As part of SRAS’s Central Asian Studies program, students had the opportunity to travel to Uzbekistan for a full week. The first day of this week-long expedition began with a half-day tour of Tashkent’s old part of town. We were accompanied by our guide, Donat, or “Don” for short. He had outstanding English, and even knew his fair share of slang and colloquial phrases in addition to higher level vocabulary. Therefore, a day with our guide made it very easy for us to comprehend a plethora of new information. By the end of this half-day excursion, we had already learned a lot about Uzbekistan, Tashkent, and its surrounding culture.
Our excursion included a trip to the city’s religious center, a trip to the bazaar, then a museum, and finally a traditional Uzbek dinner at a local restaurant. When we first got in our marshrutka (mini-bus), Donat gave us a very thorough rundown of both Tashkent and Uzbekistan, their history, their current economy, and overall state of affairs.
Uzbekistan has a total population of thirty-three million people, making it the most populated country in all of Central Asia. It has twelve different regions, represented on its flag with twelve stars. In terms of demographics, 85% of inhabitants are ethnically Uzbek, with the remaining populace from minority groups of Kyrgyz, Tajik, and ethnic Russians and Koreans. Donat explained to us how Stalin forcibly moved many Koreans from the Russian Far East to Central Asia during Soviet times, because he feared that they might be spies.
Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, has a total population of 3 million that incorporates all these ethnic groups. Thus, while Uzbekistan is a majority-Muslim country, in addition to mosques, other places of worship exist in Tashkent, such as Catholic and Orthodox churches and three synagogues.
Tashkent is located in the Oasis Region, which has been named so because of the 162-kilometer-long Chirchik River that flows through the city. Because of the river, and despite the area’s propensity to occasional earthquakes, Tashkent was selected as the new capital city for the Uzbek SSR 1930, and massive construction began to expand the city.
A great earthquake occurred in Tashkent in 1966, after which approximately 2/3 of the city had to be rebuilt. Despite the intensity of the earthquake, which was over eight points on the Richter scale, only eight people died.
In terms of Uzbekistan’s economy, most cars that are on the road have been locally manufactured in Uzbekistan’s Ferghana Valley, known as an area of crossroads between the cultures of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. Tourism is also a booming industry in Uzbekistan with more westerners coming annually to admire the ornate mosques and madrassahs, many of which have been restored.
The name “Tashkent” means “city of stone,” and there are two schools of thought as to where this name came from. The first is that Tashkent was long a prosperous city with many important stone structures. The other alternative is that travelers were impressed with the bravery of the local people.
Uzbekistan was long important economically, being a crucial part of the Silk Road, and Chinese merchants often passed through Tashkent.
Uzbekistan thus shows some Chinese influence, but also strong influences from Persian, Arab, and Russian cultures. This unique combination of cultures is what has made Uzbekistan into the unique country that it is today. But in order to understand these influences, it is necessary to understand Uzbekistan’s history. In the eighth century, Tashkent was captured by Arabs, who tore down the old city and built a new city in its place. The Arab influence was evident in the architecture of the many mosques and madrassahs that we visited that day. Our guide explained to us that because of the respect for mortal life that Islam promotes, it is forbidden to depict humans or animals on buildings. For that reason, the designs that we saw were largely based on geometric patterns, and at times contained quotes from the Quran. All of these buildings had a similar color scheme of various shades of blues. Floral patterns were also a common sight since they are traditionally used to adorn Islamic religious buildings. Another common pattern were geometrical shapes similar to those found in Syria during the time of the Roman Empire. This was fitting since Uzbekistan was under the rule of Alexander the Great during the fourth century.
Amir Timur, also known as Tamerlane, is regarded as Uzbekistan’s greatest ruler. When in rule, he transferred power to the emirate of Bukhara and then back to Kokand, a previous name for Tashkent. It was during this time that Tashkent experienced a medieval renaissance. Around this time in the fifteenth century, the Uzbek poet Nizamuddin Mir Alisher Navoi became famous, and is now considered the father of the Uzbek language and a national hero. There is even a town in Uzbekistan named after him.
More recently in history, when the Russian empire took over in 1865, Russian cultural influences began taking shape in the region. In 1917, the Bolsheviks came to power, and shortly thereafter Uzbekistan became a part of the Soviet Union. On September 1, 1991, Uzbekistan declared its independence from the Soviet Union. As in most former Soviet countries, Russian remains a state language in Uzbekistan.
After learning all about Uzbekistan and its history along our tour through the city, we arrived at Tashkent’s religious heart in the city center. In this area, we walked down a corridor to see the way that people used to live here. Along these small corridors were two-story windowless homes made from a mix of clay and straw. Our guide said, rather jokingly, that the reason for such windowless homes was so that nobody could gaze upon your wife. In reality, this was the truth. Our guide explained to us the very conservative culture that Uzbeks previously followed, and that they, in some ways, still continue to follow. Women used to have to wear burkas in the street. Although burkas are no longer required, those who live in this religious center still tend to live very traditionally. Two or three generations will still live together in one house, many of which are most likely couples who had their marriage arranged by their parents.
The next thing we saw was the Khast Imam Square. In Arabic, “khast imam” means “holy preacher.” Inside of this mausoleum, a holy preacher is buried. He came from the family of a locksmith and is credited with spreading Islam to Tashkent. In his youth he studied at a madrassah, or religious school. Our guide, Donat, said that the khast imam could be compared to a Catholic Saint in terms of how much this man is honored by Muslims. All 114 surahs of the Quran adorn this mausoleum. Upon entering, we had to cross under an arch, which is symbolic of entering into paradise. In order to pay respect, you may bow upon crossing under this arch. Originally built in the tenth century, the mausoleum was restored in the fifteenth century.
Upon entering this mausoleum, the tombstone of the holy preacher was directly to our right. Our guide pointed out the dome shape of the building, which he explained had a dual purpose. One was that the dome was symbolic of reaching up to heavens. The other was architectural in that domes naturally insulate buildings and retain warmth during warm months and keep the inside air cool during hot months.
There was also a section of the inside of this mausoleum that was dedicated to the Ishan Preacher Basbasan (Бобохон). During the time of the Soviet Union, Muslim holy sites were deemed forbidden. Babasan took a stand for Islam during this time. Stalin and Basbasan had a meeting together during which Stalin gave him permission to establish the Central Asian Council of Muslims. This evident demonstration of Stalin loosening his grip on religion was a small victory. Following Stalin’s death in 1953, Uzbekistan was already enjoying more religious freedom as people were yet again granted access to holy places for worship purposes.
Our next destination was a nearby square that has a mosque, a madrassah, a museum and minarets. The Barakan Madrassah was built here in the 15th century. Slightly less intricate than the other buildings we had seen, it was a long, brown building. Barakan means “the lucky one.” The history behind this is that a man, whose wife was barren, prayed to God promising to build a madrassah if he had a child. So, when his wife became pregnant, he became a patron of education. The Tillya Sheikh Mosque is nearby, with a capacity for 400 people. On holidays, 800 or 900 usually come and many end up praying outside on the street. The mosque is very tall, reaching 43 meters (141 ft). Our attention was brought to the sandalwood designs adorning the entry way. In this same spot, there were also gereh (girih) geometrical patterns, which came from Syria at the time of the Roman Empire. Nearby there were two minaret towers on either side of the mosque, which we learned were once scaled by Muslim teachers to call all nearby Muslims to prayer. Nowadays, there are loudspeakers at the top of these buildings.
The main attraction here was the oldest Quran in the world, held by the small Barakan Muyi Mubarak Library in the center of the square. This was the Quran that belonged to the third Caliph, Uthman, in the mid seventh century. It was printed using natural ink from plants. At one point, clergymen in Saint Petersburg paid to have it sent to that Russian city for study. Babasan saw the book rightfully returned to Uzbekistan.
We now transferred to the local bazaar. On our way there, we saw a monument built honor Shamakhmudov, a blacksmith and WWII hero who adopted 15 kids from many nationalities. The monument was built in 1982, by Soviet architect Aitmatov. We also stopped at one more madrassah where secular and Islamic studies still occur alongside each other even to this day. Students get placed in different subdivisions: general Islam and the history of Muhammad the Prophet. While this madrassah used to have three levels, now it has only two. This madrassah administers an entrance exam each year and admits between 15 and 20 new students annually. Those who score high are given a scholarship. Upon graduating, students are qualified to work as clergymen or preachers. There are thirty such Islamic universities in all of Tashkent.
Finally, we came to Choor Soo Bazaar. Its name means “old tower” or “old arsenal” in Persian. Old Tashkent was made up of four districts and there were twelve city gates. The bazaar is the place where these four districts met. It is considered Uzbekistan’s most authentic bazaar, because of its long history.
One of the first bazaar merchants saw was selling sugar crystals, or what we would refer to in America as simply “rock candy.” Here it is called “navat,” and the darker it is, the more crystallized it is. Sticking with the traditional nature of the bazaar, only beef, lamb, or horse meat is sold, and never pork. Since the weather was a bit brisker than we were expecting, this gave some of us students an opportunity to buy hats and gloves if needed.
The final leg of our excursion for the day was a trip to the Museum of the Applied Arts. We started off by taking a look at, and learning more about, what was perhaps the most impressive exhibit – the suzani, a form of needle-work. These large tapestries were traditionally given as part of a dowry to a new husband. This was a tradition passed on from generation to generation. Sometimes, suzanis would be left unfinished by a mother to be completed by her daughter – a symbol of continuing the bloodline. Functionally, suzanis were used as bedclothes for newlyweds, and were symbolic of loss of virginity. Just as we had learned about during our time in Turkmenistan, women in Uzbekistan were also considered more valuable if they had superior domestic abilities. With suzanis in particular, these skilled were valued because they could produce items for sale that could then generate family revenue. The large suzanis we saw took somewhere between one and ten years to finish, depending on the nature of their intricacies. Suzanis are made from three separate pieces that are stitched together. Beginning in the twentieth century, with the arrival of the Russians, suzanis started becoming machine-made. While different objects on suzanis mean different things, by far the most popular were flowers because Muslims believe that when you ascend to heaven, you’ll see flowers.
In our next section, we saw the garb that was formally worn by women. They used to have to wear horse hair covering their face whenever they went out in public, in addition to a huge jacket, of which the length of its sleeves signified whether she was married or not. This was because, according to Sharia law, a woman would get stoned if she left the house clothed improperly. These sorts of struggles gave way to eventual movements surrounding the liberation of women.
Following this section, we learned more about what is involved in a marriage ceremony, which is regarded at the most important and holiest event in one’s lifetime. Weddings are still traditionally large with somewhere between 400 and 500 attendees. Arranged marriages are still largely a part of the culture, because people feel a sense of obligation to listen to their parents’ wishes. In this section, we took a look at some instruments that are traditionally played at weddings, such as the naga, a stringed instrument. There were also various Chinese instruments, thus denoting the Chinese influence in the region. Another instrument was the dutar, which was a two-stringed popular Uzbek instrument made from poplar trees, which are light and abundant.
Next, we were brought to a temple-like area. We looked at some Zoroastrian paintings, which was the predominant belief system before Islam in this region. One of the paintings depicted Mother Spring, or Narus, celebrating the beginning of the New Year on March 21st. On our way out of this area, our attention was directed to a sign written in Arabic, which says that “Life is like a guest house. Every day someone goes in and someone goes out.” This is a metaphor for life, birth, and death and was to serve as reminder to be prepared for the afterlife.
The last area of the museum had many ancient household items. For example, we saw some traditional plates with cotton ball designs – a national symbol of Uzbekistan’s culture and economy. We also saw teapots, and an interesting sort of invention that turned out to be a sink. It was a basin with a hole in the middle, designed so that when guests wash their hands, nobody can see how dirty they were. This was meant as a polite gesture.
There were other statues in this section. One was of a peacock, which we learned was the bird of happiness, and is on Uzbekistan’s coat of arms. In this area, there was also a display of women’s jewelry. A bride would wear as much as eight kilograms (seventeen pounds) of jewelry made from heavy materials, such as brass and bronze. She would continue to wear this after she got married for a duration of forty days. This jewelry would be brought into her husband’s house, but it always stayed with her, even if the couple divorced. During these times, a husband could simply say “I divorce you” three times, and the marriage would be dissolved.
Finally, to end our excursion, we had a traditional Uzbek dinner at a local restaurant. We were all expecting plov as our first meal since it is a national Uzbekistan dish, and perhaps the most popular. Instead we started off with a tomato, red onion, and basil salad. The basil was a nice break from dill, which is on almost every single dish you can think of in Kyrgyzstan. Then we had a lentil soup, and for our main course, a meat and tomato dish. The dessert was a hot apple with ice cream. It was a delicious meal and a great way to end our first day in Uzbekistan.


'Fortnite and other addictive video games can have a similar effect on children’s brains as drug abuse or alcoholism, MRI scans reveal.
They show the “reward” system in the brains of young heavy users of social media and video games display the same changes in function and structure as those of alcoholics or drug addicts.
A series of studies by California State University found the impulsive part of the brain, known as the amygdala-striatal system, was not only more sensitive but also smaller in excessive users so that it processed the stimuli of social media or games faster.
The findings come as Britain’s children are gripped by the Fortnite video game, with one nine-year-old reportedly admitted to rehab after becoming so addicted she wet herself rather than leave the screen and primary schools urging parents to ban their children from playing them.
On Monday, the Daily Telegraph launched the Duty of Care campaign calling on ministers to make social media and online gaming companies subject to a statutory duty to protect children from harms such as addiction, bullying and grooming when using their services.
Ministers are considering new measures to rein in the worst excesses of online tech companies amid fears a generation of young people is being harmed by unregulated use of social media and online gaming platforms.
One leading internet addiction expert who has treated children playing the game said Fortnite’s addictive quality was such that it made Beatlemania look like a passing whim and had captivated the young in the same way as the nation was swept up by the “Princess Diana effect”.'
Read more: Addictive video games may change children's brains in the same way as drugs and alcohol, study reveals
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New genes born by accident lead to evolutionary innovation
Novel genes are continuously emerging during evolution, but what drives this process? A new study, published in PLOS Genetics, has found that the fortuitous appearance of certain combinations of elements in the genome can lead to the generation of new genes. This work was led by Jorge Ruiz-Orera and Mar Albà from Hospital del Mar Medical Research Institute in Barcelona (IMIM-ICREA).
In every genome, there are sets of genes, which are unique to that particular species. In this study, the scientists first identified thousands of genes that were specific to human or chimpanzee. Then, they searched the macaque genome and discovered that this species had significantly less element motifs in the corresponding genomic sequences. These motifs are recognized by proteins that activate gene expression, a necessary step in the formation of a new gene.
The formation of genes de novo from previously non-active parts of the genome was, until recently, considered highly improbable. This study has shown that the mutations that occur normally in our genetic material may be sufficient to explain how this happens. Once expressed, the genes can act as a substrate for the evolution of new molecular functions. This study identified several candidate human proteins that bear no resemblance to any other known protein. What they do is an enigma still to be resolved.
FINANCIAL DISCLOSURE: The main grant was BFU2012-36820 from the Spanish Government, which was co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). Another grant was from Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Gobierno de España, grant number PT13/0001. We also received funds from Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca Generalitat de Catalunya, grant number 2014SGR1121. Another funding source was the European Molecular Biology Organization Young Investigators Program 2014 grant awarded to TMB. TMB was also supported by MICINN BFU2014-55090-P, BFU2015-7116-ERC and BFU2015-6215-ERC. MA and TMB were supported by ICREA Institut Català de Recerca i Estudis Avançats, Generalitat de Catalunya. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
COMPETING INTERESTS: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
CITATION: Ruiz-Orera J, Hernandez-Rodriguez J, Chiva C, Sabidó E, Kondova I, Bontrop R, et al. (2015) Origins of De Novo Genes in Human and Chimpanzee. PLoS Genet 11(12): e1005721. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.1005721
PLEASE ADD THIS LINK TO THE FREELY AVAILABLE ARTICLE IN ONLINE VERSIONS OF YOUR REPORT (the link will go live when the embargo ends): http://www.plosgenetics.org/doi/pgen.1005721
This press release refers to an upcoming article in PLOS Genetics. The release is provided by journal staff, or by the article authors and/or their institutions. Any opinions expressed in this release or article are the personal views of the journal staff and/or article contributors, and do not necessarily represent the views or policies of PLOS. PLOS expressly disclaims any and all warranties and liability in connection with the information found in the releases and articles and your use of such information.
About PLOS Genetics
PLOS Genetics reflects the full breadth and interdisciplinary nature of genetics and genomics research by publishing outstanding original contributions in all areas of biology. All works published in PLOS Genetics are open access. Everything is immediately and freely available online throughout the world subject only to the condition that the original authorship and source are properly attributed. Copyright is retained by the authors. The Public Library of Science uses the Creative Commons Attribution License.
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The Public Library of Science (PLOS) is a non-profit organization of scientists and physicians committed to making the world's scientific and medical literature a freely available public resource. For more information, visit http://www.plos.org.


Royal Parks of London
The Royal Parks of London are lands originally owned by the monarchy of England or the United Kingdom for the recreation (mostly hunting) of the royal family. They are part of the hereditary possessions of the Crown.
The public do not have any legal right to use the Parks, public access depends on the grace and favour of the Crown, although there may be public rights of way across the land. The Royal Parks Agency manages the Royal Parks under powers derived from s22 Crown Lands Act 1851. As part of its statutory management function the Agency permits the public to use the Parks for recreational purposes, subject to regulations issued under the Parks Regulation Acts 1872–1926 which are considered necessary to secure proper management, preserve order and prevent abuse within the Parks. The current regulations are the Royal Parks and Other Open Spaces Regulations 1997
With increasing urbanisation of London, some of these were preserved as freely accessible open space and became public parks. There are today eight parks formally described by this name and they cover around 5,500 acres (22 km2) of land in Greater London.
- Bushy Park
- The Green Park
- Greenwich Park
- Hyde Park
- Kensington Gardens
- The Regent's Park
- Richmond Park
- St. James's Park
- Brompton Cemetery
Hyde Park and Kensington Gardens (which are adjacent), Green Park, Regent's Park and St James's Park are the largest green spaces in central London. Bushy Park, Greenwich Park and Richmond Park are in the suburbs. Brompton Cemetery, although not a park, is another of the green spaces managed by Royal Parks.
They are managed by The Royal Parks (an executive agency of the Department for Culture, Media and Sport) and are policed by the Metropolitan Police (the English section of the previous force policing the parks, the Royal Parks Constabulary, has been abolished). The main form of funding for the Royal Parks is a central government grant. This contrasts with most of London's other parks, which are funded by local borough councils. The Royal Parks generates additional income from commercial activities such as catering and staging public events such as concerts.
The Royal Parks Foundation is a registered charity which raises funds to protect, support and create new opportunities within the Parks. They have a number of membership schemes such as adoption and champion programmes.


Vitamin C (also known as ascorbic acid) is a powerful antioxidant that helps protect our body’s important molecules such as proteins, lipids (fats), nucleic acids (DNA & RNA) from damage caused by free radicals. Vitamin C is also required for the synthesis of many of our body’s structural components (e.g. blood vessels, skin, tendons, ligaments, etc.). Vitamin C intake has been positively linked in many studies to the maintenance of good health. The RDA for vitamin C, which has recently been raised to 75 mg for females and 90 mg for males, is often thought to be insufficient to provide purported health benefits and the average American consumes less than needed for these benefits through diet alone, making vitamin C supplementation common. Humans are one of the very few mammals that cannot produce vitamin C so it must be supplied from diet or supplements. There is evidence that vitamin C supplementation at doses between 500-2000mgs/day may be beneficial to highly stressed individuals including athletes, soldiers and exercisers. Vitamin C may reduce exercise-induced oxidative changes, muscle soreness and damage. Additionally, in highly physically stressed subjects vitamin C supplementation significantly decreased the incidence and duration of colds. Recently, vitamin C demonstrated a dose-dependent relationship in attenuating exercise-induced cortisol and other anti-inflammatory markers of exercise damage, suggesting a positive role in the recovery process. At this time we recommend your vitamin C intake to be from foods and your daily multivitamin and mineral formula containing 250-900mgs of vitamin C (higher range for athletes). However, if you are taking more than 300-400mgs/day, you should split the dose: half with a morning meal and half with an evening meal, since the body can’t absorb too much more than 250mgs at a time. All the dotFIT MVM formulas have our proper recommended amounts of daily vitamin C.


In 1683 the Bank of Amsterdam introduced a form of fiat money that successfully competed with the coinage of the time. We argue that the principal motive for this monetary innovation was the uncertain value of coins circulating within the Dutch Republic. The Bank's fiat money regime persisted until the downfall of the Dutch Republic in 1795 and incorporated modern features such as gross settlement of financial obligations, open market operations, central bank repurchase agreements (the equivalent thereof), and emergency liquidity facilities.
JEL classification: E42, E58, N14
Key words: fiat money, central bank, monetary competition
This paper was prepared for the conference "The Political Economy of Monetary Innovation," held in Heidelberg, Germany, August 9–12, 2012. The authors are grateful to the conference organizers, Peter Bernholz and Roland Vaubel, as well as to conference participants for comments on an earlier draft. The views expressed here are the authors' and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta or the Federal Reserve System. Any remaining errors are the authors' responsibility.
Please address questions regarding content to Stephen Quinn, Department of Economics, Texas Christian University, TCU Box 298510, 2855 Main Drive, Fort Worth, TX 76129, 817-257-6234, email@example.com, or William Roberds, Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, 1000 Peachtree Street, N.E., Atlanta, GA 30309-4470, 404-498-8970, firstname.lastname@example.org.
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Photographers of the Hajj
The advent of photography in the mid 19th century is of crucial importance to the history of the Hajj; for the first time, the pilgrimage and the holy cities could be accurately and realistically documented. The recording of the Hajj and of Mecca and Medina through photographs began with Muhammad Sadiq Bey who first travelled to Arabia in 1861. Highlighted here are two other pioneering figures, Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, the first European photographer and the Meccan doctor that he instructed, al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Ghaffar.
Muhammad Sadiq Bey (1832-1902)
No one before me has ever taken such photographs.
Muhammad Sadiq Bey was an Egyptian army engineer and surveyor and the first person to take photographs of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina and the Hajj. Travelling several times to the Hijaz in an official capacity as treasurer of the pilgrims’ caravan, he first went in 1861 taking with him a device known as a wet-plate collodion camera, a technique invented in the 1850s which used glass plate negatives. These were more robust than paper negatives and produced clear photographic images which could be reproduced in large numbers on albumen-coated paper. In 1880 Sadiq Bey returned to the Hijaz and took photographs of buildings and interiors in Mecca and Medina, as well as of important Meccan officials. He was also able to take panoramic pictures of the holy mosque at Mecca from multiple angles. Sadiq Bey’s pioneering achievement was noted with great interest in Arabic and European magazines and he won a gold medal at the Venice geographical exhibition in 1881. He published Mash‘al al-Mahmal (The Torch of the Mahmal) in 1881, which contains his collection of photographs, a history of the mahmal and the kiswa cloth which covered the Ka‘ba, and his observations of Mecca and Medina. Further publications include Dalil al-Hajj (The Guide to the Hajj) in 1896, a distillation of his journeys. Later publications on the holy cities often used Sadiq Bey’s photographs, including Muhammad Batanuni’s The Journey to Hijaz and Subhi Saleh’s Pèlerinage à la Mecque et à Medine. (See Badr el-Hage Photographies anciennes de la Mecque et de Médine, 1880-1947 (Paris 2005)
The photographs of Muhammad Sadiq Bey
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1857-1936)
This is a group portrait of the Dutch Consular staff in Jedda in 1884 by an unknown photographer. Chritsiaan Snouck Hurgronje is the young man standing on the right, wearing a white shirt and a fez.
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje was a Dutch Orientalist scholar and adviser on ‘Native Affairs’ to the Dutch colonial government. After obtaining his doctorate on the pre-Islamic origins of the Hajj in 1880, Hurgronje travelled to Jedda in 1884 with a view to going to Mecca to observe the Hajj for himself. He brought with him a camera and in the Dutch consulate at Jedda, he used it to photograph pilgrims from Java, Sumatra and the other islands within the Dutch East Indies. Later in 1884 he is said to have converted to Islam and was allowed to go to Mecca. While in Mecca, he made a study of the customs of the Meccans and the Jawa – Southeast Asian pilgrims who had settled in Mecca. Unfortunately, before he was able to witness the Hajj, he was denounced to the Ottoman authorities as an impostor. He had to leave Mecca abruptly leaving his camera behind so that it could be used by Sayyid Abd al-Ghaffar, the doctor he had trained. On his return he began work on his publications: his two-volume German-language work Mekka came out in 1888–9, and as an accompaniment to this work he published a volume of plates: the Bilder-Atlas zu Mekka , which came out in 1888. One year later, a second portfolio appeared under the title Bilder aus Mekka (1889). The Bilder Atlas-zu Mekka (1888) contains 75 loose plates, including photographs of the inhabitants of Mecca and Jedda, the Ottoman governor of the Hijaz Othman Pasha, Mecca’s important families including the children of the guardians of the sanctuary, the Bani Shayba, and pilgrims from across the Islamic world. (See C. Snouck Hurgronje (translated by J.H. Monahan with introduction by J.J. Witkam) Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century. Daily Life, Customs and Learning (Leiden, Brill 2007)
This photograph is a group portrait of the Dutch Consular staff in Jedda in 1884 by an unknown photographer. Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje is the young man standing on the right, wearing a white shirt and a fez.
Al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Ghaffar ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Baghdadi (dates unknown, active 1880s)
Al-Sayyid ‘Abd al-Ghaffar was a physician and eye doctor from Mecca who later went on to study dentistry. He met Snouck Hurgronje in Jedda and hosted him during his stay in Mecca. He had already experimented with photography and Snouck Hurgronje, nervous of taking photographs in Mecca itself, asked for his help. The doctor also gave Snouck Hurgronje the free run of his studio, which was situated in the Jiyad quarter of Mecca. Although in the introduction to the first volume of Bilder-Atlas zu Mekka (1888) Snouck mentions ‘an Arab trained by me in photography’ he does not credit him with any specific photographs and it was only subsequently discovered that many of the photographs in Snouck Hurgronje’s publications were in fact taken by ‘Abd al-Ghaffar and his name was erased from the photographs. (See A. ‘Vrolik An Early Photograph of the Egyptian Mahmal in Mecca Reflections on Intellectual Property and Modernity in the Work of C. Snouck Hurgronje’ in The Hajj: Collected Essays (V. Porter and L. Saif (eds) London 2013 pp. 206-213)


Read this tip to make your life smarter, better, faster and wiser. LifeTips is the place to go when you need to know about Digestion and other Colostrum topics.
The human digestion system is a long and crucial process for your health. Food starts to break down in your mouth, with the aid of saliva. From there, it travels to your stomach, where it is further broken down by acids and enzymes. The journey continues into the small intestines, where further breakdown and absorption takes place. The process continues into the large intestines and the toxins and leftovers are expelled from your body. Digestion is crucial for a variety of reasons, including providing proper nutrition to your body. A majority of the digestion and absorption is done in the small intestines, with the help of intestinal microflora (bacteria). Colostrum and other digestion system supplements can be purchased to aid in proper digestion.


Individual differences |
Methods | Statistics | Clinical | Educational | Industrial | Professional items | World psychology |
Neophobia is a phobia, the fear of new things or experiences. It is also called cainotophobia or cainophobia. In psychology, neophobia is defined as the persistent and abnormal fear of anything new. In its milder form, it can manifest as the unwillingness to try new things or break from routine.
The term is also used to describe anger, frustration or trepidation toward new things and toward change in general. Some conservative and reactionary groups are often described as neophobic, in their attempts to preserve traditions or revert society to a perceived past form. Technophobia can be seen as a specialized form of neophobia, by fearing new technology.
In biomedical research, neophobia is often associated with the study of taste. Food neophobia is an important concern in pediatric psychology. Neophobia is also a common finding in aging animals, although apathy could also explain, or contribute to explain, the lack of exploratory drive systematically observed in aging. Researchers argued that the lack of exploratory drive was likely due, neurophysiologically, to the dysfunction of neural pathways connected to the prefrontal cortex observed during aging.
- Animal exploratory behavior
- Cognitive ethology
- Instinctive behavior
- Stimulus novelty
References & BibliographyEdit
- ↑ Lalonde R, Badescu R (1995). Exploratory drive, frontal lobe function and adipsia in aging. Gerontology 41 (3): 134-44.
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One of the remaining obstacles to the universal adoption of solar power is the fact that in many parts of the world, electric demand peaks during the least sunny seasons.
While energy storage is being deployed rapidly alongside intermittent renewables, the majority of commercial solutions address the shorter-term demand shift from midday to evening, rather than seasonal disparities.
Scientists at the University of Applied Sciences Rapperswil, in Switzerland, may have found the answer in the form of an oxidization process which produces heat and hydrogen using aluminum.
The process, described in the paper Seasonal energy storage in aluminium for 100 percent solar heat and electricity supply, published in Energy Conversion and Management, ‘charges’ by using electricity to convert aluminum oxide or aluminum hydroxide into elemental aluminum. The aluminum, which can be stored safely for any period of time, is discharged by oxidizing it to release hydrogen, heat and aluminum oxide.
The researchers note the reaction can produce as much as 0.11kg of hydrogen and 4.3 kWh of heat per kilogram of aluminum, ensuring it outperforms the energy density of hydrogen. “With this process, a solid material (Al) is obtained directly and can be stored without losses as long as desired,” reads the paper, “with much less safety concerns than for hydrogen or hydrocarbons.”
The group conducted simulations based on systems at four Swiss locations and found an aluminum storage system combined with a hydrogen fuel cell and heat pump could meet the full energy demand of a multi-family building with 350-530kg of aluminum and a rooftop PV system with a generation capacity of 7-11 kWp, depending upon location.
The study included a cost estimate – based on forecast prices for 2030 when the researchers estimate large scale application of such technology could be more widespread – which indicated the potential affordability of such systems.


Biogas from livestock manure and organic residual is a carbon-neutral fuel. When replacing fossil fuels such as coal, oil or natural gas, it contributes to reducing greenhouse gas emission.
But that is not all. Biogas production represents better use of agricultural livestock manure, further reducing greenhouse gas emission and leaching of nutrients to the aquatic environment.
When plants grow, they absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and use the carbon of carbon dioxide as a building stone. Later, the plants will perhaps be converted to animal feed and be eaten by a pig. The carbon is now inside a pig, and some of it will be transported into the liquid manure and then to the biogas facility, there to be converted into methane and carbon dioxide. Once biogas is used as fuel, the carbon dioxide will be emitted to the atmosphere again.
In this way, the emitted carbon dioxide will be offset by the carbon dioxide absorbed by the plants from the atmosphere when they grew.


In our daily life, we describe objects with different characteristics according to their size, texture and color. Surely you have heard someone saying like “This soil is reddish brown”… but, what exactly is the reddish brown color? Description of colors is abstract, and may vary from person to person.
To address this problem, the Munsell Color System was created by Albert H. Munsell in the early 20th century. The system is comprised of three dimensions: Hue (the basic color), Value (the intensity of lightness of the color) and Chroma (the brightness of the color), and is used in different fields of study such as geology, biology and agriculture.
Using Color Systems to Define Soils
In pedology (soil science) the color system is used to determine the class of soil profiles, such as, red “argissolos”, yellow “argissolos” or gray “argissolos”. You can define these colors by using a Munsell Soil Chart.
For example, the Munsell Color System can be applied to classify gray “argissolos”. According to the the Brazilian System for Soil Classification, a soil is classified as gray “argissolo” when it presents a Hue of 7.5YR or higher (more yellow), Value of 5 or higher and Chroma smaller than 4.
What Does the Soil Color Reveal
The Brazilian System for Soil Classification contains many references to the Munsell Color System, but you may ask yourself, how can understanding soil color improve my knowledge about the soil?
When describing a soil profile, colors can be extremely helpful in the identification of soil horizons and in the estimation of the chemical elements concentration in the soil. Why is that? Remember that soils are products of the weathering of rocks and will inherit their colors even after degradation. Since the colors of rocks are directly correlated to their chemical composition, the chemical composition of soils can also be predicted.
The black color is associated with the concentration of organic matter. The blackest the soil, the higher the concentration of organic matter. We can find these soils in wetlands, where the “organossolo” is common; or in places where there is large accumulation and little decomposition of of organic matter, like in the flat mountains of Santa Catarina – Brazil.
Red and Yellow Soils
The red and yellow colors are related to the soils with alteration of clay minerals. The weathering of these clay minerals releases aluminum and iron oxides, which affect the soil color. For example, higher concentration of hematite (an iron oxide mineral) results in reddish soils and higher concentration of goetithe (another iron oxide mineral) results in yellowish soils.
Gray soils are also found in wetlands, especially those that are submerged for long periods of time. This flooded environment reduces iron components in the soil and give rise to the gray color mentioned above.
Other Soil Colors
Soil with lighter colors are usually located in coastal zones and they have this appearance due to the weathering of the quartz mineral.
Green soils are also possible; however, the presence of the minerals glauconite and melanterite is necessary for their occurrence.
Surely the presence of such elements in a soil can be identified based on its colors, but if a higher precision is needed, laboratory tests can be performed to define the concentrations of organic matter, iron oxides and other elements in the soil.
Nevertheless, the Munsell Color Chart is useful tool for easy communication of soil colors and quick assessment of its chemical components. Also, the Munsell Color Chart is borrowed by some standards for designating color, such as the Brazilian System for Soil Classification.
About the Author
Fernando Basquiroto de Souza is an environmental engineer who writes to help people understand scientific principles and creates tutorials about how to code and use GIS software. You can read more by visiting http://2engenheiros.com/.


MobyMax is a learning platform that provides educational resources for students in Kindergarten through grade 8. These resources cover different school subjects including literacy, math, science, social studies, and language arts. Teachers can create their own classes in MobyMax, register their students, and start sharing learning materials with them.
MobyMax offers teachers a number of EdTech tools to drive students engagement and optimize their learning. For instance, teachers can use the site’s rewarding system to motivate students to learn (e.g., through earned badges, certificates, and gaming time). Teachers can assign readymade lessons or create their own custom assignments to share with students. They can track students performance and monitor their learning progress. MobyMax ‘s communication tools allow teachers to keep in touch with parents and enhance classroom community.
- Math: Includes a comprehensive math curriculum for grades K-8 for all state standards, fluency practice, and numbers.
- Language Arts: Includes a comprehensive language curriculum for grades K-8 for all state standards, vocabulary review, and spelling lists
- Early Reading: Covers alphabet letters, alphabet sounds, early reading trio, fry sight words, and Dolch sight words.
- Reading: Includes foundational reading, paired reading stories, reading skills literature, and reading skills informational.
- Phonics: Includes resources covering phonics and spelling rules, phonics blending, and phonics spelling.
- Writing: Includes a writing workshop and writing assignments.
- Social Studies: Includes interactive lessons with built-in testing and vocabulary.
How to register students?
To register students to Mobymax, you need to log in to your teacher account and click on Roster button on the left sidebar. Next, click on Register Students button and type each student’s name or copy and paste from a spreadsheet. You can add as many students as you want. When done click ‘Finish’.
When students first log in to MobyMax they will see the supported subjects. Students can start with an adaptive placement test to determine their level. MobyMax automatically assign lessons to students based on their placement test. As a teacher, you have full control over assigned materials. You can delete assigned lessons, re-assign new ones or create your custom assessments.
MobyMax printable Worksheets
MobyMax curriculum is available in worksheet form that can be accessed without the need for Internet connection. To find worksheets, you can search Moby curriculum by subject, grade, keyword or standard. There are printable worksheets for math, language, paired reading stories, reading skills literature, reading skills informational, writing workshop, science, and social studies.
When students start taking lessons and working on exercises, you will have access to live results. Simply click on a students name to access insights related to their progress, history of their activity, proficiency level, and more. Based on these analytic reports you can identify skill gaps and areas that need more practice.
MobyMax provides you with key statistics on things such as overall usage for your class, overall active students versus inactive students, skills completed in each module, and many more.
Teachers can also use Classroom Dashboard tab on the left hand sidebar to access data for all subjects including students’ average time spent in Moby, completed standards, lessons, problems, and more. Teachers can easily print this data in a single class report to share with others.
Teachers can also use Student Dashboard tab from the left hand sidebar to view students data across different subjects. For instance, they can view a snapshot of all students activity in Moby during a given period of time and access data for each student organized by subject. Teachers can print reports for the whole class or for selected students.
MobyMax provides teachers with a collection of useful tools to help them with their instruction. These tools are organized into three main categories:
A- Engagement tools:
- Badges: MobyMax has over 500 different types of badges used to reward students hard work. Students earn a new badge when they answer correctly 50 problems.
- Contests: This is another cool feature to drive students engagement. You can create as many contests for your students as you want.You can even create ‘All-School contests which are competitions between all the Moby students in a school or between all the Moby classrooms in a school.’
- Behaviour Vibes: Teachers can use Behaviour Vibes to provide personalized feedback to reward good behaviour or to contain disruptive behaviour. Moby has a number of default vibes to start with but you can create your custom vibes or edit the default ones to reflect the values of your teaching philosophy.
- Games: The games feature enables students to earn game time as a reward for correct answers in lesson topics that are passed. The default game time ratio is one minute earned for every five minutes worked on lesson topics that are passed. Teachers can change this setting at any time.
- Certificates: Students earn certificates when they achieve specific learning milestones, for instance when they successfully pass five lessons in subject modules. MobyMax offers a certificate builder that students can use to design their own certificates.
- Teacher Rewards: Teacher Rewards ‘gives you the power to dole out exciting bonuses that keep students motivated. Choose game minutes, games, badges, Moby Friend minutes, sweepstakes tickets, or educational videos called maxoids’.
B- Assign Lessons
MobyMax’s curriculum library contains tons of ready-made lessons that you can easily assign to students. You can search for lessons by subject or grade level. You can place lessons directly in students Assignments tab for them to access and work on anytime.
C- classroom Tools
Classroom tools include the following:
- Failed Lessons: This is where you can view skills students failed and where you can review incorrect answers.
- Notifications: Includes notifications for failed skills, certificates, completed lessons, badges, and more
- Messenger: Allows you to communicate with students and parents through email and text messaging.
- Announcements and Tasks: Lets you share things such as class announcements, homework assignments, events, student polls, and more. Students can add their comments and download class materials,
- Assign Lessons: Lets you manually assign lessons with due dates for any subject.
How much does MobyMax cost?
MobyMax offers different pricing options: there is the School & District Sitewide License for all students for a full year (costs $3495) and there are student licenses as low as $4.99 per student license for a full year.


Tuesday, April 29, 2014
Chronic stress heightens vulnerability to diet-related metabolic risk
New research out of UC San Francisco is the first to demonstrate that highly stressed people who eat a lot of high-fat, high-sugar food are more prone to health risks than low-stress people who eat the same amount of unhealthy food.
"Chronic stress can play an important role in influencing biology, and it's critical to understand the exact pathways through which it works." said Kirstin Aschbacher, PhD, an assistant professor in the UCSF Department of Psychiatry and lead author. "Many people think a calorie is a calorie, but this study suggests that two women who eat the same thing could have different metabolic responses based on their level of stress. There appears to be a stress pathway that works through diet – for example, it could be similar to what we see in animals, where fat cells grow faster in response to junk food when the body is chronically stressed."
Metabolic syndrome is a cluster of abnormalities— increased blood pressure, a high blood sugar level, excess body fat around the waist and abnormal cholesterol levels — that occur together, increasing a person's risk of heart disease, stroke and diabetes.
While this stress-junk food pathway has been well mapped out with rodents and primates, this study is the first to suggest the same pathways may be at work in chronically stressed humans, according to the researchers.
"We can see this relationship exists by simply measuring stress and dietary intake, and looking inside at metabolic health," said senior author Elissa Epel. "Diet appears to be a critical variable that can either amplify or protect against the metabolic effects of stress, but we still don't know the details of how much it takes. It will be helpful to see what happens in our next study, when we have high stress people eat a high sugar diet for a couple weeks."
The study, published online in the journal Psychoneuroendocrinology, looked at a group of 61 disease-free women; 33 were chronically stressed women caring for a spouse or parent with dementia, and 28 were women with low stress. Over the course of a year, the women reported their consumption of high sugar, high fat foods.
The researchers evaluated key biological markers associated with elevated metabolic risk. They measured participants' waistlines and their fat distribution, using ultrasound scans to assess deep abdominal fat deposits. They tested participants' insulin resistance, one of the core drivers of obesity and diabetes. They also used a blood test to measure stress hormones and oxidative damage to lipids and cell RNA, a marker that has predicted higher rates of death from diabetes. Oxidative damage of the genome is also an important outcome because it is one factor that can contribute to faster cellular aging.
"We found that more frequent high fat, high sugar consumption significantly predicted a larger waistline, more truncal fat, higher oxidative damage, and more insulin resistance, but only among the group of women exposed to chronic stress," said Aschbacher. "The chronically stressed women didn't report eating more high sugar, high fat foods than the low stressed women; however, they did have higher levels of a stress-related biomarker, peripheral Neuropeptide Y (NPY)."
Based on what is known from animal studies, stress triggers greater peripheral NPY which, in combination with junk food, creates larger abdominal fat cells, and these cells may be more prone to metabolic dysregulation.
"The medical community is starting to appreciate how important chronic stress is in promoting and worsening early disease processes," said Aschbacher. "But there are no guidelines for 'treating' chronic stress. We need treatment studies to understand whether increasing stress resilience could reduce the metabolic syndrome, obesity or diabetes."


Chapter 1: Papua New Guinea, an Overview
Perched on the north-west tip of the Solomon Islands archipelago, Bougainville forms part of Papua New Guinea’s (PNG) easternmost border region. Despite its remote location the development of a major copper deposit in Bougainville’s Crown Prince Ranges made the island one of PNG’s most strategically significant areas. Consequently, when customary landowners used industrial sabotage to close the mine in 1988, this regional dispute soon transformed into a major national crisis.
As the crisis unfolded the national government chose to deploy the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in an effort to reopen the mine and suppress the landowner movement. Extra-judicial killings, forced displacement, the internment of civilians, and the denial of humanitarian aid, were just some of the egregious tactics employed by the military. No one was exempted from the violence.
Facing severe financial and logistic constraints the national government turned to the mine’s operator, Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), and PNG’s principal international benefactor, Australia, to prop up the PNGDF. Both organisations provided considerable assistance. As a result of these joint efforts, approximately 10,000 to 15,000 people were killed on Bougainville.
In the following case study you will be exposed to the calculations, relations, and decisions that led two democratic states and a major multinational mining corporation, to organise a systematic campaign of state violence that terrorised the residents of Bougainville for almost a decade.
Chapter 2: The Landowners’ Campaign of Civil Disobedience
In PNG the state owns sub-surface minerals. However, it is clans who own the land which mining companies must access to extract the minerals and build essential facilities. In order to press home this customary power, clan groups in the Bougainville mine area organised themselves through the Panguna Landowners Association (PLA). Between 1980 and 1987 the PLA helped landowners to increase their share of the benefits being generated by the mine (see Okole 1990). However, in August 1987, a new PLA executive was elected. Led by Francis Ona and Perpetua Serero, this executive had a radical political agenda.
Concerned by growing inequality, foreign exploitation, intra-community friction, environmental harm and poverty, the new PLA embarked upon a campaign of civil disobedience. The executive’s aim was to level the social hierarchy that had formed on Bougainville, by expropriating both the mining company and the local elite who had monopolised land, compensation payments, and business opportunities. Following a large protest in April 1988, the PLA’s leaders handed BCL a letter which outlined their demands.
At this stage in the dispute BCL feared that the PLA was intending to alter the legal arrangements which governed the mining operation, using threats and emotive rhetoric. Consequently, BCL refused to meet the PLA’s demands, and instead affirmed their commitment to meeting the company’s existing obligations as set out under the Bougainville Copper Agreement. The PLA was advised that a legislated seven yearly review of the agreement (due that year) would be the most appropriate forum for voicing any concerns over the operation. Unsatisfied with BCL’s legalistic approach, the PLA set up a road-block on 16 May 1988, which prevented the mine from operating for several hours. Following this event BCL’s Chairman, Don Carruthers, petitioned the Prime Minister, Paias Wingti, to begin the seven year review in order to diffuse tensions on the island.
The Wingti government, however, was toppled by a vote of no confidence in July 1988 before any progress could be made. The new Prime Minister, Rabbie Namaliu, ordered an independent inquiry into the mining operation during August. The PLA’s executive believed that this inquiry would vindicate the landowners. Much to the PLA’s disbelief, the inquiry concluded that “BCL has done good work” (BCL 1988). In response, the PLA decided to escalate their anti-mine activities. At 3:30pm on 22 November 1988, three hooded men armed with axes and knives forced their way into the BCL explosives magazine, and removed a considerable quantity of boosters, detonating cords, delays, and detonators. Aware that something significant was being planned, BCL’s Managing Director, Robert Cornelius, relayed his concerns to the company’s Chairman, ahead of a meeting with the PNG government.
On November 25, BCL’s Managing Director met with PNG’s Mining Minister and Minister for Provincial Affairs in Port Moresby. Expecting a sympathetic ear, Cornelius was shocked to discover that the government in fact blamed BCL for the recent disturbances on Bougainville. Indeed the Ministers told Cornelius, more needed to be done for local communities. The meeting ended on a sour note. That night BCL’s Managing Director was awoken by a phone call from the company’s General Manager for Commercial, Ken Perry. Perry informed Cornelius that at around 12:30am militants had initiated a campaign of arson, which had damaged BCL’s accounting office, executive guest house, and engineering drawing office (over the coming days the attacks became more focused on paralysing the mine’s power supply). BCL’s Managing Director immediately phoned key Ministers and organised an emergency meeting for the following morning.
Having been briefed on BCL’s views, the national government looked for a middle road. Indeed, PNG’s Cabinet was sensitive to the fact that a heavy handed approach might not be socially feasible in a country where tradition, kinship, and customary landownership remain pervasive forces. Moreover, a number of influential Ministers genuinely believed that the campaign of sabotage was a cry for help by landowners. As a result, while police mobile squads were dispatched and placed on security detail, the Prime Minister also elected to send a peace delegation to Bougainville in an effort to forge a mediated settlement to the crisis. BCL’s reaction to this proposal is documented in a memorandum penned by the company’s Chairman.
Chapter 3: Civil Disorder and PNG’s Response
Following peace negotiations with PLA activists, the national government announced that in return for the executive’s cooperation in recovering stolen explosives, the government would initiate a review of the Bougainville Copper Agreement. BCL was profoundly disappointed with this decision. They believed this would set a destructive precedent, illustrating that force could produce results. These sentiments were shared by PNG’s Police Commissioner. Without the Prime Minister’s consent, the Police Commissioner ordered the mobile squads to arrest PLA leaders, a move which violated an amnesty that had been granted to landowners by the national government. Mobile squads raided four landowner villages, landowners were assaulted, their property seized, and their homes damaged. In response Francis Ona and his supporters fled into the jungle and formed the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA).
During early 1989 unrest on Bougainville grew as militants began to attack the property of local businessman. Meanwhile heightening tensions between Bougainvilleans and mainland PNG migrants led to riots in several towns. As a result, in late March the mobile squads were instructed by the national government to restore order, with assistance from the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF). According to a former District Commander of the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary (RPNGC): “Basically the mobile squad people are semi-military, they are aggressive, they don’t do what normal policeman do, they go in there and they beat a few heads in. I am talking frankly, they will knock a few heads in, burn a few houses down, shoot a few pigs, shoot at cars … The mobile squads operated with a modus operandi of frightening people” (Personal Communication, 2006).
Fearing negative exposure, the national government banned the media from entering Bougainville. During this ‘law and order operation’ hundreds of homes were burnt to the ground by security forces, along with crops. Additionally landowners and politicians were assaulted, a prominent landowner’s wife was raped, and those left homeless by the destruction were placed in internment camps (called ‘care centres’ by the PNG government) where they were denied access to any outside visitors.
Believing that the law and order operation had demonstrated the government’s capacity to impose its authority, a meeting was called with moderate landowners opposed to Francis Ona. The government offered the moderates a generous peace settlement if they could persuade villagers to withdraw their support for the more radical PLA executive. The BRA responded to the government’s divide and conquer tactics, by formally adding secession to their political agenda. On the 28 April 1989, Francis Ona (1990: 7-8) declared: “Our only option now is … to break away from PNG. Only then we will be able to save the lives of our people in Bougainville … Please be united and walk side by side. Forget about your differences and struggle for only one goal: to save the lives of our future generations”.
Chapter 4: A Counterinsurgency Campaign Begins
In an effort to press the independence question the BRA stepped up its attacks on the mine during May 1989, forcing its closure. With revenues from the mine grinding to a halt, and PNG’s international investment reputation at risk, two new Ministers entered cabinet with a strategy for resolving the situation. Ted Diro, the Minister of State, and Ben Sabumei, the Minister for Defence, persuaded their cabinet colleagues that a state of emergency must be declared, and the BRA neutralised using military force. The government’s new strategy was related to BCL by the new Minister of State.
Aware that the national government was preparing to resolve the crisis using “brutal firepower”, the BRA’s leader, Francis Ona, sends a hand written letter to the Prime Minister.
Despite Francis Ona’s warning a declaration of emergency was issued by the government on 26 June 1989. PNG’s Defence Minister informed parliament on 11 July: “Because of the existence of the BRA, the Government recognised that it was no longer a law and order problem to be handled by the Police Force. It was no longer a land compensation issue nor a tribal conflict. Mr Speaker, it had become a military problem requiring a military solution … The Government has accepted the inevitable reality that many lives will be lost and injured on both sides” (National Parliament of PNG, Record of Proceedings, 11 July, 1989).
Following the declaration of emergency the PNGDF initiated a series of counterinsurgency operations which were designed to clear the mine area of civilians, thus undermining the BRA’s ability to operate in the mine vicinity. This they hoped would allow the mine to be repaired, while the BRA was gradually neutralised. However, the PNGDF lacked the operational capacity to undertake this extensive military campaign alone. A senior PNGDF officer recalls: “We were not trained, we were not prepared, both in training and in our modus operandi. We didn’t have the logistics to go in, but when you have a call out, and the national government wants you to go, what do you do? You have to go” (Personal Communication, 2006). To meet the shortfall, the PNGDF turned to BCL and Australia for assistance. BCL responded favourably.
For the Australian government, the Bougainville crisis raised a number of concerns (see Lasslett 2012). However, Australia’s greatest fear was that the uprising would cause PNG’s fragile state apparatus to crack. In which case the safety of expatriates and the security of Australian investments (which stood at around $A1.8 billion), would be put in peril. While more broadly, the collapse of the PNG state would seriously damage Australia’s regional leadership aspirations, and provoke uncomfortable questions from important allies (principally the United States and Indonesia).
Using the defence aid supplied by Australia and BCL the PNGDF conducted a series of offensive operations during July and August 1989. Australian supplied helicopters – which arrived in July – were immediately put to use, “offensive fire was regularly directed from the helicopters at suspected targets, including villages. Soldiers fired machine guns attached by rope, and grenades from grenade launchers or simply dropped grenades into villages” (Rogers 2002: 233). PNGDF soldiers also began to experiment with the use of mortars on civilian areas, including white phosphorous rounds. PNG’s Defence Minister boasted, “we have shown the military destruction that can be caused, if ever they decided to start again. I am sure that that lesson is being learnt by the Bougainvilleans” (National Parliament of PNG, Record of Proceedings, 11 July, 1989).
Chapter 5: Operation Footloose
By August 1989 BCL was satisfied that the rebels were on the back-foot, consequently they agreed to begin repairing the mine. Meanwhile, the peace package which had been developed during April 1989 was rushed to fruition by a national government desperate to restore normality on the island. Despite lack of local support for the moderate landowner faction cobbled together earlier in the year, the agreement was scheduled to be signed on 11 September 1989, several days after the mine’s official re-opening. However, the BRA successfully shut the mine down just hours after its re-opening, while the peace agreement signing was stayed when a Provincial Minister involved in its construction was assassinated.
Nevertheless, community leaders on Bougainville continued to negotiate with the BRA in an effort to find a peaceful resolution to the conflict. However, the BRA’s leadership was adamant, any permanent solution to the conflict would require: 1) The withdrawal of the government’s security forces from Bougainville; 2) The permanent closure of the mine; and 3) The holding of a referendum to decide the question of independence. These conditions were unacceptable to the national government. As a result, they instructed a PNGDF officer, Leo Nuia, to prepare the PNGDF for a decisive assault on BRA strongholds. According to Rogers (2002: 238) Colonel Nuia “was a hardliner with little sympathy for the secessionists”.
Having marshalled 500 PNGDF troops, 300 RPNGC mobile squad officers, and 100 Correctional Service officers, Colonel Nuia implements a major military offensive in January 1990 in a last ditch effort to nuetralise the rebels and reopen the mine (by this stage BCL’s cash reserves were seriously depleted). Operation Footloose, as it was known, aimed to fracture the BRA command using extreme force. This it was hoped would split the rebels into disparate groups, thus allowing the PNGDF to pick them off one by one. Once again, the military used its entire arsenal – which included 81 mm mortars, M16s, M203s, M79s, and four Iroquois helicopters rigged with M60s – to bombard villages. The Police Minister later boasted to parliament “bones rattled on the island” (National Parliament of PNG, Record of Proceedings, 14 March, 1990).
Chapter 6: Letting Bougainville Rot
During Operation Footloose the BRA staged a significant counter-attack that surprised PNG’s security forces. BCL’s Chairman was particularly alarmed at the deteriorating situation on the island. Consequently during February 1990 BCL hastily abandoned Bougainville. In late March the overwhelmed security forces retreated also, after having suffered a number of serious losses. In an effort to bring the rebels to heal, the PNG government, with encouragement from Australia and BCL, placed a military blockade around Bougainville during May 1990. Spriggs (1992: 13) observes the military blockade “was total, including a blockade on any medical supplies, and was therefore tighter than that placed around Saddam Hussein’s Iraq”.
Completely isolated from the outside world, the BRA and their political arm, the Bougainville Interim Government, were unable to normalise social conditions on the island during 1990. Moreover, internal ruptures began to appear as people grew tired of deprivation and a growing law and order problem (an under-resourced BRA failed to provide any systematic policing service). The PNGDF, with assistance from the Australian Defence Force, instrumentalised these tensions – their plan was to exacerbate the growing divisions on Bougainville by continuing the blockade, and by engaging in psychological operations. It was hoped that by doing so communities would begin to turn against the BRA, thus bringing about the ingredients for a civil war on Bougainville. In the latter event, the BRA’s opposition could be militarised and used as an ‘indigenous’ pro-government paramilitary (i.e. loyalist) force.
As internal tensions grew during 1990, the national government was able to activate its plan. Loyalist paramilitaries on Bougainvilleans were supplied with weapons and money by the national government. According to Regan (1996), the BRA began countering emerging loyalist sentiment through arrests, interrogation, torture and executions. This paved the way for the PNGDF to return to the island during September 1990. Despite having the support of loyalist paramilitaries, the state security forces continued to employ the same violent tactics witnessed during 1989-1990. The loyalist paramilitaries were arguably even more brutal than their state allies. A loyalist leader, Thomas Anis, claimed “we are fighting a civil war which involves arms, violence and psychological struggle for power – a warfare in which only the fittest will survive” (Post-Courier, 07/01/1991).
Chapter 7: Conclusion
An anti-war movement evolved on Bougainville during the mid-1990s, spearheaded by womens’ groups, NGOs, and the church. Assisted by moderate leaders on all sides, Bougainville’s burgeoning civil society was able to slowly develop a framework for peace. This framework received a major boost when the military revolted against the national government’s plan to employ the private military company, Sandline International, during early 1997. As a result, in April 1998 a permanent ceasefire was signed, while in 2001 the Bougainville Peace Agreement was endorsed. Under this agreement the rebels permitted the North Solomons to resume its constitutional status as a province of PNG in return for greater autonomy, and an option for a referendum to be held over independence within ten to fifteen years.
Sadly, no one has ever been charged or tried for the war crimes committed on Bougainville. Indeed, many of the senior political figures who permitted and even applauded the atrocities, retained public office following the conflict. Both Rabbie Namaliu (Prime Minister 1988-1992) and Michael Somare (Foreign Minister 1988-1992), for example, maintained senior roles in government, despite their support for the blockade and their failure to stop or even acknowledge the PNGDF’s war crimes (indeed Rabbie Namaliu is currently on BCL's Board of Directors). Similarly, Australia’s Foreign Minister, who presided over one of the least known but nonetheless egregious periods in Australia’s foreign policy history, went on to become the head of the International Crisis Group, a major international NGO committed to conflict prevention and resolution. He is also the Chancellor of the Australian National University.
While a class-action has been taken against BCL by the landowners, the company nonetheless remains hopeful of returning to the island. With many radical PLA activists now dead, the company may get its way. That said, a new generation of activists in Bougainville are beginning to resist the mine’s reopening, though they face stiff opposition from the Autonomous Bougainville Government and pro-mining landowners.
The Bougainville Conflict
Amnesty International. (1997). Bougainville: The Forgotten Human Rights Tragedy, report: available online
Bernstein, H. (2000) ‘“The Peasantry” in Global Capitalism: Who, Where and Why?’, in Panitch, L. and Leys, C. (eds.) Socialist Register 2000: Working Classes Global Realities, London: Merlin.
Braithwaite, J., Charlesworth, H., Reddy, R., and Dunn, L. (2010). Reconciliation and Architectures of Commitment: Sequencing Peace in Bougainville. Canberra: ANU E Press. Available online
Bougainville Copper Limited (1988), Meeting Minutes, 18 November.
Denoon, D., and Spriggs, M. (eds.) (1992). The Bougainville Crisis: 1991 Update. Bathurst: Crawford House Press.
Gillespie, R. (1996). ‘Ecocide, Industrial Chemical Contamination and the Corporate Profit Imperative: The Case of Bougainville’, Social Justice, 23(4), 109–125.
Griffin, J. (1990) ‘Bougainville is a Special Case’, in May, R. J. and Spriggs, M. (eds.) The Bougainville Crisis, Bathurst: Crawford House Press.
Hagens Berman Sobol Shapiro. (2000). Class Action Complaint for the Violations of the Alien Tort Claims Act. Available online
Hawksley, C. (2006). ‘Papua New Guinea at Thirty: Late Decolonisation and the Political Economy of Nation-Building’, Third World Quarterly, 27(1), 161–173.
Hilson, C. J. (2006). ‘Mining and Civil Conflict: Revisiting Grievance at Bougainville, Minerals’, Minerals & Energy - Raw Materials Report, 21(2), 23–35.
Lasslett, K. (2009). ‘Winning Hearts and Mines: The Bougainville Crisis, 1988-90’, in Jackson, R., Murphy, E., and Poynting, S. (ed.), Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice. London: Routledge.
Lasslett, K. (2012). 'State Crime by Proxy: Australia and the Bougainville Conflict', British Journal of Criminology, 52(4), 705-723.
May, R. J., and Spriggs, M. (eds.) (1990). The Bougainville Crisis. Bathurst: Crawford House Press.
May, R. J. (2004) State and Society in Papua New Guinea: The First Twenty-Five Years, Canberra: ANU E Press. Available online
Miriori, M. (2002). ‘A Bougainville Interim Government: Perspective on Early Peace Efforts’, in Carl, A., and Garasu, L. (eds.), Weaving Consensus: The Papua New Guinea-Bougainville Peace Process. Available online
Ogan, E. (1990). ‘Perspectives on a Crisis (5)’, in Polomka, P. (ed.) Bougainville Perspectives on a Crisis, Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre.
Okole, H. (1990). ‘The Politics of the Panguna Landowners’ Association’, in May, R. J. and Spriggs, M. (eds.) The Bougainville Crisis, Bathurst: Crawford House Press.
Ona, F. (1990) ‘Declaration of Independence – Republic of Bougainville’, in Polomka, P. (ed.) Bougainville: Perspectives on a Crisis, Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre.
Polomka, P. (ed.) (1990). Bougainville: Perspectives on a Crisis. Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre.
Regan, A. J. (1996). The Bougainville Conflict: Origins and Development, Main “Actors”, and Strategies for its Resolution, Port Moresby: University of Papua New Guinea Faculty of Law.
Regan, A. J., and Griffin, H. M. (eds.) (2005). Bougainville: Before the Conflict. Canberra: Pandanus Books.
Rogers, T. A. (2002). The Papua New Guinea Defence Force: Vanuatu (1980) to Bougainville (1990), Unpublished PhD, Canberra: Australian National University.
Sharp, N. (1997). Bougainville – Blood on our Hands: Australia’s Role in PNG’s War. Sydney: AID/WATCH.
Standish, B. (2007), ‘The Dynamics of Papua New Guinea’s Democracy: An Essay’, Pacific Economic Bulletin, 22/1: 135–157.
Tanis, J. (2002). ‘In Between: Personal Experiences In the 9-Year Long War on Bougainville’. Available online
Arnson, C. J. and Zartman, I. W. (2005) Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed and Greed, Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
Ballentine, K. and Sherman, J. (eds.) (2003) The Political Economy of Armed Conflict: Beyond Greed and Grievance. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers
Berdal, M. and Malone, D. M. (eds.) (2000) Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, Boulder: Lynne Reinner.
Brunnschweiler, C., and Bulte E. H. (2008) 'The resource curse revisited and revised: a tale of paradoxes and red herrings', Journal of Environmental Economics and Management, 55(3), 248-264.
Collier, P., and Hoeffler, A. (2000) Greed and Grievance in Civil War, Washington, DC: World Bank.
Cramer, C. (2006), Civil War is Not a Stupid Thing. Accounting for Violence in Developing Countries, London: Hurst & Company,
Le Billon, P. (2005) 'Fuelling War: Natural Resources and Armed Conflict'. Political Geography, 20, 561-584.
State Corporate Crime
Green, P. and Ward, T. (2004) State Crime: Governments, Violence and Corruption, London: Pluto Press.
Kramer, R. C., Michalowski, R. J. and Kauzlarich, D. (2002) ‘The Origins and Development of the Concept and Theory of State-Corporate Crime’, Crime & Delinquency, 48(2), 263–282.
Kramer, R. C., and Michalowski, R. J. (2006) State-Corporate Crime: Wrongdoing at the Intersection of Business and Government, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutdgers University Press.
Lasslett, K. (2010) A Critical Introduction to State-Corporate Crime, International State Crime Initiative, Available online.
Tombs (forthcoming), 'State-Corporate Symbiosis in the Production of Crime and Harm', State Crime, 1(2).
The International State Crime Initiative would like to thank the following contributors:
- Amanda King and Fabio Cavadini of Frontyard Films who provided excerpts from their documentary film, 'An Evergreen Island'.
- Dom Rotheroe who provided excerpts from his documentary film, 'A Coconut Revolution'.
- Alex Smailes for images used in the background for chapters 4-6 and the contributors/title sections.
- Clive Parabou for images used in the background for chapters 1, 2, 3 and 7, in addition to the title and further readings sections.


Yellowstone National Park: Adventure, Explore, Discoverby David Aretha
Since a band of Western Shoshone Indians first encountered the splendor of Yellowstone some eleven thousand years ago, its amazing geysers, thundering waterfalls, canyons and colorful hot pools have inspired awe in those who have seen them. Learn about the geology that formed this amazing land, the first explorers to venture there, and the bison, bald eagles, grizzlies, and elk that live in the park. Modern controversies like snowmobile access and wolf management efforts are covered too, plus fun activities to do like camping, hiking, and cross-country skiing.
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What is a coordinating conjunction?
Coordinating conjunctions coordinate or join two or more sentences, main clauses, words, or other parts of speech which are of the same syntactic importance. Also known as coordinators, coordinating conjunctions are used to give equal emphasis to a pair of main clauses.
As there are only seven of these words, there are just a few rules for using coordinating conjunctions correctly:
- It’s a good idea to use the mnemonic “FANBOYS” to memorize coordinating conjunctions so you’ll never forget them. They are:
- F = for
- A = and
- N = nor
- B = but
- O = or
- Y = yet
- S = so
- Coordinating conjunctions always connect phrases, words, and clauses. For example: This batch of mushroom stew is savory and delicious.
- Some instructors warn that starting a sentence with a coordinating conjunction is incorrect. Mostly, this is because they are attempting to help prevent you from writing fragments rather than complete sentences; sometimes though, it’s just a personal preference. The fact is, you can begin sentences with coordinating conjunctions as long as you follow these three rules for doing so:
- Ensure that the coordinating conjunction is immediately followed by a main clause
- Don’t use coordinating conjunctions to begin all of your sentences. Do so only when it makes your writing more effective.
- Although commas typically follow coordinating conjunctions used in areas other than the beginning of a sentence, they should not be used after coordinating conjunctions used to open sentences unless an interrupter immediately follows.
Examples of Coordinating Conjunctions
In the following examples, the coordinating conjunctions have been italicized for easy identification.
You can eat your cake with a spoon or fork.
My dog enjoys being bathed but hates getting his nails trimmed.
Bill refuses to eat peas, nor will he touch carrots.
I hate to waste a drop of gas, for it is very expensive these days.
Coordinating Conjunctions Exercises
The following exercises will help you gain greater understanding about how coordinating conjunctions work. Choose the best answer to complete each sentence.
- Would you rather have cheese _____ bologna on your sandwich?
Answer: C. Would you rather have cheese or bologna on your sandwich?
- His two favorite sports are football ______ tennis.
Answer: B. His two favorite sports are football and tennis.
- I wanted to go to the beach, _______ Mary refused.
Answer: A. I wanted to go to the beach, but Mary refused.
- I am allergic to cats, ______ I have three of them.
Answer: C. I am allergic to cats, yet I have three of them.
- I am a vegetarian, _______ I don’t eat any meat.
Answer: A. I am a vegetarian, so I don’t eat any meat.
Coordinating Conjunctions List
Remember, there are only seven coordinating conjunctions. This list contains all of them.


Guest post written by Ash Ashutosh
Big Data is the result of practically everything in the world being monitored and measured, creating data faster than the available technologies can store, process or manage it. Since it is a lot more intuitive to represent information as a “file” than a relational object, there has been a surge of unstructured data, making up as much as 80% of new data we must manage.
Organizations are struggling to manage Big Data. According to IDC, the amount of information created, captured or replicated has exceeded available storage for the first time since 2007. The size of the digital universe this year will be tenfold what it was just five years earlier.
Therefore, organizations must find smarter data management approaches that enable them to effectively corral and optimize their data.
Too many organizations think they can manage Big Data by throwing increasing amounts of storage at the problem. They often buy additional storage capacity every 6-to-12 months, which not only results in exorbitant costs but forces their frazzled IT teams to spend more time on data management rather than more strategic IT initiatives. The lack of a real solution for managing Big Data simply causes tremendous inefficiencies all across the organization.
At the same time, Big Data just keeps growing and growing, according to Forrester Research:
–The average organization will grow their data by 50 percent in the coming year.
–Overall corporate data will grow by a staggering 94 percent.
–Database systems will grow by 97 percent.
–Server backups for disaster recovery and continuity will expand by 89 percent.
Big Data results in three basic challenges: storing, processing and managing it efficiently. Scale-out architectures have been developed to store large amounts of data and purpose-built appliances have improved the processing capability. The next frontier is learning how to manage Big Data throughout its entire lifecycle.
What most people don’t know is that the vast majority of Big Data is either duplicated data or synthesized data. Let’s take a look at a leading medical research facility that generates 100 terabytes of data from various instruments.
This data is then copied by 18 different research departments that further process the data and add 5 terabytes of additional synthesized data each. Now they must manage a total of over a petabyte of data, of which less than 150 terabytes is unique. Yet, the entire petabyte of data is backed up, moved to a disaster recovery site, consuming additional power and space used to store it all. So now, the medical center has used over 10 petabytes of storage to manage less than 150 terabytes of real unique data. This is not efficient.
So how should it be managed?
The first step is to bring the data down to its unique set and reduce the amount of data to be managed.
Next Next, leverage the power of virtualization technology. Organizations must virtualize this unique data set so that not only multiple applications can reuse the same data footprint, but also the smaller data footprint can be stored on any vendor-independent storage device.
Virtualization is the secret weapon that organizations can wield to battle the Big Data management challenge.
By reducing the data footprint, virtualizing the reuse and storage of the data and centralizing the management of the data set, Big Data is ultimately transformed into small data and managed like virtual data. Now that the data footprint is smaller, organizations will dramatically improve data management in three key areas:
- Less time is required by applications to process data.
- Data can be better secured since the management is centralized, even though access is distributed.
- Results of data analysis are more accurate since all copies of data are visible.
Virtualization is indeed the “hero” when it comes to managing Big Data. And, it gives organizations so many additional benefits – end-users enjoy flexibility, lower costs and freedom from IT vendor lock-in.
A smarter data management approach not only allows Big Data to be backed up far more effectively but also makes it more easily recoverable and accessible with a whopping 90% cost savings - while freeing IT staff to drive more strategic technology initiatives that drive corporate growth instead of engaging in a futile battle with an out-of-control Big Data beast.


Definition of Cut of veal
1. Noun. Cut of meat from a calf.
Group relationships: Veal, Veau
Specialized synonyms: Scrag, Scrag End
Cut Of Veal Pictures
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Lexicographical Neighbors of Cut Of Veal
Literary usage of Cut of veal
Below you will find example usage of this term as found in modern and/or classical literature:
1. A Text-book of Cooking by Carlotta Cherryholmes Greer (1915)
"What cut of veal corresponds to the tenderloin cuts of beef ? How does the cutting and the using of ... What are the prices per pound of each cut of veal ? ..."
2. School and Home Cooking by Carlotta Cherryholmes Greer (1920)
"What cut of veal corresponds to the tenderloin cuts of beef? How does the cutting and the using of ... What are the prices per pound of each cut of veal? ..."
3. Hotel Meat Cooking: Comprising Hotel and Restaurant Fish and Oyster Cooking by Jessup Whitehead (1901)
"There is alway.ia surplus on hand of ihe cut of veal marked 9 andO on the diagram at No. 996, and extending back to the 1i g. It is useless for roast or ..."
4. The Century Cook Book by Mary Ronald (1895)
"FRICANDEAU OF VEAL The fricandeau is the most choice cut of veal. It is taken from the upper round of the leg, and is one side of the fillet. ..."
5. A Complete System of Cookery on a Plan Entirely New: Consisting of an by John Simpson (1816)
"cut of veal and ham an equal quantity, and an old fowl; lay the bottom of a stew-pan with the fat of ..."