; (27) in April 2011, the White House published a report of the Task Force on Puerto Rico Status that found that— (A) the permissible status options for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico include— (i) statehood; (ii) independence; (iii) free association; and (iv) commonwealth status; and (B) removing the Commonwealth option would raise real questions about the vote’s legitimacy ; (28) ignoring the amendment to H.R. 2499 (111th Congress) described in paragraph (25), the pro-statehood government called for a locally legislated plebiscite in 2012 that adopted the 2-vote structure rejected by the House of Representatives that excluded the Commonwealth option in the second vote; (29) to further stack the deck in the 2012 plebiscite— (A) the first vote would be in favor or against the current territorial status (a generic term intended to downplay the constitutional process of the Act of July 3, 1950 (commonly known as the Puerto Rico Federal Relations Act of 1950 ) (64 Stat. 319, chapter 446)); and (B) a second vote would be for— (i) statehood; (ii) independence; or (iii) free association (which was confusingly referred to as sovereign Commonwealth ); (30) the voting structure in the 2012 plebiscite had several evident defects, including that— (A) the current commonwealth status could lose even if commonwealth status had the highest voter preference; and (B) by instructing individuals who voted for the current commonwealth status on the first question to answer the second question, regardless, the votes for the options of the second question would be inflated with those second-preference votes, so it would not be known how many voters actually preferred any of those options; (31) the results of the 2012 plebiscite were a mixture of all the potential problems, as— (A) the status quo received 828,077 votes on question 1, and statehood received 834,191 votes on question 2, which is a difference of 6,114 votes