Uz to uzimanje velikih doza lijekova za povečanje grudi oštečuje vašu jetru, bubrege i stomak, dugotrajno uzimanje tih lijekova može ozbiljno ugroziti vaše zdravlje.


Note: psychological women with small or flat breasts mostly feel bad, often suffering from some mental illness or an encounter with the early aging, early physiological changes and other symptoms.


Napomena: psihološki žene s malim ili ravnim grudima se uglavnom osjećaju loše, često pate od nekih mentalnih bolesti ili se susretnu s ranim starenjem, ranim fiziološkim promjenama i drugim simptomima.


Sex, breast size is closely related to the amount of estrogen, mostly women with small breasts have less sexual drive which in a marriage can threaten the quality of life.


Seksualno, veličina grudi je usko vezana uz količinu estrogena, uglavnom žene s malim grudima imaju manji seksualni poriv što u bračnoj zajednici može ugroziti kvalitetu života.


Medicine, during breastfeeding, small breasts may have problems with the production of milk, and can cause a range of diseases including parotitis.


Medicinski, za vrijeme dojenja, male grudi mogu imati probleme s proizvodnjom mlijeka, te mogu uzrokovati niz bolesti uključujući parotitis.


Rich and sexy breasts are a symbol of female charm.


Bujne i seksi grudi su simbol ženskog šarma.


Women's breasts are not only for breast-feeding children, but are also an important part of the female body.


Ženske grudi ne služe samo za dojenje djece nego su i važan dio ženskog tijela.


Every woman dreams of a beautiful and sexy breasts that will make it more attractive.


Svaka žena sanja o lijepim i seksi grudima koje će je učiniti još privlačnijom.


Massage bra is the best gift for each woman.


Masažni grudnjak je najbolji dar za svaku ženu.


Frequent use can prevent and cure diseases of the breast and do form a beautiful breasts and perfect.


Učestalom upotrebom može spriječiti i izliječiti bolesti grudi i učiniti oblik grudi lijepim i savršenim.


Aging, overemployment, pregnancy, obesity, and the native blemish - all these factors can cause small, Hung or flat breasts and be the cause of unhealthy and ill breasts.


Starenje, prezaposlenost, trudnoća, pretilost i urođene mane - svi ovi faktori mogu uzrokovati male, obješene ili ravne grudi i biti uzrok nezdravim i bolesnim grudima.


Massage bra helps thousands of women around the world to feel confident, sexy and a feminine.


Masažni grudnjak pomaže tisućama žena diljem svijeta da se osjećaju samopoudanim, seksi i ženstveno.


With the development of modern biological science of magnetism, many research and studies prove that magnetic field has a great impact on human tissue, organic and nervous system, biological enzymes and biological magnetic fields.


S razvitkom moderne znanosti o biološkom magnetizmu, mnoga su istraživanja i studije dokazale da magnetsko polje ima veliki utjecaj na ljudsko tkivo, organske i nervne sustave, biološke enzime i biološka magnetska polja.


Magnetic field when applying the special acupuncture points can activate cell function, increase blood capillaries and increase the level of oxygen in the blood, improve feeding tissues and cells and has a positive effect on the nerves.


Magnetsko polje kad se primjeni na specijalne akupunkturne točke može aktivirati funkcije stanica, povećati krvne kapilare i povećati razinu kisika u krvi, poboljšati hranjenje tkiva i stanica i ima pozitivan učinak na živce.


Therefore, resulting in numerous health effects, and help health care.


Stoga rezultira u mnogobrojnim medicinskim učincima i pomaže brigu o zdravlju.


- Students and pupils who suffer from short-sightedness, fatigue eyes or discomfort caused by excessive straining brain and eyes due to the wearing of glasses.


- Studentima i učenicima koji pate od kratkovidnosti, umora očiju ili nelagode uzrokovane pretjeranim naprezanjem mozga i očiju zbog konstantnog nošenja naočala.


- People who strain eyes on work, like computer operators, accountants, designers, secretaries, teachers, professional drivers and the like.


- Osobe koje na poslu naprežu oči, poput: kompjuterski operateri, računovođe, dizajneri, tajnice, učitelji, profesionalni vozači i slično.


- People who suffer from problems with vision and focus.


- Osobe koje pate od problema s fokusiranjem vida i koje puno suze kad im puše vjetar u lice.


- People who are struggling on the edge of the eyes, eye sores or remain awake at night.


- Osobe koje imaju bore na rubovima očiju, podočnjake ili su budni noću.


- People who suffer from pain in eyes, headaches, nerve pain, insomnia, fatigue.


- Osobe koje pate od bolova očiju, glavobolje, bolova živaca, nesanice, umora.


The Slovakian investment fund Slavia Capital is one of the three companies that have submitted official bids for the purchase of INA daughter company Crobenz.


Slovačko investicijsko društvo Slavia Capital jedna je od tri tvrtke koje su poslale službene ponude za kupovinu Inine tvrtke kćeri Crobenz.


This is the second attempt to sell the company, owner of 14 petrol service stations, which INA has been told it must sell off by the Croatian Competition Agency if it wishes to merge with Hungary's MOL.


Radi se o drugom pokušaju prodaje te tvrtke koja posjeduje lanac od 14 benzinskih postaja i koju Ina mora prodati na temelju odluke Agencije za zaštitu tržišnog natjecanje kako bi joj bilo dopušteno vlasničko povezivanje s mađarskim MOL-om.


It was in fact Slavia Capital that won the first tender to sell the company - a tender annulled by the competition agency, which said that the Slavia-owned Croatia Petrol Stations, which made the bid for Crobenz, lacked sufficient expert references and financial guarantees to be able to guarantee the development of the company in the future.


Upravo je Slavia Capital bila pobjednik prvog natječaja za prodaju tvrtke, no taj natječaj je poništila Agencija, ustvrdivši kako Slavijina tvrtka Croatia Petrol Stations koja je poslala ponudu za Crobenz nema dovoljno stručnih referenci i financijskih garancija da bi u budućnosti mogla garantirati razvoj te tvrtke.


And there was speculation in domestic oil industry circles that Slavia Capital was in fact a front for MOL's Slovakian subsidiary Slovnaft, and that it was in fact representing the interests of the Hungarian oil company at the tender.


Također, u domaćim naftnim krugovima pojavile su se spekulacije kako je Slavia Capital ustvari tvrtka iza koje se skriva MOL-ova slovačka podružnica Slovnaft i koja ustvari na natječaju zastupa interese mađarske naftne kompanije.


Insofar it was forecast that the Slovakian company, after the negative finding issued by the competition agency, would not appear at the repeated tender for the sale of Crobenz.


Utoliko se predviđalo kako se slovačka tvrtka, nakon negativnog mišljenja Agencije, neće pojaviti u ponovljenom natječaju za prodaju Crobenza.


But the exact opposite happened. Slavia Capital has again, along with Slovenian Petrol and Russian Lukoil, submitted a bid to purchase Crobenz.


Ipak dogodilo se upravo suprotno, Slavia Capital je opet, uz slovenski Petrol i ruski Lukoil, podnijela ponudu za kupovinu Crobenza.


Nacional's reporters visited the head office of Slavia Capital, located in a Secession period building in the old town core of Bratislava, and spoke with the company's vice president Viktor Levanic.


Nacionalovi reporteri posjetili su sjedište Slavia Capitala smješteno u obnovljenoj secesijskoj zgradi u povijesnom centru Bratislave i razgovarali s potpredsjednikom kompanije Viktorom Levaničem.


Levanic, responsible for developing Slavia Capital's oil operations, explained the reasons for the Slovakian company's interest in Crobenz, their plans for the future development of this Croatian company, and denied rumours that his company was little more than a front for one of the big oil companies like Hungary's MOL.


Levanič, zadužen za razvoj naftnog poslovanja u Slavia Capitalu, objasnio je razloge interesa slovačke kompanije za Crobenz, planove budućeg razvoja te hrvatske tvrtke, ali i demantirao glasine kako je njegova tvrtka tek paravan za neku od velikih naftnih kompanija, kao što je mađarski MOL.


- The agency's decision was, of course, legitimate, but I believe that it was made on the basis of incomplete data.


- Odluka Agencije svakako je bila legitimna, ali vjerujemo kako je bila donesena na temelju nepotpunih informacija.


The agency, unfortunately, and much of the Croatian public, did not entirely comprehend the business model through which we embark on new acquisitions by setting up a new company through which we lead the entire process.


Nažalost, u Agenciji, ali i u većem dijelu hrvatske javnosti, nisu u potpunosti shvatili naš poslovni model po kojem u nove akvizicije ulazimo tako da osnujemo novu tvrtku preko koje vodimo cijeli proces.


In the case of Crobenz, this was done through the Croatian Petrol Stations company, and it is therefore logical that it could not have had any business experience or long term financial indicators, but other companies operating within the Slavia Capital Group have all of the necessary references.


U slučaju Crobenza to je bila tvrtka Croatian Petrol Stations, pa je i logično da ona nije mogla imati nikakvog poslovnog iskustva ili dugoročnih financijskih pokazatelja, no druge tvrtke koje posluju u sklopu Slavia Capital Grupe posjeduju sve potrebne reference.


Insofar it was quite strange to read the allegations of some of the Croatian media that claim that we are some kind of unknown fund, lacking transparency and with unclear intentions.


Utoliko mi je bilo dosta čudno čitati navode u pojedinim hrvatskim medijima gdje se tvrdilo da smo nekakav nepoznati i netransparentni fond s nejasnim namjerama.


The truth is quite the opposite. Slavia Capital is the leading Slovakian investment group, and over the past fifteen years we have participated in all major privatisation processes in Slovakia, with a total value in excess of 3 billion euro.


Istina je potpuno suprotna, Slavia Capital je vodeće slovačko investicijsko društvo, tijekom posljednjih 15 godina sudjelovali smo u svim najvećim privatizacijskim procesima u Slovačkoj, ukupne vrijednosti veće od 3 milijarde eura.


We have participated in some of the most significant transactions, such as the sale of the Slovakian telecom company to Deutsche Telekom, and the privatisation of Transpetrol, the national oil pipeline system operator sold in 2002 to the Russian oil company Jukos.


Sudjelovali smo u nekim od najznačajnijih transakcija kao što je primjerice prodaja slovačkog Telekoma Deutsche Telekomu ili privatizaciji Transpetrola, državnog operatora naftovodnog sustava koji je 2002. godine bio prodan ruskoj naftnoj kompaniji Jukos.


We cooperate with a great many respected financial institutions in Southeastern Europe and have excellent references.


Surađujemo s cijelim nizom uglednih financijskih institucija u jugoistočnoj Europi i imamo odlične reference.


- That is an entirely erroneous perception.


- To je potpuno kriva percepcija.


We have worked for years as advisors on projects involving major oil and energy companies such as OMV, Jukos and RWE Gas.


Godinama smo radili kao savjetnici na projektima velikih naftnih i energetskih tvrtki u regiji kao što su primjerice OMV, Jukos i RWE Gas.


Through these jobs we have gained significant knowledge - knowledge we have decided to apply in our own investments, and the lion's share of our portfolio is dedicated to precisely these kinds of companies.


Kroz te poslove stekli smo značajno znanje koje smo odlučili upotrijebiti u vlastitim ulaganjima, te je najveći dio našeg portfelja posvećen upravo takvim tvrtkama.


The key company in this segment is Progres Trading, which we purchased in 2006 and have succeeded in just a few years in transforming into one of the most successful companies on the oil and oil derivatives wholesale market in Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Poland.


Ključna tvrtka u tom segmentu je Progres trading, koju smo kupili 2006. godine i u samo nekoliko godina uspjeli pretvoriti u jednu od najuspješnijih tvrtki na veleprodajnom tržištu nafte i naftnih derivata u Slovačkoj, Češkoj, Poljskoj i Slovačkoj.


We have invested heavily in modernising operations and in building new storage capacities, and developed an innovative business model.


Uložili smo značajna sredstva u modernizaciju poslovanja i gradnju novih skladišnih kapaciteta, te razvili inovativni poslovni model.


Besides Progres Trading, we are also owners of the Palma Group and Agropodnik, two major Slovakian and Czech biodiesel production companies.


Uz Progres trading vlasnici smo Palma Groupa i Agropodnika, dviju velikih slovačkih i čeških kompanija za proizvodnju biodizela.


Insofar the possibility of expanding operations into new markets in the region is logical, and Croatia and Crobenz are very interesting to us in that context.


Utoliko je logična mogućnost širenja poslovanja na nova tržišta u regiji, a u tom kontekstu Hrvatska i Crobenz su nam iznimno zanimljivi.


We have, therefore, sufficient experience to give a realistic appraisal of the value of a company like Crobenz, the know-how to develop the company, and the capital to finance this development.


Dakle, imamo dovoljno iskustva da možemo realno ocijeniti vrijednost tvrtke kao Crobenz, znanja da tu tvrtku unaprijedimo, te kapitala da taj razvoj financiramo.


- A significant part of Crobenz's operations focus on wholesale, and here we are certain that we can in a very short period of time become one of the three largest companies in Croatia in this market segment.


- Dakle, značajan dio Crobenzova poslovanja odnosi se na veleprodaju i tu smo sigurni da u vrlo kratkom vremenu možemo ući među tri najveće tvrtke u tom segmentu u Hrvatskoj.


This development should be based on the commission sale of fuel, a business model we developed in Slovakia.


Taj razvoj trebao bi se temeljiti na komisionoj prodaji goriva, poslovnom modelu koji smo razvili u Slovačkoj.


What we do is offer the owners of individual privately owned petrol filling stations our products on commission, and in that way they do not require capital to purchase oil, that is to say their operational risk practically disappears.


Radi se o tome da vlasnicima pojedinačnih privatnih benzinskih postaja ponudimo da prodaju naše proizvode za proviziju, a na taj način oni nemaju potrebe za kapitalom za kupovinu nafte, odnosno njihov poslovni rizik praktički nestaje.


We believe that this business model could become very successful in Croatia, especially considering the negative effects of the economic crisis.


Vjerujemo kako bi se taj poslovni model mogao pokazati vrlo uspješnim u Hrvatskoj, osobito s obzirom na negativne efekte poslovne krize.


On the other hand, as far as the retail chain is concerned, we hope to increase it by some 10 petrol stations by the end of 2011, perhaps more depending on the situation on the market.


S druge strane, što se tiče maloprodajne mreže, nadamo se kako bismo je do kraja 2011. mogli povećati za 10-ak postaja, a možda i više ovisno o okolnostima na tržištu.


All in all, it is our intention to compete with all existing players on the Croatian market, that is to say that we wish to raise the stakes in market competition.


Sve u svemu, naša je namjera da na hrvatskom tržištu konkuriramo svim postojećim igračima, odnosno da podignemo razinu tržišnog natjecanja.


We hope that the Croatian Competition Agency will also recognise our intentions as such.


Nadam se da će i hrvatska Agencija za zaštitu tržišnog natjecanja prepoznati te naše namjere.


- These rumours have also reached us, but they are not correct.


- Te glasine su doprle i do nas, ali one su netočne.


What is more, our Progres Trading is the chief wholesale market competitor to Slovnaft, and we have taken over 10 percent of their market share over the past two years.


Dapače, naš Progres trading je glavni Slovnaftov veleprodajni tržišni konkurent, u posljednje dvije godine preoteli smo im 10 posto tržišta.


On the other hand, in the process of the privatisation of Slovnaft in 2000 we represented MOL's competitor, Austrian-based OMV, while it was in fact Slovnaft that was the chief competitor to "our" Jukos in the process of the sale of Transpetrol.


S druge strane, u procesu privatizacije Slovnafta 200. godine mi smo zastupali MOL-ovu konkurenciju, austrijski OMV, dok je upravo Slovnaft bio glavni konkurent "našem" Jukosu u procesu prodaje Transpetrola.


In several other major transactions we have been on the other side of the fence from both Slovnaft and MOL, so it is unclear to me were the rumour that we in fact represent them could have emerged from.


U još nekoliko velikih transakcija mi smo bili na suprotnoj strani od Slovnafta i MOL-a, pa mi nije jasno otkud te glasine da mi ustvari zastupamo njih.


Obviously we are acquainted with our colleagues in these companies and that we maintain business communications, but that is where it ends.


Jasno je da se poznajemo s kolegama iz tih kompanija i da održavamo poslovnu komunikaciju, ali to je sve.


We are out to buy Crobenz for ourselves, and we see potential in the company and the opportunity to increase its market value and thereby earn profits.


Crobenz kupujemo samo za sebe, u toj kompaniji vidimo potencijal i mogućnost da joj se poveća tržišna vrijednost i na taj način ostvari zarada.


But that is possible only by fighting it out on the market with MOL, INA and the other companies out there.


Ipak, to je jedino moguće putem tržišne borbe s MOL-om, Inom i ostalim tvrtkama na tržištu.


- I am not, because of the provisions of the tender, in a position to discuss the current situation in Crobenz, but I can say in principle that we will not finance the development of the company, at least in the first phase, from debt, but rather exclusively from our own capital, i.e. the capital of our investors.


- O trenutačnom stanju Crobenza zbog odredbi natječaja ne mogu govoriti, ali mogu načelno reći kako razvoj tvrtke, barem u prvoj fazi, nećemo financirati iz zaduženja, već isključivo iz vlastitog kapitala, odnosno kapitala naših ulagača.


Our business policy is such that we create a separate investor consortium for every deal, and in the case of Crobenz this includes a number of private and institutional Slovakian investors, who believe based on previous experience that we will again earn profits on this deal.


Naša poslovna politika je takva da za svaki posao stvaramo zaseban ulagački konzorcij, a u slučaju Crobenza radi se o nizu slovačkih privatnih i institucionalnih ulagača, koji na temelju prošlih iskustava vjeruju da ćemo i na ovom poslu ostvariti profit.


We carefully monitor all major undertakings in the energy sector in the region, and as such attentively monitored the second phase of the integration of INA and MOL, knowing that in these kinds of operations there are usually sales of some of the assets.


Mi inače pozorno pratimo sve velike poslove u energetskom sektoru u regiji, pa smo tako pozorno pratili i drugu fazu integracije Ine i MOL-a znajući da je u takvim poslovima uobičajeno da dođe do prodaje dijela imovine.


Which did in fact take place - but we were surprised by the media interest for the entire process of the sale of Crobenz.


To se i dogodilo, no iznenadili smo se medijskim interesom za cijeli proces prodaje Crobenza.


This is not a large company, it owns only 14 retail petrol filling stations and the sale of this kind of company in Slovakia would have only received cursory media attention.


To nije velika tvrtka, ima samo 14 benzinskih postaja i u Slovačkoj bi prodaja takve tvrtke bila tek usputno zabilježena u medijima.


We did, however, only later realise that the interest of the Croatian public for the sale of Crobenz was due to the fact that it is linked to the INA-MOL merger.


Ipak, tek kasnije smo shvatili kako je interes Hrvatske javnosti za prodaju Crobenza prouzročen činjenicom da je vezan za spajanje Ine i MOL-a.


We are investing in various activities, from heavy industry to banking.


- Ulažemo u razne djelatnosti, od teške industrije do bankarstva.


We have, for example, previously held a majority stake in the large Slovakian copper wire producer Kovohutny, the telecommunication company ViaPVT, and stakes in several financial institutions in the region, such as the Macedonian Investbank.


Primjerice, u prošlosti smo držali većinski udjel u velikoj slovačkoj tvornici bakrene žice Kovohutny, telekomunikacijskoj tvrtki ViaPVT, ali i udjele u više financijskih institucija u regiji kao što je makedonska Investbanka.


We are currently the owners of Way Industries, very successful in the manufacture of excavators and demining machines, and of the Primrose company, which holds patented technology for the manufacture of plant extracts, and we are co-owners of the Piper light aircraft factory in the Czech Republic.


Trenutačno smo vlasnici tvrtke Way industries koja se vrlo uspješno bavi proizvodnjom bagera i strojeva za deminiranje, zatim tvrtke Primrose koja posjeduje patentiranu tehnologiju za proizvodnju biljnih ekstrakata, te suvlasnici u Piperovoj tvornici lakih aviona u Češkoj.


- Croatia has, along with Slovenia, for years been the most interesting of the former Yugoslav member states for investors.


- Hrvatska je, uz Sloveniju, godinama bila investitorima najzanimljivija od svih država bivše Jugoslavije.


That means that the competition for possible investment into Croatia has been significantly greater than in Serbia or Macedonia, and greater competition in the final tally means higher prices.


To znači da je konkurencija za moguća ulaganja u Hrvatskoj bila znatno veća, nego u Srbiji ili Makedoniji, a veća konkurencija u konačnici znači i veću cijenu.


It is normal that for us as investors it is in our interest to pay as little as possible for companies we feel have value, and that was much easier in neighbouring countries than in Croatia.


Normalno je da je nama kao investitorima u interesu platiti što manje za tvrtke koje procjenjujemo vrijednima, a to je bilo puno lakše u susjednim državama nego u Hrvatskoj.


There have, in fact, been many Slovakian investors in Croatia over the years, and every such successful deal is a kind of invitation for other Slovakian companies to invest in Croatia.


Inače, slovačkih investitora u Hrvatskoj je tijekom proteklih godina bilo dosta, a svaki takav uspješan posao svojevrsna je pozivnica za druge slovačke tvrtke da ulažu u Hrvatskoj.


I sincerely hope that this scenario will be repeated in the case of Crobenz.


Iskreno se nadam da će se takav scenarij ponoviti i s Crobenzom.


The companies Tele2 Ltd. and Sunce Concern d.d. have become the Employer Partner during the November of 2008.


Tvrtke Tele2 d.o.o. i Sunce Koncern d.d. su postale Poslodavci Partneri tijekom studenog 2008. godine.


"To the process of certification we had approached because of comparison with other companies and with the best practices and standards of quality in the field of managing of the human resources.


"Procesu certifikacije primarno smo pristupili radi usporedbe s ostalim kompanijama te najboljim praksama i standardima kvalitete u području upravljanja ljudskim potencijalima.


These screening has enable us with the detail analysis of the current position and gave us valuable advices and guidelines how to improve every of these assessed fields.


Ovaj screening omogućio nam je detaljnu analizu trenutnog stanja te dao vrijedne savjete i smjernice kako poboljšati svako od ocjenjivanih područja.


The additional reason for getting the Certificate is certainly its reputation, and with these Tele2 is confirming like the desirable employer which will also in the future attract quality employees.


Dodatni razlog za dobivanje Certifikata svakako je i njegov ugled, a Tele2 se time potvrđuje kao poželjan poslodavac koji će i ubuduće privlačiti kvalitetne zaposlenike.


The Certificate is definitely the recognition and confirmation of our former work, however, we want, can and will yet be better, that is like one of guidelines of our corporate values says, we are «Proud, but never satisfied»."


Certifikat je definitivno priznanje i potvrda našeg dosadašnjeg rada, međutim, mi želimo, možemo i bit ćemo još bolji, tj. kao što jedna od smjernica naših korporativnih vrijednosti kaže, mi smo «Ponosni, ali nikada zadovoljni»."


"In members of the Sunce concern (the Hotel Alan Ltd.


"U članicama Sunce koncerna (Hotel Alan d.d.


Starigrad Paklenica, hotels Brela Ltd., hotels Tucepi and Zlatni rat Ltd.


Starigrad Paklenica, Hoteli Brela d.d., Hoteli Tučepi i Zlatni rat d.d.


Bol) has always existing the awareness of the importance of the human work in creating and giving of the excellent hotels and gastronomy service, that is, we believe, one of the most important reason of our success and long duration on the demanding market.


Bol) oduvijek postoji svijest o važnosti ljudskog rada u kreiranju i pružanju vrhunske hotelske i ugostiteljske usluge, što je, vjerujemo, i jedan od glavnih razloga našeg uspjeha i dugog trajanja na zahtjevnom tržištu.


This year, in fact, our Zlatni rat celebrates 60 years of work, hotels Brela – 56 years, hotels Tucepi – 55 years and hotels Alan – 40 years.


Ove godine, naime, naš Zlatni rat slavi 60 godina rada, Hoteli Brela – 56 godina, Hoteli Tučepi – 55 godina i Hoteli Alan – 40 godina.


From the announcement of business on the brand bluesun hotels &resorts in 2005 year, in Sunce Concern we intensively work on the development and implementation of the contemporary system for managing of the human resources like as selection system, system of competences, the educational system, the system of managing of working performance, the internal coaching and the system of the development of the management.


Od objavljivanja poslovanja pod brendom bluesun hotels&resorts 2005. godine, u Sunce Koncernu intenzivno radimo na razvoju i implementaciji suvremenih sustava za upravljanje ljudskim potencijalima kao što su selekcijski sustav, sustav kompetencija, obrazovni sustav, sustav upravljanja radnom učinkovitošću, interno trenerstvo te sustav razvoja rukovodstva.


The process of getting the Certificate Employer Partner, for us prior represents the return information of the profession about till now performed in that, for us so important, the segment of business.


Proces dobivanja Certifikata Poslodavac Partner za nas prvenstveno predstavlja povratnu informaciju struke o do sada učinjenom u tom, za nas tako važnom, segmentu poslovanja.


Considering that these project gathers the top Croatian companies, for us it is also important the comparison for the best practice in the field of managing of the human resources in Croatia.


Obzirom da ovaj projekt okuplja vrhunske hrvatske tvrtke, za nas je također važna i usporedba s najboljom praksom u području upravljanja ljudskim potencijalima u Republici Hrvatskoj.


In that effect just getting the Certificate we consider like great recognition, and we are assured that our employees, as well as our business partners will recognize the value of this award."


U tom smislu samo dobivanje Certifikata doživljavamo kao veliko priznanje, te smo uvjereni da će naši zaposlenici, kao i naši poslovni partneri prepoznati vrijednost ove nagrade."


The project holders are SELECTIO, the leading Croatian Human Resources Management Company and MojPosao (www.MojPosao.net).


Nositelji ovog projekta su SELECTIO, vodeća hrvatska tvrtka za upravljanje ljudskim resursima i MojPosao (www.MojPosao.net).


There are also inside and outside consultants from the Human Resources area who are involved in the ongoing development of the project, its methodology and Human Resources management practice on the Croatian market.


Na neprekidnom razvoju projekta, njegove metodologije i praksi upravljanja ljudskim resursima na hrvatskom tržištu, uključeni su interni i vanjski savjetnici iz područja upravljajna ljudskim resursima.


Some of the most successful Croatian organizations are Certificate holders, such as: Atlantic Grupa, Avon kozmetika, BELUPO lijekovi i kozmetika, Carlsberg Croatia, Chromos boje i lakovi, Coca-Cola Beverages Hrvatska, Coca-Cola HBC B-H, DALMACIJACEMENT, Erste & Steiermärkische S-Leasing, Gradski parking d.o.o. Sibenik, HBOR, Hrvatska Lutrija, Istraturist Umag, Jamnica, Johnson & Johnson S.E., Koncar – Elektronika i informatika, Ledo, Microsoft Hrvatska, Milenij hoteli, Orbico, PBZ Card, Solaris, SOS-DJECJE SELO HRVATSKA, Sunce Koncern, Tele2, Valamar hoteli i ljetovalista, Vipnet, Volksbank, Zagrebacka banka and Zvijezda.


Nositelji Certifikata su neke od najuspješnijih hrvatskih organizacija: Atlantic Grupa, Avon kozmetika, BELUPO lijekovi i kozmetika, Carlsberg Croatia, Chromos boje i lakovi, Coca-Cola Beverages Hrvatska, Coca-Cola HBC B-H, DALMACIJACEMENT, Erste & Steiermärkische S-Leasing, Gradski parking d.o.o. Šibenik, HBOR, Hrvatska Lutrija, Istraturist Umag, Jamnica, Johnson & Johnson S.E., Končar – Elektronika i informatika, Ledo, Microsoft Hrvatska, Milenij hoteli, Orbico, PBZ Card, Solaris, SOS-DJEČJE SELO HRVATSKA, Sunce Koncern, Tele2, Valamar hoteli i ljetovališta, Vipnet, Volksbank, Zagrebačka banka i Zvijezda.


In cooperation with the FACTUM documentary film project, CESI produced a 30-minute educational film entitled "Almost Equal".


CESI je u suradnji s Dokumentarnim filmskim projektom FACTUM snimio polusatni edukativni film "TO JE NEKAKO RAVNOPRAVNO".


Gender equality, as well as sex education, is a frequently neglected and even non-existent issue in the formal educational system in Croatia. "Almost Equal" was produced to raise awareness among young people about the importance of this issue.


Budući da je ravnopravnost spolova tema koja je uvelike zanemarena i nepostojeća u formalnom sustavu obrazovanja, jednako kao i edukacija o seksualnosti, odlučile smo snimiti film kako bi mladima ukazali na važnost ove teme.


In the film, adolescents from Zagreb, Rijeka, Opatija and Sisak discuss their opinions and experiences of relationships between men and women, about house chores, the participation of men and women in business and in various professions, adolescent's relationships, sex, homosexuality and their visions of future partnerships.


U filmu adolescenti i adolescentice iz Zagreba, Rijeke, Opatije i Siska iznose svoja mišljenja, stavove i vlastita iskustva o odnosima između muškaraca i žena, o kućanskim poslovima, zastupljenosti muškaraca i žena u biznisu i različitim profesijama, o adolescentskim vezama, seksu, homoseksualnosti te o viđenju svog budućeg života s partnerom/icom.


Several famous people also appear in the film: singers Mile Kekin from Hladno Pivo and Dražen Turina –Šajeta, as well as actors Nina Violić and Tvrtko Jurić.


U filmu, da bi bio što interesantniji mladima, nastupile su i poznate osobe: pjevači Mile Kekin iz Hladnog Piva i Dražen Turina - Šajeta, te glumci Nina Violić i Tvrtko Jurić.


We also portrayed people with "unusual" occupations such as woman pilot Dunja Kuvalja and kindergarten teacher Muhamed Kovačević.


Isto tako prikazali smo i osobe koje se bave neuobičajenim zanimanjem vezanim uz svoj spol: pilotkinja Dunja Kuvalja i odgajatelj u vrtiću Muhamed Kovačević.


Historical, medical and social views on relationships between genders are presented by historian Andrea Feldman, medical doctor Ana Lapčević and union activist Jagoda Milidrag Šmid.


Povijesni, društveni i medicinski kontekst odnosa među spolovima daju i neke stručnjakinje kao povjesničarka Andrea Feldman, sindikalistkinja Jagoda Milidrag Šmid i liječnica Ana Lapčević.


The film was directed by Dana Budisavljević and supported financially by the European Union.


Redateljica filma je Dana Budisavljević. Film je nastao uz financijsku potporu Europske komisije.


The documentary will be used for educational purposes and will be shown in schools and in CESI's seminars and workshops.


Film će se koristiti u edukativne svrhe i prikazivat će se u školama te na CESI seminarima i radionicama o odnosima među spolovima.


If Zoran Milanovic continues to refuse to support the ratification of the arbitration agreement with Slovenia he will be responsible for stopping Croatia's negotiations with the European Union.


Nastavi li Zoran Milanović odbijati podršku ratifikaciji Arbitražnog sporazuma sa Slovenijom, postat će odgovoran za zaustavljanje pregovora Hrvatske s Europskom unijom.


And while some of the party leadership feel that a deal will be worked out with the Jadranka Kosor Government by the middle of next week, securing the required two thirds majority in Parliament, Milanovic remains convinced that the agreement is a shoddy one and should be rejected regardless of the consequences.


Premda dio stranačkog vodstva smatra da će se do sredine idućeg tjedna postići dogovor s vladom Jadaranke Kosor i tako osigurati neophodna saborska dvotrećinska većina, Milanović je i dalje uvjeren da je sporazum loš i treba ga odbaciti bez obzira na posljedice.


And the main consequence in that case will be a long-term halt on the negotiations between Croatia and the European Union and an almost certain delay to Croatian accession to the EU. This is one of the most important moments in modern Croatian history, and the president of the SDP is behaving like he does not grasp this fact.


A glavna posljedica u tom slučaju bit će dugotrajni prekid pregovora između Hrvatske i Europske unije i gotovo sigurna odgoda ulaska u EU. Ovo je jedan od najvažnijih trenutaka u novijoj povijesti Republike Hrvatske, a predsjednik SDP-a ponaša se kao da to ne razumije.


The SDP's decision doubtless depends only on Milanovic, and had he backed the arbitration agreement he would have been followed by the vast majority of MP's.


Odluka SDP-a nedvojbeno ovisi isključivo o Milanoviću, i da je on podržao Arbtražni sporazum, slijedila bi ga golemaa većina zastupnika.


Now everything has been brought into question, and the complication of the situation is largely the result of an ego trip and the idea that the president of the SDP is the only person on the Croatian political scene that understands what Croatia's national interests are.


Ovako je sve dovedeno u pitanje, a kompliciranje situacije uvelike je posljedice egotripa i ideje da je predsjednik SDP-a jedina osoba na hrvatskoj političkoj sceni koja razumije što su hrvatski nacionalni interesi.


And what Zoran Milanovic and the SDP are doing is, in fact, gambling with Croatia's national interests, the likes of which we have not seen since 2001, when Ivo Sanader and the HDZ threatened to undertake a coup d'état.


A to što rade Zoran Milanović i SDP zapravo je kockanje s hrvatskim nacionalnim interesima, kakvog nije bilo još od 2001. kad su Ivo Sanader i HDZ prijetili državnim udarom.


A putsch was averted in the last moment, but because of the right-wing radicals of the time the start of negotiations between Croatia and the EU were put off for several years. One of the worst moves by what was then the opposition was to bring down the Racan-Drnovsek agreement, a prescient decision by the then SDP Prime Minister, who was accused of being a traitor for his effort to resolve the dispute with Slovenia.


Puč je spriječen u posljednji trenutak, ali zbog tadašnjih desnih radikala za nekoliko godina odgođen je početak pregovora Hrvatske i EU. Jedan od najgorih poteza tadašnje opozicije bilo je rušenje sporazuma Račan-Drnovšek, dalekovidne odluke tadašnjeg SDP-ova premijera, koji je zbog pokušaja da riješi spor sa Slovenijom optuživan kao izdajica.


The policies being led by the current Milanovic-led SDP is a de facto continuation of the right wing positions from the start of the decade and a renouncement of Ivica Racan's legacy.


Politika koju vodi sadašnji SDP na čelu s Milanovićem de facto je nastavak desničarskih stajališta s početka desetljeća i odricanje od naslijeđa Ivice Račana.


If one did not know who has said what in Parliament during the debate on the agreement with Slovenia, the arguments put forth by the SDP deputies could easily be attributed to former HDZ MP's.


Kad se ne bi znalo tko je što govorio u Saboru prilikom rasprave o sporazumu sa Slovenijom, argumenti esdepeovaca bez imalo problema mogli bi se pripisati nekadašnjim zastupnicima HDZ-a.


And it is Milanovic that is responsible for the current 180-degree change of heart, as he has persevered in his opposition ever since the agreement was announced.


Za sadašnji politički obrat od 180 stupnjeva odgovoran je Milanović, koji je od trenutka kad je sporazum objavljen ustrajao u protivljenju.


And one cannot speak of the opposition here, because the HNS and the IDS have backed the agreement, as has President Stipe Mesic.


Ovdje nije moguće govoriti o opoziciji jer su HNS i IDS podržali sporazum, baš kao i predsjednik Stipe Mesić.


On the far bank now there is only Zoran Milanovic, who shares his position with Branimir Glavas' HDSSB and right-wingers such as Davorin Rudolf, Ivan Zvonimir Cicak, Milan Vukovic and the clero-rightist gang gathered around Iustitia et pax.


Na suprotnoj strani danas je još jedino Zoran Milanović, koji dijeli stajalište s Glavaševim HDSSB-om i desničarima kao što su Davorin Rudolf, Ivan Zvonimir Čičak, Milan Vuković i crkveno-desničarska ekipa okupljena u Iustitia et pax.


The tactical manoeuvring being led by the SDP could easily halt Croatian accession to the European Union for two years and delay it to 2014 by the earliest, when Serbia might join.


Taktiziranje koje predvodi SDP lako bi moglo zaustaviti Hrvatski ulazak u Europsku uniju za dvije godine i odgoditi za najranije 2014., kada će možda ući Srbija.


It is possible that the SDP president changes his mind in the meantime as there have been attempts to arrange a trip to Brussels and a meeting with the President of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso, where Milanovic wants to seek guarantees that the arbitration tribunal that will decide on the Croatian-Slovenian border at sea will be composed of established legal experts.


Moguće je da SDP-ov predsjednik u međuvremenu promijeni mišljenje jer se pokušava dogovoriti njegov put u Bruxelles i sastanak s predsjednikom Europske komisije Joséom Manuelom Barrosoom, na kojem Milanović želi tražiti jamstva da će arbitražno tijelo koje bude odlučivalo o hrvatsko-slovenskoj morskoj granici biti sastavljeno od renomiranih pravnika.


For the moment, Milanovic's chief objection is that the European Commission is proposing some mid-ranked bureaucrats as arbiters, who lack the competence to deal with major border disputes.


Zasad je glavni Milanovićev prigovor to da Europska komisija kao arbitre predlaže nekakve činovnike srednjeg ranga, koji su nekompetentni za važne granične sporove.


It is not known what he intends to do if the answers he receives do not satisfy him, but as things now stand, the head of the SDP is ready to reject the ratification, even if it puts Croatia in a tremendously poor international position.


Nije poznato što namjerava učiniti ako ne dobije zadovoljavajući odgovor, ali prema sadašnjoj situaciji, šef SDP-a spreman je odbiti ratifikaciju, makar to Republiku Hrvatsku dovelo u strahovito loš međunarodni položaj.


As an argument in favour of so risky a policy, he cites that Slovenia intends to hold an advisory referendum, and that Croatia therefore has no cause to rush into its ratification.


Kao argument ovako riskantne politike navodi i to da se u Sloveniji tek namjerava održati savjetodavni referendum, i da zato Hrvatska ne treba žuriti s ratifikacijom.


This position is in direct contradiction with the opinions of numerous diplomats, who are convinced that in the event of a ratification Croatia would gain a massive strategic advantage over Slovenia.


Ovakav stav u direktnoj je suprotnosti s mišljenjima brojnih diplomata koji su uvjereni kako bi u slučaju ratifikacije Hrvatska stekla ogromnu stratešku prednost ispred Slovenije.


The Slovenians would then - if they reject the agreement - definitely earn the epithet of "troublemakers" and would be subjected to strong pressure from the European Union and the USA. Something similar, but of much lesser intensity, Borut Pahor's administration experienced earlier this spring when, as a result of pressure from Washington and Brussels it was forced to back down an allow Croatian accession to NATO. On the other hand, if the 56 SDP Members of Parliament refuse to ratify the agreement next week, it will be Croatia that will find itself in a blockade.


Tada bi Slovenci - ako odbace sporazum - definitivno dobili epitet “troublemakera” i bili izvrgnuti snažnim pritiscima iz Europske unije i SAD-a. Nešto slično, ali puno slabijeg intenziteta, vlada Boruta Pahora doživjela je početkom proljeća kad je zbog pritisaka iz Washingtona i Bruxellesa bila prisiljena omogućiti ulazak Hrvatske u NATO. S druge strane, ako idućeg tjedna 56 SDP-ovih zastupnika odbije ratificirati sporazum, u blokadi će se naći Hrvatska.


It would probably lose credibility and in that case it is an open question when the talks would continue.


Vjerojatno će izgubiti kredibilitet i u tom slučaju pitanje je kada će pregovori biti nastavljeni.


The question of whether Croatia enters the EU in 2012 is a strategic one. Accession to the EU has been brought into question by petty tactical manoeuvring, and in part by Milanovic's personal animosity towards Jadranka Kosor.


To je strateško pitanje oko toga hoće li Hrvatska 2012. ući u EU. Ulazak u EU doveden je u pitanje sitnim taktiziranjem, a djelomice i osobnim animozitetom Milanovića prema Jadranki Kosor.


Even Hannes Swoboda failed to sway Milanovic, who appealed to the SDP not to reject the agreement with Slovenia.


Na Milanovića nije utjecao ni zahtjev Hannesa Swobode, austrijskog socijalista koji je apelirao da SDP ne odbacuje sporazum sa Slovenijom.


Swoboda is described in the SDP as a "mere deputy in European Parliament," regardless of the fact that this is for at least two reasons quite incorrect.


Swobodu u SDP-u opisuju kao “običnnog zastupnika u Europskom parlamentu”, iako je to iz barem dva razloga posve pogrešno.


Above all because he is the rapporteur for Croatia, which gives him quite a bit of political clout, and because Hannes Swoboda is a friend both to Croatia and the SDP. Because of his support for Croatia in the dispute with Slovenia a few years ago he suffered much criticism from Ljubljana, and as a leftist Milanovic is certainly closer to his heart than Jadranka Kosor.


Ponajprije zato što je on izvjestitelj za Hrvatsku, što mu osigurava popriličan politički utjecaj, a i zato što je Hannes Swoboda prijatelj Hrvatske i SDP-a. Zbog podrške Hrvatskoj u sporu sa Slovenijom prije nekoliko godina doživio je brojne kritike iz Ljubljane, a kao ljevičaru sigurno mu je bliži Milanović nego Jadranka Kosor.


That is why disparaging Swoboda's appeal is a poor decision for the Croatian Social Democrats.


Zato je omalovažavanje Swobodina apela loša odluka hrvatskih socijaldemokrata.


Milanovic feels that it is inadmissible that bureaucrats in the offices of José Manuel Barroso and Olli Rehn decide on the composition of the arbitration body.


Milanović smatra kako je nedopustivo da o sastavu arbitražnog tijela odlučuju službenici u uredima Joséa Manuela Barrosoa i Ollija Rehna.


This pertains in particular to Rehn who will not in the future be a member of the European Commission, as a result of which his opinion is relatively unimportant.


Posebno se to odnosi na Rehna koji ubuduće više neće biti član Europske komisije i zato je njegovo razmišljanje relativno nevažno.


In discussion with two of his allies within the SDP Nacional was given assurances that they will in the end vote in favour of the ratification of the agreement with Slovenia.


U razgovorima s dvojicom njegovih saveznika unutar SDP-a Nacional je dobio uvjeravanja kako će svi oni nasposljetku ipak glasati za ratifikaciju Sporazuma sa Slovenijom.


"We are not so naïve as to stop Croatian accession to the European Union, but we could not consent to the dictate of Jadranka Kosor, and as a result abstained.


“Nismo naivni da bismo zaustavili ulazak Hrvatske u Europsku uniju, ali nismo mogli pristati na diktat Jadranke Kosor i zato smo bili suzdržani.


But at the key moment, we will vote in favour, and believe that Zoran Milanovic will do the same," they told Nacional.


Ali u najvažnijem trenutku glasat ćemo za, a vjerujemo da će isto učiniti i Zoran Milanović”, ispričali su za Nacional.


Unlike them, Milanovic last weekend continued to insist that it was a "shoddy agreement," and that "Stipe Mesic and Jadranka Kosor are in the wrong to support it, but the SDP cannot consent to it." It is interesting that a few days ahead of last week's vote in Croatian Parliament the SDP members were not against the agreement.


Za razliku od njih, Milanović je tijekom posljednjeg vikenda i dalje tvrdio da se radi o “lošem sporazumu”, te da “griješe i Stipe Mesić i Jadranka Kosor jer ga podržavaju, ali SDP na to ne može pristati”. Zanimljivo je da nekoliko dana prije prošlotjednog glasovanja u Hrvatskom saboru esdepeovci nisu bili protiv sporazuma.


And while the SDP deputies were almost unanimous, with a few votes against, in their abstention during the vote on the agreement with Slovenia, and fiercely criticised the Kosor Government during the debate, there was a different mood in the ranks of the strongest opposition party just a few days earlier.


Premda su SDP-ovi zastupnici gotovo unisono, uz nekoliko glasova protiv, iskazali suzdržanost prilikom glasovanja o sporazumu sa Slovenijom, a u raspravi žestoko kritizirali vladu Jadranke Kosor, samo nekoliko dana ranije u redovima najjače oporbene stranke prevladavalo je drukčije raspoloženje.


This is how things unfolded.


Događaji su imali ovakav slijed.


On Monday 26 October, Borut Pahor came to Zagreb and met with Zoran Milanovic.


U ponedjeljak, 26. listopada, Borut Pahor je došao u Zagreb i sastao se i sa Zoranom Milanovićem.


Pahor gave Milanovic his own take on the Slovenian-Croatian dispute, and probably showed him the document, but they were not willing to give statements to the press afterwards.


Pahor je Milanoviću iznio vlastito viđenje slovensko-hrvatskog spora, a vjerojatno pokazao i dokument, ali nakon susreta nisu htjeli davati izjave za medije.


Two days later, Jadranka Kosor called for a session of Parliament and a vote on the agreement, which was then passed on to the press by high-ranking politicians.


Dva dana kasnije Jadranka Kosor je inicirala saborsku sjednicu i glasanje o sporazumu koji je tada iz visokih političkih krugova dostavljen medijima.


Parallel to this informal consultations were launched within the SDP on whether the agreement should be supported or not.


Usporedo s tim unutar SDP-a su počele neformalne konzultacije treba li ili ne treba podržati sporazum.


On Friday 30 October, Milanovic gathered a dozen of the more prominent MP's, who gave their opinions of the bilateral document in the discussion, with those in favour carrying the day - the agreement was supported by Tonino Picula, Slavko Linic, Zeljka Antunovic and Neven Mimica, and the others were not against.


U petak, 30. listopada, u stranačkom klubu Milanović je okupio desetak poznatijih zastupnika, koji su u raspravi iznijeli mišljenje o međudržavnom dokumentu i prevladali su pobornici: sporazum su podržali Tonino Picula, Slavko Linić, Željka Antunović i Neven Mimica, a ni ostali se nisu usprotivili.


And while no official conclusion was made, it was assumed that this would be the platform for the vote that was announced for Monday, 2 November.


Iako nije donesen nikakav službeni zaključak, pretpostavilo se da je to platforma za glasovanje koje je najavljeno za ponedjeljak, 2. studenoga.


But in his statement for the press Milanovic was quite ambiguous and sought an apology from Jadranka Kosor because the HDZ had previously opposed the Racan-Drnovsek agreement.


No u izjavi za medije Milanović je bio prilično neodređen i zatražio ispriku Jadranke Kosor jer je HDZ nekoć bio protiv sporazuma Račan-Drnovšek.


She did not, of course, offer an apology, nor was that to have been expected, although she did in Parliament indirectly admit that she had erred in the past, not comprehending what her predecessors Ivica Racan and Ivo Sanader had had to deal with.


Naravno da ona to nije učinila niti se to moglo očekivati, iako je u Saboru posredno priznala da je u prošlosti griješila, ne shvaćajući s čime su se suočavali njezini prethodnici Ivica Račan i Ivo Sanader.


Milanovic's opponents within the party claimed then that he had said off the record that "while I am president of the SDP we will not support this kind of agreement."


Milanovićevi unutarstranački protivnici tih su dana tvrdili da je neformalno izjavio da "dok sam ja predsjednik SDP-a, nećemo podržati ovakav sporazum".


It was a continuation of internal strife, as most of the MP's on hand for a meeting of the club of SDP deputies were against backing the agreement, and to avoid an open division this was accepted by Mimica, Picula, Zeljka Antunovic and the others who were in favour of voting yea.


Bio je to nastavak unutarnjih neslaganja, jer je na sjednici Kluba zastupnika SDP-a većina prisutnih bila protiv podržavanja sporazuma i kako bi izbjegli otvoreni raskol, to su prihvatili i Mimica, Picula, Željka Antunović i ostali koji su mislili da trebaju glasovati za.


In spite of attacks against the arbitration agreement and their abstentions in the voting, the SDP deputies are all but unified behind this issue.


Unatoč napadima na Arbitražni sporazum i suzdržanom glasovanju, SDP-ovi zastupnici oko ovog pitanja sve su samo ne homogeni.


Some are a priori against the agreement, either because they are from Istria, or because they have adopted a hard-line nationalist rhetoric and are now joining Branimir Glavas' people in grousing about a betrayal of national interests.


Jedan dio je a priori protiv sporazuma, bilo zato što su iz Istre, ili jer su usvojili tvrdu nacionalističku retoriku i sada zajedno s ljudima Branimira Glavaša galame da se radi o izdaji nacionalnih interesa.


Most of the Members of Parliament are sticking to a middle ground and feel that they demonstrated a firm position at the previous session of Parliament, and are now ready to back down, arguing that the SDP has, unlike the HDZ, never worked against an European future for Croatia, and should vote for the ratification.


Većina zastupnika spada u srednju struju i smatra da su na prošloj saborskoj sjednici pokazali čvrst stav, a sad su spremni reterirati i, uz argument kako SDP za razliku od HDZ-a nikada nije radio protiv europske budućnosti Hrvatske, svojim glasovima podržati ratifikaciju.


And while Milanovic picked up over 80 percent of the vote at the last party convention, today's SDP is deeply divided and disunited and it is only their animosity towards the HDZ that holds them together.


Iako je Milanović na posljednjoj konvenciji dobio više od 80 posto glasova, današnji SDP duboko je podijeljen i nejedinstven i na okupu ih drži isključivo animozitet prema HDZ-u.


A part of the older membership never really accepted Racan's successor, and as far as character goes, Milanovic is also not a person that gathers partners to his side.


Jedan dio starijeg članstva nikada nije prihvatio Račanova nasljednika, a u karakternom pogledu ni Milanović nije osoba koja okuplja suradnike.


Over the past two and a half years he has surrounded himself with a group of 30-year-olds who even annoy most of Milanovic's allies, and at the same time there is quite a list of those with whom he has come at odds with or severed most contacts with, from the one-time candidate for the post of Prime Minister Ljubo Jurcic and older members like Sime Lucin and Marin Jurcevic, to a large part of the SDP presidency.


U protekle dvije i pol godine okružio se grupom 30-godišnjaka koji nerviraju čak i većinu Milanovićevih saveznika, ali istovremeno priličan je popis onih s kojima se sukobio ili prekinuo većinu kontakata, od nekadašnjeg premijerskog kandidata Ljube Jurčića i starih kadrova poput Šime Lučina i Marina Jurjevića do velikog dijela predsjedništva SDP-a.


Unlike the SDP of Ivica Racan's time, today's SDP has no sensibility for leftists and intellectuals outside the party and people like Boris Labar, Zvonko Makovic, Vjeran Zuppa and a dozen public figures of leftist-liberal orientation who used to collaborate actively with the SDP are no longer active.


Za razliku od SDP-a u doba Ivice Račana, u današnjem SDP-u nema senzibiliteta za izvanstranačke ljevičare i intelektualce i više nisu aktivni ljudi poput Borisa Labara, Zvonka Makovića, Vjerana Zuppe i desetak javnih osoba lijevo-liberalne provenijencije koje su u prošlosti aktivno surađivale s SDP-om.


That he is unable to restrain himself from attacking his opponents Milanovic showed by his poor form when he recently, at a session of the party's Central Committee, said that he had been attacked in a daily newspaper because the editor-in-chief of the paper had in the past collaborated with the former Yugoslavia's UDB secret service.


Da nije u stanju suzdržati se od napada na protivnike, Milanović je pokazao lošom gestom kad je nedavno na sjednici Glavnog odbora izjavio da ga u jednom dnevnom listu napadaju zato što je glavni urednik tih novina nekoć surađivao s Udbom.


This kind of defamation was last heard from Franjo Tudman, and are now expounded from time to time only by the right-wing Glas koncila in the commentaries signed by Ivan Miklenic.


Takve difamacije posljednji put su se mogle čuti od Franje Tuđmana, a danas ih povremeno plasira još jedino desničarski Glas koncila u komentarima Ivana Miklenića.


The strong antagonisms present in the SDP have one again broken through to the surface at last week's session of the party presidency, which Primorje-Gorski kotar County Prefect Zlatko Komadina quit after an altercation.


Snažni antagonizmi koji postoje u SDP-u ponovno su izbili na vidjelo tijekom prošlotjedne sjednice stranačkog predsjedništva koju je nakon svađe s Milanovićem napustio primorsko-goranski župan Zlatko Komadina.


It was the culmination of the mutual intolerance in which on the one side there is Milanovic and his backers, and on the other, Komadina, Zeljka Antunovic, Zvonimir Mrsic and ever more Tonino Picula and Milanka Opacic.


Bila je to kulminacija međusobne netrpeljivosti u kojoj su s jedne strane Milanović i njegovi pobornici, a na drugoj Komadina, Željka Antunović, Zvonimir Mršić i sve više Tonino Picula i Milanka Opačić.


Also here recently was Milan Bandic, who has in the meantime been chucked out of the SDP. Several participants of the session have confirmed for Nacional that no one expected any significant squabbles, much less an altercation and the demonstrative departure of Zlatko Komadina.


Donedavno je tu bio i Milan Bandić, koji je u međuvremenu izbačen iz SDP-a. Nekoliko sudionika sjednice potvrdilo je za Nacional da nitko nije očekivao veće sukobe, a kamoli svađu i demonstrativni odlazak Zlatka Komadine.


Milanovic has for some time now felt that Komadina is playing some game of his in the party and is out to undermine his authority.


Milanović već dugo smatra da Komadina u stranci igra neku svoju igru i pokušava mu potkopati autoritet.


He had much the same feeling about a press conference at which the Primorje-Gorski kotar County Prefect spoke critically about the situation in Zagreb and set a kind of equidistance between Milan Bandic and the Zagreb SDP that has opposes the mayor.


Slično je doživio i novinarsku konferenciju na kojoj je primorsko-goranski župan kritizirao situaciju u Zagrebu i napravio svojevrsnu ekvidistancu između Milana Bandića i zagrebačkog SDP-a, koji se usprotivio gradonačelniku.


Komadina's opinion irritated Milanovic, and he brought his top people in the party's Zagreb branch, Deputy Mayor Ivo Jelusic and the President of City Council Boris Sprem.


Komadinina razmišljanja iziritirala su Milanovića, koji je na sjednicu predsjedništva SDP-a doveo svoje vodeće ljude u zagrebačkoj organizaciji dogradonačelnika Ivu Jelušića i Borisa Šprema, predsjednika Gradske skupštine.


The start of the session was, however, dedicated to the upcoming presidential elections, and Milanka Opacic attacked Ivo Josipovic for voting against the agreement with Slovenia, instead of abstaining like the other SDP MP's.


Početak je, ipak, bio posvećen predstojećim predsjedničkim izborima i Milanka Opačić je napala Ivu Josipovića jer je glasovao protiv sporazuma sa Slovenijom, umjesto da bude suzdržan kao ostatak zastupnika.


The gist of what she said can be boiled down to a warning that the SDP candidate could fare poorly at the upcoming elections.


Sukus njenog nastupa može se svesti na upozorenje da bi SDP-ov kandidat mogao proći loše na idućim izborima.


Vojko Obersnel then took the floor and stated his view that the agreement should have been supported, and was followed by Komadina who reproached the SDP leadership for a poor state of affairs in the party and that they have spent too much time dealing with the Bandic issue.


Zatim se umiješao Vojko Obersnel koji je iznio stajalište da je sporazum trebalo podržati, da bi zatim nastupio Komadina koji je vodstvu SDP-a zamjerio loše stanje u stranci i da su se previše bavili Bandićem.


Sprem, Milanovic and Jelusic answered his questions, but Komadina ignored their arguments and insisted that they had botched things up.


Replicirali su mu Šprem, Milanović i Jelušić, no Komadina je ignorirao njihove argumente i tvrdio da su radili krivo.


By then the atmosphere was very charged and Milanovic censured him for statements made to the Novi List daily, and when Komadina continued to criticise (here the statements of the participant vary, some say he swore, other that he did not), Milanovic retorted saying "Zlatko, you will not behave like this here.


Tada se atmosfera već naelektrizirala i Milanović ga je napao zbog izjave u Novom listu, a kad je Komadina nastavio kritizirati (ovdje se izjave sudionika razlikuju i jedni kažu da je psovao, a drugi da nije), Milanović mu je rekao: “Zlatko tako se nećeš ponašati.


If you mean to continue, the exit doors are there."


Ako misliš nastaviti, tamo su izlazna vrata.”


Komadina got up and left the room at that point, with Milanka Opacic attempting to console him in the hallway.


Nakon toga Komadina je ustao i izišao, a na hodniku ga je pokušala utješiti Milanka Opačić.


When the feathers had settled Zeljka Antunovic took the floor, saying that she was unhappy that Bandic had left the SDP, after which she too left, explaining that she had to be at reception organised by the Ericsson-Nikola Tesla company.


Kad se inicident stišao, govorila je Željka Antunović, koja je izrazila zadovoljstvo Bandićevim odlaskom iz SDP-a, a čim je završila, i ona je krenula van.


Her actions further irritated Milanovic.


Objasnila je da mora otići na proslavu koju je organizirao Ericsson-Nikola Tesla, a njezin postupak dodatno je iziritirao Milanovića.


The culmination of it all came the following day when there were reports from the press that Komadina, Tonino Picula, Milanka Opacic, Zeljka Antunovic and Dusan Ljustina, Milan Bandic's closest confidante, had met in the nearby Hole in One pub after the meeting of the party presidency.


Kulminacija je nastupila idućeg dana, kad su novine objavile da su nakon sjednice u obližnjem pubu The Hole in One viđeni Zlatko Komadina, Tonino Picula, Milanka Opačić, Željka Antunović i Dušan Ljuština, glavni intimus Milana Bandića.


And while Komadina, Picula and Opacic denied that there was any plotting going on in writing, the relationship between them and Milanovic has been deeply undermined.


Iako su uskoro Komadina, Picula i Milanka Opačić pismeno demantirali zaplotnjačke planove, odnos između njih i Milanovića duboko je narušen.


This trio, Zeljka Antunovic and Zvonimir Mrsic feel that the Milanovic is doing a poor job of leading the SDP and has by his behaviour caused divisions and rifts within the party, while the president of the Social Democrats for his part feels that his opponents are incompetent politicians for whom politics is the only source of income.


Ova trojka skupa sa Željkom Antunović i Zvonimirom Mršićem smatra da Milanović loše vodi SDP i svojim ponašanjem izaziva podjele i lomove unutar stranke, dok predsjednik socijaldemokrata smatra da su njegovi suparnici nesposobni političari kojima je politika jedini izvor egzistencije.


The problem is that they have all been elected by the party convention, and however much they share a mutual intolerance toward one another, which was somehow concealed - they are forced to share the same table.


Problem je to što ih je sve izabrala stranačka konvencija i, koliko god se uzajamno ne trpe - kao što se nisu trpjeli ni u prošlosti, ali se to nekako prikrivalo - prisiljeni su sjediti jedni pokraj drugih.


But it all increasingly broaches the question of how long this status quo can continue within the SDP, where the relationships within the leadership are quite poor.


No sve se više otvara pitanje koliko će dugo unutar SDP-a trajati ovakav status quo, u kojem su posve narušeni odnosi unutar vodstva.


Milanovic and his supporters are convinced that his old nemesis Zeljka Antunovic, who has been colluding with Bandic the past months, to the detriment of Ivo Josipovic, is behind the press reports of a poor state of affairs in the SDP. From this point of view it is not Milanka Opacic, Picula, or even Komadina that pose the true threat, but Zeljka Antunovic does, and she now wants to seize control of the Zagreb branch of the SDP. In this, allegedly, she has the support of Bandic's people in the Zagreb organisation, and they are to secure her victory over her opponents Ivo Jelusic and Davor Bernardic.


Milanović i njegovi saveznici uvjereni su da iza medijskih napisa o lošem stanju u SDP-u stoji njegova stara suparnica Željka Antunović, koja posljednjih mjeseci paktira s Bandićem, a na štetu Ive Josipovića. Iz tog kuta gledanja, Milanka Opačić, Picula, pa čak i Komadina nisu prava opasnost, ali to jest Željka Antunović, koja sada želi preuzeti zagrebački SDP. U tome, navodno, ima potporu Bandićevih kadrova u zagrebačkoj organizaciji i oni joj trebaju donijeti pobjedu nad protukandidatima Ivom Jelušićem i Davorom Bernardićem.


And there is, of course, no lack of activity in the Zeljka Antunovic camp, and they have launched a serious counter-accusation that Milanovic has told some associates that, if Bandic does become the country's president and resigns the post of mayor, he would postpone elections within the Zagreb SDP. That means that Milanovic would personally appoint an SDP nominee for the post of Zagreb mayor, and in the event of his turn of events Zeljka Antunovic has indicated she would openly oppose him.


Naravno da ni u taboru Željke Antunović nisu pasivni i lansirali su tešku protuoptužbu prema kojoj je Milanović nekim suradnicima najavio da će, ako Bandić postane predsjednik i odstupi s gradonačelničke dužnosti, odgoditi izbore unutar zagrebačkog SDP-a. To znači da bi Milanović osobno imenovao SDP-ova gradonačelničkog kandidata, a u slučaju takvog razvoja događaja Željka Antunović najavljuje ulazak u otvoreni sukob.


And while none of them liked Bandic, it was only his departure from the SDP that has set the stage for a final rift in which the losers will be eliminated from the political scene.


Premda nitko od njih nije volio Bandića, tek je njegov odlazak iz SDP-a najavio konačni raskol u kojem će gubit- nici biti eliminirani s političke scene.


A possible scenario for the events unfolding within the SDP is very similar to what happened seven-eight years ago in the HDZ.


Mogući scenarij događanja u SDP-u vrlo je sličan svemu što se prije sedamosam godina zbivalo u HDZ-u.


Finjan recently discovered huge botnet, network of 1.9 million infected computers, whose command and control server is hosted in Ukraine.


Organizacija Finjan nedavno je otkrila veliku botnet mrežu, skupinu od 1,9 milijuna ugroženih računala čiji je poslužitelj za upravljanje i kontrolu smješten u Ukrajini.


The botnet has infected machines from some 77 government-owned domains, 51 of which are U.S. government ones.


Botnet mreža zarazila je strojeve 77 domena u vlasništvu raznih vlada, od kojih je 51 u vlasništvu vlade SAD-a.


According to report from Ophir Shalitin, marketing director of Finjan, this is one of the largest bot networks controlled by a single team of cybercriminals (six individuals).


Prema izvješću Ophir Shalitin, direktora marketinga organizacije Finjan, ovo je jedna od najvećih bot mreža koju kontrolira jedan tim računalnih kriminalaca (šest individualnih osoba).


Discovered botnet appears to be larger than the infamous Storm botnet was in its heyday.


Otkrivena mreža se čini većom nego je to bila poznata Storm botnet mreža na svom vrhuncu.


Aside from its massive size and scope, what is also striking about the botnet is what its malware can do to an infected machine.


Osim njene ogromne veličine i raspona, također je začuđujuće što zlonamjerni programi botnet mreže mogu učiniti ugroženim računalima.


It allow an attacker to read the victim's email, inject code into other processes, visit Websites without the user knowing, and register as a background service on the infected machine.


Napadaču omogućuju čitanje žrtvinih poruka elektroničke pošte, umetanje koda u druge procese, posjećivanje web stranice bez znanja korisnika i registraciju kao pozadinske usluge na ugroženim računalima.


The bots communicate with their command and control systems via HTTP protocol.


Bot računala komuniciraju sa sustavom za kontrolu i naređivanje preko HTTP protokola.


Botnet expert Joe Stewart says it appears to be similar to other botnets, because it has a system for installing malware.


Joe Stewart, stručnjak za botnet mreže, izjavio je da je mreža slična drugim tipovima botnet mreža jer ima sustav za instalaciju zlonamjernih programa.


Finjan experts say victims are infected when visiting legitimate Websites containing a Trojan that is detected by only four (AVG, DrWeb, NOD32 and Panda) of 39 anti-malware tools.


Stručnjaci organizacije Finjan tvrde da su korisnici ugroženi kada posjete legitimnu web stranicu sa trojanskim konjem kojeg mogu detektirati samo 4 (AVG, DrWeb, NOD32 i Panda) od 39 alata za zaštitu od zlonamjernih programa.


The bots were found in banks and large corporations, as well as consumer machines (run Windows XP operating system), and around 45 percent of the bots are in the U.S. Nearly 80 percent run Internet Explorer, 15 percent Mozilla Firefox, 3 percent Opera, and 1 percent Safari.


Bot računala pronađena su u bankama i velikim korporacijama, isto kao i u računalima korisnika (na operacijskom sustavu Windows XP), a oko 45% ih se nalazi u SAD-u. Blizu 80% žrtava koristi web preglednik Internet Explorer,15% Mozilla Firefox, 3% Opera i 1% Safari.


The original new could be found on the darkREADING web site.


Izvornu vijest moguće je pronaći na stranicama web portala darkREADING.


Villa Antunović is a family hotel classified as 3 stars.


Vila Antunović je obiteljski hotel kategoriziran sa tri zvjezdice.


It is situated in the beautiful fishing town of Trpanj, on the northwest hills of Pelješac peninsula.


Nalazi se u lijepom ribarskom mjestu Trpanj, na sjeverozapadnim padinama poluotoka Pelješca.


As this is a family hotel, the hotel staff are members of the Antunović family, which provides for a very pleasant family atmosphere.


Kako je ovo obiteljski hotel, osoblje hotela ujedno je obitelj Antunović tako da je i atmosfera vrlo ugodna - obiteljska.


We like to convey our good mood and merry spirit to our guests, so that they could feel at home as well.


Svoje dobro raspoloženje i veselu narav vrlo rado prenosimo i na naše goste kako bi se i oni osjećali kao u svom domu.


Villa Antunović has a capacity of around 60 beds.


Vila Antunović ima kapacitet je oko 60 kreveta.


In addition to the accommodation service, the guests can use the restaurant on the ground floor of the villa, offering a wide range of Dalmatian specialties, national dishes, and premium wines specific to and popular in the area.


Osim usluge smještaja, gostima je na raspolaganju i u restoran u prizemlju vile iz čije ponude ističemo široki izbor dalmatinskih specijaliteta, narodnih jela kao i vrhunskih vina specifičnih i poznatih za ovaj kraj.


The entire Antunović family will see to it that your holiday is as pleasant and amusing as possible.


Kako bi vam odmor bio što ugodniji i zabavniji, pobrinut ćemo se upravo mi, cijela obitelj Antunović.


We are at your disposal throughout the summer and your holiday.


Na raspolaganju smo vam tijekom cijelog ljeta i vaših odmora.


In addition to accommodation and food and, if necessary, reception of our guests at the airport, we arrange boat excursions to interesting destinations.


Osim smještaja i prehrane, a po potrebi i prijema za goste na aerodromu, za vas ćemo organizirati izlete brodovima na zanimljiva odredišta.


Our mutual Captain Jure, who also happens to be the owner of the villa, guarantees a safe ride, good fun and an unforgettable time spent on the boat.


Naš i vaš kapetan Jure, inače vlasnik vile jamči vam sigurnu vožnju, dobru zabavu i nezaboravno vrijeme provedeno na brodu.


Trpanj is located on the peninsula, in an oasis of peace and beauty, with magnificent beaches and promenades along the clean sea, with the locals' famous hospitality, which is why guests often choose it as the destination for their holiday.


Trpanj se nalazi na poluotoku, u oazi je mira i ljepote, s prekrasnim plažama i šetnicama uz kristalno čisto more i nadaleko poznatu gostoljubivost mještana, tako da ga gosti vrlo rado odabiru kao odredište za svoj odmor.


The town has an excellent geographic location, near popular places - Korčula is 15 km away, Dubrovnik is only 100 km away, and it is only 40 and 50 kilometers from Međugorje and Mostar, respectively.


Mjesto ima odličnu geografsku lokaciju, pa se tako nalazi blizu poznatih mjesta - Korčula je na 15 km, do Dubrovnik ima samo 100 km, a do Međugorja i Mostara nema više od 40, odnosno 50 kilometara.


Make sure you benefit from their vicinity and visit them within one-day excursions.


Svakako iskoristite njihovu blizinu i posjetite ih u okviru jednodnevnih izleta.


If you want to spend your holiday enjoying a magnificent landscape and all other wonders of the true Mediterranean/Adriatic climate caressing this beautiful landscape, contact us.


Želite li provesti odmor uživajući u prekrasnom krajoliku i svim ostalim blagodatima preve mediteransko- jadranske klime koja miluje ovaj prelijep krajolik Lijepe naše, svakako nas kontaktirajte.


Come and we will convince you that staying in Trpanj and Villa Antunović will remain a pleasant and unforgettable memory.


Dođite i uvjerit ćemo vas kako će vam boravak u Trpnju i Vili Antunović ostati u ugodnom i nezaboravnom sjećanju.


Today in cinema Europa we'll be showing one film from the programme of World Panorama, two from the Big contest, and the Night cinema will be shaken by the carnivorous crisis.


U kinu Europa danas će se prikazivati jedan film iz programa Svjetske Panorame, dva unutar Velikog natjecanja, a Noćno kino protrest će mesožderska kriza.


At 16pm there's a story about a little chinese boy Zhang Ga and his adventures of heart, wishing to help a man in trouble.


U 16 sati očekuje vas priča o malom kineskom dječaku Zhang Ga i pustolovinama u koje se srčano upušta u želji da pomogne čovjeku u nevolji.


A story about friendship, growing up, renunciation and power of will and determination will captivate you with it's honesty and beautiful animation.


Priča o prijateljstvu, odrastanju, odricanju i snazi volje i odlučnosti osvojit će vas iskrenošću i prekrasnom animacijom.


After Masterclassa Bill Plymptona follow two films which are competing for Grand Prix of this year's Animafest: Immigrants - L.A. Dolce Vita a work from one of the authors and producers of Simpsons, The Rugrats and Duckman, ilustrator of Zappa's album The Lost Episodes, Gabor Csupe: surely a film which is not to be missed, specially not today, at 18:30pm.


Nakon Masterclassa Bill Plymptona slijede dva filma koji konkuriraju za Grand Prix ovogodišnjeg Animafesta: Imigranti - L.A. Dolce Vita djelo jednog od autora i producenata Simpsona, The Rugratsa i Duckmana, ilustratora Zappinog albuma The Lost Episodes, Gabor Csupe: svakako film koji se ne propušta, pogotovo ne danas, u 18:30.


Already at 20.30pm there's a story about unusual friendship between a lonely 8-year old girl from suburbs of Melbourne and a 44-year old overweight Jew from New York.


Već u 20.30 dolazi nam priča o neobičnom prijateljstvu između usamljene 8-godišnje djevojčice iz predgrađa Melbournea i 44-godišnjeg pretilog Židova iz New Yorka.


Voices to Mary i Max are given by a crew leaded by Toni Collete and Philip Seymour Hoffmann.


Glasove simpatičnim Mary i Maxu posudila je zvjezdana ekipa predvođena Toni Collete i Philip Seymour Hoffmannom.


Night programme tonight, at 22:30pm will bi shaken by the carnivorous crisis; corruption, greed, collapse of all rules; Orwell's farm in hands of Pedro Rivera!


Noćni program večeras, u 22:30 trese kriza mesoždera; korupcija, pohlepa, rušenje svih pravila; Orwellova farma u rukama Pedra Rivera!


Cinema Movieplex has opened its doors at 11am with an exciting film about Three bandits that, with a little girl Tiffany, their new copassenger, show their real faces.


Kino Movieplex otvorilo je svoja vrata već u 11 sati uzbudljivim filmom o Tri razbojnika koji s malenom djevojčicom Tiffany, svojom novom suputnicom pokazuju svoja prava lica.


We're putting an accent to educationaly-fun programmes Space and energy and Me, my body and me(dia) that will be shown at 13:00 i 15:00.


Posebno ističemo edukativno-zabavne programe Prostor i energija te Ja, moje tijelo i mediji koji se prikazuju u 13:00 i 15:00.


Also, we're inviting you to watch animated movie Kirikou and wild beasts by famous french author Michel Ocelot whose films within Retrospektiva this year are being shown at Animafest, and he's a guest of zhis year's festival.


Ujedno vas pozivamo i da pogledate animirani film Kirikou i divlje zvijeri slavnog francuskog autora Michel Ocelota čije filmove u sklopu Retrospektive ove godine prikazujemo na Animafestu i koji je gost ovogodišnjeg festivala.


You can hear him speaking live at Conversations with authors this saturday subotu, July 6th, at 17:30pm, in French Cultural Institute Mediatheque.


Michel Ocelota možete poslušati uživo na Razgovorima s autorima u subotu, 6.lipnja, u 17:30, u Medijateci Francuskog instituta.


All who didn't have a chance to see Idiots and angels by Bill Plympton and The Secret of Kells by Tom Moore should know that today they'll be screening at 21pm.


Svi koji jučer nisu imali priliku pogledati Idiote i anđele Billa Plymptona i Tajnu Kellsa Toma Moorea mogu to učiniti danas u kinu Movieplex. Idioti i anđeli na rasporedu su od 19:00, a uzbudljive pustolovine Brendana i Tajne Kellsa počinju u 21 sat.


The superior election win proved that the president of HDZ Ivo Sanader has incontestably more political power than the current Premier and head of the leading coalition, Ivica Račan.


Nadmoćna izborna pobjeda osigurala je predsjedniku HDZ-a Ivi Sanaderu neusporedivo više političke moći od one kojom je raspolagao dosadašnji premijer i vođa vladajuće koalicije Ivica Račan.


Sanader’s government will be limited by only nine representative votes for HSS, two for HSLS, and one for DC where Zlatko Tomčić will become both the democratic and coalition decoration of the new government, and not an important factor as he imagined.


Sanaderova će vlast biti ograničena tek s devet zastupničkih glasova HSS, dva HSLS-a i jednim DC-a pa će Zlatko Tomčić biti samo demokratski i koalicijski ukras nove vlasti, a ne važan politički čimbenik kako je zamišljao.


That powerful relationship will allow Sanader to have leadership in HDZ without any problems and promote the new leading nomenclature in Croatia while the current model of management is transferred to the government level.


Takav odnos snaga omogućiti će Sanaderu da vodstvo HDZ-a bez ikakvih problema i ograničenja promovira u novu vladajuću nomenklaturu Hrvatske, a dosadašnji model upravljanja strankom preslika na državnu razinu.


Even though Sanader refuted that fact in his interview with Nacional, from interviews with various influential members of HDZ, it is not difficult to reconstruct his model of managing the party.


Premda je Sanader u intervjuu za Nacional to opovrgao, iz razgovora s više utjecajnih članova HDZ-a nije bilo teško rekonstruirati njegov model upravljanja strankom.


Until now, HDZ’s sacrosanct has been led by four politicians: Ivo Sanader, Vladimir Šeks, Miomir Žužul and Luka Bebić.


Do sada su HDZ-om neprikosnoveno vladala četvorica političara: Ivo Sanader, Vladimir Šeks, Miomir Žužul i Luka Bebić.


Šeks, Bebić and Žužul became Sanader's right hand men in the moment that they first provided support during the internal conflicts after the election catastrophe in 2000.


Šeks, Bebić i Žužul postali su Sanaderova desna ruka u trenutku kada su mu prvi pružili potporu u obračunu frakcija nakon izborne katastrofe 2000.


LEAD A shadow on Hebrang, Šuker, Šuiča and Kalmet's loyalty is cast by the fact that in the beginning they stood on Ivić Pašalić's side LEAD 90% of the current HDZ members were politically formed under the ideological leadership of Franjo Tuđman and Gojko ŠušakWhen HDZ found itself facing failure after the election defeat on 3 January 2000 due to difficult fraction conflicts, Sanader decided to become a candidate for the president of the party.


LEAD Sjenu na Hebrangovu, Šukerovu, Šuičinu i Kalmetinu lojalnost Sanaderu baca činjenica da su na početku frakcijskih borbi stali na stranu Ivića Pašalića LEAD Devedeset posto sadašnji HDZ-ovih dužnosnika politički se formiralo ispod ideološkog šinjela Franje Tuđmana i Gojka ŠuškaKada se zbog teških frakcijskih borbi i strašnog izbornog poraza 3. siječnja 2000. HDZ našao na rubu propasti, Sanader se odlučio kandidirati za predsjednika stranke.


The first consultation was completed with Šeks, Žužul and Bebić.


Prve konzultacije obavio je upravo s Šeksom, Žužulom i Bebićem.


Sanader informed them of his intentions, explaining that he feels prepared to take over control of the party and to deal with all members as well as those that had their part in privatization crime.


Sanader ih je obavijestio o svojoj namjeri, objasnio da se osjeća spreman da preuzme stranačko kormilo te da se obračuna sa svim frakcionašima, ali i onima koji su kriminalom i zloporabama u privatizaciji kompromitirali stranku.


He asked for their opinions and support.


Zatražio je njihovo mišljenje i potporu.


All three supported his decision and in a moment they formed a team that assisted Sanader in hardship with the difficult fight for taking over power in the party.


Sva trojica podržala su njegovu odluku i začas su oformili tim koji je na kraju Sanaderu pomogao da u teškim okolnostima i žestokoj borbi osvoji vlast u stranci.


The entire operation was well defined and they were not affected by well known members such as Ivić Pašalić and Miroslav Tuđman and their police intelligence agents.


Cijela je operacija bila sjajno razrađena pa je nisu uspjeli minirati niti takvi majstori zakulisnih igara kao što su Ivić Pašalić i Miroslav Tuđman i njihova policijsko-obavještajna kamarila.


Thanks to a carefully thought out strategy and logistical support that was secured by Šeks, Žužul and Bebić, in April 2000, Sanader turned towards an irresistible winning campaign: first within the party, and after three and one half years, in the country.


Zahvaljujući pomno osmišljenoj strategiji i logističkoj potpori koju su osigurali Šeks, Žužul i Bebić, Sanader je u travnju 2000. krenuo u nezadrživi pobjednički pohod: najprije u stranci, a nakon tri i po godine i u državi.


Sanader did not test his rating and chances with Šeks, Žužul and Bebić by chance.


Sanader nije slučajno ispitao svoj rejting i šanse najprije kod Šeksa, Žužula i Bebića.


Šeks is one of the founders of HDZ and one of its most powerful members.


Šeks je jedan od utemeljitelja HDZ-a i jedan od njegovih najmoćnijih ljudi.


He is especially influential in Slavonia where, among other things, he has the controversial but powerful Branimir Glavaš under his wing.


Posebice je utjecajan u Slavoniji gdje, među ostalim, drži pod kontrolom kontroverznog, ali moćnog Branimira Glavaša.


Šeks was also the largest political opponent against Ivić Pašalić and it was logical that he would support Sanader when he decided to publicly oppose him.


Uz to, Šeks je cijelo vrijeme bio najveći politički protivnik Ivića Pašalića pa je bilo logično da će se prikloniti Sanaderu kada mu se ovaj odlučio javno suprotstaviti.


An alliance with Šeks brought Sanader support from the significant side of HDZ, and secured his back in the conflict with Pašalić which was best seen in the HDZ elections where Pašalić barely won.


Savezništvo sa Šeksom donijelo je Sanaderu potporu značajnog dijela HDZ-a, a osiguravalo mu je leđa u sukobu s Pašalićem što se najbolje vidjelo na izbornom Saboru HDZ-a kada je za prsa pobijedio Pašalića.


Šeks found a front man in Sanader who had the courage to stand in Pašalić’s way.


Šeks je pak u Sanaderu pronašao frontmena koji je umjesto njega imao hrabrosti stati na put Pašalićevoj samovolji.


Miomir Žužul is Sanader’s longtime intimate friend, a man in who the new Premier has much trust and whose opinion is well respected.


Miomir Žužul dugogodišnji je Sanaderov intimni prijatelj, čovjek u kojeg novi premijer ima golemo povjerenje i čije mišljenje i procjene iznimno cijeni.


Through Žužul, Sanader guaranteed communication with representatives from the international community, especially the USA, where he apparently has strong political connections.


Preko Žužula Sanader je osigurao komunikaciju s predstavnicima međunarodne zajednice, posebice s SAD-om, gdje navodno ima jake političke veze.


Luka Bebić, apart from being a close friend to Vladimir Šeks, is also one of the founders of HDZ and is especially influential in Dalmatia and the south of Croatia.


Luka Bebić, osim što je bliski prijatelj Vladimira Šeksa, također je jedan od utemeljitelja HDZ-a, a iznimno je utjecajan u Dalmaciji i na jugu Hrvatske.


Due to the fact that Dalmatia is one of the footholds of Pašalić’s fraction, Bebić needed to neutralize his power and secure support for Sanader.


Budući da je Dalmacija bila jedno od uporišta Pašalićeve frakcije, Bebić je trebao neutralizirati njegovu moć te osigurati potporu za Sanadera.


Thanks to an alliance with Šeks and Bebić, Sanader secured significant support within the party which in the end allowed his to beat Pašalić.


Zahvaljujući savezništvu s Šeksom i Bebićem Sanader je osigurao značajnu potporu u stranci koja mu je na kraju omogućila da odnose pobjedu nad Pašalićem.


That is how Sanader, Šeks, Žužul and Bebić, joined in the desire to expel Pašalić and his supporters from the party, became politically like minded and close friends overnight.


Tako su Sanader, Šeks, Žužul i Bebić, ujedinjeni u želji da izbace iz stranke Pašalića i njegovu stranačku kamarilu, postali preko noći ne samo politički istomišljenici već i bliski prijatelji.


For over three and one half years, they met nearly everyday in the party, as well as at lunch and dinners where they brought about the most important strategic decisions.


Više od tri i po godine sastajali su se gotovo svakodnevno u stranci, ali i na ručkovima i večerama na kojima su donosili najvažnije strateške odluke.


The first such was how to take over power in the party, and finally in the country.


Najprije kako da preuzmu vlast u stranci, a potom i u državi.


Because Šeks, Žužul and Bebić were members of the party at the same time, it is not strange that HDZ members tell the anecdote where Sanader has much more political strength than Račan’s SDP. After Šeks, Žužul and Bebić, Sanader also received support from Jadranka Kosor and Božo Biškupić.


Kako su Šeks, Žužul i Bebić bili svojedobno članovi partije, dapače čak i partijski sekretari, nije ni čudno što se hadezeovskim kuloarima prepričava anegdota da Sanader ima puno jači politibiro od Račanova SDP-a. Nakon Šeksa, Žužula i Bebića, Sanaderu su bezrezervnu potporu pružili Jadranka Kosor i Božo Biškupić.


That is why Sanader, Šeks, Žužul and Bebić operatively developed their ideas along with Jadranka Kosor and Biškupić, and the implementation of those decisions were confirmed and secured by the Presidency of the party, with Vice President Andrija Hebrang, Ivan Šuker and Božidar Kalmet at its leadership.


Zbog toga su Sanader, Šeks, Žužul i Bebić svoje ideje operativno razrađivali u društvu s Jadrankom Kosor i Biškupićem, a provedbu tih odluka potvrđivalo je i osiguravalo Predsjedništvo stranke na čelu s potpredsjednicima Andrijom Hebrangom, Ivanom Šukerom i Božidarom Kalmetom.


That is how the team was created that will take over responsibility for running the country.


Tako je stvoren tim koji će, nakon HDZ-a, preuzeti odgovornost i za vođenje države.


Of course, it will be impossible for Sanader to manage the country using the same model and people that HDZ used previously.


Naravno, Sanaderu će biti nemoguće upravljati državom po istom modelu i s tim ljudima kao što je to radio u HDZ-u.


Due to operations that will be completed in the executive government, many individuals will emerge at the surface such as the possible new Economics Minister, Ante Babić, who was not included in the first plans of the party.


Zbog poslova koji će obavljati u izvršnoj vlasti na površini će izbiti cijeli niz ljudi, poput mogućeg novog ministra gospodarstva Ante Babića, koji do sada u stranci nisu bili u prvom planu.


At the same time, alongside old HDZ members, Sanader has gathered young, new colleagues that were not in Tuđman’s party.


Istodobno, uz staru hadezeovsku gardu, Sanader je okupljao oko sebe mlađe, nove suradnike koji nisu bili u prvim Tuđmanovim stranačkim ešalonima.


Sanader depended on them during the fraction conflicts within the party and will now award them with distinguished positions in the executive government.


Na njih se Sanader oslanjao prilikom frakcijskih borbi u stranci pa će ih za uzvrat sada nagraditi istaknutim dužnostima u izvršnoj vlasti.


They are: Branko Vukelić, Vladimir Kurečić, Gordan Jandroković, Branko Milinović, Petar Čobanković, Marijan Mlinarić, Ivica Buconjić, Živko Nenadić, Zvonimir Puljić… Along with them, an important role in Croatia’s political life will be held by Neven Jurica and theatre director Petar Selem, a long time friend of Sanader’s.


To su, prije svih, Branko Vukelić, Vladimir Kurečić, Gordan Jandroković, Branko Milinović, Petar Čobanković, Marijan Mlinarić, Ivica Buconjić, Živko Nenadić, Zvonimir Puljić? Uz njih važnu ulogu u političkom životu Hrvatske igrati će Neven Jurica i kazališni redatelj Petar Selem, dugogodišnji Sanaderov prijatelj.


There is no doubt that the mentioned functions in the executive government and public administration over the next few years will be completed by Andrija Hebrang, Ivan Šuker, Božidar Kalmet and Dubravka Šuica.


Nema nikakve sumnje da će istaknute funkcije u izvršnoj vlasti i javnoj upravi sljedećih godina obavljati i Andrija Hebrang, Ivan Šuker, Božidar Kalmeta i Dubravka Šuica.


During each discussion, Sanader has pointed out their significance in the party, at the beginning of a difficult fraction battle, all of them stood on Sanader’s side against their deadly enemy, Pašalić.


Premda Sanader u svakom razgovoru posebno ističe njihov značaj za stranku, svi su oni na početku teških frakcijskih borbi stali na stranu Sanaderova smrtnog neprijatelja Pašalića.


Even though they are not the closest of Sanader’s colleagues, their influence is especially significant.


Premda zbog toga ne spadaju u red najbližih Sanaderovih suradnika, njihov utjecaj je iznimno značajan.


Kalmet brought in nine representatives from HDZ in his election district, which is the same amount as Zlatko Tomčić in the entire country.


Uostalom, Kalmeta je donio HDZ-u u svojoj izbornoj jedinici čak devet zastupnika, dakle isto onoliko koliko i Zlatko Tomčić u cijeloj državi.


While Kalmet, along with Šuker and Dubravka Šuica, support Sanader without a doubt, Andrija Hebrang will cause problems for them.


I dok će Kalmeta, kao uostalom Šuker i Dubravka Šuica, bez ikakve sumnje bezrezervno poduprijeti Sanadera, probleme će mu praviti Andrija Hebrang.


Not because of trust, mainly because he did not experience the political transformation as most of Sanader’s colleagues did.


Ali ne zbog nepovjerenja, već zbog toga što on ipak nije doživio političku preobrazbu kao najveći broj Sanaderovih suradnika.


Hebrang in his mental and political habitus mina floats among HDZ’s party headquarters and soon in government chambers, where no one knows when it will explode and how much damage it will cause.


Hebrang je po svom mentalnom i političkom habitusu mina koja pluta HDZ-ovim stranačkim stožerom, a uskoro i državnim odajama, a da nitko ne zna kada će eksplodirati i koliko će štete nanijeti.


Each public appearance by Hebrang is a time bomb: his television appearance in “Nedjeljom u dva” turned viewers against HDZ, and the announcement that retired generals will return to their positions appalled Sanader and leaders of the party.


Svaki Hebrangov javni istup tempirana je bomba: televizijski nastup u emisiji “Nedjeljom u dva” okrenuo je gledateljstvo protiv HDZ-a, a najava da će vratiti umirovljene generale užasnula je Sanadera i vodstvo stranke.


The presence of Hebrang in HDZ’s leadership opens the question asked of all new governments in Croatia: how will HDZ rule?


Upravo nazočnost Hebranga u najužem vodstvu HDZ-a otvara pitanje svih pitanja nove vlasti u Hrvatskoj: kako će vladati HDZ?


Will they, after they take over power, show their old nationalistic and totalitarian face or will they show that their leading individuals have really transformed into democratic and tolerant politicians.


Hoće li se, nakon što su osvojili vlast, pokazati svoje staro nacionalističko i totalitarno lice ili će se pak dokazati da su se njegovi čelni ljudi doista preobrazili u demokratske i tolerantne političare.


Sanader and his closest colleagues are convinced that HDZ will lead the government in accord with European democracy, as well as political and civilization standards.


Sanader i njegovi najbliži suradnici uvjeravaju da će HDZ vladati državom u skladu s europskim demokratskim, političkim i civilizacijskim standardima.


All others are not giving their prognosis.


Svi ostali krajnje su suzdržani u davanju prognoza.


They have a right to do so: 90% of current HDZ officials were politically formed under the ideology of Franjo Tuđman and Gojko Šušak.


I to s pravom: devedeset posto sadašnjih dužnosnika HDZ-a politički se formiralo ispod ideološkog šinjela Franje Tuđmana i Gojka Šuška.


Now, however, they introduce themselves as politicians of the new period, both democratic and European.


Sada se, međutim, i oni odreda predstavljaju kao političari novoga kova, demokratskih i europskih opredjeljenja.


Without taking into account their political transformation, if we analyze Sanader’s closest colleagues, it is enough to make your hair rise on end.


Ako se, bez uzimanja u obzir njihove političke preobrazbe, analiziraju najbliži Sanaderovi suradnici, čovjeku se s pravom može dignuti kosa na glavi.


It is enough to remember Šeks at the beginning of the 1990’s with his chauvinistic statements and the decisions he made as if he were the District Attorney.


Dovoljno se prisjetiti Šeksa s početka devedesetih i njegovih šovinističkih izjava i odluka koje je donosio kao državni odvjetnik.


We can also remember Žužul as Gojko Šušak’s favorite or Luka Bebić’s connection to various economic and privatization scandals in southern Dalmatia.


Ili pak Žužula, miljenika Gojka Šuška pa upletenosti Luke Bebića u razne privatizacijske i gospodarske skandale na jugu Dalmacije.


What can we say about Kalmet, Šuker or Dubravka Šuica who, until recently, stood behind Pašalić?


Što tek reći za Kalmetu, Šukera ili Dubravku Šuicu koji su još do nedavno srcem i dušom stajali uz Pašalića.


Even the moderate and good-natured Biškupić is not without scandal in his past: his name comes up because of what he did not allow; for ideological and political reasons, Slobodan Šnajder became the head of the theater in Rijeka.


Ni umjereni i dobroćudni Biškupić nije bez repova prošlosti: i njega se spominje po tomu što nije dopustio, isključivo iz ideoloških i političkih razloga, da Slobodan Šnajder postane intendant riječkog kazališta.


Today in cultural circles, there is a conviction that he would actually be the best candidate for Cultural Minister.


No danas u kulturnim krugovima prevladava uvjerenje da bi upravo ono bio najbolji ministar kulture.


Also, in democratic left circles, the former Internal Affairs Minister Ivan Jarnjak would become the new first man at MUP.


Kao što bi uostalom u demokratskim i lijevim krugovima nekadašnji ministar unutarnjih poslova Ivan Jarnjak bio najprije prihvaćen kao novi prvi čovjek MUP-a.


At the same time, with critical opinions on the political pasts of leading members in HDZ, we can in no way forget that Šeks, Žužul, Bebić, Biškupić, and Sanader are the architects of the new HDZ that has been changed from its foundation.


Istodobno s kritičkim promišljanjem političke prošlosti vodećih hadezeovaca, nikako ne treba smetnuti s uma da su upravo Šeks, Žužul, Bebić, Biškupić, zajedno sa Sanaderom, arhitekti novoga HDZ-a koji se iz temelja promijenio.


With that, they have added to the development and stability of the entire democratic system in Croatia.


Time su oni bitno pridonijeli unapređenju i stabilnosti cjelokupnog demokratskog sustava u Hrvatskoj.


HDZ, with its move towards the political center and the decision to refuse to support right wingers, helped the coalition government to stabilize political opportunities in the country.


Uostalom, upravo je HDZ, kada se pomakao prema političkom centru i kada je odbio podržati desničarske mitinge, pomogao koalicijskoj vlasti da stabilizira političke prilike u državi.


Taking into regard that HDZ is a conservative party with moderate right oriented leadership, supported by a base of radical Balkan right wingers that do not resemble those found in Europe, many are frightened that it is only a question of time when the political express cooker of radicalism that Sanader is sitting on will explode.


S obzirom na to da je HDZ konzervativna stranka s vodstvom umjerenih desnih političkih usmjerenja, ali bazom primjerenom radikalno desnim strankama i to ne europskog nego tipično balkanskog stila, mnogi se plaše da je samo pitanje vremena kada će politički ekspres lonac radikalizma na kojemu sjedi Sanader eksplodirati.


Then, many estimate, there will be a wave of primitivism, purgery and reactionary consciousness.


A tada će, predviđaju, doći do provale revanšizma, čistki, primitivizma i nazadnjačke svijesti.


The first move after taking over the government will show whether these leading members of HDZ have really been transformed into democrats or was it a case of political deceit.


Na odgovor se na sreću neće dugo čekati: već prvi potezi nakon što preuzmu vlast pokazati će jesu li se vodeći hadezeovci doista preobrazili u demokrate ili je posrijedi tek politička mimikrija.


Roland Berger supports SeeNews' regional ranking Oil and gas firms lead the second annual ranking of the top 100 companies in Southeastern Europe in terms of total revenue in 2008 prepared by SeeNews in a strategic partnership with Roland Berger Strategy Consultants.


Roland Berger zajedno s portalom SeeNews napravio je rangiranje tvrtki u regiji Naftne tvrtke vodeće su na ljestvici top 100 najvećih tvrtki u jugoistočnoj Europi prema ukupnim prihodima u 2008. godini koju je po drugi puta priredio portal SeeNews u strateškoj suradnji s tvrtkom Roland Berger Strategy Consultants.


Companies from the oil and gas sector occupy the first seven positions in the ranking with Romania’s largest oil group, Petrom, on top.


Naftne kompanije zauzimaju prvih sedam mjesta na ljestvici, a predvodi ih najveća rumunjska naftna grupacija Petrom.


The SEE TOP 100 ranking comprises the biggest non-financial companies in the region with entrants from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia.


Ljestvica SEE TOP 100 obuhvaća najveće kompanije u regiji, izuzev onih iz financijskog sektora, iz Albanije, Bosne i Hercegovine, Bugarske, Hratske, Makedonija, Moldavije, Crne Gore, Rumunjske, Srbije i Slovenije.


"For the second time SeeNews and Roland Berger ranked Southeastern Europe's companies in terms of total revenues and net profit.


"Drugu godinu zaredom SeeNews i Roland Berger rangirali su kompanije iz jugoistočne Europe prema ukupnim prihodima i prema dobiti.


The ranking is based on a pool of around 1,000 companies from the region", noted Dr. Vladimir Preveden, managing Partner of Roland Berger's Zagreb office.


Rangiranje se temelji na uzorku od oko 1.000 poduzeća iz regije", izjavio je dr. Vladimir Preveden, direktor zagrebačkog ureda Roland Bergera.


The leader of the ranking Petrom, majority owned by Austria’s OMV, ended 2008 with a total revenue of 4.85 billion euro, up from some 3.6 billion euro in 2007.


Prvi na ljestvici Petrom, u većinskom vlasništvu austrijskog OMV-a, u 2008. godini ostvario je ukupan prihod od 4,85 miljardi eura, za razliku od 2007. godine kada je ukupan prihod bio iznosio 3,6 milijardi eura.


However, the company’s net profit almost halved to around 257 million euro from some 493 million a year earlier.


Međutim, dobit poduzeća skoro se s otprilike 493 milijuna eura prošle godine prepolovila na oko 257 milijuna eura u 2009.


Petrom invested around 1.5 billion euro in 2008.


Petrom je u 2008. godini uložio oko 1,5 milijardi eura.


The second biggest company in terms of total revenue in the 2009 ranking is Croatian oil and gas company INA – Industrija Nafte, which topped last year’s ranking.


Drugo najveće poduzeće prema ukupnim prihodima u 2009. godini je hrvatska naftna kompanija INA – Industrija nafte, koja je prošle godine bila na vrhu ljestvice.


It had a total revenue of 3.65 billion euro in 2008, up from 3.28 billion euro a year earlier.


U 2008. godini INA je ostvarila ukupan prihod od 3,65 milijardi eura, dok je prošle godine ukupan prihod iznosio 3,28 milijardi eura.


Despite the rise in revenue, INA swung to a loss of 142 million euro in 2008, from a net profit of some 164 million euro in 2007.


Unatoč porastu prihoda, INA je zabilježila gubitak od 142 milijuna eura dobiti u 2008. godini, za razliku od 2007. godine kada je sa 164 milijuna eura rezultat bio pozitivan.


INA, in which Hungary’s MOL is the largest shareholder, generated losses from its gas business due to Croatian government’s cap on prices.