believe to be independent. (19) In a 2007 “Establishment Agreement” between the Brookings Institution and Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs—which appears to have been in place in its original form through the end of 2021—the Doha “branch” of the Brookings Institution, called Brookings Doha Center, was effectively owned and controlled by the Emir of Qatar. Under the terms of the contract, the Brookings Institution’s role in the Doha Center was limited to that of a “Promoter”. (20) As only revealed publicly in June 2022, the Brookings Doha Center was a separate and distinct legal entity, specifically a Private Foundation for the Public Benefit, the same incorporation status as the State of Qatar’s propaganda arm, Al Jazeera. (21) Pursuant to the 2007 Establishment Agreement, the Director of the Brookings Doha Center was required to report directly to Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including to “engage in regular consultation … regarding the development and ongoing operations” and for prior approval of “programs that will be developed by the [Brookings Doha] Center”. (22) The Brookings Doha Center was renamed the Middle East Council on Global Affairs, and evidence indicates that it is now entirely under the control of the Qatari Government. According to a January 2022 “Amendment” to the 2007 Articles of Incorporation, the Brookings Institution ceded the “Promoter” role for Brookings Doha Center to a senior employee of Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Majed Al-Ansari. This Amendment also called on the Middle East Council to assume control of intellectual property rights that had been under the “Brookings” brand, including the content from and followers of the “@BrookingsDoha” Twitter account. (23) Congress currently is unable to determine what other agreements that the Brookings Institution or other influential think tanks have with foreign governmental entities, a void which has already been exploited by at least the State of Qatar in obtaining prior approval of budgets and research projects conducted