House Republican leaders are quietly hatching a plan of attack as they await a historic Supreme Court ruling on President Barack Obama’s health care law. 
 
 If the law is upheld, Republicans will take to the floor to tear out its most controversial pieces, such as the individual mandate and requirements that employers provide insurance or face fines. 
 
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 reset FLASHBACK: President Obama signs health law - 2010 
 
 If the law is partially or fully overturned they’ll draw up bills to keep the popular, consumer-friendly portions in place — like allowing adult children to remain on parents’ health care plans until age 26, and forcing insurance companies to provide coverage for people with pre-existing conditions. Ripping these provisions from law is too politically risky, Republicans say. 
 
 The post-Supreme Court plan — a ruling should come in June — has long been whispered about inside House leadership circles and among the House’s elected physicians but is now being discussed with a larger groups of lawmakers, showing that Republicans are aggressively preparing for a big-time health care debate in the heat of an election-year summer. 
 
 (Also on POLITICO: Immigration a health policy challenge) 
 
 On Tuesday, the major options were discussed during a small closed meeting of House Republican leaders, according to several sources present. 
 
 Then on Wednesday, Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) gave the entire House Republican Conference a preview of where the party is heading. His message: “When the court rules, we’ll be ready.” 
 
 But Boehner warned that they’ll relegislate the issue in smaller, bite sizes, rather than putting together an unwieldy new health care bill. 
 
 “If all or part of the law is struck down, we are not going to repeat the Democrats’ mistakes,” Boehner said, according to several sources present. “We have better ideas on health care — lots of them. We have solutions, of course, for patients with pre-existing conditions and other challenges.” 
 
 The plan represents an aggressive posture from House Republicans. It seeks to shelter them from criticism from the left that they’re leaving uninsured Americans out to dry. Aides caution the plans could still be changed — but this outline, confirmed by several sources with direct knowledge of the planning, represents the broad sketch of what’s likely to come this summer. 
 
 The court is expected to issue its ruling on the mandate and the future of the health law in late June. The ruling is all but sure to be the most controversial of the term, sending health care back into the headlines and making it a major talking point on the campaign trail. 
 
 Opening the legislative can of worms on health care after such an emotional Supreme Court ruling would be tricky — and would come with major risks. 
 
 First, if the law’s popular insurance provisions are struck, Republicans know Democrats are going to blame them for “putting insurance companies back in charge” — a refrain Obama has already used on the campaign trail. ||||| Thirty minutes. 
 
 That’s roughly the time it took for conservatives to jump all over Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) and his leadership team after the GOP’s game plan for dealing with President Barack Obama’s health care law leaked to the media. 
 
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 reset Harris on GOP infighting 
 
 Their gripe? Republicans would try to replicate popular parts of Obama’s health care law if the Supreme Court overturns the law this summer. 
 
 Rather than sending out news releases or rushing to cable TV for a rant, conservatives blasted House Republican leadership on a private Google email group called The Repeal Coalition. The group is chock- full of think tank types, some Republican leadership staffers, health care policy staffers and conservative activists, according to sources in the group. 
 
 The behind-the-scenes fight among Republicans richly illustrates why House GOP leadership is so cautious, sensitive and calculating when it comes to dealing with the conservative right. POLITICO obtained the email chain, the contents of which show that health care reform remains just as emotional an issue as ever. 
 
 Wesley Denton, an aide to Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), questioned whether the “GOP now against full repeal?” 
 
 “Should we change the name of this [listserv] to ‘partialrepealcoalition’ or ‘someofobamacareisprettygood’?” Denton wrote to the group. 
 
 (Also on POLITICO: GOP preps plan for health law ruling) 
 
 Brian Worth, a GOP leadership staffer responsible for coordinating with outside groups, shot back that “the House has already passed a full repeal bill.” 
 
 “Has the Senate passed that bill yet?” Worth asked Denton, in the email chain. 
 
 Russ Vought, a former House Republican staffer who is now at Heritage Action for America, bluntly said, “that has absolutely nothing to do with it.” The “House GOP is going to cave after winning an election on full repeal … and before winning the next election to finish the job.” 
 
 “Unreal,” he said. 
 
 The common Washington narrative holds that Boehner, Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) and Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) have trouble wrangling the members in the House Republican Conference. That might be true — at times. 
 
 But groups on the outside are also problematic. When a certain issue gets hot, email groups like The Repeal Coalition pop up, causing spirited debate among staffers and activists. It also gins up opposition to — or support for — leadership, creating a sense of group-think that’s often hard for leadership to contain to control. 
 
 For example, during the debt ceiling debate last summer, a group of conservatives gathered on a Cut, Cap and Balance email chain — taking its name from a plan pushed by conservatives like Utah Rep. Jason Chaffetz and Republican Study Committee Chairman Jim Jordan of Ohio. 
 
 It’s another turn of the screw for a Washington that is influenced by deep-pocketed, high-profile legislative-action groups. From Grover Norquist’s Americans for Tax Reform to Heritage Action to Club for Growth, these groups are frequent judges of Republican Washington and aren’t afraid to speak out against fellow conservatives.
– John Boehner issued a statement yesterday insisting that he was dead-set on repealing the health care reform law "in its entirety," refuting a Politico report that he'd hatched a plan to keep the most popular parts of the law should the Supreme Court overturn ObamaCare. What prompted the statement? A wash of right-wing infighting. The leaked plan set off a firestorm among The Repeal Coalition, a Google email group loaded with top congressional staffers and think-tank figures, Politico reports, having obtained a transcript. "Should we change the name of this to 'partialrepealcoalition' or 'someofobamacareisprettygood'?" asked one aide to Jim DeMint. The "House GOP is going to cave after winning an election on full repeal," complained one Heritage Action staffer. "Unreal." The email chain is a vivid look at House leadership's challenges with the party's far-right wing. Listservs like the Repeal Coalition can generate group-think leadership can't control. Before long, Boehner's staff sent an email to a separate group of leadership aides, promising he'd "knock … down" the report.