Svaka od triju zemalja Američko-jadranske povelje jednako sudjeluje u tom timu dajući po jednog liječnika i tri medicinska tehničara, od kojih je jedan istodobno vozač.


The rotation of the Combined Medical Team lasts six months.


Smjena (rotacija) kombiniranoga medicinskog tima u području operacije traje šest mjeseci.


Before the trip, each rotation of the Combined Medical Team undergoes a joint training that serves for getting to know each other and familiarization of the team members as well as for preparation of joint activities in the area of operations.


Za svaku smjenu tima prije upućivanja obavlja se zajednička preduputna obuka koja služi za međusobno upoznavanje i privikavanje članova tima, kao i za pripremu zajedničkog djelovanja u području operacije.


The programme of training is worked out in several activities that take place in all three countries that are members of the US-Adriatic Charter.


Program obuke je razrađen u više aktivnosti koje se odvijaju u sve tri zemlje članice Američko-jadranske povelje.


It is an integral part of the annual partner plan for implementation of the US-Adriatic Charter in defence area.


On je sastavni dio godišnjeg partnerskog plana za implementaciju Američko-jadranske povelje na području obrane.


Besides joint training, national elements of the Combined Medical Team are trained in their homeland in line with NATO�s standards.


Osim zajedničke obuke, nacionalni elementi kombiniranog medicinskog tima obučavaju se u svojoj zemlji u skladu sa standardima NATO-a.


Team members communicate among themselves in English language.


Članovi tima međusobno komuniciraju na engleskom jeziku.


The leader changes in each rotation, in conformity with the country that has a role of a coordinator in A-3 at the moment of sending to the mission.


Čelnik se u svakoj smjeni mijenja, u skladu s tim koja zemlja u trenutku upućivanja u misiju ima ulogu koordinatora u A-3.


OMLT is a task force.


OMLT je namjenski organizirana postrojba.


It has been specially conceived and organized for requirement of ISAF. For the time being, such units are active in area of the Regional Command North.


Posebno je koncipirana i ustrojena za potrebe ISAF-a. Zasad takve postrojbe djeluju u području Regionalnog zapovjedništva Sjever.


In the first place, it is responsible for training, practice and mentoring in units of the Afghan National Army (ANA) in all functional areas.


Odgovorna je i prije svega za obuku, uvježbavanje i mentorstvo postrojbi Afganistanske nacionalne vojske (ANA) u svim funkcionalnim područjima.


The objective is that ANA becomes self-sustainable by increasing and maintaining training standards.


Povećavajući i održavajući standarde obuke želi se postići da ANA postane samodostatna.


The final objective is a successful independent operation without foreign help.


Krajnji cilj je uspješno samostalno djelovanje bez strane pomoći.


Therefore, OMLT provides support to ANA units in their actions.


Zbog toga OMLT pruža potporu postrojbama ANA-e u njihovom djelovanju.


It monitors the movement of those units in combat operations.


Prati kretanje tih postrojbi u borbenim operacijama.


In view that there are no special national restrictions for Croatian members in operation ISAF, OMLT monitors deployment of ANA�s units in execution of combat operations in the entire territory of Afghanistan.


S obzirom na to da ne postoje posebna nacionalna ograničenja za hrvatske pripadnike u operaciji ISAF, OMLT prati raspoređivanje postrojbi ANA-e u provedbi borbenih operacija na području cijeloga Afganistana.


In September 2006, members of the OMLT abandoned the area of the Regional Command North and were deployed to area of the Regional Command South (Kandahar).


Pripadnici OMLT-a su u rujnu 2006. napustili područje Regionalnog zapovjedništva Sjever i bili razmješteni u područje Regionalnog zapovjedništva Jug (Kandahar).


Croatian OMLT operates on battalion level and two Croatian NCOs work within the multinational OMLT on corps� level.


Hrvatski OMLT djeluje na razini bojne, a u sklopu multinacionalnog OMLT-a na razini korpusa rade dva hrvatska dočasnika.


Part of the OMLT that is active on corps� level is mainly stationary while the OMLT on battalion level is mobile and accompanies the pertaining ANA�s battalion.


Dio OMLT-a koji djeluje na razini korpusa pretežno je stacionaran, dok je OMLT na razini bojne mobilan, prateći pripadajuću bojnu ANA-e.


In the process, members of the OMLT operate solely within the authority given to them by the UN mandate and are elaborated in appropriate NATO�s operational plans for ISAF.


Pripadnici OMLT-a pritom djeluju isključivo u sklopu ovlasti koje su dane mandatom UN-a, a razrađene su u odgovarajućim NATO-ovim operativnim planovima za ISAF.


OMLT is multinational in its activities in ISAF and in the work with ANA, the success depends on mutual trust that has been built from the first day of the cooperation with Afghan soldiers.


OMLT je u svojem djelovanju u ISAF-u multinacionalan, a u radu s ANA-om uspješnost ovisi o međusobnom povjerenju koje se izgrađuje od prvoga dana suradnje s afganistanskim vojnicima.


The purpose of infantry and guards� task forces is to carry out surveillance and security tasks.


Namjenski organizirane snage pješaštva i osiguranja namijenjene su obavljanju zadaća nadzora i osiguranja.


Since summer 2006 infantry task forces have been deployed to the mission in Regional Command North.


Od ljeta 2006. namjenski organizirane snage pješaštva su u misiji u Regionalnom zapovjedništvu Sjever.


Their present task is to secure the camp.


Njihova je trenutačna zadaća osiguravanje kampa.


After one year of successful operation their number will be increased.


Nakon godine dana uspješnog djelovanja njihov će se brojčani sastav povećati.


Since spring 2007 Croatia has been taking part with guards task forces in Regional Command West, within Lithuanian PRT Chaghcharan where it will secure activities of the civilian PRT that is pronouncedly mobile and active in that area.


Od proljeća 2007. godine Hrvatska sudjeluje s namjenski organiziranim snagama osiguranja u Regionalnom zapovjedništvu Zapad, u sklopu litavskog PRT-a Chaghcharan. Tamo će osiguravati djelovanje civilnog dijela PRT-a, koji je u svojem radu izrazito mobilan i aktivan u tom području.


MLOT belongs to the group of task-organized forces that are active within Provincial Reconstruction Teams.


MLOT pripada skupini namjenski organiziranih snaga koje djeluju u sklopu provincijskih rekonstrukcijskih timova.


That is the operational part of the PRT�s military component.


To je operativni dio vojne komponente PRT-a.


MLOT is exceptionally mobile in its operation.


U svojem djelovanju MLOT je iznimno mobilan.


It can independently move away from the PRT and carries out patrolling without any special protection in settlements in the PRT�s area of responsibility.


Samostalno se udaljuje od PRT-a i bez posebne zaštite obavlja ophodnje po naseljima u području odgovornosti PRT-a.


MLOT�s members gather information, evaluate the short-comings and favourable conditions in the area.


Pripadnici MLOT-a skupljaju informacije, procjenjuju manjkavosti i pogodnosti područja.


On their job, they connect with local inhabitants and inform them how the PRT provides support to Afghan Government in Kabul that established its authority in that area and helps the government in reconstruction.


U radu se povezuju s lokalnim stanovništvom i upoznaju ga kako PRT pruža potporu afganistanskoj vladi u Kabulu koja uspostavlja svoju vlast na tom području te joj pomaže u obnovi.


While it carries out its everyday missions, MLOT can be separated from the parent PRT up to one week.


Obavljajući svoje svakodnevne zadaće, MLOT može biti do tjedan dana odvojen od matičnog PRT-a.


It is therefore clear how MLOT members are more exposed to danger or increased risk.


Stoga je jasno kako su pripadnici MLOT-a izloženiji opasnosti, odnosno povećanom riziku.


Only one MLOT has been attacked so far.


Do sada je samo jedan MLOT bio napadnut.


In late June 2006 one off-road vehicle was damaged and members of the Croatian MLOT remained uninjured.


Potkraj lipnja 2006. godine oštećeno je jedno terensko vozilo, a pripadnici hrvatskog MLOT-a ostali su neozlijeđeni.


MLOT�s operation is made more difficult by bad or lack of roads.


Djelovanje MLOT-a otežavaju loše ili nikakve prometnice.


The second factor is a harsh climate, dry and hot in summer, exceptionally cold in winter.


Drugi čimbenik je surova klima, suha i vruća ljeti, iznimno hladna zimi.


Besides snow in mountains that makes it impossible to move, temperatures of - 20 to - 30 degrees make military missions more difficult.


U planinama osim snijega koji kretanje čini nemogućim, vojničke zadaće otežava temperatura od - 20 do - 30° C.


Flory and Vukelic discussed issues related to the integration process of the Croatian defence system in NATO in which the Assistant Secretary General commended the active role and contribution of Croatia as a new member of the Alliance, and the balance of defence plans related to development of CAF capacities, particularly in terms of financial crisis.


Vukelić i Flory razgovarali su o pitanjima vezanim uz proces integriranja hrvatskog obrambenog sustava u NATO pri čemu je pomoćnik Glavnog tajnika pohvalio aktivnu ulogu i doprinos Republike Hrvatske kao nove članice Saveza, te uravnoteženost obrambenih planova vezanih uz razvoj sposobnosti OS RH, posebice u uvjetima financijske krize.


The talks covered issues and participation of Croatian troops in operations, management of defence resources and development of defence capabilities through multinational initiatives, the transformation of NATO and the development of a new strategic concept, participation in the operations and issues of transfer of the Allied expertise and experience in particular areas with equipment and management resources.


Razgovori su obuhvatili i pitanja sudjelovanja hrvatskih postrojbi u operacijama, upravljanja obrambenim resursima i razvoja obrambenih sposobnosti kroz multinacionalne inicijative, transformacije NATO-a i razvoja novog Strateškog koncepta, sudjelovanja u operacijama i pitanja transfera savezničke ekpertize i iskustava posebice sa područja opremanja i upravljanja resursima.


The meeting was also attended by the State Secretary Mate Raboteg and Chief of NATO and PfP Department Zoran Drča.


Uz ministra obrane Vukelića, na sastanku su sudjelovali i državni tajnik Mate Raboteg te načelnik Službe za NATO i PfP Zoran Drča.


During the visit, there will be a joint mine divers training of the Croatian and French Navy.On the occasion of visit of the "Orion" ship and July 14, the French national holiday, there will be a ceremony during which five officers of the Croatian Armed Forces who attended the French military high schools or have contributed to development of French-Croatian bilateral military cooperation, will be awarded with the French Medal - Medal of National Security.


Tijekom posjeta održat će se zajedničko uvježbavanje protuminskih ronitelja Hrvatske i Francuske ratne mornarice. Posjet broda “Orion” pomorskoj bazi "Lora" bit će i prilika za proslavu 14. srpnja, francuskog nacionalnog praznika, svečanošću tijekom koje će se petorici časnika Oružanih snaga RH i Ministarstva obrane RH, koji su se školovali na francuskim visokim vojnim školama ili su se osobno istakli u razvoju francusko-hrvatske bilateralne vojne suradnje, dodijeliti francusko odličje - Medalja nacionalne sigurnosti.


Croatian officers who will receive the Medal of National Security are a member of the Honorary protection battalion, Major Mario Grgic, a member of the Croatian Navy Major Jurica Vukusic, a member of RACVIAC Major Vice Olujic, officer of the MOD Reception and Support Directorate Major Ante Jukic and a member of the Croatian Navy Captain Ante Vukovic.


Hrvatski časnici koji će primiti Medalju nacionalne sigurnosti su: pripadnik Počasno-zaštitne bojne bojnik Mario Grgić, pripadnik Hrvatske ratne mornarice bojnik Jurica Vukušić, pripadnik RACVIAC-a bojnik Vice Olujić, djelatnik Službe za prijem i potporu MORH-a bojnik Ante Jukić i pripadnik HRM-a satnik Ante Vuković.


Medal of National Security was introduced in 1982, at the suggestion of the then Defence Minister Charles Hernu.


Medalja nacionalne sigurnosti uvedena je 1982. godine, na prijedlog tadašnjeg ministra obrane Charlesa Hernua.


It is awarded to military personnel for their contribution during operations or during activities in favour of citizens, as well as to foreign military and civilian persons who have contributed to the defence of France.


Dodjeljuje se vojnim osobama za posebne zasluge za vrijeme operacija ili za vrijeme aktivnosti u korist građanstva, kao i stranim vojnim i civilnim osobama koje su svojim posebnim aktivnostima doprinijele obrani Francuske.


French minesweeper "Orion", of the Eridan class (Tripartite) was developed jointly with the navies of Belgium and the Netherlands.


Francuski minolovac "Orion", klase Eridan (Tripartite) razvijen je zajedno sa mornaricama Belgije i Nizozemske.


The specified class minesweeper is designed to detect and destroy sea mines along with the main task of ensuring free access to French ports, and monitoring of free navigation in the French territorial sea.


Navedena klasa minolovaca je predviđena za otkrivanje i uništavanje morskih mina uz glavnu zadaću osiguravanja slobodnog pristupa francuskim lukama te nadzora slobodne plovidbe u francuskom teritorijalnom moru.


The boat is 51 meter long, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Louis Tillier and has about 47 crew members.


Brod je dužine 51 metar, pod zapovjedništvom je kapetana korvete Louisa Tilliera te broji oko 47 članova posade.


Croatian Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor will not for the moment launch procedures to make changes in top management at Croatian Electric (HEP), Nacional has learned from sources close to top Government officials.


Hrvatska premijerka Jadranka Kosor zasad neće pokretati proceduru kadrovskih promjena na čelu Hrvatske elektroprivrede, doznao je Nacional iz izvora bliskih vrhu Vlade.


The Prime Minister made her decision after having received the preliminary findings of two separate investigations into HEP's purchases of electrical energy over the past five years, which Government commissioned from the Hrvoje Pozar National Energy Institute and the privately-operated Ekonerg institute for energy and environmental protection.


Takvu odluku premijerka je donijela nakon što je primila preliminarne nalaze dviju odvojenih ekspertiza HEP-ove kupovine električne energije tijekom proteklih pet godina, koje je Vlada naručila od državnog energetskog instituta Hrvoje Požar i privatnog instituta za energetiku i zaštitu okoliša Ekonerg.


According to the information Nacional has, both institutions carried out due diligence of HEP's contracts on the long term acquisition of electric power, and in their initial findings established that the transactions were carried out in line with existing legislation and the rules of the profession and in keeping with the principles of the company's good management.


Prema informacijama kojima raspolaže Nacional, obje institucije izvršile su dubinsko snimanje HEP-ovih ugovora o dugoročnoj kupovini električne energije i u svojim prvim nalazima ustanovile su kako su spomenute transakcije provedene u skladu s važećim zakonima, pravilima struke i načelima dobrog upravljanja kompanijom.


This, for now, refutes accusations levelled at HEP CEO Ivan Mravak that his illegal activities and misconduct in the procedure of importing electric energy caused damages to the company to the tune of several hundred million euro.


Na taj način, barem zasad, demantirane su optužbe na račun čelnog čovjeka HEP-a Ivana Mravaka o tome kako je svojim nezakonitim i nesavjesnim postupcima u proceduri uvoza električne energije svoju kompaniju oštetio za više stotina milijuna eura.


It was based on these allegations, made in the domestic media, that powerful individuals within the ruling coalition had exerted massive pressure on Jadranka Kosor these past weeks, demanding that she sack Mravak.


Temeljem tih optužbi, iznesenih u domaćim medijima, moćni pojedinci unutar vladajuće stranke su tijekom proteklih tjedana vršili snažan pritisak na Jadranku Kosor, tražeći od nje da smjeni Mravaka.


Jadranka Kosor temporarily rejected these demands, and commissioned two separate investigations from two respected domestic expert institutions.


Jadranka Kosor te je zahtjeve privremeno odbila, te naručila izradu odvojenih ekspertiza od dviju uglednih domaćih stručnih institucija.


Given that the initial findings of these institutions practically concur in their conclusions that no irregularities were found, it is logical that the Prime Minister will not for the moment move to dismiss Mravak.


S obzirom na to da se prvi nalazi tih institucija praktički podudaraju u zaključku kako nisu pronađene nepravilnosti, logično je kako premijerka u ovom trenutku neće pokretati Mravakovu smjenu.


But, these are only preliminary findings, and a final ruling on the legality of the operations surrounding the purchase of electricity in HEP will not be possible until the investigation is completed, and that is forecast for some three weeks from now.


Ipak, radi se tek o preliminarnim nalazima, konačnu ocjenu zakonitosti poslova s kupovinom struje u HEP-u nemoguće je donijeti dok ekspertiza ne bude u potpunosti završena, a predviđa se kako bi to moglo biti za tri tjedna.


These findings only concern the long term contracts to purchase electric power, which covers about 60 percent of the total amount of energy HEP purchases.


Taj nalaz odnosi se samo na ugovore o dugoročnoj dobavi električne energije, na koje otpada otprilike 60 posto ukupne količine energije koju HEP kupuje.


Short-term acquisition, on the other hand, made on a monthly, weekly, or even daily basis, is significantly more complex, and is based on the fluctuations of prices on energy exchanges, and that is why their analysis will take longer.


S druge strane, kratkoročne nabave, na mjesečnoj, tjednoj, pa čak i dnevnoj bazi, znatno su kompleksnije, temelje se na kretanjima cijene na burzama energije i zato će njihova analiza potrajati duže.


But, as far as HEP is concerned and the allegations levelled at its top managers, the key accusations were in fact concerning the contracts on long term acquisition the Croatian firm had concluded with foreign companies EFT, Korlea and Rudnap, and on which HEP had allegedly lost millions.


No, što se tiče HEP-a i optužbi na račun njegovih čelnih ljudi, ključni su upravo ugovori o dugoročnoj nabavi koje je hrvatska kompanija sklopila s stranim tvrtkama EFT, Korlea i Rudnap, a na kojima je HEP navodno izgubio milijune.


It was precisely these contracts that the experts at Ekonerg and Hrvoje Pozar Institute had analysed over the past few days.


Upravo su te ugovore proteklih dana analizirali stručnjaci Ekonerga i Instituta Hrvoje Požar.


As Nacional has learned, each of these contracts, and the entire HEP system of public acquisition of electric energy, was analysed from a number of different aspects.


Kako doznaje Nacional, svaki od tih ugovora, kao i cjelokupni HEP-ov sustav javne nabave električne energije, analizirani su na temelju više različitih osnova.


They were analysed in terms of whether the process was led in line with the current legislative framework, if the tenders were carried out in line with international transparency standards, and if their results were comparable with the results of other countries in the region.


Istraživalo se jesu li ti procesi vođeni u skladu s važećim zakonskim okvirom, jesu li provedeni u skladu s međunarodnim standardima transparentnosti, te jesu li njihovi rezultati usporedivi s rezultatima ostalih država u regiji.


HEP's electrical energy procurement system is, namely, identical to systems used in other European countries like Hungary and Slovakia.


Naime, HEP-ov sustav nabave električne energije istovjetan je sustavima kakvi se koriste i u drugim europskim državama, kao što su primjerice Mađarska i Slovačka.


That is why a comparison with the results in these countries and the prices of electricity local energy companies paid for can easily establish whether HEP signed contracts during a given period above market prices.


Zbog toga se usporedbom s rezultatima tih država i cijenama električne energije koje su tamošnje energetske kompanije plaćale vrlo lako može ustanoviti je li HEP u određenom razdoblju sklapao ugovore po cijenama višim od tržišnih.


The preliminary investigation has uncovered no such irregularity, even though it should be pointed out that the subject of the investigations was not to establish whether HEP had over a certain period, and on the basis of certain contracts, recorded losses.


Preliminarna istraga nije otkrila takve nepravilnosti, iako valja napomenuti kako predmet istrage nije utvrđivanje je li HEP tijekom određenog razdoblja i temeljem određenih ugovora zabilježio gubitke.


If, namely, the entire acquisition process was carried out in line with legal norms and the rules of the profession, losses themselves are not a basis on which the HEP leadership could be accused of misconduct.


Naime, ako je cijeli proces nabave proveden u skladu sa zakonskim normama i pravilima struke, sami gubici nisu osnova na temelju kojeg se čelništvo HEP-a može optužiti za štetno poslovanje.


It was for this reason precisely that the subject of the investigation was set as the period from 2004 to 2009.


Upravo zato određeno je da predmet ekspertize bude razdoblje od 2004. do 2009. godine.


By analysing a period of this length, experts can make much more precise evaluations of whether possible losses at HEP were the result of a business policy or the objective circumstances on the market.


Analizirajući tako dugo razdoblje, stručnjaci mogu puno preciznije donijeti ocjenu jesu li eventualni gubici HEP-a posljedica štetne poslovne politike ili objektivnih okolnosti na tržištu.


It is clear in this context that the final findings of these two investigations will play a significant role in deciding whether legal action will be launched against the HEP top management.


U tom kontekstu jasno je kako će konačni nalazi ovih dviju ekspertiza imati značajnu ulogu u odluci hoće li protiv čelnih ljudi HEP-a biti pokrenuti kazneni postupci.


And while the local media last week published that the State Attorney's Office had already drafted charges against Ivan Mravak accusing him, among other things, of concluding damaging contracts, it can be assumed that there will be no such official indictment until the investigation is completed.


Iako su domaći mediji prošlog tjedna objavili kako je Državno odvjetništvo već pripremilo kaznenu prijavu protiv Ivana Mravaka, temeljem koje će on, među ostalim, biti optužen za sklapanje štetnih ugovora, može se pretpostaviti kako te optužnice neće biti i službeno podignute dok ekspertiza ne bude potpuno završena.


They are aware, namely, at the State Attorney's Office that the validity of the body of the indictment is based in fact on the conclusions of the investigation.


Naime, u DORH-u su svjesni kako se valjanost glavnog dijela optužnice temelji upravo na zaključku ekspertize.


If it reveals irregularities, it will then get a formal foundation in expert findings, while if the findings are of the opposite nature, it is very likely that a significant part of the indictment will have to be amended.


Ako ona otkrije nepravilnosti, ona će dobiti i formalnu stručnu podlogu, a ako nalaz bude suprotan, izgledno je da će jedan značajan dio optužnice morati biti izmijenjen.


In this context it is very likely that the State Attorney's Office will wait for the final version of the investigation's findings, and based on earlier statements, Jadranka Kosor will also certainly not launch any personnel changes in HEP's top management until then.


U tom kontekstu, gotovo je izvjesno da će u DORH-u pričekati konačnu verziju ekspertize, a sukladno ranijim najavama, do tada ni Jadranka Kosor sigurno neće pokretati nikakve kadrovske promjene na čelu HEP-a.


Clients whose needs exceed the level of everyday requirements, top-notch technology, a passion for projects we are involved in, innovative ideas, successfully accomplished tasks - that is Soko Z.I. We provide top quality expertise on virtual environments, simulations, "serious" games and aviation, focused and integrated to make the project goals of our clients possible.


Klijenti čije potrebe prelaze razinu svakodnevnog, vrhunska tehnologija, strast prema projektima koje radimo, inovativne ideje, uspješno ispunjeni zadaci - to je Soko Z.I. Svojim klijentima pružamo vrhunsku ekspertizu vezanu uz virtualne okoline, simulacije, "ozbiljne" igre i zrakoplovstvo, usmjerenu i integriranu u ostvarenje njihovih konkretnih projektnih ciljeva.


Soko Z.I. continues the tradition of the Soko Mostar company, which produced more than 1,000 airplanes and 600 helicopters over 30 years of active service.


Soko Z.I. se nastavlja na tradiciju tvrtke Soko Mostar koja je u 30-tak godina aktivne zrakoplone proizvodnje proizvela preko 1000 zrakoplova i 600 helikoptera.


Along with production of proprietary types, Soko Mostar built aircraft parts, including whole hull sections for airplanes of the most significant world manufacturers of the time: Aerospatiale, Airbus, Alenia, Boeing, De Havilland, Deutsche Airbus, Dornier, Embraer, Eurocopter, IAI Malkam, Latecoere, Marcel Dassault, MBB, MDD, Socea-Sogerma, UAPK (Tupolev, Illyushin).


Uz proizvodnju vlastitih tipova, u Mostaru su rađeni zrakoplovni dijelovi, uključujući i cijele sekcije trupa za zrakoplove najznačajnijih svjetskih proizvođača tog vremena: Aerospatiale, Airbus, Alenia, Boeing, De Havilland, Deutche Airbus, Dornier, Embraer, Eurocopter, IAI Malkam, Latecoere, Marcel Dassault, MBB, MDD, Socea-Sogerma, UAPK (Tupolev, Illyushin).


In order to ensure the best expertise for their clients, Soko Z.I. developed a close cooperation with the Faculty of Electrical Engineering and Computing, Faculty of Mechanical Engineering and Shipbuilding, Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics and the Faculty of Geodesy of the University of Zagreb.


Kako bi osigurao najbolju ekspertizu za svoje klijente, Soko Z.I. usko surađuje s Fakultetom elektrotehnike i računarstva, Fakultetom strojarstva i brodogradnje, Prirodoslovno-matematičkim fakultetom i Geodetskim fakultetom Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.


Before last week's flight to Bosnia & Herzegovina, Branimir Glavas recorded a total of five video messages.


Prije prošlotjednog bijega u Bosnu i Hercegovinu Branimir Glavaš snimio je ukupno pet videoporuka.


Even the first provoked massive public attention in Croatia because of the never before seen attacks levelled at Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, and the rest will be available to the Croatian public soon.


Već prva izazvala je veliku pažnju hrvatske javnosti zbog dosad neviđenog napada na hrvatskog premijera Ivu Sanadera, a uskoro će hrvatskoj javnosti biti dostupne i preostale.


As Nacional has learned from sources close to Glavas, it is his intention to send a new message to the Croatian public every few days, each being very embarrassing for Sanader.


Kako je Nacional doznao iz izvora bliskih Glavašu, njegova je namjera da svakih nekoliko dana u javnost pošalje po jednu novu poruku, a svaka je iznimno neugodna za Sanadera.


That, however, will not be the end of Glavas's public attacks: he is ready to continue dispatching stinging criticisms of the Sanader administration from his hideout in Herzegovina, and the only way for him to stop is the possibility of a secret settlement.


To, međutim, neće biti kraj Glavaševih javnih napada: on je spreman iz svog skloništa u Hercegovini i dalje oštro napadati Sanaderovu vladu, a jedini način da s tim prestane jest mogućnost tajne nagodbe.


The information that has spread among people near Glavas these past days is, namely, that the dispute could be resolved only if Sanader were to send his emissary to Herzegovina soon for direct negotiation.


Naime, proteklih dana u krugovima oko Glavaša proširila se informacija da bi se spor mogao riješiti samo ako Sanader uskoro u Hercegovinu pošalje svog emisara na izravne dogovore.


This is in fact blackmail on the part of Glavas whereby he will continue to attack Sanader unless an agreement is reached in the meantime.


Zapravo se radi o Glavaševoj ucjeni po kojoj će on nastaviti s napadima na Sanadera osim ako se u međuvremenu ne dogovore.


According to some sources, Glavas is offering Sanader an end to this vehement campaign if Sanader were to see to it that the Supreme Court overturn the first instance ruling in which Glavas was sentenced to ten years in prison, and would, allegedly, accept a sentence of under five years.


Prema nekim izvorima, Glavaš Sanaderu nudi prestanak žestoke kampanje u zamjenu da Sanader ishodi da Vrhovni sud obori prvostupanjsku presudu kojom je Glavašu dosuđeno deset godina zatvora, a navodno bi pristao na kaznu manju od pet godina.


That is, besides, what Glavas expected from his former party colleague, but last week's decision on the part of County Court was to hand down a ten-year sentence and that is why Glavas feels that Sanader deceived him.


To je, uostalom, Glavaš i očekivao od svog nekadašnjeg stranačkog kolege, no prošlotjedna odluka Županijskog suda iznosila je deset godina i zbog toga Glavaš smatra da ga je Sanader prevario.


On the other hand, Sanader has come out the biggest loser because Glavas has been laying in to him for days now, and European negotiators are not at all pleased with the entire situation, likewise the majority of the Croatian public, while the remainder is maliciously enjoying Glavas's attacks, humiliating for the Croatian Prime Minister.


S druge strane, Sanader je ispao najveći gubitnik jer mu se Glavaš već danima javno osvećuje, cijelom situacijom nimalo nisu zadovoljni ni europski pregovarači ni najveći dio hrvatske javnosti, a ostatak zlurado uživa u Glavaševim napadima koji ponižavaju hrvatskog premijera.


What happened last week was a total debacle for Sanader: for years it had been considered that it had been he who had launched the court action against Glavas and that the entire case would be wrapped up when Glavas wound up in jail to serve a long prison sentence where he would not be able to address the public.


Sanader je prošlog tjedna doživio totalni debakl: godinama se smatra da je upravo on potaknuo proces protiv Glavaša i vjerovao da će se cijeli slučaj okončati kad Glavaš na kraju završi u zatvoru na odsluženju dugotrajne zatvorske kazne gdje će mu biti onemogućeno obraćanje javnosti.


And quite the opposite happened: in spite of the verdict, Glavas is at large in Herzegovina and intends to continue being a vehement critic of Sanader and a political factor in his own right.


A dogodilo se upravo suprotno: unatoč presudi, Glavaš sa slobode u Hercegovini i dalje namjerava biti žestoki Sanaderov kritičar i određeni politički faktor.


The events related to the verdict handed down to Glavas have these past days demonstrated all of the negative aspects of Croatian politics: shady and secretive political deals, fictitious public arguments, lies and insults, no respect for the law, attempts to affect the judiciary, shifting responsibility and a spasmodic struggle – by some to gain power, and by others to stay out of jail.


Događanja u vezi s presudom Glavašu posljednjih su dana pokazala sve negativne elemente hrvatske politike: prljave i tajne političke dogovore, javne fiktivne svađe, laži, uvrede, nepriznavanje zakona, pokušaje utjecaja na pravosuđe, prebacivanje odgovornosti i grčevitu borbu - jednih za vlast, a drugih za slobodu.


In the space of a few days Sanader, Glavas and their respective associated have demonstrated an unbelievable similarity in their set of values, with only minor differences in method and style.


U samo nekoliko dana Sanader, Glavaš i njihovi suradnici pokazali su nevjerojatnu svjetonazorsku sličnost, s tek sitnim razlikama u metodi i stilu.


Glavas has for years made it abundantly clear that he has no respect at all for Croatian laws and institutions, or rather that he feels that he is above them, which he most vividly demonstrated with his flight to a neighbouring country.


Glavaš je godinama na sve načine pokazivao da nimalo ne mari za hrvatske zakone i institucije, odnosno da smatra da je iznad njih, a to je najzornije pokazao sramotnim bijegom u susjednu zemlju.


Sanader does respect Croatian laws and institutions insofar as he would like to have them under his control, which he most vividly demonstrated with his unheard of attack on the independence of the Croatian judiciary, accusing Zagreb County Court for poor timing in handing down the verdict in the Glavas case.


Sanader za hrvatske zakone i institucije mari u tolikoj mjeri da ih - želi imati pod svojim nadzorom, što je najzornije pokazao nečuvenim napadom na neovisnost hrvatskog sudstva optuživši Županijski sud u Zagrebu za krivi tajming objave presude u slučaju Glavaš.


This similarity could also be discerned in Sanader's and Glavas's associates, who were out to outdo each other last weekend in making outrageous attacks quite unsuitable to a modern and democratic country. Vladimir Sisljagic declared "war to the last man" against Sanader and the HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union), whatever that means, to which Sanader's Deputy Prime Minister Jadranka Kosor retorted, calling Sisljagic a "Yugoslav Army officer", and that same evening the head of the central committee of Glavas's party attacked Sanader saying he had "filmed porno movies in Austria while others were dying in Croatia," and that Jadranka Kosor had "worked against Croatia in 1990, which is why she was kicked out of the Croatian Radio and Television company."


Takva sličnost mogla se uočiti i kod Sanaderovih i Glavaševih suradnika, koji su se proteklog vikenda natjecali u degutantnim napadima potpuno neprimjerenima u modernoj i uređenoj demokratskoj zemlji: Vladimir Šišljagić nagovijestio je Sanaderu i HDZ-u "rat do istrebljenja", što god to značilo, potom ga je Sanaderova potpredsjednica Vlade Jadranka Kosor nazvala "oficirom JNA", a iste večeri šef glavnog odbora Glavaševe stranke napao je Sanadera jer je "snimao porno filmove u Austriji dok su u Hrvatskoj drugi ginuli", a Jadranki Kosor da je "1990. radila protiv Hrvatske, zbog čega su je otjerali s HRT-a".


As things stand for the moment the relative winner in this showdown between the two former party colleagues is Branimir Glavas.


Kako trenutačno stvari stoje, relativni pobjednik u srazu bivših stranačkih kolega je Branimir Glavaš.


Despite the fact that he has been, after a long and difficult trail, finally found guilty of war crimes committed in Osijek, Glavas has evaded arrest and his prison sentence, an he will by all accounts spend his life at large in Herzegovina filming video messages for the Croatian public, acting out the role of a political dissident and probably become the leader of the marginal right wing radicals Miroslav Tudjman simply lacks the charisma to lead.


Unatoč činjenici da je nakon dugog i mučnog sudskog postupka napokon proglašen krivim za ratne zločine u Osijeku, Glavaš je izbjegao uhićenje i odsluženje zatvorske kazne, a život na slobodi u Hercegovini po svemu sudeći provest će snimajući videoporuke namijenjene hrvatskoj javnosti, glumiti političkog disidenta i vjerojatno postati čelna osoba marginalnih desničarskih radikala kojima Miroslav Tuđman naprosto nema karizmu za vođu.


And while he could have spent the rest of his life in peace in the neighbouring country, everyone who knows Glavas could have assumed that this would not be the case – these past days he has been entertaining himself recording video messages for the Croatian public, and it is likely that no in Croatia would be surprised if Glavas was to opt for a quite bizarre move – to run in the coming presidential elections.


Iako bi ostatak života u susjednoj državi mogao provesti mirno, svatko tko poznaje Glavaša mogao je pretpostaviti da to neće biti tako: posljednjih dana zabavlja ga snimanje videoporuka namijenjenih hrvatskoj javnosti, a vjerojatno nikoga u Hrvatskoj neće iznenaditi ako se Glavaš odluči na prilično bizaran potez - da se kandidira na sljedećim predsjedničkim izborima.


And while this falls under the science fiction category, from the legal point of view only victory at the presidential elections could provide him with the irrefutable immunity from legal persecution with which he could return to Croatia without fear of finding himself behind bars.


Iako to spada u sferu znanstvene fantastike, pravno gledano jedino bi mu pobjeda na predsjedničkim izborima mogla donijeti neoborivi imunitet s kojim bi se mogao vratiti u Hrvatsku bez straha da se nađe iza brave.


Sanader is, on the other hand, the biggest loser: Glavas and his people have been publicly insulting him for days now, his personal rating and rating within the party is falling every day, his public appearances are costing him what little credibility he still has and his nervousness and an impression that he is losing control and political power is rapidly coming to the surface.


S druge strane, Sanader je najveći je gubitnik: Glavaš i njegovi ljudi već ga danima javno vrijeđaju, svakodnevno mu pada osobni i stranački rejting, javnim istupima gubi i ono malo vjerodostojnosti i na površinu sve više izbija nervoza i dojam da gubi kontrolu i političku snagu.


The latest blow to the Croatian Prime Minister was delivered by Supreme Court President Branko Hrvatin, who said that Sanader had crossed the line of an independent judiciary.


Posljednji zvučni šamar hrvatskom premijeru u ponedjeljak je odaslao i predsjednik Vrhovnog suda Branko Hrvatin rekavši da je Sanader prešao granicu neovisnosti sudstva.


Four things are contentious for Croatia in the entire matter.


A za Hrvatsku u cijelom su slučaju problematične četiri stvari.


First, that, in spite of the verdict, justice will evidently not be done.


Prvo, da unatoč presudi pravda nije, i očito neće biti zadovoljena.


Second, that with this outcome of the Glavas case Croatia has come no closer to the European Union, and has perhaps even moved farther away, which could have direct consequences on the accession negotiations.


Drugo, da se ovakvim raspletom slučaja Glavaš Hrvatska nije približila Europskoj uniji, nego možda čak i udaljila, što bi se izravno moglo odraziti i na pristupne pregovore.


Third, the Glavas case has demonstrated all of the regressiveness and instability of the HDZ, as many influential members of the party continue to support Glavas.


Treće, slučaj Glavaš pokazao je nazadnost i nestabilnost HDZ-a, jer mnogi utjecajni članovi te stranke i dalje podržavaju Glavaša.


The fourth element is the most devastating to Croatian politics, because it most vividly demonstrates the hypocrisy of Croatia's political players – in spite of nominal conflicts and trials, Sanader too has for years been cooperating brilliantly, and there are some indicators that this cooperation continues to this day.


Četvrta stvar je najporaznija za hrvatsku politiku, jer najzornije pokazuje prijetvornost hrvatskih političkih aktera - unatoč nominalnim sukobima i sudskom procesu, i Sanader već godinama izvrsno surađuju, a ta suradnja, po nekim indicijama, traje i danas.


Glavas's flight to Herzegovina last week meant an elegant evasion of Croatian laws and of personal and political responsibility for the former ruler of Slavonia.


Glavašev prošlotjedni bijeg u Hercegovinu za bivšeg je vladara Slavonije označio elegantno izbjegavanje hrvatskih zakona te njegove osobne i političke odgovornosti.


What is, however, disconcerting is the fact that this will cause serious difficulty for every Croatian politician who would broach the subject, say, in Brussels.


Ono što, međutim, zabrinjava jest činjenica da će to zadati velike muke svakom hrvatskom političaru koji će o toj temi povesti razgovor, primjerice u Bruxellesu.


And while Sanader will, for domestic political consumption, not hesitate to accuse some one else for it all, from a tactless judiciary to the SDP (Social Democratic Party), there is no doubt that over the coming months he and any other member of a Croatian negotiating team will blush in shame when asked by euro-politicians how it is possible for a convicted war criminal to avoid punishment and take all of the institutions of an allegedly well-ordered country for a ride.


Iako će za unutarnjopolitičke potrebe Sanader bez oklijevanja za sve optužiti nekog drugog, od netaktičnog sudstva do SDP-a, nema sumnje da će u sljedećim mjesecima on ili bilo tko drugi iz hrvatske pregovaračke ekipe crvenjeti od srama na pitanje europolitičara kako je moguće da jedan nepravomoćno osuđeni ratni zločinac izbjegne kaznu i nasamari sve institucije jedne navodno uređene države.


It was clear to everyone in Croatia throughout the entire case that the case could not, for various reasons, be the most exemplary example of the efficient judicial processing of war crimes.


Svakome u Hrvatskoj tijekom cijelog slučaja bilo je jasno da taj slučaj iz raznih razloga ne može biti reprezentativan primjer efikasnog sudskog procesuiranja ratnih zločina.


The flight of the principal defendant ahead of the handing down of a ten year prison sentence, that is to say the inability or carelessness of institutions to prevent him from doing so, is only the latest and most worrisome evidence that Croatia still has serious problems with the functioning of the state, which should be based on the rule of law and justice.


Bijeg prvookrivljenog uoči izricanja desetogodišnje zatvorske kazne, odnosno nemoć ili nemar institucija da ga u tome spriječe, samo je posljednji i najmučniji dokaz da Hrvatska još uvijek ima ozbiljne probleme s funkcioniranjem države koja bi se trebala temeljiti na vladavini zakona i prava.


It is quite clear that the direct and only responsibility for Glavas's flight lies with – Croatian Parliament.


Posve je jasno da je za Glavašev bijeg izravno i isključivo odgovoran - Hrvatski sabor.


And Sanader's HDZ has the majority there. The fundamental mistake, omission or approbation shown towards Branimir Glavas, should be sought in the ruling coalition's decision whereby it on 12 January 2008 did not repeal Glavas's immunity from legal prosecution, which would have made it possible for the police to detain him.


A ondje većinu ima Sanaderov HDZ. Temeljnu grešku, propust ili povlađivanje Branimiru Glavašu, valja tražiti u odluci vladajuće koalicije koja je 12. siječnja 2008. odbila Glavašu ukinuti imunitet za pritvaranje.


Even then the Members of Parliament from the HDZ, HSS (Croatian Peasant's Party) and the HSLS (Croatian Social Liberal Party) clearly demonstrated that they did not at all find it difficult to share a bench with a man accused by the prosecution of having committed serious war crimes.


Već tada saborski zastupnici HDZ-a, HSS-a i HSLS-a jasno su pokazali da im nije nimalo neugodno sjediti u klupama zajedno s čovjekom kojeg je tužiteljstvo teretilo za teške ratne zločine.


From the present perspective, the MPs secured Glavas's liberty during and after the trial for at least three reasons: some to this day consider him an unquestionable hero; another group did so for reasons of unprincipled political pragmatism; and the third part did so because that was the directive from the party leadership.


Iz današnje perspektive, saborski su zastupnici Glavašu osigurali slobodu tijekom i nakon suđenja iz najmanje tri razloga: jedan dio njih i danas Glavaša smatra neupitnim herojem; drugi dio to je učinio iz neprincipijelnog političkog pragmatizma; treći je to učinio zato što je tako glasila direktiva iz stranačkog vrha.


In any event, the decision by Croatian Parliament had far reaching consequences as it set the framework for the behaviour of all the other actors in the entire case.


U svakom slučaju, ta je odluka Hrvatskog sabora imala dalekosežne posljedice jer je odredila okvir za postupanje svih drugih aktera cijelog slučaja.


Last week's debates on whether the police should have prevented Glavas's flight or not, or whether the courts should have seized his passport, were, namely, quite beside the point.


Naime, potpuno su bile bespredmetne prošlotjedne rasprave je li policija trebala spriječiti Glavašev bijeg ili je li mu sud trebao oduzeti putovnicu.


Neither the police nor the courts had any legal grounds to do so, and were prevented in this by – Croatian Parliament.


Ni policija ni sud za to nisu imali nikakve pravne podloge, a u tome ih je spriječio - Hrvatski sabor.


And while Glavas and his HDSSB (Croatian Democratic Party of Slavonia and Baranja) were nominally in conflict with Sanader and the HDZ, various events were the cause of doubts as to the true nature of their relationship.


Premda su proteklih godina Glavaš i njegov HDSSB bili u nominalnom sukobu sa Sanaderom i HDZ-om, razni događaji često su budili sumnju u pravu prirodu njihova odnosa: prvi znaci mogućih tajnih dogovora "ljutih neprijatelja" nazirali su se još u prosincu 2006. godine, kad je štrajkom glađu Glavaš uspio izići iz pritvora u Remetincu.


The first signs of a possible secret deal struck between these "bitter enemies" emerged back in December of 2006 when Glavas managed to get himself released from Remetinec Prison after staging a hunger strike.


Već tada spekuliralo se da su Glavaš i Sanader postigli tajni pakt: ako mu se omogući obrana sa slobode, Glavaš zauzvrat neće javno galamiti protiv Vlade, Sanadera i HDZ-a.


Even back then there had been speculation that Glavas and Sanader had struck a secret pact: if he is allowed to defend himself at liberty Glavas would in return not raise a public ruckus against Government, Sanader and the HDZ. A similar pact was probably also made ahead of the vote on Glavas's legal immunity in January of 2008: although he has for years been known for his frequent and vehement public appearances, Glavas has been significantly silent over the past two years.


Sličan pakt vjerojatno je sklopljen i uoči saborskog glasovanja o Glavaševu imunitetu u siječnju 2008.: iako je godinama bio poznat po čestim žestokim javnim istupima, posljednje dvije godine Glavaš je proveo znakovito tiho.


The entire time there had been speculation that the secret go-between for Glavas and Sanader was the HSP (Croatian Party of Rights) leader Anto Djapic, but according to some sources the "liaison officer" these past months has been Andrija Hebrang, who made it no secret in party circles that he maintained a communication with Glavas.


Cijelo vrijeme spekuliralo se da je tajni posrednik između Glavaša i Sanadera bio haespeovac Anto Đapić, no prema nekim izvorima posljednjih mjeseci "oficir za vezu" bio je Andrija Hebrang, koji u stranačkim krugovima počesto nije skrivao da s Glavašem održava komunikaciju.


One should also not forget former Speaker of Parliament Vladimir Seks, who for the most part remained silent from the start of the Glavas's trial, not retorting to the attacks from what was once his best friend, and as a witness in the trial gave testimony in Glavas's favour.


Ne treba zaboraviti ni bivšeg predsjednika Hrvatskog sabora Vladimira Šeksa, koji je od početka sudskog procesa protiv Glavaša uglavnom šutio na sve napade bivšeg najboljeg prijatelja, a kao svjedok u postupku dao je iskaz Glavašu u korist.


It was Nacional in fact that in May of 2007 revealed that Seks, in spite of his proclaimed non-involvement in the entire affair was, in fact, involved in many ways: he received Andrija Getos, the father of the third defendant Gordana Getos, on several occasions, and with him sought an attorney to represent Glavas's wartime secretary.


Upravo je Nacional u svibnju 2007. godine otkrio da je Šeks unatoč proklamiranom nemiješanju u cijeli slučaj na razne načine u nj ipak bio involviran: više puta primao je na razgovor Andriju Getoša, oca trećeokrivljene Gordane Getoš, i zajedno s njim tražio odvjetnika Glavaševoj ratnoj tajnici.


The verdict handed down last week by Zagreb County Court also indirectly brought into question the credibility of Seks's testimony, who should have, and some say should and must have, known about Glavas's controversial activities in wartime Osijek, and perhaps bear some of the responsibility for them.


Prošlotjedna presuda Županijskog suda u Zagrebu posredno je dovela u pitanje i vjerodostojnost Šeksova iskaza, koji je o Glavaševim spornim aktivnostima u ratnom Osijeku mogao, a po nekima i trebao i morao znati, a možda i snositi dio odgovornosti.


Besides a nonaggression pact in exchange for defence at large, although formally on differing positions, the HDZ and Glavas's HDSSB were in Parliament – almost partners.


Osim pakta o nenapadanju u zamjenu za obranu sa slobode, premda formalno na različitim stranama, HDZ i Glavašev HDSSB u Saboru su bili - gotovo partneri.


And the votes cast by Glavas's MP's were often crucial to getting HDZ motions passed, and in March of 2008 it was the HDSSB that secured the three votes the HDZ lacked when the HSS refused to vote in favour of delaying the implementation of the protected ecological and fisheries zone for member countries of the European Union.


Tako su glasovi Glavaševih saborskih zastupnika počesto bili ključni za HDZ-ova izglasavanja, pa je u ožujku 2008. upravo HDSSB osigurao tri glasa koja su HDZ-u zbog odbijanja HSS-a nedostajala za odluku o odgodi primjene ZERP-a na članice Europske unije.


A similar kind of "help" was provided for the HDZ by Glavas's party colleagues during the vote last year and this year on the national budget.


Sličnu "pomoć" Glavaševi su stranački kolege davali HDZ-u i pri lanjskom i ovogodišnjem izglasavanju državnog proračuna.


And while these last few days everyone in the HDZ, from the president of the party to Andrije Hebrang, were surprised by the verdict condemning Glavas to ten years in prison, it is hard to believe that nobody at all noticed anything out of the ordinary in Glavas's activities over the past six months.


Iako su posljednjih dana svi u HDZ-u, od predsjednika stranke pa sve do Andrije Hebranga, iznenađeni presudom kojom je Glavaš osuđen na 10 godina zatvora, teško je vjerovati da baš nitko nije primijetio neobične Glavaševe aktivnosti u proteklih šest mjeseci.


Based on the information published to date, Glavas requested and received Bosnia & Herzegovina citizenship back in October of last year, without anyone in Croatian allegedly having a clue of what was going on.


Prema dosad objavljenim informacijama, Glavaš je još u listopadu prošle godine zatražio i dobio državljanstvo BiH, a da nitko u Hrvatskoj o tome navodno nije imao pojma.


And since Glavas has been tailed and wire tapped over the past years as a result of the pressure he has put on witnesses in the trial, some of which are documented by the court, no one in Croatia our outside it will believe that this undertaking by Glavas was not noticed.


Budući da je proteklih godina Glavaš bio praćen i prisluškivan zbog svojih pritisaka na svjedoke u procesu, od čega su neki i sudski dokumentirani, nitko u Hrvatskoj a ni izvan nje neće povjerovati da je taj Glavašev čin prošao neprimijećeno.


Even if it was an omission or the result of carelessness, it does not in any way exculpate Croatian institutions of their guilt, because it suggests that war crimes indictees are treated in Croatia like, for example, traffic violators.


Čak i da jest riječ o previdu i nemaru, to hrvatske institucije nimalo ne oslobađa krivnje, jer sugerira da se u Hrvatskoj optuženike za ratne zločine tretira kao, primjerice, prometne prekršitelje.


And while Glavas's rhetoric has reached a fever pitch these last days, besides harsh words and insults he has yet to state a single concrete accusation or give any concrete evidence against his former friends and party colleagues, even though some feel that he has a number of documents that compromise the entire national leadership.


Iako se proteklih dana Glavaševa retorika posve zaoštrila, osim teških riječi i uvreda on još uvijek protiv svojih nekadašnjih prijatelja i stranačkih kolega nije izrekao ni jednu konkretnu optužbu niti je dao konkretne dokaze, premda po nekim procjenama on posjeduje niz kompromitantnih dokumenata za cijeli državni vrh.


What's more, in his address last weekend to his supporters in Belisce, Glavas said something that has no other use than to provide Sanader and the HDZ, i.e. the majority in Parliament, an alibi of sorts.


Čak štoviše, u svom obraćanju proteklog vikenda svojim simpatizerima u Belišću Glavaš je izrekao rečenicu koja nema nikakvu drugu uporabnu vrijednost osim da Sanaderu i HDZ-u, odnosno saborskoj većini pruži kakav-takav alibi.


Not long after the verdict was read last Friday there were claims that Glavas had fled to Bosnia & Herzegovina that morning or even during the actual reading of the verdict, at which he did not appear.


Naime, nedugo nakon izricanja presude prošlog petka pojavile su se tvrdnje da je Glavaš u Bosnu i Hercegovinu pobjegao tog jutra ili čak tijekom samog izricanja presude na kojoj se nije pojavio.


By then the political drama had already begun, increasingly directing the public's attention to Parliament's Immunity Commission which was to take away Glavas's immunity from legal prosecution, allowing for his arrest.


Već tada započeo je politički igrokaz u kojem se pažnja javnosti sve više usmjeravala na Mandatno-imunitetno povjerenstvo koje je Glavašu trebalo skinuti imunitet i omogućiti njegovo uhićenje.


In his Sunday address Glavas, which is significant, for no apparent reason, said that he had fled from Croatia to Herzegovina last Tuesday, which would exculpate the inefficient Parliamentary commission because, as we can see, Glavas had already duped Croatia's institutions a few days before the verdict was handed down, and not even the speedy action of the commission would have prevented it.


U svom nedjeljnom obraćanju Glavaš je, znakovito, naoko bez ikakva jasnog razloga, poručio da je iz Hrvatske pobjegao u Hercegovinu još prošlog utorka, što bi pak trebalo abolirati neučinkovito saborsko povjerenstvo, jer je, eto, Glavaš već nekoliko dana prije presude nasamario hrvatske institucije, pa ni brza akcija saborskog povjerenstva to ne bi uspjela spriječiti.


This statement from Glavas has not helped or hurt his current situation, but it has certainly helped the majority in Parliament.


Takva Glavaševa izjava njegovu sadašnjem statusu nije ni pomogla ni odmogla, ali je svakako pogodovala vladajućoj saborskoj većini.


And if this fugitive continues to help the HDZ from another country and a safe hideout, it really is not at all impossible to claim that the national leadership has allowed for his scandalous flight from Croatia.


A ako taj bjegunac i iz druge države i sigurnog skrovišta i dalje pomaže HDZ-u, doista nije nimalo nemoguća tvrdnja da mu je državni vrh i omogućio sramotni bijeg iz Hrvatske.


And that casts a stain on the entire state apparatus and the ruling HDZ.


A to baca ljagu na cjelokupni državni aparat i vladajući HDZ.


Almost eight months before the upcoming local elections, the three strongest opposition parties – SDP, HSS and HNS – are on the brink of forming a large coalition and working together to rival HDZ. Though until recently it was thought that the opposition would run in two blocks, SDP-HSS and HNS-Libra-LS, in recent weeks, new contacts have been made among the party leaders and the decision to counter HDZ together is increasingly close.


Gotovo osam mjeseci prije predstojećih lokalnih izbora tri najjače oporbene stranke SDP, HSS i HNS na pragu su dogovora o stvaranju velike koalicije i zajedničkom suprotstavljanju HDZ-u.


This was confirmed for Nacional last week by leading members of all three parties.


Premda se donedavno pretpostavljalo da će opozicija nastupiti u dva bloka, SDP – HSS, odnosno HNS – Libra – LS, posljednjih tjedana došlo je do novih kontakata stranačkih vodstava i sve je bliža odluka o jedinstvenoj fronti protiv Sanaderova HDZ-a, potvrdili su prošlog tjedna za Nacional vodeći članovi triju stranaka.


The first informal discussions on the topic were held back in June when Vesna Pusić met with Ivica Račan and Zlatko Tomčić.


Prvi neformalni razgovori o toj temi održani su još tijekom lipnja kad se Vesna Pusić susrela s Ivicom Račanom i Zlatkom Tomčićem.


The presidency of HNS decided then that they were open to the idea of a coalition with SDP and HSS, primarily as they are aware that with weak partners such as Libra and LS in all combinations they remain the third strongest political force in the country.


Predsjedništvo Hrvatske narodne stranke tih je dana odlučilo da su otvoreni za koaliranje s dvojcem SDP – HSS , ponajprije zato što su svjesni da sa slabašnim partnerima kakvi su Libra i Liberalna stranka u svim kombinacijama ostaju treća politička snaga u zemlji.


However, the June talks did not result in any deals, primarily due to the reservations of the Social Democrats, who did not want to expand their coalition with HSS. They fear that they will face many problems in making up the ballot with HSS, for SDP believes that the ballot should be made up proportional to the last election results, while Tomčić believes that that party’s success at the local and county elections in 2001 be respected.


Ipak, lipanjski razgovori nisu donijeli nikakav dogovor, ponajprije zbog rezerviranosti socijaldemokrata, koji nisu željeli širiti koaliciju s Hrvatskom seljačkom strankom. Ionako strahuju kako će i s HSS-om imati dosta problema prilikom sastavljanja lista, jer u SDP-u smatraju da se trebaju temeljiti na posljednjim izbornim rezultatima, dok Tomčićevi suradnici traže da se respektira uspjeh koji su postigli na lokalnim i županijskim izborima održanim u proljeće 2001.


If the current situation is validated, Tomčić and his associates would receive a lot less than they would like, but despite this, HSS is the main advocate of a large coalition and including HNS into the formal opposition triumvirate.


Uvaži li se aktualno stanje, Tomčić i suradnici dobili bi puno manje nego što žele, no usprkos svemu upravo je HSS glavni pobornik velike koalicije i uključenja HNS-a u formalni oporbeni trijumvirat.


The realistic situation is quite different.


Realna je situacija prilično drukčija.


This was confirmed on Sunday, 5 September at the repeated local elections in Požega, where SDP, to everyone’s surprise, including their own, took 45% of the vote and pounded HDZ. Party headquarters in Zagreb has not seen such satisfaction in a long time.


Potvrdilo se to u nedjelju 5. rujna na ponovljenim izborima u Požegi, u kojima je socijaldemokratska partija – na iznenađenje svih, pa i vlastitog vodstva – osvojila 45 posto glasova i do nogu potukla HDZ. U stranačkoj centrali na Iblerovu trgu odavno nije bilo toliko zadovoljstva kao ovog ponedjeljka.


SDP was in particular pleased that they won local elections in Slavonia, which HDZ considers to be its election stronghold.


Ezdepeovce je posebno razveselilo što su dobili izbore u Slavoniji, koju u HDZ-u smatraju svojim političkim lenom.


With the help of Defense Minister Berislav Rončević, HDZ brought down the city government. However, this aroused such great animosity among the local population that this time they gave even more support to SDP. This good result is also in part thanks to the decision by Social Democrats to put distinguished physicians and well known people in Požega on the ballot, even though they are not formally party members.


Uz pomoć ministra obrane Berislava Rončevića HDZ je srušio gradsku vlast, međutim to je izazvalo toliki animozitet lokalnog stanovništva da su ovaj put još snažnije poduprli SDP. Dobar rezultat dijelom treba zahvaliti i odluci socijaldemokrata da na listu stave ugledne liječnike i poznate osobe iz života Požege, makar nisu formalni članovi stranke.


It seems as though this will be the formula for the local elections, which will be maximally personalized, while many of the leading spots on the ballots will be given to publicly recognized people, and not local party members.


Čini se da će to biti i formula za lokalne izbore, koji će se maksimalno personalizirati, dok će mnoga vodeća mjesta na listama dobiti vjerodostojne javne osobe, a ne lokalni partijski aparatčiki.


The problem is the HSS fiasco and the fact that the HNS-LS ballot which did not cross the election threshold.


Problem je fijasko HSS-a te liste HNS – LS, koji nisu prešli izborni prag.


Such failures will certainly form an additional argument for SDP in their negotiations on future election ballots.


Takvi neuspjesi zacijelo će predstavljati dodatni argument u korist SDP-a na pregovorima oko budućih izbornih lista.


Last Tuesday, a secret meeting was held between the party groups – Tonino Picula, Zlatko Komadina and Igor Dragovan from SDP, and Željko Pecek, Josip Friščić and Stanko Grčić from HSS. Though both parties have stressed that these are not the teams which will decide the composition of the ballots, their definite appearance will depend on the results of the work of this two-party working group.


Prošlog utorka u tajnosti su se susrele stranačke skupine – Tonino Picula, Zlatko Komadina i Igor Dragovan iz SDP-a, te Željko Pecek, Josip Friščić i Stanko Grčić iz HSS-a. Premda u obje stranke ističu da se ne radi o ekipama koje će odlučiti tko će biti na listama, njihov definitivni izgled ovisit će o rezultatima rada dvostranačke skupine.


Inasmuch, possible cooperation with HNS remains open, and that party has received open offers to join the SDP-HSS coalition. “A large coalition which will oppose HDZ has become an issue of national interest, and that has to overrule party desires,” stated Vesna Pusić for Nacional.


Pritom ostaje otvorena suradnja s Hrvatskom narodnom strankom, iz koje stižu otvoreni pozivi za priključenjem koaliciji SDP – HSS. “Velika koalicija koja će se suprotstaviti HDZ-u postaje nacionalni interes i to mora prevagnuti nad stranačkim željama”, izjavila je za Nacional Vesna Pusić.


Therefore, she is set to again meet with Tomčić and Račan in the coming days, and to try to convince them that the creation of a triumvirate represents the only sure path to victory.


Stoga će ovih dana ponovo razgovarati s Tomčićem i Račanom i pokušati ih uvjeriti da stvaranje trijumvirata predstavlja jedini sigurni put do pobjede.


Partial coalitions resulted in a fiasco in November 2003 when these three parties together received 180,000 more votes that HDZ, but were left far behind the current government in the number of parliamentary seats. “I am certain that a joint ballot between of our three parties will guarantee a victory in all the large cities and will win in the majority of counties.


Parcijalni izlasci rezultirali su fijaskom u studenom 2003. kad su te tri stranke zajedno dobile 180.000 glasova više nego HDZ, a u konačnom zbroju mandata ostale daleko iza aktualne vlasti. “Sigurna sam da zajednički nastup naših stranaka jamči pobjedu u svim velikim gradovima i osvajanje najvećeg broja županija.


We must not repeat the mistake we made in the parliamentary elections when we handed HDZ the victory, and now we have to watch how their incompetent government is destroying Croatia,” stated Vesna Pusić.


Ne smijemo ponoviti pogrešku s parlamentarnih izbora kad smo HDZ-u darovali pobjedu i sada moramo gledati kako nesposobna vlast uništava Hrvatsku”, nedvosmislena je Vesna Pusić.


Zlatko Tomčić presented the same idea when he confirmed HSS’s openness for cooperation with other parties, and not only with SDP. “Our party is willing to form a coalition with everyone, only HDZ is not an option.


Identično je stajalište Zlatka Tomčića, koji je potvrdio otvorenost HSS-a za suradnju s drugim strankama, a ne samo socijaldemokratima. “Naša stranka želi koalirati sa svima, jedino HDZ ne dolazi u obzir.


We have agreed to a joint ballot with SDP, however, I believe that including HNS would result in an exceptional synergistic effect.


S SDP-om je dogovoren zajednički nastup, međutim vjerujem da bi uključivanje HNS-a polučilo izvanredne sinergijske efekte.


That does not mean that we need to form coalitions with all 560 local administrations, but there is no logical reason against a joint ballot in all the counties and their centers.


To ne znači da moramo koalirati u svih 560 jedinica lokalne samouprave, ali nema logičnih argumenata protiv jedinstvenih lista u svim županijama i njihovim središtima.


Together we will win in over half of the election districts,” predicted Tomčić.


Zajedno ćemo pobijediti u više od polovice ovih izbornih jedinica”, smatra Tomčić.


Over the summer, HSS reached a consensus over a coalition with Račan’s party and the only unconfirmed county is the Dubrovnik-Neretva County.


Tijekom ljeta u HSS-u je postignut konsenzus glede koalicije s Račanovom strankom i trenutačno ona nije potvrđena samo u dubrovačko-neretvanskom ogranku.


To follow are discussion on ballot places, where Tomčić will do all he can to ensure his people keep their positions in the counties where his is the ruling party.


Sada slijede rasprave o mjestima na listama, gdje će Tomčić napraviti sve da njegovi ljudi sačuvaju primat u županijama gdje drže vlast.


That will be quite difficult as HSS holds eight counties, which is more than the current voter support for that party.


Bit će to prilično teško jer HSS ima čak osam župana, što je puno više od trenutačne podrške među biračima.


Under such circumstances, three various concepts will have to be harmonized in compiling the ballots: HSS is leaning towards the 2001 election results, SDP on last year’s elections, and HNS would prefer to organize opinion polls directly before the elections to indicate the actual strength of each of the members of the future coalition.


U takvim okolnostima trebat će uskladiti tri različita koncepta prilikom sastavljanja lista: haesesovci misle da su to rezultati iz 2001., ezdepeovci se oslanjaju na prošlogodišnje izbore, dok bi u HNS-u neposredno pred izbore organizirali ankete koje bi pokazale aktualnu snagu svakog od budućih članica velike koalicije.


Until then, Tomčić will have to get rid of certain dissident appearances in his party, such as that by Damir Novotny last week, former head of the Zagreb HSS branch, who stated that he supported a move away from the rural votes and turning more towards an urban voter base.


Do tada će Tomčić morati razriješiti i pojedine disonantne istupe poput prošlotjednog Damira Novotnyja, bivšeg čelnika zagrebačkog HSS-a koji se založio za odmak od seoskih glasača i okretanje stranke gradskoj izbornoj bazi.


Tomčić holds such a statement to be irresponsible and claims that rural areas and their populations will continue to be the main voter base for HSS in the future.


Tomčić tu inicijativu smatra neodgovornom i tvrdi kako će ruralne sredine i tamošnje stanovništvo i ubuduće biti oslonac Hrvatske seljačke stranke.


Just prior to meeting with National’s report, Tomčić was pleased with the message by Ante Markov, head of the Dalmatian branch of HSS, who denied the news that he had also supported the idea of distancing the party from the rural vote.


Nešto prije susreta s Nacionalovim novinarima Tomčića je razveselila poruka Ante Markova, čelnika dalmatinskog HSS-a koji je demantirao vijest po kojoj se također založio za udaljavanje od “retrogradnog seljaštva”.


Regardless of the fact that these are individual statements, there is obviously an understanding in HSS that unlimited support for the demands of the farmers are begin to present the party as Europhobic to the public.


Koliko god je riječ o pojedinačnim istupima, očito i unutar HSS-a počinje sazrijevati razumijevanje da bezrezervna podrška zahtjevima poljoprivrednika stranku u javnosti počinje predstavljati kao eurofobičnu.


Furthermore, such an image in their strongest partner also does not suit SDP, even though everyone in the party leadership is openly avoiding criticizing any of HSS’s standpoints.


Osim toga, takav imidž najvažnijeg partnera ne odgovara ni SDP-u, premda u najužem vrhu stranke za sada svi izbjegavaju otvoreno kritizirati HSS-ove stavove.


However, while Premier, Račan was very reluctant to support the idea of creating an economic-fishing belt in the Adriatic, as he knew that would result in an unnecessary conflict with Italy and Slovenia.


No, još kao premijer, Račan je izrazito nevoljko podržao ideju o stvaranju gospodarsko-ribolovne zone jer je znao da to izaziva nepotrebni sukob s Italijom i Slovenijom.


He gave in only to avoid compromising the government’s policies in the pre-election period, however, on several occasions, he informally expressed his regrets over the HSS foreign policy game.


Popustio je kako ne bi kompromitirao Vladinu politiku u predizborno vrijeme, međutim u nekoliko je navrata u neformalnim razgovorima izražavao žaljenje zbog haesesovske vanjskopolitičke igre.


At the local elections, the emphasis will not be on such topics, however, it is very important to the SDP leadership that their most important partner does not compromise them with anti-European ideas.


Na lokalnim izborima neće prevladavati takve teme, ali vodstvu SDP-a jako je važno da se njihov najvažniji partner ne kompromitira antieuropskim stajalištima.


If one can judge by the reactions of some of Račan’s closest associates, it would appear that SDP is not overwhelmed by the idea of creating a large coalition.


Ako je suditi po reakcijama nekih od najbližih Račanovih suradnika, izgleda kako u socijaldemokratskoj stranci nisu pretjerano sretni s idejom o stvaranju velike koalicije.


Months were needed to reach a formal agreement with HSS, and SDP fears that brining HNS in would only further complicate the situation.


Trebali su proći mjeseci za postizanje formalnog dogovora s HSS-om, i u SDP-u se plaše da bi uvođenje HNS-a samo dodatno zakompliciralo situaciju.


The main question is whether or not the relations between the parties is so good at the local level that could make a coalition possible. If such a coalition was forced by the party headquarters, that could lead to a revolt which would compromise the formation of the coalition.


Jer pitanje je jesu li na lokalnim razinama međusobni odnosi posvuda tako dobri da je koaliranje neupitno – ako bi ih na to prisiljavale središnjice, moglo bi doći do pobuna što bi kompromitiralo nastanak koalicije.


A particular paradox would exist in an attempt to create a joint ballot between SDP and HNS in Zagreb.


Poseban paradoks predstavljao bi pokušaj krojenja zajedničke liste SDP – HNS u Zagrebu.


Though this coalition is still function to some extent in the capital city, it is simply impossible to imagine a ballot in which Milan Bandić and Srećko Ferenčak or Vladimir Velnić and Morana Paliković-Gruden would be side by side on the ballot.


Iako u metropoli ova koalicija još uvijek kako-tako uspijeva opstati, jednostavno je nemoguće zamisliti listu na kojoj bi jedan do drugog bili Milan Bandić i Srećko Ferenčak ili Vladimir Velnić i Morana Paliković-Gruden.


Furthermore, HNS have already warned several times that they will not support Milan Bandić as candidate for mayor, even though he is SDP’s number one choice for that position.


Uostalom, narodnjaci su već nekoliko puta upozorili da neće podržati Bandića kao gradonačelničkog kandidata, premda je on i dalje SDP-ov izbor za tu funkciju.


Since he made the huge mistake of publicly attacking the Municipal Court for its ruling in the Zagrepčanka case, Milan Bandić has been annoying to even his closest associates.


Otkako je napravio golemu pogrešku javnim napadom na Općinski sud zbog presude u aferi Zagrepčanka, Milan Bandić toliko je krotak i samozatajan da to pomalo iritira čak i njegove najbliže suradnike.


He now makes public appearances only occasionally, all in an attempt to keep quiet and keep from angering Račan.


Prestao se isticati, na javnim mjestima pojavljuje se tek sporadično, a sve kako se ne bi izletio i naljutio Račana.


If he continues like this, he will likely achieve his prime political ambition – to return to his position as Zagreb mayor.


Nastavi li ovako, vrlo vjerojatno ostvarit će svoju temeljnu političku ambiciju – povratak na položaj gradonačelnika.


He also has HSS support for this, as on a joint ballot HSS will finally re-enter the Zagreb City Council after several election failures, and would like receive two or three Council seats.


U tome ima i potporu HSS-a, koji će na listi s SDP-om nakon nekoliko izbornih poraza ponovo ući u zagrebačku skupštinu i vjerojatno dobiti dva ili tri vijećnička mjesta.


In return, Zlatko Tomčić will try to convince Vesna Pusić to support SDP’s candidate, even if that is the loathed Milan Bandić.


Zauzvrat će Zlatko Tomčić uvjeriti Vesnu Pusić da u glavnom gradu haenesovci podupru SDP, makar ga vodio i njezinoj stranci nemili Milan Bandić.


And finally, in several days time, Ivica Račan and Milan Bandić will begin their joint tour of the SDP branches in the Zagreb neighbourhoods.


Konačno, za nekoliko dana Ivica Račan i Milan Bandić započinju zajedničku turneju po SDP-ovim organizacijama u gradskim četvrtima.


With that, they want to convince the party members that there are no conflicts within the party and that the Zagreb organization enjoys the full support of the party leadership.


Time članstvo žele uvjeriti da unutar stranke nema sukoba i da zagrebačka organizacija ima punu potporu stranačkog vrha.


Considering that the majority of Zagreb neighbourhoods have between 50 and 60,000 residents, SDP has concluded that they need to begin their campaign this autumn.


Kako većina zagrebačkih četvrti ima između 50.000 i 60.000 stanovnika, u SDP-u su zaključili da moraju već početkom jeseni započeti kampanju.


Knowing how Račan and Bandić think, we can expect that both men will be satisfied with this tour: Račan will receive the plebian support of the membership, while Bandić will again prove to be a good organizer.


Poznavajući način razmišljanja Račana i Bandića, može se očekivati da će turneja zadovoljiti obojicu: Račan će dobiti plebiscitarnu potporu članstva, dok će se Bandić još jednom istaknuti kao kvalitetan organizator.


If they can achieve a consensus, they will continue to rule in Zagreb for the next four years, regardless of whether the HDZ candidate in 2005 will be Jadranka Kosor, Marina Matulović-Dropulić or someone else.


Postignu li toliko očekivani konsenzus – smatraju njihovi najbliži suradnici – Zagrebom će i iduće četiri godine vladati SDP-ova koalicija, bez obzira na to hoće li joj u travnju 2005. Ivo Sanader suprotstaviti Jadranku Kosor, Marinu Matulović-Dropulić ili nekog trećeg.


Though they have not yet seen the HSS proposal, SDP is not thrilled with this new initiative by its coalition partner.


Premda još nisu vidjeli HSS-ov prijedlog, u SDP-u nisu presretni novom inicijativom svojih partnera.


Ivica Račan and the Croatian diplomats still recall the “slap in the face” they received throughout Europe while defending the decision to create an economic belt in the Adriatic Sea.


Ivica Račan i hrvatski diplomati još se sjećaju “pljuski” koje su doživljavali diljem Europe dok su branili odluku o stvaranju gospodarske zone na Jadranu.


A ban on selling property to foreign citizens would not result in such a reaction, but some of Račan’s consultants believe that this is yet another initiative which has no rational justification.


Zabrana prodaje nekretnina inozemnim građanima neće izazvati takve reakcije, ali neki Račanovi konzultanti misle da je riječ o još jednoj inicijativi koja nema racionalno opravdanje.


However, due to his partnership with Tomčić, SDP will not oppose the proposal once it comes to the Parliament.


Ali zbog partnerstva s Tomčićem neće joj se suprotstaviti kada dođe u Sabor.


It is fortunate in this case that HDZ has a comfortable majority and will certainly not permit such a law to pass.


Sreća u nesreći je da HDZ ima komotnu većinu i po svemu sudeći neće dopustiti izglasavanje tog zakona.


7/18/2010: KAZAKHSTAN ENTERED THE WORLD GROUP ON RuKort SURFACE!


18.7.2010.: KAZAKHSTAN UŠAO U SVJETSKU SKUPINU NA RuKort PODLOZI!


This weekend, in the hall of National Tennis Centre in Astana, within the Davis Cup World Group play-off, Kazakhstan beated Switzerland 5:0 on our surface RuKortTour.


Ovog vikenda u dvorani Nacionalnog teniskog centra u Astani, u sklopu kvalifikacija Davis Cup-a za svjetsku skupinu, Kazakhstan je pobijedio Švicarsku 5:0 na našoj podlozi RuKortTour.


Thanks to this victory Kazakhstan will play in World group in 2011 with fifteen best tennis nations.


Zahvaljujući ovoj pobjedi Kazakhstan će se 2011. natjecati u svjetskoj skupini sa 15 najboljih teniskih nacija.


National tennis centre in Astana was built in 2008 and has 12 hard courts Rukort.


Nacionalni teniski centar u Astani izgrađen je 2008. godine u sklopu kojeg je instalirano 12 hard terena RuKort.


National Tennis Centre is just one of many tennis centres which have been built in last 2 years in numerous Kazakhstan's cities within the national development program of tennis infrastructure in Kazakhstan.


NTC je samo jedan od mnogobrojnih teniskih centara koji se u posljednje 2 godine intenzivno grade po svim gradovima u okviru nacionalnog teniskog programa razvoja tenisa.


Our company Concept 90 actively participated in establishing of programme and these days working on several design and construction projects of tennis centres on the territory of Kazakhstan.


Naša firma Concept 90 je aktivno sudjelovala u izradi tog programa te trenutno projektira i gradi nekoliko teniskih centara na području Kazakhstana.


Numerous investments in tennis infrastructure in last 2-3 years certainly contributed to good results of Kazakhstan's players in Davis Cup.


Mnogobrojna ulaganja u tenis posljednjih 2-3 godine siguran su doprinos ovako dobrom rezultatu igrača Kazakhstana u Davis Cup-u.


Villa Nada is located in an ideal location 200 m away from the beautiful beaches as much from the centar where there are all necessary facilities.


Villa Nada smještena je na idealnom mjestu udaljenom 200m od lijepo uređene plaže isto toliko od centra u kojem se nalaze svi potrebni sadržaji.


In front of the villa is private parking with the rear side has a nicely decorated Mediterranean park with fountains.


Ispred Ville je vlasito parkiralište a sa stražnje strane ima lijepo uređeni meditaranski park sa fontanom.


Villa has 4 floors.


Villa ima 4 etaže.


At the first restaurant of its own where guests are served a plentiful breakfast and dinner on request.


Na prvoj je restoran za vlastite goste u kojem se služe obilni doručci kao i večere po želji.


On the second floor is a great recruiting area for guests and apartment owners.


Na drugoj etaži se nalazi veliki prijemni prostor za goste i apartman vlasnika.


On the third floor is the apartment A1 and two bedrooms (S1 and S2) with a large terrace for sunbathing and sea view.


Na trečoj etaži je apartman A1 i dvije sobe (S1 i S2)sa velikom terasom za sunčanje i pogledom na more.


On the fourth floor is A2 large apartment with a beautiful view of the sea, islands Brioni only place Fazana.


Na 4 etaži nalazi se veliki apartman A2 sa predivnim pogledom na more, otočje Brijoni i samo mjesto Fažana.


This tastefully decorated apartment for 5 persons is located on the second floor.


Ovaj ukusno uređen apartman za 5 osoba nalazi se na prvom katu.


It has air-condition and sat-TV. It consists of two bedrooms, kitchen and livingroom with sofa bed for one person, a bathroom and a balcony.


Ima klima uređaj i sat-TV. Apartman se sastoji od dvije dvokrevetne spavaće sobe, kuhinje i dnevnog boravka s dodatnim ležajem za jednu osobu, kupaone i balkona.


There is a growing need today for electronic server certificates which are necessary for the establishment of safe communication channels.


Danas postoji sve veća potreba za poslužiteljskim elektroničkim certifikatima potrebnim za uspostavu sigurnih kanala komunikacije.


If the users want to download data, access sensitive data or make sensitive data (e.g. user names) available when connecting to the server (web server, mail server and similar), they have to be certain that they have accessed the right server and that the communication with the server is safe (no one can intercept/read and/or change data), i.e. encrypted.


Da bi korisnici prilikom spajanja na poslužitelj (web poslužitelj, mail poslužitelj i sl.) preuzeli podatke, pristupili osjetljivim podacima ili dali na uvid osjetljive podatke (npr. korisnička imena) moraju biti sigurni da su pristupili pravom poslužitelju te da je komunikacija s poslužiteljem sigurna (nitko ne može presresti/pročitati i/ili promijeniti podatke), odnosno kriptirana.


The use of SSL technology ensures the necessary safety level, but servers are required to have the appropriate electronic certificates (server certificates, SC).


Korištenje SSL tehnologije omogućava nam traženu sigurnost, ali se zahtijeva da poslužitelji imaju odgovarajuće elektroničke certifikate (eng. server certificates, SC).


Electronic certificates have to be issued by an authority that end users and/or software support manufacturers trust, i.e. an authority whose verification (root) certificates have been integrated into user browsers and other clients through which they access the servers.


Elektronički certifikati moraju biti izdani od tijela kome krajnji korisnik i/ili proizvođači programske podrške vjeruju, to jest tijela čiji su verifikacijski (root) certifikati ugrađeni u korisničke preglednike i druge klijente putem kojih pristupaju poslužiteljima.


Electronic certificates issued in such a way prevent pop-up messages informing users that they have accessed a server for whose electronic certificate their client does not have an established chain of trust.


Tako izdanim elektroničkim certifikatima izbjegavaju se pop-up poruke kojima se korisnik obavještava da je pristupio poslužitelju za čiji elektronički certifikat njegov klijent nema uspostavljen lanac povjerenja.


For the purpose of increasing the safety of users during access to services offered by CARNet members, CARNet has, in cooperation with TERENA, established the service of issuing server certificates for which in majority of clients there is already a chain of trust which can be used to verify the validity of the electronic certificate and thus prevent the pop-up message.


CARNet je u suradnji s TERENA-om, a u svrhu povećavanja sigurnosti korisnika prilikom pristupa servisima koje nude CARNet članice, uspostavio servis izdavanja poslužiteljskih elektroničkih certifikata za koje u većini klijenata već postoji lanac povjerenja kojim se može provjeriti valjanost elektroničkog certifikata i time izbjeći pojavljivanja pop-up poruke.


The house is located in the beautiful bay Gradina on the island of Korcula.The distance from Vela Luka is about 6km.


Kuća se nalazi u prekrasnoj uvali Gradina na otoku Korčula. Udaljena je 6km od mjesta Vela Luka.


The distance from the sea is about 40 m.


Udaljena je 40m od mora.


It has its own bridge for boats and the beach.The beach is is shallow and suitable for children.


Ima svoj most za privez brodova i plažu.


Bigger apartment is turned on the south with very much space in it, balcony, terace , yard and the garden.


Plaža je plitka i pogodna za djecu.Veliki apartman je okrenut prema jugu i ima puno korisnog prostora. balkon, terasa , dvorište i vrt.


It has its own garage and the parking place.


Ima svoju garažu ili mjesto za parkiranje.


The Messenger of freedom (cavalier) is a monument which divides Kaštel Stari from Kaštel Novi, and is also by Marin Studin.


Vjesnik slobode (konjanik) spomenik je koji dijeli Kaštel Stari od Kaštel Novog, a Marin Studin je također njegov autor.


This monument was erected in memory of the heroic battles of this area's inhabitants against its occupiers.


Spomenik je podignut u spomen junačke borbe naroda ovoga kraja protiv okupatora.


The Google Privacy Policy describes how we treat personal information when you use Google's products and services, including information provided when you use Google Buzz.


Googleova pravila o privatnosti opisuju kako postupamo s vašim osobnim podacima kada koristite Googleove proizvode i usluge, uključujući podatke koje navedete pri upotrebi usluge Google Buzz.


In addition, the following describes our additional privacy practices specific to Google Buzz.


Nadalje, u tekstu koji slijedi opisana je praksa glede privatnosti specifična za Google Buzz.


In order to post in Buzz, or to comment on or "like" other people's posts, you need to have a public Google profile which at a minimum includes your first and last name.


Da biste objavili post na usluzi Buzz, komentirali nešto ili naznačili da vam se tuđi postovi "sviđaju", morate imati javni Google profil koji sadrži barem vaše ime i prezime.


When you first enter Google Buzz, to make the startup experience easier, we may automatically suggest people for you to follow based on the people you email and chat with most.


Kada prvi put dođete na Google Buzz, na temelju učestalosti razmjene poruka e-pošte i chatova možemo automatski predložiti osobe koje biste mogli pratiti da bismo vam pojednostavnili početak korištenja.


Similarly, we may also suggest to others that they automatically follow you.


Na sličan način možemo drugima predložiti da prate vas.


You can review and edit the list of people you follow and block people from following you.


Popis osoba koje pratite možete pregledati i urediti, a možete i blokirati osobe koje prate vas.


Your name, photo, and the list of people you follow and people following you will be displayed on your Google profile, which is publicly searchable on the Web.


Vaše ime, fotografija te popis osoba koje pratite i osoba koje prate vas bit će prikazani na vašem Google profilu koji je moguće javno pretraživati na webu.


You may opt out of displaying the list of people following you and who you're following on your profile.


Možete onemogućiti prikaz popisa osoba koje vas prate i osoba koje vi pratite na svojem profilu.


If you are following someone who publicly displays their list of followers on their Google profile, then you will appear on that person's public list.


Ako pratite osobu čiji je popis sljedbenika javno prikazan na njezinu Google profilu, bit ćete prikazani na javnom popisu te osobe.


Likewise, if someone is following you and displays the list of people they follow on their profile, then you will appear on that public list.


Isto tako, ako neka osoba prati vas i ima omogućen prikaz popisa osoba koje prati na svojem profilu, vaše će ime biti prikazano na tom javnom popisu.


Any recipient of a post can add additional people to the post via an "@reply." This is similar to adding additional recipients to a pre-existing email thread.


Svaki primatelj posta može u post dodati nove osobe putem značajke "@reply." To je slično dodavanju dodatnih primatelja u postojeću nit poruka e-pošte.


All recipients of a private post can see the list of people who have received it, including those added via "@reply."


Svi primatelji privatnog posta mogu vidjeti popis osoba koje su ga primile, uključujući osobe dodane putem značajke "@reply."


When you use Google Buzz, we may record information about your use of the product, such as the posts you like or comment on and the other users with whom you communicate, in order to provide you with a better experience on Buzz and other Google services and to improve the quality of Google services.


Kada koristite Google Buzz, možemo bilježiti podatke o vašem korištenju proizvoda (kao što su postovi koji vam se sviđaju ili komentari na njih) te o ostalim korisnicima s kojima komunicirate, radi pružanja boljeg iskustva upotrebe usluge Buzz i ostalih Googleovih usluga te poboljšanja njihove kvalitete.


Your activity on "connected sites" (such as Picasa Web Albums or Twitter) may be shared in Google Buzz.


Vašu je aktivnost na "povezanim web-lokacijama" (kao što su Picasa web-albumi ili Twitter) moguće podijeliti na usluzi Google Buzz.


You may review and revise the list of connected sites in order to choose which sites to maintain as "connected" to Google Buzz.


Popis povezanih lokacija možete pregledati i urediti da biste odabrali koje web-lokacije treba održavati kao "povezane" s uslugom Google Buzz.


If you use Google Buzz on a mobile device and choose to view "nearby" posts, your location will be collected by Google.


Ako Google Buzz koristite na mobilnom uređaju i želite pregledati postove "u blizini", Google će prikupiti podatke o vašoj lokaciji.


If you use a mobile device to create a post which shares your location, then your location will be collected by Google and displayed to other users, as described when you first attempt to use Buzz on a mobile device.


Ako koristite mobilni uređaj za izradu posta koji dijeli vašu lokaciju, Google će prikupiti podatke o vašoj lokaciji i prikazati ih ostalim korisnicima, kao što je opisano prilikom prvog pokušaja korištenja usluge Buzz na mobilnom uređaju.


You may thereafter opt out of the collection and display of your location on a per-post basis or choose to exclude your location from all of your posts, except when you're creating a Buzz post in a Maps product where you're publishing the post on a map.


Nakon toga možete odustati od prikupljanja i prikazivati svoju lokaciju po postu ili odabrati uklanjanje svoje lokacije iz svih svojih postova osim prilikom izrade posta na usluzi Buzz u proizvodu koji koristi Karte kada objavljujete post na karti.


For mobile, we may store some data -- such as your user profile photograph and your location -- locally on your mobile device in order to reduce latency.


Što se tiče mobilnih uređaja, neke podatke (kao što su fotografija vašeg korisničkog profila i vaša lokacija) možemo pohraniti lokalno na vaš mobilni uređaj radi smanjivanja latencije.


Our uses of the information you provide to us are described in the Google Privacy Policy.


Načini na koje koristimo podatke koje nam date opisani su u Googleovim pravilima o privatnosti.


In addition, if you upload a photo via the Buzz interface or choose to email images to buzz@gmail.com, we will include those photos in a Picasa web album and create a Google Picasa account on your behalf if you don't already have one.


Usto ako prenesete fotografiju putem sučelja usluge Buzz ili odlučite poslati slike na adresu buzz@gmail.com, te ćemo fotografije dodati u Picasa web-album te u vaše ime otvoriti račun za uslugu Google Picasa ako ga još nemate.


The Picasa Privacy Policy will apply to your use of our Picasa service.


Na vašu upotrebu usluge Picasa primjenjuju se Pravila o privatnosti usluge Picasa.


If you use Google Buzz on a mobile device, we may display your location-based posts to users who seek to view Buzz posts "nearby" the location where you created your update.


Ako koristite Google Buzz na mobilnom uređaju, vaše postove na temelju lokacije možemo prikazati korisnicima koji žele pregledati postove usluge Buzz "u blizini" lokacije na kojoj ste izradili ažuriranje.


For each of your Google Buzz posts (except for those created on your mobile device for posting on a map or via the mobile visual shortcut), you have the choice of whether to post it to the "public" -- which means it will be published on your public Google profile on the Web and to all users of Google Buzz -- or to post it to a private list of contacts that you create.


Za svaki od postova usluge Google Buzz (osim postova izrađenih na mobilnom uređaju za objavljivanje na karti putem značajke vizualnog prečaca za mobilne uređaje) možete odabrati želite li da bude "javni" – što znači da će biti objavljen na vašem javnom Google profilu na webu i svi će ga korisnici usluge Google Buzz moći vidjeti – ili ga želite objaviti na privatnom popisu kontakata koji ćete sami izraditi.


You may choose to access Google Buzz through third-party applications (e.g. non-Google websites) by authorizing these applications to access your Google Account via their Access Request page.


Usluzi Google Buzz možete pristupati putem aplikacija trećih strana (npr. putem web-lokacija koje nije izradio Google) tako da tim aplikacijama odobrite pristup svojem Google računu putem njihove stranice sa zahtjevom za pristup.


If you choose to use such a third-party app, the developer of that application will have access to the private buzz posts you've sent, to the lists of people following you and people you're following, and to public content you view in Google Buzz.


Ako odlučite upotrebljavati takvu aplikaciju treće strane, tvrtka koja je razvila aplikaciju imat će pristup privatnim postovima usluge Buzz koje ste poslali, popisu osoba koje vas prate i osoba koje pratite te javnom sadržaju koji pregledavate na usluzi Google Buzz.


The developer may also request additional information from you -- such as your location for mobile features of Google Buzz -- and must comply with our Developer Policies in their collection and use of such information.


Tvrtka koja je razvila aplikaciju može od vas zatražiti i dodatne informacije, kao što je vaša lokacija za mobilne značajke usluge Google Buzz, te se mora uskladiti s našim Pravilima za tvrtke koje razvijaju aplikacije pri njihovu prikupljanju i upotrebi takvih informacija.


You can revoke the developer's access to your Google Account at any time by visiting this settings page, which will prevent the developer from accessing content created after the time you revoke access.


Pristup Google računu od strane tvrtke koja je razvila aplikaciju možete opozvati u bilo kojem trenutku tako da posjetite ovu stranicu s postavkama, koja će toj tvrtki spriječiti pristup sadržaju izrađenom nakon opoziva pristupa.


You may review and revise the list of people you follow and people who follow you.


Popis osoba koje pratite i koje prate vas možete pregledati i urediti.


You also may opt out of displaying the list of people you follow and people who follow you on your Google profile.


Možete i odustati od prikaza popisa osoba koje pratite i osoba koje prate vas na vašem Google profilu.


If you chose to delete your Google profile, your Buzz posts will be deleted, but the comments and "likes" you have made on other people's posts will not be deleted.


Ako ste odabrali brisanje svojeg Google profila, postovi na usluzi Buzz bit će izbrisani, ali komentari i sve što ste označili da vam se "sviđa" na tuđim postovima neće biti izbrisano.


You have the option to remove your comments on others' posts individually if you'd like.


Na raspolaganju vam je mogućnost da po želji uklanjate pojedinačne komentare tuđih postova.


Residual copies of deleted material may take up to 60 days to be deleted from our active servers and may remain in our backup systems.


Preostale kopije izbrisanih materijala bit će izbrisane s naših aktivnih poslužitelja u roku od 60 dana, a možda će ostati u našim sustavima sa sigurnosnim kopijama.


When posting on Buzz via your mobile device, you may opt out of the collection and display of your location on a per-post basis or choose to exclude your location from all of your posts, except when you're creating a post in a Maps product where you're publishing the post on a map.


Kada objavljujete na usluzi Buzz putem mobilnog uređaja, možete odustati od prikupljanja i prikazivati svoju lokaciju po postu ili odabrati uklanjanje svoje lokacije iz svih svojih postova osim prilikom izrade posta u proizvodu koji koristi Karte kada objavljujete post na karti.


For data stored locally on your mobile device, you may be able to access and clear this information in the browser settings on your mobile device, depending on your browser.


Podacima pohranjenima lokalno na mobilni uređaj možete pristupati i brisati ih u postavkama preglednika na mobilnom uređaju, ovisno o pregledniku.


Google adheres to the U.S. Safe Harbor privacy principles.


Google se pridržava američkih načela o zaštiti privatnosti poznatih pod nazivom Safe Harbor.


For more information about the Safe Harbor framework or our registration, see the Department of Commerce's web site.


Dodatne informacije o načelima Safe Harbor i o našoj registraciji potražite na web-lokaciji američkog ministarstva trgovine.


For more information about our privacy practices, go to the full privacy policy.


Dodatne informacije o našoj praksi glede privatnosti potražite u punom tekstu pravila o privatnosti.


The Ghostbusters are back in a story penned by the original creators!


Taj Ghostbusters su natrag u jedan priča napisao po taj original kreatori!


With Manhattan overrun by ghosts and other supernatural creatures, it's up to you to take on the role of a recruit joining the original film cast of the famous Ghostbusters team.


S Manhattan premašaj po duhovi i drugi nadnaravnim stvorenja, jest do vas uzeti na uloga od jedan novak spajanje taj original film odljev od poznat Ghostbusters tim.


Equipped with a variety of unique weapons and gadgets, you will hunt, fight and capture a wide range of uncanny phantasms and demons in a funny and frightening battle to save New York city from its latest paranormal plague.


Opremljen s jedan raznolikost od jedinstven oružja i naprava, vas volja lov, borba i hvatanje jedan u širokim granicama od opasan fantazme i demoni u jedan smiješan i zastrašujući bitka spasiti Novo York grad iz svoj zadnji paranormal kuga .


The European Commission has adopted three Decisions which confirm the national programmes for IPA Component I (Transition Assistance and Institution Building) for the programming years 2007, 2008 and 2009.


Europska komisija donijela je ukupno tri odluke kojima se potvrđuju nacionalni programi programa IPA komponenta I – Pomoć u tranziciji i jačanje institucija – programske godine 2007., 2008. i 2009.


The Croatian company called wulf:sport was founded in 1994 by a team of young enthusiasts driven by fresh ideas.


Hrvatska tvrtka wulf:sport osnovana je 1994. godine predvođena mladim timom entuzijasta vođenih svježim idejama.


At the beginning, the company was distributing Dr. Martens footwear; however, as early as in 1998, wulf:sport became a distributor of Vans shoes and, in early 2000, of Reebok shoes as well.


U početku se bavila distribucijom Dr. Martens obuće, no već 1998. godine postaje distributor za Vans obuću, a početkom 2000. godine i za Reebok.


As the sales were continuously growing, wulf:sport was spreading and, in early 2002, it teamed up with the Croatian company called Bor Mar which at that time specialized in retail sales.By carefully listening to the needs of the market and the pulse of fashion buyers, wulf:sport has become a market leader, and its retail selection now includes collections of footwear, fashion lines and sports equipment by leading world brands such as Pepe Jeans, Adidas Footwear, Converse, Puma, Asics, Nike Footwear, Lacoste Footwear, Replay Footwear, Paul Frank, Art, Quiksilver, Roxy, Carhartt, DVS, and Lakai.