation reads.


Također je razumljivo da kompanija želi zaštititi svoje investicijske planove, podatke o financijskom poslovanju i plaćama zaposlenika ili buduće rute plinovoda kako bi spriječila moguće spekulacije sa zemljištima, ali potpuno je nejasno zašto bi objavljivanje podataka o planovima i provedbi tržišnog komuniciranja izazvalo štetu za gospodarske interese Plinacra, kako se tvrdi u pravilniku.


But, declaring marketing activities a trade secret created the key legal prerequisite to strike these kinds of deals without a public tender, and to work entirely through negotiated procedure.


Ipak, proglašavanjem marketinških aktivnosti poslovnom tajnom stvoren je ključni zakonski uvjet da se takvi poslovi dogovaraju bez javnog natječaja, isključivo izravnom pogodbom.


Article 6 of the old Public Procurement Act, in force through to the end of 2007, stated that its provisions were not applicable to procurements "designated as state, military, or official secrets." That is exactly why USKOK (The Bureau for the Prevention of Corruption and Organized Crime) investigators believe that the only reason for Radosevic to adopt the new regulations were to find a way around public procurement legislation, especially considering that it was the year in which Plinacro started doing business with Fimi-media.


Člankom 6. starog Zakona o javnoj nabavi, koji je bio na snazi do kraja 2007., uređeno je da se njegove odredbe ne primjenjuju na nabavu “s oznakom državne, vojne ili službene tajne”. Upravo zato USKOK-ovi istražitelji vjeruju da je jedini razlog zašto je Radošević donio novi pravilnik bio taj da omogući zaobilaženje Zakona o javnoj nabavi, osobito s obzirom na to da je te godine Plinacro počeo poslovati s Fimi-medijom.


Over the following years the company paid Fimi-media 6.3 million kuna for various services, and what is interesting is that a part of these services were carried out on the basis of requisitions made by Mario Dragun, then the head of the public relations office at Plinacro.


Sljedećih godina kompanija je Fimi-mediji isplatila 6,3 milijuna kuna za razne usluge, a zanimljivo je da je dio tih usluga obavljen na temelju narudžbi koje je dogovarao Mario Dragun, tadašnji predstojnik Ureda za odnose s javnošću u Plinacru.


He conducted the day-to-day cooperation with Fimi-media, and investigators feel that he could bear witness to the circumstances of that collaboration.


On je u praksi provodio suradnju s Fimi-medijom, pa istražitelji smatraju da bi mogao posvjedočiti o okolnostima te suradnje.


USKOK wants to find out if Dragun was under pressure from the board to do business with the marketing company, or whether he did so on his own initiative.


USKOK želi doznati je li Dragun bio pod pritiskom uprave da provodi određene poslove s tom tvrtkom ili je to činio samoinicijativno.


Dragun left Plinacro in January of 2008 after being appointed to the post of spokesman at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.


Dragun je Plinacro napustio u siječnju 2008. nakon što je imenovan glasnogovornikom Ministarstva vanjskih poslova.


Sources at the Ministry said at the time that he had gotten the job at the recommendation of Bianca Matkovic, who had been appointed State Secretary for political issues at the Ministry.


Izvori u Ministarstvu tada su tvrdili da je Dragun posao dobio po preporuci Biance Matković, koja je nedugo prije toga imenovana državnom tajnicom za politička pitanja u Ministarstvu.


Dragun's testimony could prove to be disastrous for Radosevic and Dragica Krpan.


Dragunovo svjedočenje moglo bi se pokazati pogubnim za Radoševića i Dragicu Krpan.


The two are anyways, as the members of the board, legally responsible for the contracts with Fimi-media, and their situation could be even worse if Dragun testifies that the initiatives for cooperation with the marketing company came from the Plinacro board.


Njih dvoje ionako su, kao članovi uprave, pravno odgovorni za ugovore s Fimi-medijom, a njihova situacija mogla bi se dodatno pogoršati ako Dragun posvjedoči da su incijative za suradnju s tom tvrtkom dolazile iz uprave.


In that case all of the conditions necessary to launch criminal proceedings for abuse of official duties and authorities will be present.


U tom slučaju postojat će sve potrebne okolnosti za pokretanje kaznenog postupka zbog zlouporabe službene dužnosti i ovlasti.


But USKOK investigators feel that the former members of the Plinacro board did not themselves conceive the transaction, and that this kind of embezzlement could not have been carried out without the support of state officials of the highest rank.


Ipak, USKOK-ovi istražitelji smatraju da bivši članovi uprave Plinacra nisu sami osmislili tu transakciju, te da se takve pronevjere nisu mogle provoditi bez podrške osoba iz najužeg državnog vrha.


That could see Marina Matulovic-Dropulic and Drazen Bosnjakovic under investigation that, as members of the supervisory board, had to have known of the contentious regulation of trade secrets adopted by Radosevic, and of the intensive collaboration between Plinacro and Fimi-media.


Tada bi se na udaru istrage mogli naći Marina Matulović-Dropulić i Dražen Bošnjaković, kojima je kao članovima nadzornog odbora morao biti poznat sporni pravilnik o poslovnoj tajni koji je donio Radošević, kao i intenzivna poslovna suradnja Plinacra i Fimimedije.


The investigation could prove particularly embarrassing for Bosnjakovic, who is soon to be appointed Minister of Justice.


Ta istraga mogla bi se pokazati posebno neugodnom za Bošnjakovića, koji bi uskoro i službeno trebao biti imenovan ministrom pravosuđa.


He has in the past served on the supervisory board of HEP, and was appointed to the Government commission assigned to draft a shareholder's agreement for INA, and it is expected that he will have to testify in the investigations into alleged violations of the law in these companies.


On je u prošlosti bio član nadzornog odbora HEP-a, te je bio imenovan u Vladino povjerenstvo za sklapanje dioničarskog ugovora o Ini, pa se očekuje da će morati svjedočiti u istragama o navodnim nelegalnostima u tim poduzećima.


It is to be expected now that he will also testify about the events in Plinacro, and it is now an open question as to whether Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor will persevere in her decision to appoint a man to the post of Justice Minister that is appearing as a witness in the three major corruption scandals currently rocking Croatia.


Sada valja očekivati da će svjedočiti i o događanjima u Plinacru, pa je pitanje hoće li premijerka Jadranka Kosor ustrajati u odluci da za ministra pravosuđa imenuje čovjeka koji se pojavljuje kao svjedok u tri velike korupcijske afere koje trenutačno pogađaju Hrvatsku.


On the other hand, it is certain that Marina Matulovic-Dropulic's long-time role at Plinacro will be re-examined.


S druge strane, izvjesno je da će biti preispitana i dugogodišnja uloga Marine Matulović-Dropulić u Plinacru.


The Minister of Environmental Protection, Spatial Planning and Construction has for years been considered the chief political controller of the company's operations, especially since, besides being the president of the supervisory board, she is the sole member of the company's general assembly.


Ministricu zaštite okoliša, prostornog uređenja i graditeljstva već godinama smatraju glavnim političkim kontrolorom poslovanja te tvrtke, pogotovo stoga što je, osim što je predsjednica nadzornog odbora, ona i jedini član skupštine poduzeća.


Sources in the company have insisted in the past on several occasions that her influence on the company's operations is massive, that is exceeds the customary authorities of the head of a supervisory board several times over.


Izvori unutar kompanije u prošlosti su više puta tvrdili da je njezin utjecaj na poslovanje tvrtke golem, da višestruko premašuje uobičajene ovlasti čelnika nadzornog odbora.


An example of this was the purchase of the Okoli gas storage facility, for which Plinacro paid INA 514 million kuna.


Primjer za to bila je kupnja plinskog skladišta Okoli, koje je Plinacro Ini platio 514 milijuna kuna.


At the time some experts felt that the price was too high, saying that it was not logical that so much be paid for a facility whose book value in the first phase of the INA privatisation was 11 times lower, at just 47 million kuna, especially considering that the key part of the storage facility is an oil well that belongs to the state anyways, for which INA held only a concession.


Tu cijenu tada su pojedini stručnjaci ocijenili kao previsoku, tvrdeći kako je nelogično da se toliko plaća za objekt čija je knjigovodstvena vrijednost u prvoj fazi privatizacije Ine bila 11 puta manja i iznosila tek 47 milijuna kuna, naročito s obzirom na to da je ključni dio skladišta naftna bušotina koja ionako pripada državi, a za koju je Ina imala samo koncesiju.


In Government they played down the allegations saying that the price was the result of an appraisal by well known global consultancy company PricewaterhouseCoopers, but it is a less known fact that due diligence at Okoli was carried out by Plinacro experts, who estimated the value of the storage facility at between 260 and 300 million kuna.


U Vladi su se od tih optužbi branili da je cijena posljedica procjene poznate svjetske konzultantske tvrtke PricewaterhouseCoopers, no manje je poznato da su due dilligence Okolija obavili i stručnjaci Plinacra te procijenili da vrijednost skladišta iznosi između 260 i 300 milijuna kuna.


In the end Government, at the proposal of Marina Matulovic-Dropulic, accepted the higher appraisal, with a provision that Plinacro would, in the event of a shortage of funds, pay only 300 million, while Government would foot the bill for the rest.


Na kraju je Vlada, na prijedlog Marine Matulović-Dropulić, prihvatila višu procjenu, uz odredbu da će Plinacro u slučaju nedostatka novca platiti tek 300 milijuna dok bi ostatak podmirila Vlada.


In the end the entire sum was settled by Plinacro using funds from a loan drawn from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.


Na kraju je cijeli iznos ipak podmirio Plinacro novcem iz kredita Europske banke za obnovu i razvoj.


Soon afterwards the storage facility was made a separate company, PSP Okoli, and Dragica Krpan was appointed to its helm.


Ubrzo nakon toga skladište je izdvojeno u zasebnu tvrtku PSP Okoli, a na njezino čelo imenovana je Dragica Krpan.


That was midway through last year, after Radosevic was moved from the post of CEO.


Dogodilo se to sredinom prošle godine, nakon što je s položaja predsjednika uprave maknut Radošević.


His dismissal was official explained by Government as the result of dissatisfaction in the implementation of the introduction of a natural gas distribution system in Dalmatia, while off the record it was learned that Radosevic was sacked because of a falling out with Deputy Prime Minister Damir Polancec.


Njegovu smjenu Vlada je službeno obrazložila nezadovoljstvom u provedbi projekta plinofikacije Dalmacije, a neslužbeno se moglo doznati da je Radošević smijenjen zbog sukoba s potpredsjednikom Vlade Damirom Polančecom.


And while it had been announced at the time that the other members of the board would be dismissed along with Radosevic, that did not happen.


Iako se tada najavljivalo da će zajedno s Radoševićem biti smijenjeni i ostali članovi uprave, to se nije dogodilo.


Dragica Krpan was simply transferred to the new company, and the feeling is that Marina Matulovic-Dropulic in fact played the key role in this.


Dragica Krpan samo je prebačena u novu tvrtku, a smatra se da je ključnu ulogu u tome odigrala upravo Marina Matulović-Dropulić.


What is more, the feeling is that the Minister was key in selecting the other members of the board, Jerko Jelic Balta, Dabisa Bucanac and Damir Pogorevc, and that she now has complete control over Plinacro operations.


Dapače, smatra se da je ministrica bila i ključni kadrovik pri imenovanju ostalih članova uprave, Jerka Jelića Balte, Dabiše Bučanca i Damira Pogorevca, te da sada potpuno kontrolira poslovanje Plinacra.


Proof of this is her recent order to end collaboration with a detective agency that Plinacro paid 700 thousand kuna a year for various security jobs, as reported by the Jutarnji list daily.


Dokaz toga je i to što je nedavno naložila prekid suradnje s detektivskom agencijom kojoj je Plinacro plaćao 700 tisuća kuna godišnje za razne poslove zaštite, što je objavio Jutarnji list.


That is why the question that now arises is why the Minister did not do the same in the case of the controversial contracts with Fimi-media, especially since there were evident transgressions in the company's operations and skirting of the law, which the Minister, given her position, is obliged to uphold.


Zato se sad postavlja pitanje zašto ministrica nije učinila isto u slučaju spornih ugovora s Fimi-medijom, pogotovo stoga što se radilo o očitim zlouporabama u poslovanju i izbjegavanju zakonskih odredbi, koje je ministrica s obzirom na svoj položaj dužna štititi.


Avangard No9 Jazz Edition is characterized by a new, improved flavor and new brown color of the filter.


Avangard No9 Jazz Edition odlikuje se novim, poboljšanim okusom te novom smeđom bojom filtera.


Avangard No9 Jazz Edition still contains a special combination of finest tobacco in the world, found only in rare, most prestigious global brands.


Avangard No9 Jazz Edition i nadalje posjeduje specijalnu kombinaciju vrhunskih svjetskih duhana kojom se mogu pohvaliti samo rijetke, najprestižnije svjetske marke.


The original American tobacco mix from Kentucky and North Carolina contributes to an ideal intensity and fullness of flavor, and together with the natural aroma affords an impeccable experience of pleasure.


Originalna američka mješavina duhana s područja Kentuckyja i Sjeverne Karoline pridonosi idealnoj snazi i punoći okusa, koja uz prirodnu aromu, pruža besprijekoran užitak.


All the researches conducted were the first of their kind in Croatia, data were often cited by the media, experts, institutions and associations and the conclusions to which we have come were used to create educational and prevention programs and campaigns.


Sve su istraživanja su bila prva takve vrste u Hrvatskoj, podaci su često navođeni od strane medija, stručnjaka/inja, institucija i udruga a spoznaje do kojih smo došle korištene su u kreiranju edukativnih i preventivnih programa i kampanja.


Research conducted in collaboration with the World Health Organization in the 4 largest cities in Croatia included a category of gender in adolescent sexuality research for the first time.


Istraživanje provedeno u suradnji Svjetskom zdravstvenom organizacijom u 4 najveća grada u RH je po prvi puta uključilo kategoriju roda u istraživanje adolescentske seksualnosti.


About half of the respondents believe that the desires of young men in a sexual relationship are primarily oriented to the physical aspects of sexuality, while the perceptions of sexual desire of girls, respondents equally reported both physical and emotional priorities and the combination of emotional and physical aspects of sexual relations.


Oko polovice ispitanika/ica smatra da su želje mladića u seksualnoj vezi prvenstveno orijentirane na tjelesne aspekte seksualnosti, dok su u percepcijama seksualnih želja djevojka ispitanice/ici podjednako navodili I fizičke i emocionalne prioritete te kombinaciju osjećajnih i tjelesnih aspekata seksualne veze.


According to data from surveys conducted in 2004 and 2006 more than two thirds of adolescents said they had experienced that a person with whom they were in a relationship behaved violently, a little less than half of respondents in relationship behaved aggressively at least once towards the partner.


Više od dvije trećine mladih izjavilo je da je doživjelo da se osoba s kojom su u vezi prema njima nasilno ponašala, a nešto manje od polovice ispitanika/ca da je u vezi koristilo barem jedno agresivno ponašanje prema partneru/ici pokazuju podaci istraživanja provedenih 2004. i 2006. godine.


Results of research conducted in 2006 surveying 1,000 high school students from 42 cities in Croatia in order to better understand the needs and problems of youth and create better quality of education and prevention programs and campaigns, have been published in the research report "VIOLENCE DOES NOT PASS BY ITSELF."


Rezultati istraživanja provedenog 2006. godine na više od 1000 srednjoškolaca/ki iz 42 grada RH u svrhu boljeg razumijevanje potreba i problema mladih te kreiranje što kvalitetnijih edukacijsko–preventivnih programa i kampanja objavljeni su u izvještaj istraživanja "NASILJE NE PROLAZI SAMO OD SEBE".


CESI participates in the international project "Men and Gender Equality Policy" coordinated by Instituto Promundo from Brazil and the International Center for Research on Women from the United States, more than ten countries participate in this project.


CESI sudjeluje u međunarodnom projektu "Muškarci i politika rodne ravnopravnosti" koju koordiniraju Instituto Promundo iz Brazila i International Center for Research on Women iz SAD-a, a u njemu sudjeluje više od deset zemalja.


We conduct first research on masculinities in of Croatia that encompasses various aspects of life of men: from childhood, school, family, workplace, parenting, sexuality, health, quality of life, and violence to the attitude towards equality between men and women.


Provodimo prvo istraživanje o maskulinitetima u Republici Hrvatskoj koje obuhvaća različite aspekte života muškaraca: od djetinjstva, škole, obitelji, radnog mjesta, roditeljstva, seksualnosti, zdravlja, kvalitete života, i nasilja pa sve do odnosa prema ravnopravnosti između muškaraca i žena.


"The decision of SDP head Zoran Milanovic to call for the resignation of the Chief State Prosecutor Mladen Bajic, is one that is truly difficult to understand.


“Odluka šefa SDP-a Zorana Milanovića da zatraži ostavku glavnog državnog odvjetnika Mladena Bajića teško je razumljiva.


Namely, the State Prosecutors Office and USKOK are at the moment carrying out at least twenty large-scale investigations into allegations of corruption within the highest echelons of the state authority, Bajic's dismissal under these circumstances would appear to both the Croatian public, but also to international institutions, as a step backwards in this final confrontation with corruption that has obviously begun in recent months.


Naime, činjenica je da Državno odvjetništvo i Uskok u ovom trenutku vode barem dvadeset opsežnih istraga o korupciji u visokim krugovima državne vlasti, tako da bi Bajićeva smjena u takvoj situaciji u očima domaće javnosti, ali i međunarodnih institucija nedvojbeno bila protumačena kao korak nazad u konačnom raščišćavanju s korupcijom koje je posljednjih mjeseci očito počelo.


It is realistic to believe that even Milanovic is aware of this, which makes it unclear what he was trying to achieve with this attack on Bajic, unless the issue in question is an attempt to apply pressure to Bajic.


Može se vjerovati da je i sam Milanović toga svjestan, pa nije jasno što je s napadom na Bajića mislio postići, osim ako se ne radi o pokušaju pritiska na Bajića.


Namely, until now the scope of the corruption investigations had been solely on events that took place during the governance of the HDZ, but it has not been ruled out however that USKOK, in its investigation, will come to the conclusion that some tentacles of the so-called corruption-octopus, pertaining to individual cases such as the Hypo affair, will lead to respected members of the SDP. This, for political reasons, is definitely is not what the SDP needs right now, and could be the reason behind Milanovic's nervousness," said a Nacional source, well informed as to the situation in legal circles in the Croatian judiciary, commenting an interview given to the Jutarnji list daily last week by Zoran Milanovic, in which the head of the SDP called for the removal of Mladen Bajic from the post of Chief State Prosecutor, saying that he had been blocking corruption investigations for years.


Naime, dosad su korupcijske istrage zahvaćale samo događaje iz vladavine HDZ-a, ali nije isključeno da će Uskok kroz istragu doći i do spoznaja o tome da pojedini krakovi korupcijske hobotnice u nekim slučajevima, poput afere Hypo, završavaju i među uglednim članovima SDP-a. To u ovom trenutku SDPu, iz političkih razloga, definitivno ne odgovara i možda je to razlog Milanovićeve nervoze”, ispričao je za Nacional jedan dobar poznavatelj stanja u pravosudnim krugovima komentirajući prošlotjedni intervju Zorana Milanovića Jutarnjem listu u kojem je čelni čovjek SDP-a zatražio odlazak Mladena Bajića s pozicije glavnog državnog odvjetnika pod optužbom da je godinama kočio korupcijske istrage.


However, despite the fact that in that interview Milanovic asserted that corruptibility had been the primary trait of the HDZ's government over the past six years, information has been making its way to the public of late that would suggest that in some scandals, such as the one dealing with the Hypo bank and its business dealings in Croatia, the HDZ was not alone, with key roles also played by members of other Croatian political parties.


Ipak, iako je Milanović u tom intervjuu ustvrdio kako je koruptivnost bila glavna odlika HDZ-ove vladavine u proteklih šest godina, u posljednje vrijeme u javnosti su se pojavile informacije koje sugeriraju da su u pojedinim aferama, poput one vezane za poslovanje Hypo banke u Hrvatskoj, osim HDZa, značajnu ulogu odigrali i članovi ostalih hrvatskih političkih stranaka.


For months now a Hypo Alpe Adria Bank business report has been circulating among the domestic media. This 80 page document, which analyses in detail the Hypo Bank's operations in Croatia, describes the ties between the bank's leadership and numerous powerful figures from the highest level of Croatian political and social life, and the lucrative deals and enormous profits the bank made thanks to these connections.


Tako već mjesecima u domaćim medijskim krugovima cirkulira izvješće o poslovanju Hypo Alpe Adria banke, dokument u kojem se na 80 stranica detaljno analizira poslovanje Hypo banke u Hrvatskoj, opisuju veze čelništva te banke s brojnim moćnim osobama iz vrha hrvatskog političkog i društvenog života, te unosnim poslovima i golemim profitima koje je banka zahvaljujući tim vezama uspjela ostvariti.


And while the identity of the report's author and the person who requested it are unknown, its content and style of writing lead to the assumption that it is the work of someone from the intelligence community, and that it was put together in 2007, when the German Bayerische Landesbank assumed ownership of the Hypo Bank.


Iako su naručitelj i autor izvješća nepoznati, iz sadržaja i stila kojim je napisano može se pretpostaviti kako je ono djelo osoba iz obavještajnog miljea, te da je nastalo krajem 2007. godine, kad je vlasništvo nad Hypo bankom preuzela njemačka Bayerische Landesbank.


Certain segments of the report, that deal with the bank's long standing relationship with former Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, and the financing of business deals for Vladimir Zagorec and Ivic Pasalic, have already been published in the domestic media, however, a significant portion of the report deals with the relationship between the bank's leadership and high-ranking figures from within the Ivica Racan coalition government, such as the then Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs Slavko Linic, and the Istria County Prefect and then European Integration Minister Ivan Jakovcic.


Pojedini dijelovi tog izvješća, vezani za dugogodišnje veze Hypo banke s bivšim hrvatskim premijerom Ivom Sanaderom, te financiranje poslova Vladimira Zagorca i Ivića Pašalića, već su objavljeni u domaćim medijima, no značajan dio izvješća posvećen je i odnosima čelnika Hypo banke s visokopozicioniranim dužnosnicima koalicijske vlade Ivice Račana, kao što su tadašnji potpredsjednik Vlade za gospodarstvo Slavko Linić te istarski župan i tadašnji ministar europskih intergracija Ivan Jakovčić.


In the report it is asserted that they both, with the help of some other individuals, such as businessmen Walter Wolf and Milan Naperotic, as well as the then vice president of the Croatian Privatisation Fund Kresimir Starcevic, through illegal actions allowed the Hypo Bank to make exorbitant profits - hundreds of millions in euro.


U izvješću se tvrdi kako se njih dvojica, uz pomoć još nekih osoba, kao što su poduzetnici Walter Wolf i Milan Naperotić, te tadašnji potpredsjendik Hrvatskog fonda za privatizaciju Krešimir Starčević, u više poslova protuzakonitim djelovanjem Hypo banci omogućili zaradu od više stotina milijuna eura.


Specifically, from 2002 to 2003 during the reign of the Ivica Racan coalition government, the Hypo Bank acquired a number of very valuable pieces of real estate, and according to the assertions made in the report, the bank came into possession of the bulk of these pieces of real estate by buying cheap agricultural land that was later re-zoned into commercial or residential land, or by assuming ownership over failing companies situated on land in attractive locations.


Konkretno, Hypo banka je od 2000. do 2003., kad je na vlasti bila koalicijska vlada Ivice Račana, u Hrvatskoj stekla niz vrlo vrijednih nekretnina, a prema navodima u izvješću, većeg dijela tih nekretnina banka se domogla kupujući jeftino poljoprivredno zemljište koje je kasnije prenamijenjeno u građevinsko ili preuzimanjem posrnulih tvrtki smještenih na atraktivnim lokacijama.


According to the report, Hypo Bank had the support of representatives from both state and local units of government in both models, primarily on the basis of the good personal relations between the bank's top officials and Linic, Jakovcic and other people from the highest levels of state politics.


U oba modela, kako se tvrdi u izvješću, Hypo banka imala je podršku predstavnika državne i lokalne vlasti, uglavnom na temelju dobrih osobnih odnosa čelnika banke s Linićem, Jakovčićem i ostalim osobama iz vrha državne politike.


However, according to the information in the report, the bank carried out the majority of these deals through a middleman.


Ipak, prema informacijama iz izvješća, banka je većinu spomenutih poslova obavljala preko posrednika.


In a large number of cases this go-between was Austrian businessman Walter Wolf.


U golemom broju poslova taj posrednik je bio austrijski poduzetnik Walter Wolf.


In the 1990's Wolf was highly respected in Croatia because of his role in helping procure weapons for the Croatian armed forces during the Homeland war.


Wolf je devedestih godina u Hrvatskoj uživao značajan ugled zbog svoje pomoći u nabavi oružja za hrvatsku vojsku tijekom Domovinskog rata.


Wolf took advantage of that respect to impose himself as one of the key investors into the privatisation process in Croatia, and in only a short period had bought up a plethora of Croatian firms.


Taj ugled Wolf je iskoristio da se nametne kao jedan od glavnih ulagača u hrvatskom privatizacijskom procesu, a u kratkom razdoblju kupio je cijeli niz hrvatskih tvrtki.


In this manner, Wolf at one point owned the Karlovacka Bank, the Lamjana refitting shipyard on the island of Ugljan, the Karlovac footwear factory KIO, Maraska from Zadar, the Borik hotel company and Puris of Pazin.


Tako je Wolf u jednom trenutku bio vlasnik Karlovačke banke, remontnog brodogradilišta Lamjana na Ugljanu, Karlovačke industrije obuće (KIO), zadarske Maraske, hotelskog poduzeća Borik i pazinskog Purisa.


In the report it is asserted that in acquiring these companies, Wolf received considerable help from Linic, who from 2000 to 2003, on the basis of his position in government, served as the president of the steering committee for the Croatian Privatisation Fund, and who allegedly ensured a low price and favourable conditions of sale for the Austrian businessman.


U izvješću se tvrdi kako je Wolfu pri stjecanju vlasništva nad tim tvrtkama značajno pomogao Linić, koji je od 2000. do 2003. na temelju svoje pozicije u Vladi obnašao i dužnost predsjednika Upravnog vijeća Hrvatskog fonda za privatizaciju i koji je navodno austrijskom poduzetniku osigurao nisku cijenu i iznimno povoljne ugovorne uvjete.


No sanctions were outlined in those contracts, in the event that Wolf did not meet his contractual obligations and promises of further investment into the companies, and to maintain their basic product.


Tim ugovorima nije bila predviđena sankcija za Wolfa ako ne izvrši obećana ulaganja u tvrtke i održi osnovnu djelatnost tvrtke.


Wolf did not manage to achieve those conditions for any of the companies he bought, and given that he bought the companies through loans from the Hypo Bank, when the bank activated its mortgage rights it became the owner of the companies.


Wolf to nije uspio učiniti ni za jednu tvrtku koju je preuzeo, a kako je kupnju svih njih financirao kreditima Hypo banke, banka je aktiviranjem založnog prava postala njihov vlasnik.


In the report on the Hypo Bank's dealings in Croatia, it is asserted that this was a previously agreed upon plan, and that Wolf was in reality only a front for the bank which wanted to acquire these companies because of the attractive real estate each of them owned, with absolutely no intention of saving the companies or retaining their employees.


U izvješću o poslovanju Hypo banke tvrdi se kako je to bio dogovoren plan i kako je Wolf zapravo samo bio paravan za banku koja se htjela domoći tvrtki zbog njihovih atraktivnih nekretnina, bez ikakve namjere da ih spasi i zadrži zaposlene.


It is claimed that in this manner Wolf, for a mere 4 million euro, assumed ownership of KIO solely for its real estate, just as it was with the Lamjana shipyard, which he obtained for the price of one kuna through the direct personal assistance of Linic.


Tako se primjerice tvdi da je KIO Wolf preuzeo za 4 milijuna eura samo radi nekretnina, kao i brodogradilište u Lamjani koje je uz osobnu pomoć Linića dobio za 1 kunu.


Both companies ended up in the ownership of the Hypo Bank, with KIO's assets sold to pay off its outstanding debts, while the Lamjana shipyard was sold a few years later to the Jupiter Adria British investment fund.


Obje tvrtke završile su u vlasništvu Hypo banke, imovina KIO-a je rasprodana za namirenje dugova, a brodogradilište u Lamjani nakon nekoliko godina prodano je britanskom investicijskom fondu Jupiter Adria.


Cooperation between the Hypo Bank and Walter Wolf ended in 2004, when the bank activated its mortgage rights on the last of his companies in Croatia, Maraska in Zadar.


Suradnja Hypo banke i Waltera Wolfa završila je 2004., kad je banka aktivirala založno pravo nad posljednjom Wolfovom tvrtkom u Hrvatskoj, zadarskom Maraskom.


According to the claims in the report, Istrian businessman Milan Naperotic played a role similar to the one played by Wolf for the Hypo Bank in Croatia.


Posredničku ulogu kakvu je Wolf imao u poslovima Hypo banke u Hrvatskoj, prema navodima iz izvješća, imao je i istarski poduzetnik Milan Naperotić.


From 2000 to 2003 Naperotic allegedly bought huge swaths of agricultural land in Istria for the Hypo bank through companies registered in his name and in the names of his associates. These lands were then later, through the assistance of Istria County Prefect Ivan Jakovcic, and the leadership of the SDP, re-zoned into valuable commercial or residential land.


Naperotić je navodno za Hypo banku preko tvrtki registriranih na sebe i svoje suradnike od 2000. do 2003. na području Istre kupio goleme količine poljoprivrednog zemljišta koje će kasnije uz pomoć istarskog župana Ivana Jakovčića, ali i čelništva SDP-a, biti preobraženo u vrijedno građevinsko zemljište.


The most famous of these cases was the purchase of one million square meters of land in Barbariga and Dragonera, which the AB Maris and Darija companies, registered in Lichtenstein, bought for 5 euro per square meter.


Najpoznatiji takav slučaj je kupnja milijun čevornih metara zemlje u Barbarigi i Dragoneri, koje su tvrtke AB Maris i Darija, registrirane u Lihtenštajnu, kupile po cijeni od 5 eura po kvadratu.


The value of that land grew enormously after the urban planning commission re-zoned it into commercial and residential land, and even more so when the state announced the Brijuni Riviera tourism project. The project, valued at one billion euro, included the building of a number of hotel complexes, golf courses and accompanying content on Istria's southwestern coastline, across from the Brijuni islands.


Cijena tog zemljišta višestruko je porasla nakon što je izmjenama urbanističkih planova proglašeno građevinskim, a još više nakon što je država najavila turistički projekt Brijuni rivijera, milijardu eura vrijedan plan gradnje niza hotelskih kompleksa, golf-igrališta i popratnih sadržaja na jugozapadnoj obali Istre, preko puta Brijunskog otočja.


It is estimated that through these murky dealings the value of the land was increased by 95 million euro.


Pretpostavlja se kako je tim makinacijama vrijednost zemljišta povećana za 95 milijuna eura.


Despite numerous protests, the project received strong support from the SDP and IDS, and it was speculated at the time that Slavko Linic in fact played the key role in all of this, with his influence over then Prime Minister Ivica Racan.


Unatoč brojnim protestima, taj projekt dobio je jaku podršku SDP-a i IDS-a, a u kuloarima se spekuliralo kako je ključnu ulogu u tome svojim utjecajem na tadašnjeg premijera Ivicu Račana odigrao upravo Slavko Linić.


Racan himself visited Istria in July of 2003 to personally lobby local members of the SDP to back the project, who were against him on the issue.


Sam Račan čak je u srpnju 2003. došao u Istru osobno lobirati za projekt među lokalnim članovima SDP-a koji su mu se protivili.


In the meantime it has been revealed that the transactions to purchase the real estate were financed by money from the Hypo bank, and that the bank holds a 26 percent interest in these companies, which have now announced the development of huge tourism projects on the cheaply purchased land.


U međuvremenu je otkriveno kako su transakcije kupnje zemljišta financirane novcem Hypo banke, te kako banka drži 26-postotni udjel u spomenutim tvrtkama, koje su pak najavile razvoje golemih turističkih projekata na jeftino kupljenom zemljištu.


In fact, last year a giant tourist complex named Porto Mariccio was to have been opened under the well-known Kempinski brand.


Tako je još prošle godine trebao biti otvoren golemi turistički kompleks nazvan Porto Mariccio koji bi poslovao pod poznatim brandom Kempinski.


In the end however, this did not happen. Works on the project have not begun, and last year the Istrian media began to speculate about the possibility that AB Maris and Darija might sell the land.


Ipak, to se nije dogodilo, radovi nisu započeli, a prošle godine u istarskim medijima počelo se spekulirati o mogućnosti da AB Maris i Darija prodaju zemljište.


As a potential buyer of the land, just as in the case of the sale of Hypo's shipyard in Lamjana, there is mention of the mysterious British investment fund Jupiter Adria.


Kao i u slučaju prodaje Hypova brodogradilišta u Lamjani, kao potencijalni kupac spominjao se misteriozni britanski investicijski fond Jupiter Adria.


Along with the allegations that he was a key player for the Hypo bank's dealing in Istria, the report also alleges that Naperotic served as a middle-man in the privatisation of some other large companies, such as Dioki, for which Naperotic allegedly lobbied Linic in favour of Rijeka-based businessman Robert Jezic, and where yet again Hypo was involved as the financier of the transaction.


Osim što je navodno bio ključna osoba u poslovima Hypo banke u Istri, Naperotić je u izvješću optužen i da je posredovao u privatizaciji nekih drugih velikih tvrtki, kao što je primjerice Dioki, gdje je Naperotić navodno kod Linića lobirao u korist riječkog poduzetnika Roberta Ježića i gdje je Hypo banka bila uključena kao financijer transakcije.


Despite the fact that the report deals with the business dealings of the Hypo bank, it also contains an abundance of information that deal with alleged illegalities in the privatisation process during the rule of the coalition government.


Iako je spomenuto izvješće posvećeno poslovanju Hypo banke, u njemu su sadržane i brojne informacije koje se bave navodnim privatizacijskim nelegalnostima iz razdoblja koalicijske vlade.


As such it is asserted that the Croatian Privatisation Fund under Linic's control signed a number of damaging contracts for the privatisation of certain hotel companies.


Tako se tvrdi da je HFP pod Linićevim vodstvom sklopio niz štetnih ugovora o privatizaciji pojedinih hotelskih poduzeća.


Specifically, the accusations deal with the case of the privatization of the Hotelier-tourism company Primosten and Starigrad's Hotel Alan, companies that were allegedly sold at an unfavourable price, and under a poorly formulated contract, which later allowed the purchaser to avoid meeting the investment conditions that they committed to when they submitted their bid, i.e. to sell their stakes before meeting any of their obligations.


Konkretno, optužbe se odnose na slučajeve privatizacije Hotelsko-turističkog poduzeća Primošten i starigradskog hotela Alan, poduzeća koja su navodno prodana po nepovoljnoj cijeni i uz loše sročene ugovore koji su kupcima poslije omogućili da izbjegnu ispunjenje uvjeta ulaganja na koja su se obvezali u svojim ponudama, odnosno da dionice prodaju prije nego što su ispunili svoje obveze.


The then vice president of the Croatian Privatisation Fund Kresimir Starcevic is mentioned as the second most responsible person in these cases, who allegedly carried out the operational end of these privatisation processes.


Kao drugi odgovorni u tim se slučajevima spominje tadašnji potpredsjednik Fonda za privatizaciju Krešimir Starčević koji je navodno operativno vodio te privatizacije.


Starcevic, a law graduate, assumed the post in 2000, following many years of work in the well-known law offices of Marijan Hanzekovic, Porobija and Porobija, and in the TDR tobacco company.


Starčević, diplomirani pravnik, na tu je poziciju došao 2000. nakon višegodišnjeg rada u poznatim odvjetničkim uredima Marijana Hanžekovića, Porobija i Porobija, te u Tvornici duhana Rovinj.


After Hrvoje Vojkovic (HSLS) was removed from the top post in the fund as a result of the disintegration of the coalition government, Starcevic spent the ensuing year and a half as the acting head of the fund, and later became a member of the board of directors at the Hypo bank.


Nakon što je zbog raspada vladajuće koalicije s čelne pozicije u Fondu smijenjen HSLS-ov kadar Hrvoje Vojković, Starčević je sljedećih godinu i pol dana proveo na poziciji vršitelja dužnosti predsjednika Fonda, a poslije je postao član Uprave Hypo banke.


It is precisely on the basis of this kind of career advancement that Starcevic is presented in the report as the connection between Linic and the Hypo Bank. The report further asserts his responsibility for the losses in the cited privatisation deals, especially given the fact that the buyer of the Alan hotel, for the Splicanka Tours account, was in fact the Hypo bank.


Upravo na temelju takvog razvoja njegove karijere Starčevića se u izvješću predstavlja kao poveznicu između Linića i Hypo banke, te tvrdi kako snosi odgovornost za gubitke u spomenutim privatizacijskim poslovima, osobito s obzirom na to da je kupac hotela Alan, za račun tvrtke Splićanka tours, bila upravo Hypo banka.


These transactions have been written about in the domestic media on numerous occasions, with USKOK engaging in a investigations of sorts. No responsibility, however, on the part of the then employees of the fund was established.


O tim se transakcijama već u više navrata pisalo u domaćim medijima, a određenu istragu navodno je vršio i USKOK, no nije utvrđena nikakva odgovornost tadašnjih zaposlenika Fonda.


Commenting the entire situation, Linic stated that the hotel was sold for 8.8 million kuna because buyers only took an interest in the hotel in the fourth attempt at its sale, and that the hotel was sold following a unanimous decision by the fund's steering committee, and that at the time there were no other bids.


Komentirajući cijeli slučaj, Linić je izjavio da je hotel prodan za 8,8 milijuna kuna zato što su se kupci pojavili tek u četvrtom pokušaju njegove prodaje, te da je hotel prodan nakon jednoglasne odluke Upravnog odbora Fonda, a da viših ponuda u tom trenutku nije bilo.


Regarding ties between Slavko Linic and some other members of the SDP with the top people in the Hypo Bank, the report in question also mentions the conflict between the Governor of the Croatian National Bank Zeljko Rohatinski with the top people from the German Bayerische Landesbanke, to which Rohatinski did not want to give permission to assume Hypo bank's dealings in Croatia.


O vezama Slavka Linića i još nekih članova SDP-a s čelnim ljudima Hypo banke u spomenutom izvješću govori se i u slučaju sukoba guvernera Hrvatske narodne banke Željka Rohatinskog s čelnim ljudima Bayerische Landesbanke, kojoj Rohatinski nije želio izdati dopuštenje za preuzimanje poslovanja Hypo banke u Hrvatskoj.


Rohatinski did this because he felt that the BLB had not acted fairly in the Rijecka Bank case, which BLB owned but then abjured its ownership after the bank incurred enormous losses.


Rohatinski je to učinio jer je smatrao da se BLB nije korektno ponašao u slučaju Riječke banke čiji je bio vlasnik i čijeg se vlasništva odrekao nakon što je banka imala goleme gubitke.


Because of this Rohatinski established firm conditions that the Germans would have to meet in order to receive his permission to assume Hypo Bank's dealings in Croatia.


Rohatinski je zato Nijemcima postavio čvrste uvjete koje su morali ispoštovati da bi dobili dopusnicu, a jedan od tih uvjeta navodno je bila i detaljna revizija poslovanja Hypo banke u Hrvatskoj.


Allegedly one of those conditions was a detailed review of these operations.


Ipak, kako se tvrdi u izvješću, Rohatinski se uskoro našao na udaru kritika vladajućeg HDZ-a, ali i SDP-a.


However, according to the report, Rohatinski quickly found himself the target of criticism from the ruling HDZ, but also from the SDP. It is asserted that Slavko Linic and Mato Crkvenac publicly lobbied for BLB, claiming that the Germans were more important allies to Croatia than the Austrians, and that the German bank had acted correctly in the case of the Rijecka Bank.


Tvrdi se kako su Slavko Linić i Mato Crkvenac u javnosti lobirali za BLB tvrdeći kako su Nijemci važniji saveznici Hrvatskoj od Austrije i kako se njemačka banka u slučaju Riječke banke ponašala korektno.


In fact, Linic allegedly accused Rohatinski of representing and acting on behalf of American-Jewish banking interests to the direct detriment of Croatian national interests, which Rohatinski resented because both had participated in salvaging the Rijecka Bank.


Dapače, Linić je navodno Rohatinskog optužio da zastupa interese američko-židovskih bankarskih interesa na štetu hrvatskih državnih interesa, što mu je Rohatinski zamjerio jer su obojica zajedno sudjelovali u spašavanju Riječke banke.


It is interesting that the report also claims that the newly elected president of the SDP Zoran Milanovic agreed with this kind of behaviour on the part of Linic.


Zanimljivo je da se u izvješću također navodi kako se s takvim ponašanjem Linića slagao i tada novoizabrani predsjednik SDP-a Zoran Milanović.


Because of this, following Milanovic's attack on Bajic, a number of texts appeared on domestic Internet portals in which Milanovic's motives for taking this position are analysed in the context of the previous ties between top officials in the SDP and the Hypo Bank.


Zbog toga se nakon Milanovićeva napada na Bajića na domaćim internetskim portalima pojavilo nekoliko tekstova u kojima se Milanovićevi motivi za takav istup analiziraju u kontekstu nekadašnjih veza vrha SDP-a i Hypo banke.


In those texts it is speculated that in calling for Bajic's removal, Milanovic wishes to protect his political mentor Slavko Linic, who, using his influence within the party, is one of the most responsible for bringing Milanovic to the post of SDP president.


U tim tekstovima spekulira se kako Milanović pozivom na Bajićevu smjenu želi zaštititi svog političkog mentora Linića, koji je svojim utjecajem jedan od najzaslužnijih što je osvojio vlast u stranci.


These assertions are largely based on yet another claim from the secret report on the Hypo bank's business dealings in Croatia, where it is asserted that Milanovic, during a visit to Austria in 2007, received exclusive information from the then Austrian Prime Minister Alfred Gusenbauer, with regards to the business dealings of Vladimir Zagorec, which are described as a "real bomb" and which could be used during the election campaign.


Te tvrdnje uvelike se temelje na još jednom navodu iz tajnog izvješća o poslovanju Hypo banke, gdje se tvrdi kako je Milanović još 2007. tijekom svog posjeta Austriji od tadašnjeg austrijskog premijera Alfreda Gusenbauera dobio ekskluzivne informacije o poslovima Vladimira Zagorca, koji su opisani kao "prava bomba" koja se može iskoristiti u predizbornoj kampanji.


If this information is correct, it turns out that Milanovic has for two years now had vital information regarding the murky business dealings of Vladimir Zagorec that he has failed to reveal to the public.


Ako su te informacije točne, ispada da Milanović već dvije godine ima bitna saznanja sumnjivim poslovima Vladimira Zagorca koje nije iznio u javnost.


Given the already established ties between Zagorec's business dealings and the Hypo Bank, it is now speculated that Milanovic withheld the information precisely because of his desire to protect his colleagues from an investigation in relation to their connection with that bank.


S obzirom na već ustanovljenu vezu između Zagorčevih poslova i Hypo banke, sad se spekulira kako je Milanović informacije zatajio upravo zbog želje da sačuva svoje suradnike od istrage vezane za veze s tom bankom.


Given that these accusation are based largely on the assertions from the report, and that the author of that report remains unknown, it will be very difficult to establish their credibility. It appears as though the best way resolve this case is for USKOK and DORH to execute a quick and detailed investigation into all of the allegations listed in the report.


S obzirom na to da se te optužbe uvelike temelje na tvrdnjama iz izvješća čiji je autor nepoznat, njihovu vjerodostojnost bit će iznimno teško utvrditi, a čini se kako je najbolji način da se raščiste taj da USKOK i DORH provedu brzu i detaljnu istragu po svim optužbama koje su u njemu navedene.


"I doubt that there is anyone on the Croatian political scene with better ideas and more energy than Radimir Cacic, but I think that we have to be realistic and admit that his refusal to withdraw from politics would seriously compromise the chances for our coalition in the election campaign.


'Sumnjam da u hrvatskoj politici postoji netko s boljim idejama i većom energijom od Radimira Čačića, ali mislim da moramo biti realni i priznati kako bi njegovo odbijanje da se povuče iz politike u predizbornoj kampanji moglo opasno kompromitirati izglede naše koalicije.


For the moment the HDZ has not used this situation, but I am convinced that a dirty campaign will start soon in which we are, because of Cacic, very vulnerable." That was how one of the most influential Social Democratic Party Members of Parliament opened our discussion mid-way through last week on the SDP'S preparations for the elections.


Zasad u HDZ-u još ne iskorištavaju ovu situaciju, ali uvjeren sam da će uskoro početi prljava kampanja, u kojoj smo, zbog Čačića, vrlo ranjivi.” Tako je samoinicijativno započeo monolog jednog od najutjecajnijih zastupnika Socijaldemokratske partije Hrvatske kad smo sredinom prošlog tjedna razgovarali o SDP-ovim pripremama za izbore.


And since this is an influential member of the Social Democratic Party and an advocate of the Kastav deal to see a joint opposition election front, it sounded surprising that he decided to open the discussion with the subject of Radimir Cacic, the president of the Croatian People's Party (HNS).


Budući da se radi o utjecajnom članu socijaldemokrata i zagovorniku zajedničkog nastupa opozicijske Kastavske skupine, iznenađujuće je zvučalo kada je odlučio otvoriti raspravu o Radimiru Čačiću, predsjedniku Hrvatske narodne stranke.


Over the coming days several other top SDP politicians confirmed that there has been an increasing amount of talk of late, behind the scenes, about whether Cacic has become a burden of sorts for the united opposition.


U idućih nekoliko dana još nekoliko važnih političara iz SDP-a potvrdilo je da se u posljednje vrijeme, u političkim kuloarima, sve češće raspravlja o tome je li za udruženu opoziciju Čačić postao svojevrstan uteg.


At the core of the discussion, of course, is the car accident Cacic caused early this year in which two people died.


Riječ je, dakako, o prometnoj nesreći koju je Čačić skrivio početkom godine, kad su poginule dvije osobe.


It remains unknown when the trial will begin, and Radimir Cacic, after spending several weeks in isolation, in early February announced that he had no intention of leaving politics.


Još nije poznato kada će početi suđenje, a Radimir Čačić je, poslije nekoliko tjedana izolacije, početkom veljače najavio da se ne namjerava povući iz političkog života.


He publicly admitted his responsibility for the crash and said that he would only cut short his political career in the event of a non-suspended sentence handed down by the court.


Javno je priznao odgovornost za sudar i obznanio kako će jedino u slučaju bezuvjetne sudske presude prekinuti političku karijeru.


And while nine months has elapsed since the crash, the fact that the Hungarian judiciary has still not set a date for the start of his trial has begun to hurt the Croatian opposition.


Iako je od prometne nesreće prošlo devet mjeseci, to što mađarsko pravosuđe još uvijek nije dogovorilo suđenje počelo je nanositi štetu hrvatskoj opoziciji.


For the moment the possibility that Cacic might withdraw has only been discussed sporadically and behind the scenes at the SDP, while publicly they are offering him their support.


Zasad se o mogućnosti Čačićeva povlačenja tek povremeno razgovara u SDP-ovim kuloarima, dok mu na javnoj razini pružaju potporu.


In fact, at this Saturday's SDP convention there was strong support for Cacic's speech in which he criticised the current Government, and it is not irrelevant that there is a friendly rapport between himself and Zoran Milanovic. In spite of these positive personal relations, which has been confirmed for Nacional by several sources, many in the SDP fear that Cacic's decision to remain in politics is becoming a growing burden for the opposition.


Uostalom, na subotnjoj SDP-ovoj Izvještajnoj konvenciji snažno je pozdravljen Čačićev nastupni govor u kojem je kritizirao aktualnu vladu, a nije nevažno ni to što između njega i Zorana Milanovića postoji prijateljski odnos. slijedi žestoka kampanja Unatoč tim pozitivnim personalnim vezama, a to je za Nacional potvrdilo nekoliko sugovornika, mnogi u SDP-u strahuju da Čačićev ostanak u politici za opoziciju postaje sve veće opterećenje.


No one is willing to publicly broach the question, but everyone would be relieved if the court in Hungary finally started the trial and decided whether Radimir Cacic was guilty or not.


Nitko nije spreman javno otvoriti to pitanje, ali svima bi laknulo kad bi sud u Mađarskoj konačno počeo proces i odlučio je li Radimir Čačić kriv ili nije.


The longer the entire matter is delayed, the greater the possibility is that the HDZ will start to attack the HNS president and party's nominee for the future post of deputy prime minister responsible for the economy, the second most important post in the executive branch of government.


Što se cijela stvar dulje odgađa, to je veća mogućnost da iz HDZ-a počnu napade na predsjednika HNS-a i kandidata za položaj budućeg potpredsjednika Vlade za gospodarstvo, što je druga po važnosti funkcija u izvršnoj vlasti u državi.


And that the HDZ will not keep quiet about Cacic's car crash could be seen mid way through last week from statements made by Frane Matusic.


A da HDZ neće šutjeti o Čačićevu izazivanju sudara, moglo se vidjeti sredinom prošlog tjedna, u nastupu Frane Matušića.


"Is it acceptable for Nenad Stazic and the other members of the 'party,' that they hold talks with Radimir Cacic, a person with the deaths of two people on his conscience?" Matusic, the HDZ club of deputies spokesman in Parliament asked.


“Je li za Nenada Stazića i ostale članove partije prihvatljivo da vode pregovore s Radimirom Čačićem, osobom koja na savjesti ima smrt dvoje ljudi?”, pitao je Matušić, glasnogovornik Kluba HDZ-a u Hrvatskom saboru.


Andrija Hebrang's reaction was in the same vein when he said in early February that he felt that Cacic's return to politics was unethical. "Had I caused the deaths of two people, I would immediately withdraw from politics.


Na istom tragu bila je reakcija Andrije Hebranga, koji je početkom veljače Čačićev povratak u politiku ocijenio kao neetički. “Da sam prouzročio smrt dvoje ljudi, odmah bih se povukao iz politike.


Morally, it is the least one can do and a decision that has to be made," Hebrang said.


To je najmanji moralni čin i odluka koju treba donijeti”, izjavio je Hebrang.


There are numerous indicators that the upcoming campaign will be one of the fiercest in the past twenty years.


Mnogo toga pokazuje da će iduća kampanja biti jedna od najžešćih u posljednjih dvadeset godina.


According to the surveys the HDZ trails the opposition alliance by at least ten percent, and there is nothing to indicate that Government's economic measures will lead to economic growth and improve the situation of Jadranka Kosor and her allies.


Prema anketama, HDZ za oporbenim savezom zaostaje za najmanje 10 posto, a nema nagovještaja koji bi pokazali da će Vladine ekonomske mjere dovesti do rasta gospodarstva i tako popraviti položaj Jadranke Kosor i njezinih saveznika.


That means that the HDZ will do its outmost to radicalise the election campaign and to depict the leading opposition politicians as incompetent, and in the case of Radimir Cacic - as killers.


To znači da će HDZ maksimalno radikalizirati predizbornu kampanju i vodeće opozicijske političare nastojati prokazati kao nesposobne, a u slučaju Radimira Čačića – kao ubojice.


In this regard it was Matusic that took the first step when he accused him of having "the deaths of two people on his conscience," even thought the HDZ press conference in question was organised to respond to criticism that SDP deputies in Parliament had levelled at Prime Minister Kosor.


U tom je smislu prvi korak napravio Matušić koji je napao Čačića optužbom da “na savjesti ima smrt dvoje ljudi”, premda je HDZ-ova novinska konferencija bila orgnizirana kao odgovor na kritike koje su zastupnici SDP-a uputili premijerki Kosor.


Since there was no rationale response to the opposition criticism, they decided at the HDZ to lash out at Cacic.


Budući da nisu argumentirano mogli odgovoriti na opozicijske kritike, u HDZ-u su odlučili lupiti po Čačiću.


Like his partners at the SDP, Radimir Cacic is also aware that his political activities are bothersome in the current circumstances, but does not intend to withdraw until the court hands down its verdict.


Poput svojih partnera iz SDP-a, i Radimir Čačić je svjestan da u sadašnjim okolnostima njegov politički angažman postaje smetnja, ali sve do sudske presude ne namjerava se povući.


In a conversation we had with a trusted Cacic aide last Thursday it was quite implicitly stated that Cacic is convinced that he had done nothing immoral.


U razgovoru koji smo s njegovim pouzdanim suradnikom vodili prošlog četvrtka posve eksplicitno je stavljeno na znanje kako je Čačić uvjeren da nije napravio ništa nemoralno.


He, understandably, regrets the traffic incident and the tragedy that ensued, but also feels that it was an accident that could have happened to any driver. "I do not understand why the SDP is discussing the issue.


Razumije se da on duboko žali zbog prometnog incidenta i tragedije koja se dogodila, no, također, smatra da se radilo o nesreći kakva se može dogoditi svakom vozaču. “Ne razumijem zbog čega u SDP-u govore o tom problemu.


We can expect that of the HDZ, but the SDP is our partner and we expect its support," this HNS member says.


Tomu se možemo nadati od hadezeovaca, ali SDP je naš partner i očekujemo da nas podrže”, kaže taj haenesovac.


Which is why the matter is quite clear from Cacic's current perspective - he will withdraw from politics only if sentenced to an unconditional prison sentence, and in the event of a suspended sentence, as it is not realistic to expect a verdict of not guilty - he will remain a politician in the autumn of 2011 and be the HNS nominee for the job of deputy prime minister and Zoran Milanovic's chief aide.


Stoga je iz Čačićeve sadašnje perspektive stvar potpuno jasna: iz politike će se povući jedino bude li osuđen na bezuvjetnu zatvorsku kaznu, a u slučaju uvjetne presude - jer je nerealno očekivati oslobađajuću presudu - ostat će političar i na jesen 2011. postati HNS-ov kandidat za potpredsjednika Vlade i glavnog suradnika Zorana Milanovića.


Nacional's source is one of the HNS officials that is in daily contact with Cacic, and who has decided for the first time to tell the general public some of the unknown details of what happened on January 8th of this year, the date of the car crash that has dramatically affected Cacic's political position, and perhaps even the political situation in Croatia.


Nacionalov sugovornik spada među one dužnosnike HNS-a koji su svakodnevno u kontaktu s Čačićem i odlučio je prvi put za javnost ispričati neke nepoznate detalje vezane za 8. siječnja ove godine, kad se dogodila prometna nesreća koja je dramatično utjecala na Čačićev politički položaj, a mogla bi i na političke prilike u Hrvatskoj.


According to the source Radimir Cacic noticed a cube-shaped work of art on the Internet and for days his secretary worked on finding out where this work of art could be purchased.


Prema njegovim riječima, Radimir Čačić je na internetu zapazio umjetninu u obliku kocke, i danima je njegova tajnica pokušavala doznati gdje se može kupiti to umjetničko djelo.


In early January she learned that the cube in question was in Hungary and informed her boss, who decided to travel the very next day.


Početkom siječnja otkrila je da se dotična kocka nalazi u Mađarskoj, i to rekla šefu, koji je odlučio otputovati već idućeg dana.


In these situations Cacic has for years been driven by the HNS's chauffer, but he was in the process of moving house those days and the HNS president said that there was no need for the chauffeur to delay his move to a new apartment since he could drive himself from Varazdin to Hungary.


U takvim situacijama Čačića već godinama vozi stranački vozač, ali on se tih dana selio i HNS-ov predsjednik je rekao kako nema potrebe da vozač odgađa selidbu u novi stan jer iz Varaždina on može osobno voziti u Mađarsku.


He left on Friday, January 8th, and that same morning Katalin Liptak and her two passengers left for the weekend to visit the Heviz thermal spa, but missed the exit and we going back on the highway when Cacic ran into them.


Na put je krenuo u petak, 8. siječnja, a istoga jutra Katalin Lipták i njezinih dvoje suputnika uputili su se na vikend u toplice Hévíz, no promašili su izlaz na autocestu pa su se vraćali kad se u njih zaletio Čačić.


Later the local police announced that Cacic had not driven at a speed appropriate to the weather conditions, and Katalin Liptak said that she had been driving between 100 and 110 kilometres per hour, which indicates that that HNS president was driving mush faster.


Kasnije je lokalna policija priopćila da Čačić nije prilagodio brzinu vremenskim uvjetima, a Katalin Lipták je rekla da je vozila brzinom između 100 i 110 kilometara na sat, što pokazuje da je predsjednik HNS-a vozio mnogo brže.


And while Cacic had stated that there was a thick fog that day, this was contradicted by Hungarian road workers and by police photos of the scene, but a heavy rain was in fact falling, which worsened driving conditions.


Iako je Čačić priopćio da je tog dana bila gusta magla, demantirali su ga mađarski cestari, kao i snimke očevida, ali doista je padala jaka kiša, što je otežalo uvjete vožnje.


According to the unofficial information Nacional has received, Cacic was driving from 130 to 140 kilometres per hour, that is to say, over the speed limit, but not overly fast.


Prema neslužbenim podacima koje je dobio Nacional, Čačić je vozio između 130 i 140 kilometara na sat, dakle, preko dopuštenog, ali ne i prebrzo.


Katalin Liptak's husband died in the crash, and her mother, who had been on her way home from hospital treatment on the day of the crash, followed a few days later.


U sudaru je poginuo suprug Katalin Lipták, a nakon nekoliko dana preminula je i njezina majka, koja se na dan nesreće vraćala s bolničkog liječenja.


Cacic's vehicle was also destroyed, and his chauffer came quickly with the van in which he was to have moved his belongings to the new apartment that day and they returned to Varazdin.


Čačićevo vozilo također je bilo uništeno i po svog šefa hitno je kombijem, kojim je toga dana trebao prevesti stvari u novi stan, došao vozač i vratili su se u Varaždin.


Cacic kept silent about the entire matter and the Croatian press learned the first news of the serious car crash in Hungary only a few days later.


Čačić je o svemu šutio i hrvatski mediji su prve informacije o teškoj prometnoj nesreći u Mađarskoj dobili tek poslije nekoliko dana.


Radimir Cacic admitted his guilt and withdrew from the public for several weeks.


Radimir Čačić je priznao krivnju i na nekoliko tjedana se povukao iz javnosti.


Some twenty days ago Katalin Liptak sent an e-mail to the Vecernji list daily in which she described her situation with the words "that life has become an automatic function since the crash and that, while she is employed, can not even provide for herself, as she had lived from her husband's wages up to now." She explained that Cacic had accepted his guilt, sent a telegram expressing his condolences and offered to pay compensation through his lawyer.


Katalin Lipták je prije dvadesetak dana uputila e-mail Večernjem listu u kojem je opisala svoju situaciju riječima “da joj je život nakon nesreće postao automatski te, iako radi, ni sebe ne može prehraniti, jer je dosad živjela od suprugove plaće”.


"Since then the police have stayed the procedure, but have requested legal assistance from Croatia in connection with the questioning of Mr. Cacic.


Objasnila je da je Čačić prihvatio svoju krivnju i u telegramu izjavio svoju sućut te posredstvom odvjetnika ponudio naknadu štete. “Otada je policija obustavila postupak, ali tražili su pravnu pomoć od Hrvatske u vezi sa saslušanjem gospodina Čačića.


For now the procedure is on hold.


Sada postupak miruje.


Of course, Mr. Cacic rejected, through his lawyer, my request that we sit down and discuss my losses.


Dakako, gospodin Čačić je preko svog odvjetnika odbio moj zahtjev da sjednemo i pregovaramo o mojim gubicima.


In most cases the answer is always the same, that it is of course not excluded, but because of the current situation in the case they are not at liberty to discuss anything," Katalin Liptak wrote in her mail to Vecernji list, breaking several months of silence.


U većini slučajeva odgovor je uvijek isti, da se oni dakako ne isključuju, nego zbog trenutačnog stanja predmeta ne mogu ni o čemu razgovarati”, napisala je poslije višemjesečne šutnje za medije Katalin Lipták u e-mailu redakciji Večernjeg lista.


Emotionally, it was a touching public statement from a woman who lost a husband and mother to someone's negligence.


S emocionalne strane, bio je to dojmljiv javni iskaz žene koja je zbog tuđe nepažnje ostala bez majke i supruga.


But, in it she also very concretely accused Cacic of having rejected her request for a discussion on financial compensation, which has created the very bad impression that a well-known Croatian politician was now also trying to avoid material responsibility, and not just evading a verdict that could pack him off to prison.


No, osim toga, ona je još i vrlo konkretno optužila Čačića da je odbio njezin zahtjev za razgovor o financijskoj odšteti, što je stvorilo loš dojam kako poznati hrvatski političar sada pokušava izbjeći i materijalnu odgovornost, a ne samo eskivirati presudu koja bi ga odvela u zatvor.


The people around Radimir Cacic say that quite the opposite is true, and that the HNS president has concentrated on two goals - first he wants to indemnify the Liptak widow, and then to wrap up the trial as soon as possible, so that he can find out whether he will stay in politics.


U okruženju Radimira Čačića tvrde kako je istina posve drukčija i da se predsjednik HNS-a koncentrirao na dva cilja; najprije želi obeštetiti udovicu Lipták, a zatim što prije dovršiti suđenje, kako bi znao hoće li ostati u političkom životu.


Because however much his intimates say that Cacic has changed drastically since the crash and that he will never psychologically be the man he was, it is evident that the crash has not dented his political passions.


Jer koliko god njegovi intimusi govore da se Čačić poslije nesreće strahovito promijenio i da u psihološkom pogledu više nikada neće biti kao nekoć, očito je da sudar nije uništio i njegov politički eros.


Discussion with several top SDP and HNS officials shows that there are evident disparities between them in regard to Cacic's political activities.


Razgovori s nekolicinom najvažnijih članova SDP-a i HNS-a pokazuju da među njima postoje vidljiva razmimoilaženje glede Čačićeva djelovanja u izvršnoj politici.


What is significant is that these are for the most part politicians that unreservedly support a joint opposition effort, and that both have an equally poor opinion of the HDZ. What is going on here is, therefore, not a conflict of vanities, but rather of two different election campaign concepts, and Cacic will soon have to come up on the agenda.


Signifikantan je pritom podatak da je uglavnom riječ o političarima koji bezrezervno podržavaju zajednički nastup opozicije, a jedni i drugi imaju podjednako loše mišljenje o HDZ-u. Ovdje se, dakle, ne radi o sukobu taština nego o dvjema različitim koncepcijama nastupa na izborima, i Čačić će se kao tema morati uskoro naći na dnevnom redu.


All the more so because the HNS is insisting that an agreement finally be signed some time in October on the joint election platform of the SDP, HNS, IDS and HSU. These parties, Radimir Cacic's aide has confirmed, could soon be joined by the HSLS. The HNS was until recently explicitly opposed to the HSLS joining the Kastav group, but they have decided to back down in order to avoid opening new issues in their relations with Zoran Milanovic, who wants very much to bring Darinko Kosor on board.