; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, at least 4 States have reduced early voting access; Whereas restricting early voting disproportionately affects people of color, low-income citizens, and the elderly, who often rely on flexible, early voting periods; Whereas many voting-eligible, low-income Latino voters are naturalized United States citizens who lack proof of citizenship and cannot afford a Certificate of Citizenship or a Replacement Certificate of Naturalization, which cost $1,170 and $555, respectively; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, at least 2 States have imposed more stringent requirements on nongovernmental organizations that help register and engage citizens in voter participation; Whereas restricting nongovernmental voter participation organizations directly affects people of color, low-income citizens, and the elderly, as these organizations are particularly likely to reach and engage these populations; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, at least 5 States have passed laws making it more difficult to vote by absentee ballot; Whereas reducing absentee voting disproportionately affects low-income, minority voters, who are more likely than other citizens to have inflexible work- and childcare-related schedules; Whereas since the Shelby County decision, at least 4 States have maintained voter laws denying returning citizens or former felons the right to vote; Whereas in addition to State-level voter suppression laws, political subdivisions have also passed new laws that suppress minority voters, including reducing the number of polling places and offering insufficient language assistance for non-English-speaking voters; Whereas following the Shelby County decision, there were at least 868 fewer polling places in the 2016 election than in past elections, representing a 16 percent reduction; Whereas insufficient language assistance at polling places could possibly threaten eligible Latino voter turnout in the 2018 midterm elections