Rapid Changes in Postprandial Blood Glucose Produce Concentration Differences at Finger, Forearm, and Thigh Sampling Sites
OBJECTIVE—To compare pre- and postmeal capillary blood glucose concentrations measured at the finger, forearm, and thigh in adults with diabetes.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—For phase 1, capillary blood glucose concentrations were measured at six time points (premeal and at ∼60, 90, 120, 150, and 180 min postmeal) using a blood glucose monitoring system and technician-obtained samples collected from finger, forearm, and thigh sites of 42 adults with diabetes. The finger samples were also tested with a laboratory instrument. For phase 2, ∼14 weeks later, the testing procedures were repeated with 38 subjects from the original study population.
RESULTS—Meter finger results were accurate at all time points. Alternate sites tended to produce lower glucose readings compared to finger readings at times when glucose was increasing rapidly (60 and 90 min postmeal). Forearm-to-finger differences correlated with rates of glucose change (r = 0.56, P < 0.001), as did the thigh-to-finger differences (r = 0.52, P < 0.001). Other factors, such as subject age, BMI, diabetes type, and insulin dependence did not have a significant impact on site differences. When the testing procedures were repeated with the same subjects, the pattern of site differences was consistent, although individual results were variable.
CONCLUSIONS—Changes in blood glucose immediately after a meal may be identified at finger sites before detection at forearm or thigh sites. Alternate site testing appears to be a useful option for routine self-monitoring before meals; however, patients and clinicians should recognize that results may be different from fingertip results when glucose levels are changing rapidly.
Self-monitoring of blood glucose (SMBG) currently requires the user to perform a skin puncture and then transfer blood from the puncture site to a test strip. Newer test strips are designed for use with very small blood samples, in some cases <1 μl ( 1). The smaller sample volume allows users to perform a shallower finger puncture or perform a skin puncture at an alternate blood sampling site, such as the forearm or thigh, thus reducing the pain associated with testing and allowing the fingertips time to heal. The option to test at alternative sample sites may lead to better patient compliance with blood glucose testing regimens. However, because patients may switch back and forth between finger sites and alternate sites in their monitoring practice, the equivalence of blood glucose measurements made at various times with samples from different sites is an important consideration. The purpose of this investigation was to compare blood glucose concentrations of adults with diabetes when measured at different sites (finger, forearm, and thigh) before and after a meal and to determine whether subjects showed repeatable patterns when tested on different occasions.
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
Institutional review board approval and informed consent were obtained before each phase of the study. Subjects recruited for the studies were individuals at least age 18 years with a prior diagnosis of type 1 or type 2 diabetes. Table 1 gives the characteristics of the subject population. In all, 42 subjects completed the first phase of the study in December 2000. Testing was repeated ∼14 weeks later, with 38 of the 42 subjects returning, to determine whether the observed glucose relationships were reproducible. The role of the subjects was limited to 1) providing relevant demographic, medical, and dietary information; 2) maintaining normal diet and medication practices during the study; and 3) acting as a source of blood samples for technician-performed tests.
All testing was conducted at LifeScan Laboratories in Milpitas, California. Each phase of the study consisted of six testing sessions (premeal and ∼60, 90, 120, 150, and 180 min postmeal) in which subjects were tested with a glucose monitoring system using finger, forearm, and thigh blood samples. All testing sessions were scheduled to minimize impact on the subjects’ daily diabetes management regimens. Subjects reported for testing at least 1 h before breakfast or lunch (or 1 h before a premeal insulin administration, if applicable). After the premeal testing, each subject was offered a meal from one of two menus (breakfast or lunch, depending on the time of testing), and the meal items consumed by each subject were documented. The total carbohydrate content was ∼115 g for breakfast and ∼143 g for lunch. After the meal, subjects returned to the testing area to complete the remaining five testing sessions.
All skin punctures and glucose tests were performed by trained technicians. The order of sites tested (i.e., finger, forearm, and thigh) was varied between subjects, with minimal elapsed time between sites. For each testing session, the forearm and finger samples were collected from the same arm (right or left), but the choice of arm varied between testing sessions. Forearm samples were collected from the anterior or medial side of either forearm, in a soft fleshy area free of visible veins or excess hair. Thigh samples were collected from the anterior or medial surface of either thigh, ∼6 in above the knee. Finger samples were collected using either side of the tip of any finger on either hand.
Forearm and thigh sampling sites were prepared by vigorously rubbing the sample site with the hand for several seconds. If rubbing alone did not promote adequate blood flow, a warming pad was used. Penlet Plus Blood Samplers with clear caps (LifeScan, Milpitas, CA) were used for all forearm and thigh skin punctures. To obtain enough blood for meter and laboratory tests, a Tenderlett finger incision device (International Technidyne, Edison, NJ) was used to perform all fingertip skin punctures.
Capillary blood glucose concentrations were measured using the One Touch Ultra Blood Glucose Monitoring System (LifeScan), which combines glucose oxidase chemistry with an electrochemical detection method. The system is designed for rapid (5 s) quantitative measurement of blood glucose using small volumes (1 μl) of capillary whole blood. A set of five glucose meters and a single lot of test strips were used for each phase of the study. Laboratory evaluation before the study demonstrated strip-to-strip coefficients of variation of <4% at blood glucose concentrations of ∼40, 80, 250, and 400 mg/ dl.
During each testing session, comparative blood glucose tests were performed with finger samples using a YSI 2700 Select Biochemistry Analyzer (Yellow Springs Instruments, Yellow Springs, OH). The YSI 2700 uses a glucose oxidase method with electrochemical detection to measure glucose concentrations in a 25-μl sample (plasma or whole blood) diluted with 600 μl of buffer. Within-day and between-day coefficients of variation of ≤ 3.5% have been reported using protein-based quality control solutions (2). Samples collected in heparinized collection tubes were tested immediately to obtain whole-blood glucose results and were then centrifuged and tested again to obtain plasma glucose concentrations. Hematocrits were measured using a STAT-CRIT instrument (Wampole Laboratories, Cranbury, NJ).
In each phase, meter system accuracy was verified by comparing meter finger results with the corresponding YSI plasma glucose values. Least-squares linear regression was used to evaluate the relation between methods, and error grid analysis was used to determine the clinical significance of the meter versus YSI differences ( 3). Between-subject mean glucose concentrations at the three sampling sites were compared using repeated measures ANOVA. Testing sessions were identified as nominal time points (e.g., premeal, 60-min); however, actual times between testing sessions varied slightly from subject to subject. All statistical testing was performed at the 5% level of significance. Glucose concentration differences between alternate sites (forearm or thigh) and finger meter measurements were calculated as percentage differences (PDs) for each subject, according to the following equation: PD = 100 × (alternate site glucose − YSI finger glucose)/YSI finger glucose.
In both phases, meter finger results at all time points were closely matched with the corresponding YSI plasma results. For phases 1 and 2, regression slopes = 0.95 and 0.94, intercepts = 0.6 and −1.8 mg/dl, Sxy = 18.3 and 18.1, r = 0.98 and 0.97, and n = 246 and 227, respectively. Error grid analysis of data from both phases showed that ≥95% of the meter finger measurements fell within zone A and 100% of the measurements fell within zones A + B. Thus, meter finger results showed high degrees of statistical and clinical accuracy.
All sampling sites showed a large increase in blood glucose after the meal, followed by a leveling and a gradual decline thereafter ( Fig. 1A and C). Finger glucose concentrations (meter and YSI) peaked during the 90-min session, whereas forearm and thigh concentrations peaked somewhat later (∼120 min) and at a lower glucose concentration. This same pattern was observed in both phases of the study. In each phase, between-subject glucose variations (± SD) were substantial yet consistent in magnitude across the three sampling sites at each time point. The observed variations in YSI and meter finger results were nearly identical at each time point, suggesting that the variation was not dependent on the method. Repeated-measures ANOVA for mean glucose showed statistically significant differences (P < 0.05) among sampling sites at 60 min in phase 1. Differences for all other sampling sites and time points were not statistically significant. Analysis for the covariates age, BMI, test time (a.m./p.m.), diabetes type, and insulin dependence suggested that site differences might be more pronounced in older subjects (age >40 years), subjects tested in the morning, and subjects not taking insulin; however, the differences were not statistically significant. Diabetes type and BMI did not have a consistent effect on site differences.
The observed time lags between alternate site and finger glucose concentrations were reflected in the mean PDs for each phase. Whereas finger PDs were consistent at each time point, forearm and thigh PDs were slightly positive during premeal testing, became substantially negative for at least 90 min, and then returned close to the premeal values by 180 min ( Fig. 1B and D). This observation suggested to us that the sign and magnitude of the forearm and thigh PDs might be related to the direction and rate of blood glucose changes. To investigate this possibility, the correlation between the estimated rate of glucose change after eating and the subject forearm and thigh PDs was assessed using linear regression analysis. At each time point, the rate of glucose change (mg · dl−1 · min−1) was estimated as the difference in YSI readings between the current and previous time points divided by the elapsed time between measurements.
The relation between PDs and the estimated rates of glucose change for both phases combined is shown in Fig. 2. The data indicate that at higher rates of blood glucose change (positive or negative), the differences between finger and alternate site blood glucose concentrations became greater. Linear regression analysis supports the observed relationship for both forearm (r = 0.56, P < 0.001) and thigh PDs (r = 0.52, P < 0.001).
When blood glucose is changing rapidly, different blood collection sites can provide different measured glucose concentrations. This has been demonstrated in studies showing capillary glucose to be significantly higher than venous glucose after a liquid glucose load ( 4– 6). Until recently, the fingertip has been the only practical sampling site for SMBG. As systems for collecting and measuring blood glucose at alternate anatomical sites gain acceptance, the equivalence of glucose concentrations at these sites becomes an important factor in glycemic self-management.
Recently, Koschinsky and Jungheim (7) compared forearm and finger capillary blood samples from patients with type 1 diabetes. They reported clinically relevant differences between sites as finger glucose fell into the hypoglycemic range. The data in our study demonstrated a similar phenomenon over a wide range of glucose concentrations and further illustrated that rapid glucose changes, either increasing or decreasing, were associated with large site differences in some subjects. It has been suggested that arm-to-finger differences may be minimized by rubbing the test site before blood collection (8). In our studies, both forearm and thigh sites were rubbed before testing, and in some cases a warming pad was used, yet site-to-site differences were not entirely mitigated. A recent report on the use of an automated vacuum device for alternative site SMBG has indicated that arm results agree well with finger values using this device ( 9). The report, however, did not discuss the impact of rapid blood glucose changes on site-to-site differences.
In summary, glucose values measured at forearm and thigh sampling sites might lag behind values obtained from the finger when glucose levels are changing rapidly. This lag may produce significant differences in blood glucose concentrations measured at these sites. Our data indicated that site differences observed at specific times were not attributable to performance limitations of the glucose monitoring system. Although the lag appeared to be repeatable, the magnitude of site differences for individual subjects appeared to be inconsistent, presumably depending on the rate of glucose change at the time of the comparison. Alternate site sampling has the potential to increase patient compliance with SMBG; however, patients should rely on the finger site for testing within 2 h after meals, or at other times when blood glucose is likely to change rapidly (e.g., following an insulin dose). Although this study did not directly evaluate the detection of hypoglycemia, our findings were consistent with the recommendation that finger testing be used when there is a question of hypoglycemia, as they confirmed that hypoglycemia is likely to be detected sooner at the finger than at the arm or thigh. These recommendations should be clearly communicated to health care providers and patients through educational materials and training.
The authors gratefully acknowledge the contributions of Jonathan H. Blanding to the development of this manuscript.
Some of the data in this report were previously presented as a poster at the 61st Scientific Session of the American Diabetes Association, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 22 June 2001.
Address correspondence and reprint requests to John Ellison, Technical Support Department, M/S 3I, LifeScan, Inc., 1000 Gibraltar Dr., Milpitas, CA 95035. E-mail:.
Received for publication 14 December 2001 and accepted in revised form 11 February 2002.
All of the authors of this study or their immediate families hold stock in Johnson & Johnson. Lifescan is a Johnson & Johnson company.
A table elsewhere in this issue shows conventional and Système International (SI) units and conversion factors for many substances.
- DIABETES CARE


The Dragon Curve is a fractal that is well explained in this numberphile video. This week learners can create a dragon curve with a strip of paper, Lux Blox, Python programing, Legos or toothpicks.
For paper, I would suggest using a strip of thin paper. Thicker paper doesn’t produce as many folds as thinner paper. You fold the paper in half, and just make sure you fold from left to right. You can tape, glue or pin your dragon curve down when you are down. One question I like to ask students is: “does the length of paper change how many folds you can get? If so, how?” It is a fun experiment to run.
I put together a pdf on this project here.
If you have never used Python, then I recommend going
here. For kids there is a great DK book here.
With python, I would encourage learners to think about how the algorithm would look to create the Dragon Curve. There needs to be a loop for each iteration, but what does that look like? Here is my code (copy and paste it into a py file), but I encourage learners to try first. If you notice that I have an input for angle, it’s because I liked playing with the angles of the dragon curve to create different patterns and variations of the curve. You can hardcode it to 90 degrees if you wish. Play and you never know what you will find.


How the Benzene Tree Polluted the World in The Atlantic by Rebecca Altman, is a narrative exploration of the rise of organic chemistry, and the industrialization of the branch of chemistry based on the benzene ring. The piece focuses on the geopolitical forces shaping the production and global distribution of PCBs, a class of industrial chemicals that, though banned, are globally distributed in bodies, landscapes, ad homes, and concentrates near factories, in the Arctic and subarctic, in the food web, and in the deepest parts of the world’s deepest ocean. Though intentional production has been banned, PCBs’ aren’t a problem of the past. They’re present in ways that shape the future. Chemicals like PCBs, as Kathryn Steen has argued, are more than molecules. They get swept up into the wider currents of their day. This is their bibliography.
This list assumes that you’ve read Altman’s piece, and are interested in the research behind it. This kind of bibliography, rare in popular writing formats, can also be read by itself– the sources and the ways they are clustered tell their own shadow story to how the narrative unfolds in How the Benzene Tree Polluted the World.
Benzene, PCBs, and industrial chemistry: A narrative bibliography
Citation for deep-ocean PCB, PBDE research: initially reported by Jane Qiu. “Man-made pollutants found in Earth’s deepest ocean trenches.” Science 20 June 2016. Available http://www.nature.com/news/man-made-pollutants-found-in-earth-s-deepest-ocean-trenches-1.20118 (Last accessed 28 April 2017.) Research article: Jamieson, A. J. et al. Bioaccumulation of persistent organic pollutants in the deepest ocean fauna. Nat. Ecol. Evol.1, 0051 (2017). Available here: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41559-016-0051 Finally, see: Alan Jamieson. “How we discovered pollution-poisoned crustaceans in the Mariana Trench.” The Conversation. 14 February 2017, available here: https://theconversation.com/how-we-discovered-pollution-poisoned-crustaceans-in-the-mariana-trench-72900 (Last accessed 28 April 2017).
On naturally-occurring organohalogens, see the work of Gordon Gribble at Dartmouth, e.g., (2004). “Amazing Organohalogens: Thousands of Halogens are Made by the Earth and Organisms in our Environment.” American Scientist 92: 342–349. Also, for updates to the inventory of known biogenic organohalogens, see the latest edition: Naturally Occurring Organohalogen Compounds: A Comprehensive Update. (Springer: 2010). Per a 9/2017 email exchange, an updated edition is in the works, which puts the total number of known naturally-occurring organohalogens at 5000.
On benzene in deep space, prebiotic chemistry, see European Science Agency 2001. “ISO Detects Benzene in Space.” Available at: http://sci.esa.int/iso/25880-iso-detects-benzene-in-space/ (Last accessed 28 April 2017); also see Melissa G. Trainer (2013). “Atmospheric Prebiotic Chemistry and Organic Hazes.” Current Organic Chemistry 17: 1710-1723.
On evidence of benzene’s assignment as a Group I carcinogen, see the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) designation: https://monographs.iarc.fr/ENG/Classification/ClassificationsAlphaOrder.pdf
On importance of benzene in the petrochemical supply chain see Jeffrey Plotkin “Benzene’s Unusual Supply-Demand Dilemma.” Published 30 November 2015, American Chemical Society. Available at: https://www.acs.org/content/acs/en/pressroom/cutting-edge-chemistry/benzenes-unusual-supply-demand-dilemma.html (Last accessed 15 May 2017).
On all 209 PCBs named carcinogens, see, Lauby-Secretan, Béatrice et al. (The Interactional Agency for Research on Cancer Monograph Working Group). (2016.) “Carcinogenicity of Polychlorinated Biphenyls and Polybrominated Biphenyls.” The Lancet 14(4): 287-288.
For history of chemistry, organic chemistry in particular, see, e.g., William H. Brock. (1992). The Chemical Tree: A History of Chemistry. (Norton); Alan Rocke. (1993). The Quiet Revolution: Hermann Kolbe and the Science of Organic Chemistry (University of California Press) and (2010). Image and Reality: Kekulé, Kopp, and the Scientific Imagination (University of Chicago Press). On the importance of synthesis to chemical knowledge, and on glassware, see: Catherine Jackson. (2014). “Synthetical Experiments and Alkaloid Analogues: Liebig, Hofmann and the Origins of Organic Synthesis,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 44: 319-363; Cathy Cobb and Harold Goldwhite (1995). Creations of Fire: Chemistry’s Lively History from Alchemy to the Atomic Age. (Basic Books); Charles Morrow Wilson. (1943). Trees and Test Tubes: The Story of Rubber. (Holt and Company); Pap A. Ndiaye. (2007). Nylon and Bombs: DuPont and the March of Modern America. (Johns Hopkins University Press); Alfred Chandler (2005.) Shaping the Industrial Century: The Remarkable Story of the Evolution of Modern Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industries. (Harvard University Press.)
On the history of chemical production and the chemical industry include Peter Spritz (1988). Petrochemicals: The Rise of an Industry. (John Wiley and Sons); William Haynes American Chemical Industry, Volumes 1-6. (Van Nostrand, 1945-1954); Fred Aftalion. (2001). A History of the International Chemical Industry: From the “Early Days” to 2000. (Chemical Heritage Press.); Martha Moore Trescott (1981). The Rise of the American Electrochemicals Industry, Studies in the American Technological Environment (Greenwood); Ken Geiser (2001). Materials Matter: Toward a Sustainable Materials Policy. (MIT Press); Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent (2008). Chemistry: The Impure Science. (Imperial College Press); Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent and Isabelle Stengers (1996). A History of Chemistry. (Harvard University Press).
Specific to US organic chemical industry during and immediately after WWI see, e.g., Kathryn Steen’s (2014) The American Synthetic Organic Chemicals Industry, War and Politics, 1910-1930. (University of North Carolina Press); A. Cressy Morrison. (1937). Man in a Chemical World (Charles Scribner’s Sons); Andrew Ede. 2002. “The Natural Defense of a Scientific People: The Public Debate Over Chemical Warfare in Post-WWI America.” Bull. Hist. Chem. Vol 27 (2); 128-135; Adams, Rodger (1918) “The Manufacture of Organic Chemicals at the University of Illinois.” Science. March 8, 1918; John F. Queeny. (1917).“The Coal Tar Industry,” The Pharmaceutical Era Vol 1(1): 5-8; Ellwood Hendrick. “Why We Need Chemistry in Our American Industries: Says That Unless There Is Close Co-operation Between Scientists and Manufacturers of This Nation, We Shall Be Handicapped After War.” New York Times. September 24, 1916, p. 89. Also, Hendrick’s 1917. Symposium Speech. “America’s Case in Chemistry.” Reprinted in the Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry 11 (10): 978; A.H. Hooker. 1919. “Future Possibilities of Electrolytic Chlorine.” Chemical Engineering and the Works Chemist: A Monthly Journal of Chemical Technology. IX (92): 37-8.
On chemicals as patriots, see John F. Queeny. (1917).“The Coal Tar Industry,” The Pharmaceutical Era Vol 1(1): 5-8; A. H. Hooker. 1919. “Future Possibilities of Chlorine.” Chemical Engineering and the Works Chemist. IX (92): 37-8.
On coal-tar dye industry, see Simon Garfield’s (2000). Mauve: How One Many Invented a Color that Changed the World. (WW Norton and Company); William Henry Perkin. (1896) “Hoffman Memorial Lecture: The Origin of the Coal-Tar Colour Industry an the Contributions of Hofmann and his Pupils.” Journal of the Chemical Society 69: 595-626. Sharon Bertsch McGrawyne. (2001.) Prometheans in the Lab: Chemistry and the Making of the Modern World. (McGraw Hill); Also see: Dan Fagin (2013). Toms River: A Story of Science and Salvation. (Bantam Books).
My accounts of PCB history relied on Ellen Griffith Spears (2014) Baptized by PCBs (University of North Carolina Press); Edward Griffith and Carolyn Green Satterfield. (1999) The Triumphs and Troubles of Theodore Swann. (Black Belt Press); Dan J. Forrestal. (1977). Faith, Hope and $5000: The Story of Monsanto. (Simon and Schuster); Also Soren Jensen, “The PCB Story” Ambio 1(4): 123-131; Robert Risebrough and Virginia Brodine. (1970.) “More Letters in the Wind” Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development 12( 1): 16-26. Also, see film, Mysterious Poison: The History of PCBs. Films Media Group, 2006. https://fod.infobase.com/p_ViewPlaylist.aspx?AssignmentID=HDNZHW Accessed 22 June 2017. Excellent interview footage with David Carpenter, Theo Colborn and Soren Jensen.
On delay between invention of DDT molecule, and its application as a pesticide, see biography of Paul Müller, Novel Laureate, profiled here: https://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1948/muller-bio.html (Last accessed 28 April 2017.)
On measurement of PCBs and other persistent organic pollutants in tree bark, see the work of Ron Hites, Amina Salamova & colleagues at Indiana University; also Mark A. Hermanson, Richard Hann and Glenn W. Johnson. (2016) “PCBs in Tree Bark Near a Former Manufacturing and Incineration Facilities in Sauget, Ill, US.” Environ. Sci. Techno 50 (12): 6207-6215; MH Hermanson et al. (2007). “PCBs in Tree Bark Near a Former Manufacturing Plant in Anniston, AL.” Chemosphere 68 (1), 191-198.
On connection to Indian Refining (Texaco) and Eastman Kodak, see Swann Research, Inc., et al., v Dow Chemical, Co. District Court, E.D. Michigan N.D. October 18, 1935. Documents resulting from suit Swann brought against Dow Chemical over infringement of its di/biphenyl patent in 1935 named the Indian Refining Co (of Illinois) — acquired (in 1931) by TEXACO — as the company that first proposed to Swann an interest in industrial quantities of di/biphenyl. As described in court documents, Indian Refining approached Swann personally, and specified that their subsequent business relationship was built on a personal connection. Mentions di/phenyl sold by Eastman Kodak in small quantities. For more on their earliest forays into organics production, and the role of Eastman Kodak in this, see Kathryn Steen’s (2014) The American Synthetic Organic Chemicals Industry, War and Politics, 1910-1930. (University of North Carolina Press); A. Cressy Morrison (1937). Man in a Chemical World (Charles Scribner’s Sons); William Haynes American Chemical Industry, Volumes 5: The Chemical Companies to 1948. (Van Nostrand, 1949):138-141.
The prohibited cost per pound of di/phenyl at the time is discussed in Spears (2014) and here, by one of Swann’s employees: C H Penning. 1930. “Diphenyl and Diphenyl Derivatives.” Journal of Chemical Education. 7(10): 2373-5. Also, see: The Anniston Star. Friday, May 23, 1930. P. 13 “Swann’s Report Discusses the New Use of Diphenyl.”
On history of halowaxes, see: William Haynes American Chemical Industry, Volumes III. (Van Nostrand, 1945): 385; Ellen Griffith Spears (2014). Baptized by PCBs (University of North Carolina Press); Edward Griffith and Carolyn Green Satterfield. (1999) The Triumphs and Troubles of Theodore Swann. (Black Belt Press); Wiebe E.Bijker (1995). Of Bicyles, Bakelites, and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change. (MIT Press): 171-172.
On development of endocrine disruption hypothesis, see Sheldon Krimsky Hormonal Chaos : The Scientific and Social Origins of the Environmental Endocrine Hypothesis. (Johns Hopkins Press, 2000; also Theo Colborn, Dianne Dumanoski and J. Peterson Myers. Our Stolen Future. (Dutton, 1996). On carbon and biology, see review, development of science in Sandra Steingraber (2010). Living Downstream, 2nd Edition. (De Capo Press).
Estimates of global PCB production, see figures compiled by the United Nation Environment Program, such as UNEP. “Consolidated Assessment of Efforts Made Toward the Elimination of PCBs.” January 2016. Available here: https://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.11822/13664/Consolidated%20PCB%20Assessment_2016.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y (Last accessed 28 April 2017.)
On Michigan and polybrominated biphenyls, PBBs, see Joyce Egginton (1980/2009). The Poisoning of Michigan. (Michigan State University Press) and Edward C. Lorenz (2012) Civic Empowerment in an Age of Corporate Greed (Michigan State University Press.) For continuing coverage see Michigan Public Radio. On the history of regrettable flame retardant substitutions and the history of PBDEs, see Alissa Cordner (2016). Toxic Safety: Flame Retardants, Chemical Controversies and Environmental Health. (Columbia University Press). Also Joseph Allen (2016). “Stop Playing Whack-A-Mole with Hazardous Chemicals.” Washington Post. December 15, 2016.
On US mass versus maximum production, e.g., see Robert Gottlieb (2002) Environmentalism Unbound. (MIT Press): p. 36-7. Also Herbert Hoover’s 1921 remarks before a gathering of the then new society of organic chemical manufacturers. An excerpt published in: “Is Our Dyestuff Industry Built on a Solid Foundation?” The Industrial Digest. 1(21). August 19, 1922. See pages: 1406-7.
On the history of chemicals policy, and general environmental law and policy, e.g., see Carl Cranor (1997). Regulating Toxic Substances: A Philosophy of Science and the Law. (Oxford University Press), and also his Legally Poisoned: How the Law Puts Us at Risk from Toxicants (Harvard University Press: 2011); Robert Gottlieb. (2005). Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement. (Island Press); Ken Geiser (2015). Chemicals Without Harm. (MIT Press); David Downie and Terry Fenge, editors. (2003). Northern Lights Against POPs: Combatting Toxic Threats in the Arctic (McGill-Queen’s Press); Henrik Selin (2010). Global Governance of Hazardous Chemicals: Challenges of Multilevel Management. (MIT Presss.)
On the significance of PCBs and persistent organic pollution for indigenous communities in the Arctic and subarctic regions, see Marla Cone (2005) Silent Snow: The Slow Poisoning of the Arctic (New York: Grove Press) and David Downie and Terry Fenge, ed. (2003) Northern Lights Against POPS: Combatting Toxic Threats in the Arctic (Published for the Inuit Circumpolar Conference Canada by McGill-Queen’s University Press). Or consult ongoing working by the Artic Monitoring and Assessment Program (www.amap.no), Alaska Community Action of Toxics (www.akaction.org), and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (www.itk.ca).
For details about first 12 chemicals listed to the United Nations Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants (2001), see: http://chm.pops.int/TheConvention/ThePOPs/The12InitialPOPs/tabid/296/Default.aspx Re: more chemicals and chemical classes have been added to the treaty since, including some commercial formulations of PBDEs, see: http://chm.pops.int/TheConvention/ThePOPs/TheNewPOPs/tabid/2511/Default.aspx (Last accessed 27 April 2017). Another formulation of PBDEs, called “deca,” was voted for inclusion in 2017, as of press time, this press release served as my source: International POPs Elimination Network. 2017. “Loopholes for DecaBDE and SCCPs Undercut Treaty Additions.” Available at: http://www.ipen.org/news/press-release-loopholes-decabde-and-sccps-undercut-treaty-additions (Last accessed 9 May 2017).
On summary of research about inadvertent PCB production, see Elizabeth Grossman (2013) “Nonlegacy PCBs: Pigment Manufacturing By-Products Get a Second Look.” Environmental Health Perspectives. 121 (3): A86- A93; also Dingfei Hu and Keri C. Hornbuckle (2010). “Inadvertent Polychlorinated Biphenyls in Commercial Paint Pigments.” Environmental Science & Technology 2010 44 (8): 2822-2827.


Via The Los Angeles Times: Water officials hear predictions of looming crisis at Salton Sea. Excerpt:
To sell water to San Diego County, Imperial Valley farmers have had to fallow land – 50,000 acres last year. A reduction in water used for irrigation means less runoff water into the Salton Sea; runoff is a major source of replenishment for the sea.
The sea is shrinking, which exposes more ground to the air. As the sea recedes, dust storms swirl with a suddenly exposed sea bed laden with agricultural pesticides. The Imperial Valley and Coachella Valley areas have a high rate of asthma and other breathing problems.
Under the water deal approved in 2003, the irrigation district is required to put water directly into the sea, slowing but not halting its decline. But that requirement lapses in 2017, when the rate of shrinkage is expected to increase dramatically without the extra water.
Dr. Stephen Munday, Imperial County health officer, said that he has already seen the effect of unhealthy air on his patients. “I’m gravely concerned for their health in the future,” he said.
In 2012, westward winds brought a rotten-egg stench from the Salton Sea over much of Southern California. In 2014, the Pacific Institute, a Northern California environmental think-tank, predicted the stink storm was only a small taste of what will become commonplace if the Salton Sea continues to shrink.
At the Sacramento board meeting, several speakers made ominous comparisons to the dust storms at Owens Lake, which had considerable water until much of it was diverted for use in Los Angeles.
“The Salton Sea is three times larger than Owens Lake and the destruction caused by inaction will likely be three times worse,” said Imperial County Supervisor Ryan Kelley.
While there is nothing approaching an overall plan for the Salton Sea, there are several smaller projects, mostly to preserve the sea as a place for fish and migratory birds.
The story doesn't mention Valley fever, but it could be a possible hazard as well. Elsewhere in the Times today, California Governor Jerry Brown is asking for $1 billion in emergency drought relief.


- Amoy (eastern China)
- pekoe, a type of tea.
- tea, originally pronounced like "tay," can be traced to Dutch thee, from Malay and Amoy.
- Cantonese (southern China, Hong Kong)
- bok choy, meaning "white vegetable."
- chop chop, means "hurried."
- chop suey, from a word meaning "miscellaneous bits."
- chow, related to chop in chop suey, from a word meaning "food, miscellany."
- chow chow, means "doggie."
- ketchup, from a word meaning "tomato sauce."
- kumquat, a small citrus fruit.
- typhoon, from the words for "great wind."
- wok, meaning "cauldron."
- yen, meaning a "yearning" or "strong desire."
- Mandarin (Beijing, China; official national standard)
- gung ho, a motto used by the Chinese Industrial Cooperative Society, from words meaning "work together." It was picked up by U.S. Marines during World War
- kow-tow, from words meaning "to knock [one's] head."
- kung fu, from gong fu, meaning "skill, art."
- tae kwon do, meaning "trample-fist-way."


Removing RAM from laptop -
You first want to make sure that the laptop has no electrical power and is cool and stable. Take these steps:
- Turn off the computer using the Windows shut-down process.
- Keep in mind that you lose stored data if you use Sleep or Hibernation mode.
- Unplug the AC adapter cable that runs to the laptop.
- Why remove the AC adapter and the battery before removing memory modules? First of all, plugging them in while power is on could result in damage to the RAM. Secondly, doing any work on a laptop while power is applied could result in a damaging spark.
- Remove the battery.
- Disconnect any other cabling to the laptop, including an Ethernet cable or a telephone modem wire.
- If the laptop has been running recently, allow it to cool for about 15 minutes; memory modules can become quite hot when they are in use.
- Locate a small Phillips-head screwdriver.
- This is the screwdriver with an X-shaped head.
- Place a soft cloth or other protective mat on a desktop.
- Turn the laptop over so that its bottom is facing up.
- Locate the memory module slot cover.
- Carefully remove the screw that holds the cover over the memory compartment.
- Ground yourself before touching the memory module.
- Carefully release the latches on the side of the module holder.
- Lift it to an approximately 30-degree angle from the bottom surface of the laptop.
- Gently slide the module out of its connector and out of the slot.
Remove RAM in desktop -
- Carefully remove the memory from the motherboard and place it somewhere safe and static free. Take care not to touch the metal contacts on the bottom of the RAM module.
- As you remove the memory, take note of the one or more small notches on the bottom. These notches are asymmetrically placed on the module (and on your motherboard) to help ensure that you install the memory properly
- Carefully pick up the RAM module, again avoiding the metal contacts on the bottom, and slide it into the same motherboard slot you removed it from in the previous step.
- Push firmly on the memory module, applying equal pressure to either side of the RAM. The memory retaining clips should pop back into place automatically. You should hear a distinctive 'click' as the retaining clips snap into place and the memory is properly reinstalled.
- Take a close look at the memory retaining clips on both sides of the memory module and make sure they're fully engaged.
- The retaining clips should look just like they did before you removed the RAM. They should both be in the vertical position and the small plastic protrusions should be fully inserted in the notches on both sides of the RAM


The price of insurance depends ultimately on the risk the insurer is taking on on behalf of the customer. Simply put, this will depend on the chance of the insured event occurring, and the likely cost of the outcome. The way insurers calculate this risk, and quantify the amount of the premium, is through the use of what is known as actuarial science. Using certain probability and statistical mathematical models, the insurance company can predict with a fair degree of accuracy, the approximate cost of future claims.
For example, supposing a someone wishes to insure their $100,000 home against fire. For arguments sake, lets assume that 1 in a 1000 homes in this area burn down every year. This would mean that just to break even, on the mathematical model, the insurance company would have to charge $100 a year for the premium. What the insurance company will in fact do is charge something more than $100, say $120. This extra $20 will cover the overhead costs of the insurance companys operation. It will also cover an amount for profit of the insurance company. The only other way the insurance company generates profits is by investing all the policy premiums it is paid. That way, all the premiums earn interest, or investment returns, while they are in the possession of the insurance company. While this method represents a significant income for the insurance company, the majority of insurance companys funds do actually come from the payment of premiums.
It has been argued that those who pay premiums and do not have to make a claim lose out by effectively wasting their unused premium. In this sense, the insurance industry can not be held to produce any net gain for society, and therefore, the huge profits they generate are unwarranted. Defenders of insurance companies however claim that the peace of mind they offer to all their customers is a significant societal benefit which they provide. Simply knowing that you will be compensated if disaster strikes you is worth something to people, even if the disaster never strikes.
The funds the insurance company holds, from premiums that have not been claimed for payouts, is called its float. Massive profits can be generated from the float alone. While losses are just as possible as gains with all investments, the profits made from insurance company floats, for the five years ending 2003, was $68.4 billion. In the same period, insurance companies paid out $142.3 billion in insurance claims. Some do not believe that the insurance industry will be able to sustain itself for ever on profits generated by the float and so predict large premium rises for the future.


Are Addicts Victims of Drugs Or of Over-Crowding?
|December 10, 2013||Posted by Staff under Health|
A 2013 excerpt of garry’s subposthaven, Spt 13.
About the rats in a cage who can self-administer morphine who get addicted to the stuff, and then just hit that lever until they die. A seemingly keystone argument in the war against drugs. But there’s another model: drugs do not cause addiction, living conditions do. Laboratory rats kept isolated in cramped metal cages, tethered to a self-injection apparatus, show only that severely distressed animals, like severely distressed people, will relieve their distress pharmacologically if they can.
Rat Park housing colony, 200 times the square footage of a standard laboratory cage, had 16–20 rats of both sexes, an abundance of food, balls and wheels for play, and enough space for mating and raising litters. Rats who had been forced to consume morphine hydrochloride for 57 consecutive days were brought to Rat Park and given a choice between plain tap water and water laced with morphine. For the most part, they chose the plain water. Control groups of rats isolated in small cages consumed much more morphine in this and several subsequent experiments.
Rats that are born into extreme conditions in small cages are clearly more likely to self-medicate.
The results are catastrophic for the simplistic idea that one use of a drug inevitably hooks the user by rewiring their brain. When Alexander’s rats were given something better to do than sit in a bare cage they turned their noses up at morphine because they preferred playing with their friends and exploring their surroundings to getting high.
Perhaps it’s time the war on drugs becomes a war on the existence of poverty? It’s not about the drugs. It’s about the social environment in which we live.
Ed. Notes: A big part of social conditions is the size of our space. Crowding many people into small spaces happens when those people are poor, of course, but also when space is limited. Who limits space? Speculators do, when they withhold locations from productive use. And cities do, when they rely on taxes upon sales and income and buildings and so let lots lie vacant and buildings remain abandoned.
To motivate both calculating speculators and dull-witted cities, reform the flow of public revenue. Don’t let governments tax anything willy-nilly but require them to first recover the values that society generates before trying to tax anything else. What values does the mere presence of society generate? Those would be the values of locations. Levy a land tax or require Land Dues. Then owners will quit keeping land under-utiliized and to afford the charge get busy and develop their sites or sell to others. To increase public revenue, cities too will sell-then-tax or lease public land.
All that activity will increase the supplies of both land and buildings. Plus, the construction of buildings and filling some of them with shops and stores will increase job opportunity, raise wages, and give poor people the chance to climb into prosperity. In a society of prosperous people following fair economic rules, people will feel more worthy and hence less likely to need to escape via drugs.


Given the amount of rain we've had this spring, the stage is set for extra humid environments in our homes. This presents the risk of mold growth, which can lead to a variety of problems affecting both our health and homes.
There are nearly 1,000 different species of mold in the United States and 100 times that many in the world. Molds are an important part of nature, aiding in the decomposition of organic materials that make our soil rich in minerals and nutrients. And, as most school kids know, mold is used to make penicillin-based medicines and cheese.
While mold is not bad per se, we don't want it in our homes because it tends to decay and breakdown other organic compounds. If you want to keep mold from your home, you have to control moisture.
HOW MOLDS GROW
Molds are able to grow without sunlight; they need only a source of water, an organic nutrient source, and the right temperature. This is why we often find mold in damp, dark, hidden spaces, devoid of sunshine or circulating air. The latter is important, because the air that passes across mold pulls moisture from it and chokes it.
Some have attributed tighter modern building practices to the increase in mold problems, but there is no definitive study to support that idea. It simply may be our heightened awareness that makes mold issues seem more prevalent today than decades ago.
No doubt, though, diminished ventilation can further contribute to a mold problem, but the culprits probably are the usual suspects: roof leaks, poor landscaping grading, gutters that direct water into or under a building, unvented cook tops, bathrooms without exhaust fans, insufficient or irregular maintenance of, or design problems in the heating/ventilating/air-conditioning (HVAC) systems.
Removing mold is a task usually best left to a professional and always includes stopping the future growth of mold by eliminating the water source. Simply killing mold with a biocide and fungicide or pesticide is not enough. The mold and/or remnants of dead mold must be removed, since the chemicals and dead mold proteins can themselves cause health problems.
Also keep in mind that remediation can increase levels of exposure to mold by stirring mold spores and the chemicals used to kill them. Very often it's wise -- in fact almost necessary -- to not occupy your home during the remediation process.
DEGREES OF INFESTATION
The type of mold remediation that best suits your needs is determined by the type of material the mold adheres to and the amount present in your home.
Regulating and environmental authorities have classified these degrees of mold infestations into various levels: Level I are small isolated areas (10 sq. ft or less), which include, ceiling tiles, small areas on walls or carpets; Level II areas are mid-sized, isolated areas (10-30 sq. ft.); Level III are large areas, some 30-100 square feet of contamination, and Level IV, which contain extensive contamination (greater than 100 contiguous square feet in an area). It is best to leave all but level one and two to professionals.
If you are one of those lucky people who doesn't have mold issues, you can stay that way if you take preventative measures. These include repairing plumbing leaks and leaks in the building structure as soon as possible, keeping any means of moisture build-up in your home from condensing and increasing ventilation in your home.
You should seek the advice of a medical professional if you or someone in your home appears to have health concerns associated with mold.


عنوان مقاله [English]
The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze the factors affecting the work culture among the youth of Ilam province and using a mixed methodology of quantity and quality. The research had two statistical populations of youth and elites. Considering the social, economic and social characteristics, Ilam townships were divided into two groups and three townships were randomly selected from each group. Using Cochran's formula, 385 young people and 96 elite people were estimated as a statistical sample and studied by stratified random sampling with proportional assignment. Data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire whose validity was confirmed using the views of 5 faculty members of Ilam University and its reliability was confirmed using Cronbach's alpha. Using factor analysis technique, the contexts of low work culture among the youth of Ilam province in seven factors: socio-political alienation, political, economic and social injustice, social dissatisfaction, market and economic disorder, social norms and anomalies, inequality of education system with the needs of the labor market and psychological characteristics, were categorized. The results of path analysis also showed that political, economic and social injustice was the most important variable that both directly and indirectly affected the low work culture among the province's youth and the effect of other variables was due to the effect of this variable.


Japanese battleship Yamato
|Empire of Japan|
|Builder:||Kure Naval Arsenal|
|Laid down:||4 November 1937|
|Launched:||8 August 1940|
|Commissioned:||16 December 1941|
|Struck:||31 August 1945|
|Fate:||Sunk, 7 April 1945|
|General characteristics (as built)|
|Class and type:||Yamato-class battleship|
|Beam:||38.9 m (127 ft 7 in)|
|Draft:||11 m (36 ft 1 in)|
|Propulsion:||4 shafts; 4 steam turbines|
|Speed:||27 knots (50 km/h; 31 mph)|
|Range:||7,200 nmi (13,300 km; 8,300 mi) at 16 knots (30 km/h; 18 mph)|
|Aircraft carried:||7 Nakajima E8N or Nakajima E4N|
|Aviation facilities:||2 catapults|
Yamato (大和?) was the lead ship of the Yamato class of Imperial Japanese Navy World War II battleships. She and her sister ship, Musashi, were the heaviest battleships ever constructed, displacing 72,800 tonnes at full load and armed with nine 46 cm (18.1 inch) 45 Caliber Type 94 main guns, which were the largest guns ever mounted on a warship. Neither ship survived the war.
Named after the ancient Japanese Yamato Province, Yamato was designed to counter the numerically superior battleship fleet of the United States, Japan's main rival in the Pacific. She was laid down in 1937 and formally commissioned a week after the Pearl Harbor attack in late 1941. Throughout 1942, she served as the flagship of the Japanese Combined Fleet, and in June 1942 Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto directed the fleet from her bridge during the Battle of Midway, a disastrous defeat for Japan. Musashi took over as the Combined Fleet flagship in early 1943, and Yamato spent the rest of the year, and much of 1944, moving between the major Japanese naval bases of Truk and Kure in response to American threats. Although present at the Battle of the Philippine Sea in June 1944, she played no part in the battle.
The only time Yamato fired her main guns at enemy surface targets was in October 1944, when she was sent to engage American forces invading the Philippines during the Battle of Leyte Gulf. On the verge of success, the Japanese force turned back, believing they were engaging an entire US carrier fleet rather than the light escort carrier group that was all that stood between the battleship and the vulnerable troop transports.
During 1944, the balance of naval power in the Pacific decisively turned against Japan, and by early 1945, its fleet was much depleted and badly hobbled by critical fuel shortages in the home islands. In a desperate attempt to slow the Allied advance, Yamato was dispatched on a one-way mission to Okinawa in April 1945, with orders to beach herself and fight until destroyed protecting the island. The task force was spotted south of Kyushu by US submarines and aircraft, and on 7 April 1945 she was sunk by American carrier-based bombers and torpedo bombers with the loss of most of her crew.
- 1 Design and construction
- 2 Service
- 3 Wreck discovery
- 4 Cultural significance
- 5 See also
- 6 Notes
- 7 References
- 8 External links
Design and construction
During the 1930s the Japanese government adopted an ultranationalist militancy with a view to greatly expand the Japanese Empire. Japan withdrew from the League of Nations in 1934, renouncing its treaty obligations. After withdrawing from the Washington Naval Treaty, which limited the size and power of capital ships, the Imperial Japanese Navy began their design of the new Yamato class of heavy battleships. Their planners recognized Japan would be unable to compete with the output of U.S. naval shipyards should war break out, so the 70,000 ton vessels of the Yamato class were designed to be capable of engaging multiple enemy battleships at the same time.
The keel of Yamato, the lead ship of the class, was laid down at the Kure Naval Arsenal, Hiroshima, on 4 November 1937, in a dockyard that had to be adapted to accommodate her enormous hull. The dock was deepened by one meter, and gantry cranes capable of lifting up to 350 tonnes were installed. Extreme secrecy was maintained throughout construction, a canopy even being erected over part of the drydock to screen the ship from view. Yamato was launched on 8 August 1940, with Captain (later Vice-Admiral) Miyazato Shutoku in command. A great effort was made in Japan to ensure that the ships were built in extreme secrecy to prevent American intelligence officials from learning of their existence and specifications.
Yamato's main battery consisted of nine 46 cm (18.1 in) 45 Caliber Type 94 naval guns—the largest caliber of naval artillery ever fitted to a warship, although the shells were not as heavy as those fired by the British 18-inch naval guns of World War I. Each gun was 21.13 metres (69.3 ft) long, weighed 147.3 metric tons (162.4 short tons), and was capable of firing high-explosive or armor-piercing shells 42 kilometres (26 mi). Her secondary battery comprised twelve 155-millimetre (6.1 in) guns mounted in four triple turrets (one forward, one aft, two midships), and twelve 127-millimetre (5.0 in) guns in six twin mounts (three on each side amidships). These turrets had been taken off the Mogami-class cruisers when those vessels were converted to a main armament of 20.3-centimetre (8.0 in) guns. In addition, Yamato carried twenty-four 25-millimetre (0.98 in) anti-aircraft guns, primarily mounted amidships. When refitted in 1944 and 1945 for naval engagements in the South Pacific, the secondary battery configuration was changed to six 155 mm guns and twenty-four 127 mm guns, and the number of 25 mm anti-aircraft guns was increased to 162.
Trials and initial operations
During October or November 1941 Yamato underwent sea trials, reaching her maximum possible speed of 27.4 knots (50.7 km/h; 31.5 mph).[N 1] As war loomed, priority was given to accelerating military construction. On 16 December, months ahead of schedule, the battleship was formally commissioned at Kure, in a ceremony more austere than usual, as the Japanese were still intent on concealing the ship's characteristics. The same day, under Captain (later Vice-Admiral) Gihachi Takayanagi, she joined fellow battleships Nagato and Mutsu in the 1st Battleship Division.
On 12 February 1942, Yamato became the flagship of Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto's Combined Fleet. A veteran of Japan's crushing victory over Russia at the Battle of Tsushima in the Russo-Japanese War, the Pearl Harbor victor was planning a decisive engagement with the United States Navy at Midway Island. After participating in war games Yamato departed Hiroshima Bay on 27 May for duty with Yamamoto's main battleship group. US codebreakers were aware of Yamamoto's intentions and the Battle of Midway proved disastrous for Japan's carrier force, with four fleet carriers and 332 aircraft lost. Yamamoto exercised overall command from Yamato's bridge, but his battle plan had widely dispersed his forces to lure the Americans into a trap, and the battleship group was too far away to take part in the engagement. On 5 June, Yamamoto ordered the remaining ships to return to Japan, so Yamato withdrew with the main battleship force to Hashirajima, before making her way back to Kure.
Yamato left Kure for Truk on 17 August 1942.[N 2] After 11 days at sea, she was sighted by the American submarine USS Flying Fish, which fired four torpedoes, all of which missed; Yamato arrived safely at Truk later that day.[N 3] She remained there throughout the Guadalcanal Campaign because of a lack of 460 mm ammunition suitable for shore bombardment, uncharted seas around Guadalcanal, and her high fuel consumption. Before the year's end, Captain (later Rear Admiral) Chiaki Matsuda was assigned to command Yamato.
On 11 February 1943, Yamato was replaced by her sister ship Musashi as flagship of the Combined Fleet. The battleship spent only a single day away from Truk between her arrival in August 1942 and her departure on 8 May 1943. On that day, she set sail for Yokosuka and from there for Kure, arriving on 14 May. She spent nine days in dry dock for inspection and general repairs, and after sailing to Japan's western Inland Sea she was again dry-docked in late July for significant refitting and upgrades. On 16 August, Yamato began her return to Truk, where she joined a large task force formed in response to American raids on the Tarawa and Makin atolls. She sortied in late September with Nagato, three carriers, and smaller warships to intercept US Task Force 15, and again a month later with six battleships, three carriers, and eleven cruisers. Intelligence had reported that the United States Naval Base at Pearl Harbor was nearly empty of ships, which the Japanese interpreted to mean that an American naval force would strike at Wake Island. But there were no radar contacts for six days, and the fleet returned to Truk, arriving on 26 October.
Yamato escorted Transport Operation BO-1 from Truk to Yokosuka during 12–17 December. Subsequently, because of their extensive storage capacity and thick armor protection, Yamato and Musashi were pressed into service as transport vessels. On 25 December, while ferrying troops and equipment—which were wanted as reinforcements for the garrisons at Kavieng and the Admiralty Islands—from Yokosuka to Truk, Yamato and her task group were intercepted by the American submarine Skate about 180 miles (290 km) out at sea. Skate fired a spread of four torpedoes at Yamato; one struck the battleship's starboard side toward the stern. A hole 5 metres (16 ft) below the top of her anti-torpedo bulge and measuring some 25 metres (82 ft) across was ripped open in the hull, and a joint between the upper and lower armored belts failed, causing the rear turret's upper magazine to flood. Yamato took on about 3,000 tons of water, but reached Truk later that day. The repair ship Akashi effected temporary repairs, and Yamato departed on 10 January for Kure.
On 16 January 1944, Yamato arrived at Kure for repairs of the torpedo damage and was dry-docked until 3 February. During this time, armor plate sloped at 45° was fitted in the area of damage to her hull. It had been proposed that 5,000 long tons (5,100 t) of steel be used to bolster the ship's defense against flooding from torpedo hits outside the armored citadel, but this was rejected out of hand because the additional weight would have increased Yamato's displacement and draft too much. While Yamato was dry-docked, Captain Nobuei Morishita—former captain of the battleship Haruna—assumed command. On 25 February, Yamato and Musashi were reassigned from the 1st Battleship Division to the Second Fleet.
Yamato was again dry-docked at Kure for further upgrades to all her radar and anti-aircraft systems from 25 February to 18 March 1944. Each of the two beam-mounted 6.1 inch (155-mm) triple turrets was removed and replaced by three pairs of 5-inch (127-mm) AA guns in double mounts. In addition, 8 triple and 26 single 25mm AA mounts were added, increasing the total number of 127 mm and 25 mm anti-aircraft guns to 24 and 162, respectively. Shelters were also added on the upper deck for the increased AA crews. A Type 13 air search and Type 22, Mod 4, surface search/gunnery control radar were installed, and the main mast was altered. Her radar suite was also upgraded to include infrared identification systems and aircraft search and gunnery control radars. She left the dry dock on 18 March and went through several trials beginning on 11 April. Yamato left Kure on 21 April and embarked soldiers and materiel the following day at Okinoshima for a mission to Manila, reaching the Philippines on 28 April. She then moved on to Malaya to join Vice-Admiral Jisaburo Ozawa's Mobile Fleet at Lingga; this force arrived at Tawi Tawi on 14 May.
Battle of the Philippine Sea
In early June, Yamato and Musashi were again requisitioned as troop transports, this time to reinforce the garrison and naval defenses of the island of Biak as part of Operation Kon. The mission was cancelled when word reached Ozawa's headquarters of American carrier attacks on the Mariana Islands. Instead, the Imperial Japanese Navy reorganized, concentrating the majority of its remaining fighting strength in the hope of achieving a decisive success against the Americans. By this time though, the entire Japanese navy was inferior in numbers and experience to the U.S. Pacific Fleet. From 19 to 23 June 1944, Yamato escorted forces of Ozawa's Mobile Fleet during the Battle of the Philippine Sea, dubbed by American pilots "The Great Marianas Turkey Shoot". The Japanese lost three aircraft carriers and 426 aircraft; Yamato's only significant contribution was mistakenly opening fire on returning Japanese aircraft.
Following the battle, Yamato withdrew with the Mobile Fleet to the Hashirajima staging area near Kure to refuel and rearm. With Musashi she left the fleet on 24 June for the short journey to Kure, where she received five more triple 25 mm anti-aircraft mounts. The opportunity was taken to put in place "emergency buoyancy keeping procedures". These resulted in the removal of almost every flammable item from the battleship, including linoleum, bedding, and mattresses. In place of the latter, men slept on planks which could be used to repair damage. Flammable paints received a new silicon based overcoat, and additional portable pumps and fire fighting apparatus were installed. Leaving Japan on 8 July, Yamato—accompanied by the battleships Musashi, Kongō, Nagato, and eleven cruisers and destroyers—sailed south. Yamato and Musashi headed for the Lingga Islands, arriving on 16–17 July. By this stage of the war, Japan's tanker fleet had been much reduced by marauding American submarines, so major fleet units were stationed in the East Indies to be near the source of their fuel supply. The battleships remained at the islands for the next three months.
Battle of Leyte Gulf
Between 22 and 25 October 1944, as part of Admiral Takeo Kurita's Center Force (also known as Force A or First Striking Force), Yamato took part in one of the largest naval engagements in history—the Battle of Leyte Gulf. In response to the American invasion of the Philippines, Operation Shō-Gō called for a number of Japanese groups to converge on the island of Leyte, where American troops were landing. On 18 October, Yamato was given a coating of black camouflage in preparation for her nighttime transit of the San Bernardino Strait; the main ingredient was soot taken from her smokestack. While en route to Leyte, the force was attacked in Palawan Passage on 23 October by the submarines USS Darter and Dace, which sank two Takao-class heavy cruisers including Kurita's flagship, Atago, and damaged a third. Kurita survived the loss of Atago and transferred his flag to Yamato.
Battle of the Sibuyan Sea
The following day the Battle of the Sibuyan Sea hurt the Center Force badly with the loss of three more heavy cruisers, eliminating a substantial part of the fleet's anti-aircraft defence. During the course of the day, American carrier aircraft sortied a total of 259 times. Aircraft from the USS Essex struck Yamato with two armor-piercing bombs and scored one near miss; Yamato suffered moderate damage and took on about 3,370 tonnes (3,320 long tons) of water, but remained battleworthy. However, her sister ship Musashi became the focus of the American attacks and eventually sank after being hit with 17 bombs and 19 torpedoes.
Battle off Samar
Unknown to the Japanese admiral, the main American defensive force with Admiral William Halsey, Jr. departed Leyte on the evening of 24 October. Convinced that Kurita's Center Force had been turned back, Halsey took his powerful 3rd Fleet in pursuit of the Japanese Northern Force, a decoy group composed of one fleet aircraft carrier (Zuikaku), three light carriers, two Ise-class hybrid battleship-carriers, and their escorts. The deception was a success, drawing away five fleet carriers and five light carriers with more than 600 aircraft among them, six fast battleships, eight cruisers, and over 40 destroyers. During the hours of darkness, Kurita's force navigated the San Bernardino Strait and shortly after dawn, in the Battle off Samar, attacked an American formation that had remained in the area to provide close support for the invading troops. Known as "Taffy 3", this small group comprised six escort carriers, three destroyers, and four destroyer escorts. In the initial stages of this battle, Yamato engaged enemy surface targets for the only time in her career, hitting several American ships. After Yamato confirmed primary battery hits on the escort carrier USS Gambier Bay, a spread of torpedoes heading for Yamato was spotted; the battleship was forced to steer away from the fighting to avoid them and was unable to rejoin the battle. Although armed only with torpedoes and 5 inch guns and under attack by large caliber cannons, the light American surface combatants, supported by FM-2 Wildcats and TBM Avengers from Taffy 3's escort carriers, attacked so ferociously that Kurita believed his ships were engaging a full American task force of fleet carriers. A mistaken report that he was facing six fleet carriers, three cruisers, and two destroyers led Kurita to order his task force to turn and disengage. Yamato emerged from the battle without serious damage; only three near misses from bombs and seventeen casualties from strafing were suffered during the battle itself, while carrier strikes during the retreat caused light damage to the ship and injured or killed 21 crewmen. Three more heavy cruisers and one light cruiser were subsequently lost. The Centre Force sank one American escort carrier (CVE), two destroyers, and a destroyer escort. A second CVE was lost by kamikaze attack after the surface engagement.
Following the engagement, Yamato and the remnants of Kurita's force returned to Brunei. On 15 November 1944, the 1st Battleship Division was disbanded and Yamato became the flagship of the Second Fleet. On 21 November, while transiting the East China Sea in a withdrawal to Kure Naval Base, Yamato's battle group was attacked by the submarine USS Sealion. The battleship Kongō and destroyer Urakaze were lost. Yamato was immediately drydocked for repairs and anti-aircraft upgrades on reaching Kure, where several of the battleship's older anti-aircraft guns were replaced. On 25 November, Captain Aruga Kōsaku was named Yamato's commander.
On 1 January 1945, Yamato, Haruna and Nagato were transferred to the newly reactivated 1st Battleship Division. Yamato left drydock two days later for Japan's Inland Sea. This reassignment was brief; the 1st Battleship Division was deactivated once again on 10 February and Yamato was allotted to the 1st Carrier Division. On 19 March, American carrier aircraft from Enterprise, Yorktown and Intrepid raided Kure. Although 16 warships were hit, Yamato sustained only minor damage from a number of near misses and from one bomb that struck her bridge. The intervention of a squadron of Kawanishi N1K1 "Shiden" fighters (named "George" by the Allies) flown by veteran Japanese fighter instructors prevented the raid from doing too much damage to the base and assembled ships,[N 4] while Yamato's ability to maneuver—albeit slowly—in the Nasami Channel benefited her.
As the final step before their planned invasion of the Japanese mainland, Allied forces invaded Okinawa on 1 April. The Imperial Japanese Navy's response was to organise a mission codenamed Operation Ten-Go that would see the commitment of much of Japan's remaining surface strength. Yamato and nine escorts (the cruiser Yahagi and eight destroyers) would sail to Okinawa and, in concert with kamikaze and Okinawa-based army units, attack the Allied forces assembled on and around Okinawa. Yamato would then be beached to act as an unsinkable gun emplacement and continue to fight until destroyed. In preparation for the mission, Yamato had taken on a full stock of ammunition on 29 March. According to the Japanese plan, the ships were supposed to take aboard only enough fuel for a one way voyage to Okinawa, but additional fuel amounting to 60 percent of capacity was issued on the authority of local base commanders. Designated the "Surface Special Attack Force", the ships left Tokuyama at 15:20 on 6 April.
Unfortunately for the Japanese, the Allies had intercepted and decoded their radio transmissions, learning the particulars of Operation Ten-Go. Further confirmation of Japanese intentions came around 20:00 when the Surface Special Attack Force, navigating the Bungo Strait, was spotted by the American submarines Threadfin and Hackleback. Both reported Yamato's position to the main American carrier strike force, but neither could attack because of the speed of the Japanese ships—22 knots (25 mph; 41 km/h)—and their extreme zigzagging.
The Allied forces around Okinawa braced for an assault. Admiral Raymond Spruance ordered six battleships already engaged in shore bombardment in the sector to prepare for surface action against Yamato. These orders were countermanded in favor of strikes from Admiral Marc Mitscher's aircraft carriers, but as a contingency the battleships together with seven cruisers and 21 destroyers were sent to interdict the Japanese force before it could reach the vulnerable transports and landing craft.[N 5]
Yamato's crew were at general quarters and ready for anti-aircraft action by dawn on 7 April. The first Allied aircraft made contact with the Surface Special Attack Force at 08:23; two flying boats arrived soon thereafter, and for the next five hours, Yamato fired Common Type 3 or Beehive (3 Shiki tsûjôdan) shells at the Allied seaplanes, but could not prevent them from shadowing the force. Yamato obtained her first radar contact with aircraft at 10:00; an hour later, American F6F Hellcat fighters appeared overhead to deal with any Japanese aircraft that might appear. None did.[N 6]
At about 12:30, 280 bomber and torpedo bomber aircraft arrived over the Japanese force. Asashimo, which had fallen out of formation due to engine trouble, was caught and sunk by a detachment of aircraft from San Jacinto. The Surface Special Attack Force increased speed to 24 knots (28 mph; 44 km/h), and following standard Japanese anti-aircraft defensive measures, the destroyers began circling Yamato. The first aircraft swooped in to attack at 12:37. Yahagi turned and raced away at 35 knots (40 mph; 65 km/h) in an attempt to draw off some of the attackers; it drew off only an insignificant number. Yamato was not hit for four minutes, but at 12:41 two bombs obliterated two of her triple 25 mm anti-aircraft mounts and blew a hole in the deck. A third bomb then destroyed her radar room and the starboard aft 127 mm mount. At 12:46, another two bombs struck the battleship's port side, one slightly ahead of the aft 155 mm centreline turret and the other right on top of the gun. These caused a great deal of damage to the turret and its magazines; only one man survived.[N 7] At 12:45 a single torpedo struck Yamato far forward on her port side, sending shock waves throughout the ship. Because many of the ship's crew who didn't go down with the vessel were killed by strafing aircraft as they swam in the oily water, the details are uncertain, but authors Garzke and Dulin record that little damage was caused. Shortly afterward, up to three more torpedoes struck Yamato. Two impacts, on the port side near the engine room and on one of the boiler rooms, are confirmed; the third is disputed but is regarded by Garzke and Dulin as probable because it would explain the reported flooding in Yamato's auxiliary steering room. The attack ended around 12:47, leaving the battleship listing 5–6° to port; counterflooding—deliberately flooding compartments on the other side of the ship—reduced the list to 1°. One boiler room had been disabled, slightly reducing Yamato's top speed, and strafing had incapacitated many of the gun crews who manned Yamato's unprotected 25 mm anti-aircraft weapons, sharply curtailing their effectiveness.
The second attack started just before 13:00. In a coordinated strike, dive bombers flew high overhead to begin their runs while torpedo bombers approached from all directions at just above sea level. Overwhelmed by the number of targets, the battleship's anti-aircraft guns were ineffective, and the Japanese tried desperate measures to break up the attack. Yamato's main guns were loaded with Beehive shells fused to explode one second after firing—a mere 1,000 m (3,300 ft) from the ship—but these had little effect. Three or four torpedoes struck the battleship on the port side and one to starboard. Three hits, close together on the port side, are confirmed: one struck a fireroom that had already been hit, one impacted a different fireroom, and the third hit the hull adjacent to a damaged outboard engine room, increasing the water flow into that space and possibly flooding nearby locations. The fourth, unconfirmed, hit may have struck aft of the third; Garzke and Dulin believe this would explain the rapid flooding reported in that location. This attack left Yamato in a perilous position, listing 15–18° to port. Counterflooding of all remaining starboard void spaces lessened this to 10°, but further correction would have required repairs or flooding the starboard engine and fire rooms. Although the battleship was not yet in danger of sinking, the list meant that the main battery was unable to fire and her speed was limited to 18 knots (33 km/h; 21 mph).
The third and most damaging attack developed at about 13:40. At least four bombs hit the ship's superstructure and caused heavy casualties among her 25 mm anti-aircraft gun crews. Many near misses drove in her outer plating, compromising her defense against torpedoes. Most serious were four more torpedo impacts. Three exploded on the port side, increasing water flow into the port inner engine room and flooding yet another fireroom and the steering gear room. With the auxiliary steering room already under water, the ship lost maneuverability and became stuck in a starboard turn. The fourth torpedo most likely hit the starboard outer engine room, which, along with three other rooms on the starboard side, was being counterflooded to reduce the port list. The torpedo strike accelerated the rate of flooding and trapped many crewmen.
At 14:02, the order was belatedly given to abandon ship. By this time, Yamato's speed had dropped to 10 knots (19 km/h; 12 mph) and her list was increasing. Fires raged out of control and alarms on the bridge warned of critical temperatures in the forward main battery magazines.[N 8] Protocol called for flooding the magazines to prevent explosion, but the pumping stations had been knocked out.
At 14:05, Yahagi sank, the victim of twelve bombs and seven torpedoes. At the same time, a final flight of torpedo bombers attacked Yamato from her starboard side. Her list was now such that the torpedoes—set to a depth of 6.1 m (20 ft)—struck the bottom of her hull. The battleship continued her inexorable roll to port. By 14:20, the power went out and her remaining 25 mm anti-aircraft guns began to drop into the sea. Three minutes later, Yamato capsized. Her main 46 cm turrets fell off, and as she rolled suction was created that drew swimming crewmen back toward the ship. When the roll reached approximately 120°, one of the two bow magazines detonated in a tremendous explosion. The resulting mushroom cloud—over 6 kilometres (3.7 mi) high—was seen 160 kilometres (99 mi) away on Kyūshū. Yamato sank rapidly, losing an estimated 3,055 of her 3,332 crew, including fleet commander Vice-Admiral Seiichi Itō.[N 9] The few survivors that weren't killed by strafing fighters were recovered by the four surviving destroyers, which withdrew to Japan.
Because of the often confused circumstances and incomplete information regarding their sinkings, few wrecks of Japanese capital ships have been discovered and identified. Drawing on US wartime records, an expedition to the East China Sea in 1982 produced some results, but the wreckage discovered could not be clearly identified. A second expedition returned to the site two years later, and the team's photographic and video records were later confirmed by one of the battleship's designers, Shigeru Makino, to show the Yamato's last resting place. The wreck lies 290 kilometres (180 mi) southwest of Kyushu under 340 metres (1,120 ft) of water in two main pieces; a bow section comprising the front two thirds of the ship, and a separate stern section.
On 16 July 2015, a group of Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers began meetings to study the feasibility of raising the ship from the ocean floor and recovering the remains of crewmembers entombed in the wreckage. The group said that it plans to request government funds to research the technical feasibility of recovering the ship. In May 2016, the wreckage was surveyed using digital technology, giving a more detailed view and confirming the earlier identification. The resulting video revealed many details such as the chrysanthemum crest on the bow, the massive propeller, and the detached main gun turret. The nine-minute video of this survey is being shown at the Yamato Museum in Kure.
From the time of their construction, Yamato and her sister Musashi carried significant weight in Japanese culture. The battleships represented the epitome of Imperial Japanese naval engineering, and because of their size, speed, and power, visibly embodied Japan's determination and readiness to defend its interests against the Western Powers and the United States in particular. Shigeru Fukudome, chief of the Operations Section of the Imperial Japanese Navy General Staff, described the ships as "symbols of naval power that provided to officers and men alike a profound sense of confidence in their navy." Yamato's symbolic might was such that some Japanese citizens held the belief that their country could never fall as long as the ship was able to fight.
Decades after the war, Yamato was memorialised in various forms by the Japanese. Historically, the word "Yamato" was used as a poetic name for Japan; thus, her name became a metaphor for the end of the Japanese empire. In April 1968, a memorial tower was erected on Cape Inutabu in Japan's Kagoshima Prefecture to commemorate the lives lost in Operation Ten-Go. In October 1974, Leiji Matsumoto created a new television series, Space Battleship Yamato, about rebuilding the battleship as a starship and its interstellar quest to save Earth. The series was a huge success, spawning five feature films and two more TV series; as post-war Japanese tried to redefine the purpose of their lives, Yamato became a symbol of heroism and of their desire to regain a sense of masculinity after their country's defeat in the war. Brought to the United States as Star Blazers, the animated series proved popular and established a foundation for anime in the North American entertainment market. The motif in Space Battleship Yamato was repeated in Silent Service, a popular manga and anime that explores issues of nuclear weapons and the Japan-US relationship. The crew of the main plot device, a nuclear-powered super submarine, mutinied and renamed their vessel Yamato, in allusion to the World War II battleship and the ideals she symbolises.
In 2005, the Yamato Museum was opened near the site of the former Kure shipyards. Although intended to educate on the maritime history of post Meiji-era Japan, the museum gives special attention to its namesake; the battleship is a common theme among several of its exhibits, which includes a section dedicated to Matsumoto's animated series. The centrepiece of the museum, occupying a large section of the ground floor, is a 26.3-metre (86 ft) long model of Yamato (1:10 scale).
Later that year, Toei released a 143-minute movie, Yamato, based on a book by Jun Henmi, to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II; Tamiya released special editions of scale models of the battleship in conjunction with the film's release. Based on a book of the same name, the film is a tale about the sailors aboard the doomed battleship and the concepts of honour and duty. The film was shown on more than 290 screens across the country and was a commercial success, taking in a record 5.11 billion yen at the domestic box office.
- Battleships in World War II
- Bismarck-class battleship
- King George V-class battleship (1939)
- Iowa-class battleship
- Littorio-class battleship
- Richelieu-class battleship
- Garzke/Dulin and Whitley's books do not give specific dates, and disagree on the month; the former gives October, and the latter gives November.
- Whitley says that Yamato left six days earlier.
- Garzke and Dulin report that Yamato entered Truk on the 29th.
- Led by the man who planned the attack on Pearl Harbor, Minoru Genda, the appearance of these fighters, which were equal or superior in performance to the F6F Hellcat, surprised the attackers and several American planes were shot down.
- Authors Garzke and Dulin speculate that the likely outcome of a battle between the two forces would have been a victory for the Allies, but at a serious cost due to the large margin of superiority Yamato held over the old battleships in firepower (460 mm vs. 356 mm), armor and speed (27 knots (50 km/h; 31 mph) vs. 21 knots (39 km/h; 24 mph)).
- The poor quality of the Japanese naval radar during World War II meant that only large groups of planes could be detected. Smaller detachments were usually picked up via line of sight.
- This account is based on Garzke and Dulin's Battleships: Axis and Neutral Battleships in World War II. Other works generally agree, although the exact timings of events can vary between sources.
- Garzke and Dulin state in their 1985 account that the alarms were for the aft magazines. Yamato's wreck was discovered that same year and more detailed surveys were completed in 1999; these conclude that it was the fore magazines that exploded. Corroborating evidence comes from Yamato's Executive Officer, Nomura Jiro, who testified that he saw warning lights for the forward magazines.
- Garzke and Dulin give a slightly different number of 3,063 out of 3,332 lost. An exact number is unknown.
- Willmott (2000), p. 32.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 44.
- Jackson (2000), p. 74; Jentshura, Jung and Mickel (1977), p. 38.
- Johnston and McAuley (2000), p. 122.
- Willmott (2000), p. 35. The Japanese Empire produced 3.5% of the world's industrial output, while the United States produced 35%.
- Skulski (2004), pp. 8–11.
- Johnston and McAuley (2000), p. 123.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), pp. 52–54.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 53.
- Hough, p. 205
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), pp. 50–51.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 54.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 55.
- Jackson (2000), p. 75.
- Johnston and McAuley (2000), p. 123. Because of the size of the guns and thickness of armor, each of the three main turrets weighed more than a good sized destroyer.
- Jackson (2000), p. 128.
- Johnston and McAuley (2000), p. 180.
- Whitley (1998), p. 211.
- Skulski (2004), p. 10.
- Ballard (1999), p. 36.
- "Combined Fleet – tabular history of Yamato". Parshall, Jon; Bob Hackett, Sander Kingsepp, & Allyn Nevitt. 2009. Retrieved 1 April 2010.
- Whitley (1998), p. 212.
- Steinberg (1978), p. 147.
- Whitley (1998), p. 213.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 56.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 139.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 152.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 57.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 58.
- Skulski (2004), p. 11.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 156.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 59.
- "Yamato (Battleship, 1941–1945) — in the Battle of Leyte Gulf, 22–26 October 1944". Japanese Navy Ships. Naval Historical Center, Department of the Navy. 13 May 2000. Archived from the original on 2 November 2000. Retrieved 7 March 2009.
- Steinberg (1980), p. 60
- Steinberg (1980), p. 63.
- Wheeler (1980), p. 183.
- Jackson (2000), p. 129.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 160.
- Reynolds (1968), p. 338.
- Feifer (2001), p. 7.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 166.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 60.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), pp. 60–61.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), pp. 62–63.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 63.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), pp. 64–65.
- Tully, Anthony (4 September 2009). "Located/Surveyed Shipwrecks of the Imperial Japanese Navy". Mysteries/Untold Sagas of the Imperial Japanese Navy. Retrieved 23 January 2010.
- Garzke and Dulin (1985), p. 65.
- Reynolds (1982), p. 169.
- Whitley (1998), p. 216.
- "Remains of sunken Japanese battleship Yamato discovered". Reading Eagle. Associated Press. 4 August 1985. Retrieved 31 March 2010.
- Jiji, "LDP lawmakers aim to raise battleship Yamato wreckage", Japan Times, 29 July 2015
- Yohei Izumida (May 8, 2016). "Kure to embark on underwater survey of mighty Yamato warship". Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved August 22, 2016.
- Yohei Izumida (July 17, 2016). "New footage of sunken Yamato given to media before showing". Asahi Shimbun. Retrieved August 22, 2016.
- Evans and Peattie (1997), pp. 298, 378.
- "A bomb survivors leery of battleship hype". Yomiuri Shimbun. 6 August 2006.
- Yoshida and Minear (1985), p. xvii; Evans and Peattie (1997), p. 378.
- Skulski (2004), p. 7.
- Mizuno (2007), pp. 106, 110–111, 121–122.
- Levi (1998), p. 72.
- Wright (2009), p. 99.
- Mizuno (2007), pp. 114–115.
- "Outline". Hiroshima, Japan: Yamato Museum. 2008. Retrieved 29 March 2010.
- "Yamato Museum Leaflet" (PDF). Hiroshima, Japan: Yamato Museum. 2005. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 June 2011. Retrieved 2 April 2010.
- "Yamato—Kure Maritime Museum Leaflet" (PDF). Hiroshima, Japan: Yamato Museum. 2008. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 March 2010. Retrieved 2 April 2010.
- "戦艦大和・映画「男たちの大和／YAMATO」特別仕様" [Battleship Yamato—Special Edition for Yamato the Movie] (in Japanese). Tamiya Corporation. 14 December 2005. Retrieved 28 March 2010.
- "「One piece」が爆発的ヒット、「男たちの大和」「相棒」を超えた背景とは..." [One Piece is a Runaway Hit, Could It Surpass Yamato and Aibou...]. Hollywood Channel (in Japanese). Japan: Broadmedia. 13 December 2009. Retrieved 27 March 2010.
- 「相棒」50億円超えちゃう大ヒットの予感？水谷と寺脇が初日にノリノリで登場！ [Seems Aibou Will be a 5 Billion Yen Big Hit? Mizutani and Terawaki Makes an Entrance on Opening Day in High Spirits!]. CinemaToday (in Japanese). Japan: Welva. 1 May 2008. Retrieved 27 March 2010.
- Ballard, Robert (1999). Return to Midway. London. Wellington House. ISBN 978-0-304-35252-4
- Cox, Robert Jon (2010). The Battle Off Samar: Taffy III at Leyte Gulf (5th ed.). Agogeebic Press. ISBN 978-0-9822390-4-9.
- Evans, David C.; Peattie, Mark R. (1997). Kaigun: Strategy, Tactics, and Technology in the Imperial Japanese Navy, 1887–1941. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-192-8. OCLC 36621876.
- Feifer, George (2001). "Operation Heaven Number One". The Battle of Okinawa: The Blood and the Bomb. The Lyons Press. ISBN 978-1-58574-215-8.
- Garzke, William H.; Dulin, Robert O. (1985). Battleships: Axis and Neutral Battleships in World War II. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-0-87021-101-0. OCLC 12613723.
- Jackson, Robert (2000). The World's Great Battleships. Brown Books. ISBN 978-1-897884-60-7.
- Jentschura, Hansgeorg; Jung, Dieter; Mickel, Peter (1977). Warships of the Imperial Japanese Navy, 1869–1945. Annapolis, Maryland: United States Naval Institute. ISBN 978-0-87021-893-4.
- Johnston, Ian & McAuley, Rob (2000). The Battleships. MBI Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-7603-1018-2.
- Levi, Antonio (1998). "The New American hero: Made in Japan". In Kittelson, Mary Lynn. The Soul of Popular Culture: Looking at Contemporary Heroes, Myths, and Monsters. Illinois, United States: Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-8126-9363-8. Retrieved 29 March 2010.
- Lundgren, Robert (2014). The World Wonder'd: What Really Happened off Samar. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Nimble Books. ISBN 978-1-60888-046-1.
- Mizuno, Hiromi (2007). Lunning, Frenchy, ed. "When Pacifist Japan Fights: Historicizing Desires in Anime". Mechademia. Minnesota, United States: University of Minnesota Press. 2 (Networks of Desire): 104. ISBN 978-0-8166-5266-2. ISSN 1934-2489. doi:10.1353/mec.0.0007. Retrieved 29 March 2010.
- Reynolds, Clark G. (1968). The Fast Carriers; The Forging of an Air Navy. New York, Toronto, London, Sydney: McGraw-Hill Book Company.
- Reynolds, Clark G (1982). The Carrier War. Time-Life Books. ISBN 978-0-8094-3304-9.
- Skulski, Janusz (2004) . The Battleship Yamato: Anatomy of a Ship Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 978-0-85177-940-9
- Spurr, Russell (1981). A Glorious Way to Die: The Kamikaze Mission of the Battleship Yamato, April 1945. Newmarket Press. ISBN 0-937858-00-5.
- Steinberg, Rafael (1978). Island Fighting. Time-Life Books Inc. ISBN 0-8094-2488-6
- Steinberg, Rafael (1980) Return to the Philippines. Time-Life Books Inc. ISBN 0-8094-2516-5
- Wheeler, Keith (1980). War Under the Pacific. Time-Life Books. ISBN 0-8094-3376-1
- Whitley, M. J. (1999). Battleships of World War Two: An International Encyclopedia. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-55750-184-X.
- Willmott, H.P. (2000). The Second World War in the Far East. Wellington House. ISBN 978-0-304-35247-0.
- Wright, Peter (2009). "Film and Television, 1960–1980". In Bould, Mark; Butler, Andrew; Roberts, Adam; Vint, Sherryl. The Routledge Companion to Science Fiction. Oxon, United Kingdom: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45378-3. Retrieved 29 March 2010.
- Yoshida, Mitsuru; Minear, Richard H. (1999) . Requiem for Battleship Yamato. Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-544-6. OCLC 40542935.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Yamato.|
- Yamato Museum
- Joseph Czarnecki, "What did the USN know about Yamato and when?"
- US Navy history page on the Yamato
- The Battle Off Samar – Taffy III at Leyte Gulf website by Robert Jon Cox


Parkinson’s disease: latest research and carer’s perspective
World Parkinson’s Disease (PD) Day takes place annually on 11 April – the birthday of Dr James Parkinson, who was the first to describe the condition ‘paralysis agitans’ in An Essay on the Shaking Palsy in 1817. Read our quick facts about the disease and latest research initiatives, followed by the experience of a daughter who cared for her mother with PD.
Parkinson’s Disease (PD) is a degenerative disorder of the central nervous system, which affects 6 million people worldwide. Nerve cells in the substantia nigra part of the brain are lost, reducing levels of dopamine, a chemical that controls movement.
The main symptoms are tremors, slow movement and stiff muscles, although people with the condition can experience a broad range of physical and psychological effects.
The cause of the loss of brain cells is not clear, although many believe it is a mix of genetic and environmental factors.
Most people with PD exhibit symptoms over the age of 50, but one in 20 develops symptoms when they are under 40, with men more likely than women to have it.
Although there is no cure at present, various treatments are available to control symptoms, including medication to restore dopamine levels and deep brain stimulation.
Numerous research studies are being funded by charity organisations such as Parkinson’s UK and the Michael J Fox Foundation for Parkinson’s Research in the US. Several are focusing on finding ways to diagnose the condition, as doctors currently rely on the person’s medical history and a physical examination, which can result in missed or incorrect diagnoses. Discovery of a biomarker would not only help with diagnosis but also assist the tracking of disease progression.
Last week, Pfizer and IBM announced a collaboration to monitor PD patients around the clock and then analyse the data generated. The project will place up to 200 participants – those with PD and control subjects – on rotation in a research facility designed to look like a standard house but which will be fitted with a network of connected sensors. The hope is to discover which sensors provide the best insights for PD patients, with the ultimate goal of putting them in people’s homes so that doctors can manage their patients more holistically using the real-world results. Pfizer plans to use the infrastructure to test its newest Parkinson’s drug candidate PF-06649751, which is being developed to improve movement, although it won’t enter phase 3 trials until 2019.
Stem cell trial
In March the first trial of a stem cell treatment in people with PD was announced, which aims to grow new dopamine-producing brain cells to replace those lost to the disease. The 12-month trial is being run by International Stem Cell Corporation subsidiary Cyto Therapeutics in Australia. It will involve 12 people with moderate-to-severe PD, who will have replacement brain cells transplanted into their brains. The study will investigate the safety of the approach and scientific experts have cautioned that it is still early days. Interim results are expected in October 2016.
Living with PD: thoughts of a daughter/carer
The following is a genuine diary experience of a woman whose mother had PD:
Two years ago
My mother used her walker to move herself into her office to inform me she had Parkinson’s and exactly what this meant. At least as much as she could tell us. If she is a ‘textbook case’ she has several years before being completely bedridden and 10-12 years from the onset of symptoms (so, 7-10 years) to live.
My world was shattered. What would the future be? Each time I saw her for the first 6-9 months or so, she was noticeably worse. She went from walker to wheelchair, to being incontinent and not leaving the house, to losing control of her right hand. She had to learn how to feed herself with her left hand and her speech slowly left her. Every time I left the house, I cried.
She had good days and bad days. She lost her appetite on many days, but for the most part she was holding pretty steady and doing as well as someone could with minimal control over their own body and limited communication skills.
I gradually became more comfortable. I would distract myself with dreams of the future, however short. Would there be a possibility she could attend my wedding one day? (I’m not engaged or anything, just imagining). I occupied my mind with thoughts of how we could throw her a surprise 60th birthday party this August or a 40th wedding anniversary party with my dad in a few short years. I knew and understood the prognosis, but I didn’t want to feel it anymore.
Somewhere in the illogical part of my mind I thought that maybe she’d remain this way – not the mom I grew up with or even the mom from a few years ago – but the mom who could at least still laugh and share stories and visit family, forever. I felt hope.
But of course that’s not how these things work. Over a couple months it grew harder and harder to understand her. Anyone who hasn’t dealt with this can’t understand how upsetting it is to have to ask ‘Are you in pain?’ or ‘Do you need something … because I just can’t understand you?’ I knew a while ago that one day the plateau would end and probably start the real end. But, this wasn’t supposed to happen yet. She was supposed to have years before she was bedridden, not months. She was supposed to have 7-10 years with us, not just a few. I’m not ready for it right now. Why did this have to progress so quickly?
Need more time
She signed a DNR [do not resuscitate]. The hardest part for me is that she signed something saying she doesn’t want an IV or a feeding tube. Which means as soon as she can’t swallow, she will have a week, give or take, to live and I know she’s already having trouble. So I don’t know right now how much longer I have with my mom. Her 60th birthday is in August and at this point I don’t believe she’ll be here for it. I hope to God I’m wrong. I hope the grief I’m feeling now is just a rehashing of what I originally felt and that I don’t have to experience the real grief that I know is in my future for a long time to come.
This article was written by pharmaphorum and includes a real patient’s experience from Treatment Diaries’ website, where you can read more, share if you like or join in the conversation. Making sure you feel less alone when navigating any diagnosis is important. Treatment Diaries connects people to others who can relate and provide support.
Read another patient perspective:


- New York, NY
- The burial place of General Grant, and the largest tomb in North America
- National Park, National Register of Historic Places, HABS/HAER/HALS
This memorial to Ulysses S. Grant--victorious Union commander of the Civil War--includes the tombs of General Grant and his wife, Julia Dent Grant. A West Point graduate, Grant served in the Mexican War and at various frontier posts before rapidly rising through the ranks during the Civil War. Grant's tenacity and boldness led to victories in the Battles of Vicksburg and Chattanooga and Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox. Scenes of these events are depicted in mosaics in the tomb. In 1866, Congress awarded Grant his fourth star, making him the first full General of the Armies.
A grateful nation elected Grant to serve as President of the United States twice, in 1868 and 1872. Grant's accomplishments include signing the act that established the first national park, Yellowstone, on March 1, 1872. After his presidency, Grant settled in New York City. He died of throat cancer on July 23, 1885 in Mount McGregor, New York and was laid to rest in New York City on August 8.
Approximately 90,000 people from around the world donated over $600,000 towards the construction of Grant's Tomb. This was the largest public fundraising effort ever at that time. Designed by architect John Duncan, the granite and marble structure was completed in 1897 and remains the largest mausoleum in North America. Over one million people attended the parade and dedication ceremony of Grant's Tomb on April 27, 1897.