are unable to vote because of a felony conviction, twice the national average for African Americans. (11) Latino citizens are also disproportionately disenfranchised based upon their disproportionate representation in the criminal justice system. Although data on ethnicity in correctional populations are unevenly reported and undercounted in some States, a conservative estimate is that at least 506,000 Latino Americans or 1.7 percent of the voting-age population are disenfranchised. In 31 States Latinos are disenfranchised at a higher rate than the general population. In Arizona and Tennessee over 6 percent of Latino voters are disenfranchised due to a felony conviction. (12) Women have been significantly impacted by mass incarceration since the early 1980s. Approximately 1,000,000 women were disenfranchised in 2022, comprising over 20 percent of the total disenfranchised population. (13) Disenfranchising citizens who have been convicted of a criminal offense and who are living and working in the community serves no compelling State interest and hinders their rehabilitation and reintegration into society. Models of successful re-entry for persons convicted of a crime emphasize the importance of community ties, feeling vested and integrated, and prosocial attitudes. Individuals with criminal convictions who succeed in avoiding recidivism are typically more likely to see themselves as law-abiding members of the community. Restoration of voting rights builds those qualities and facilitates reintegration into the community. That is why allowing citizens with criminal convictions who are living in a community to vote is correlated with a lower likelihood of recidivism. Restoration of voting rights thus reduces violence and protects public safety. (14) State disenfranchisement laws can suppress electoral participation among eligible voters by discouraging voting among family and community members of disenfranchised persons. Future electoral participation by the children of disenfranchised parents may be impacted as