; Whereas many of these laws target voting mechanisms disproportionately used by non-White voters, including in the 2020 and 2022 elections, such as Georgia enacting new restrictions on mail voting after nearly 30 percent of Georgia’s Black voters cast ballots by mail in 2020; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, at least 22 States have passed at least 43 laws to restrict mail voting access; Whereas reducing absentee voting disproportionately affects low-income, minority voters, who are more likely than other citizens to have inflexible work- and childcare-related schedules; Whereas 70.9 percent of White voters cast ballots in the 2020 election, compared to 58.4 percent of voters of color; Whereas in addition to State-level voter suppression laws, political subdivisions have also passed new laws that suppress minority voters, including reducing the number of polling places and offering insufficient language assistance for non-English-speaking voters; Whereas following the Shelby County decision, there were at least 868 fewer polling places in the 2016 election than in past elections; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, courts have struck down restrictive voting laws, demonstrating the discriminatory nature of voting restrictions that have proliferated post-Shelby County; Whereas if a preclearance formula had been in effect, the Department of Justice and Federal courts would have been able to prevent discriminatory voter suppression laws from being passed; Whereas 2,000,000 fewer individuals would have been purged from their States’ voter rolls between 2012 and 2016 if formerly covered jurisdictions had continued to remove voters at the same rate as noncovered jurisdictions, and 1,100,000 fewer individuals would have been removed between 2016 and 2018 if formerly covered jurisdictions had continued to remove voters at the same rate as noncovered jurisdictions