Presidential advisers feud. There was Colin Powell vs. Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. Valerie Jarrett vs. Rahm Emanuel. Jarrett vs. Bill Daley. Presidents change their advisers. Bill Clinton dumped his chief of staff and press secretary in the midst of a bumpy first two years. Barack Obama, whose supporters dubbed him “No Drama Obama,” shuffled through four chiefs of staff in a 16-month period during his first term. Clinton and Bush won second terms. Obama not only won re-election, he also stabilized his staff (he had a single chief, Denis McDonough, for his final four years) and left office with high approval ratings. 
 
 So when you read reports of infighting in President Trump’s administration, you should not necessarily take it as a signal of broader problems with the Trump White House. It would be entirely normal for a president in his first year to be trying to figure out who is most effective among his staffers and be potentially ready to dump some of the less-solid ones. It’s like when a losing basketball team starts fighting amongst itself: It’s hard to tell if the losing is causing the tension, or the tension is causing the losing. With some of the administration’s major initiatives (health care bill, travel ban) stalled and the president’s approval ratings in dismal territory, it would in some ways be surprising if Trump’s staff were not frustrated with one another. 
 
 I wouldn’t recommend, therefore, paying too much attention to the current raft of palace-intrigue stories regarding the Trump administration. 
 
 With one exception. 
 
 There’s one adviser whose stock you should care about: Steve Bannon. It’s not just that Bannon, as Trump’s chief strategist, has a powerful role. Rather, Bannon has advocated for a mix of nationalist and populist views that are distinct from the views of most of the people who create the Republican Party’s policies, including those in Congress, state governments and even the rest of the Trump administration. 
 
 Trump essentially has four kinds of Republicans in top roles: ideological conservatives like Vice President Mike Pence; more party-establishment figures like Chief of Staff Reince Priebus; his son-in-law Jared Kushner and daughter Ivanka Trump, who had few deep ties to the GOP before Donald Trump started running for president; and the Bannon wing of nationalist-populist ideology. The personal feuds may be compelling, but they’re much less important than whether Trump starts governing mostly through one of those GOP styles — or whether he sharply abandons one. So watch not for the decline of Bannon, but for the decline of Bannonism. 
 
 What’s Bannonism? The former Breitbart editor opposes broad international trade agreements and favors an adversarial relationship between the Trump administration and the news media, as well as between the administration and the federal bureaucracy. He wants very tough policies on illegal immigration, has called for limiting refugees from the Middle East from coming to the U.S., and has expressed deep concerns about the rise of Islam, both at home and abroad. 
 
 It is hard to imagine Karl Rove, who was George W. Bush’s top political adviser, speaking about the need for America to “let our sovereignty come back,” bashing the “corporatist, globalist media,” calling for the creation of a “new political order” and emphasizing, “we are a nation with a culture — and a reason for being.” These are all lines from a single interview Bannon gave in February. 
 
 Bannon’s views are not shared by all Republicans or even all those who work at the White House. So if Bannon departed and that led to a decline in the amount of nationalism and populism that appears in Trump’s rhetoric and policies, that would be an important shift. 
 
 We don’t know, however, if Bannon is the sole protector of “America First” policies in the White House. Bannon has, at times, been covered that way by the press — the idea of the Time Magazine cover story in February, which dubbed Bannon “The Great Manipulator,” was that Trump’s strategist was setting the policy, in some ways more than the president. 
 
 But Bannon, according to The New York Times, met Trump in 2011. He became a top campaign adviser to the real estate mogul in August 2016. Trump has been complaining that the U.S. is getting ripped off in trade agreements since at least the 1990s. In a 2011 interview with the Christian Broadcasting Network, Trump said that there was a “Muslim problem” and that the Quran “teaches some very negative vibe.” In 2014, Trump went to Iowa to campaign for U.S. Rep. Steve King, perhaps the most anti-immigration member of the United States Congress. 
 
 So Trump was espousing nationalist ideas long before he reportedly met Bannon. What if Trump hired Bannon because Bannon already agreed with Trump on the big issues? In that case, Trump might continue to put forward policies that Bannon would be likely to back, even if the chief strategist left the White House. Trump has already installed another strong opponent of illegal immigration, Jeff Sessions, as the head of the Justice Department, giving him broad authority to implement Trump’s vision. 
 
 That question of how committed Trump is to Bannon-style policies would be easier to answer if we knew who would replace Bannon if he left. If Bannon’s chief strategist role or many of his duties were handed to Kushner or Gary Cohn, Trump’s chief economic adviser, that could portend a broader shift, with Trump potentially governing from the center and trying to build more coalitions with Democrats. Cohn, like Kushner and Ivanka Trump, has few formal ties to the Republican Party and used to donate to some Democrats, including Hillary Clinton when she ran for president in the 2008 cycle. 
 
 On the other hand, Stephen Miller, Trump’s policy chief and another influential adviser, shares many of Bannon’s views. If Bannon were to leave the White House and be replaced as chief strategist by Miller or someone else who takes similar positions, it would be hard to read that as a decline in the president’s commitment to more nationalist policies. 
 
 Still, we know Bannon is a powerful advocate for a nationalist, populist agenda in the White House that, if implemented, would be a huge break with the status quo in Washington. If that agenda loses primacy, it’s news. And it might already be losing ground. Asked on Tuesday if he still had confidence in Bannon, Trump said, “I like Steve, but you have to remember he was not involved in my campaign until very late.” ||||| In an interview with The Wall Street Journal on Wednesday, Mr. Trump made clear Mr. Bannon’s subordinate role, calling him “a guy who works for me.” 
 
 Amid the clashing egos, news media leaks and insinuations of disloyalty, the president was once again faced with having to defuse a personnel crisis that was, in part, a result of assembling a band of Washington outsiders to run his administration. And this time the crisis erupted, perhaps predictably, around the senior aide who most embodies that renegade, anti-establishment ethos: Mr. Bannon, the self-proclaimed deconstructor of the “administrative state” and field general in the war against the “opposition party” news media. 
 
 Mr. Bannon’s reversal of fortunes is also a reflection of a White House with an unconventional management structure, opaque lines of responsibility and rafts of aides left to carry out complex and contested campaign promises: tighten immigration, roll back regulations, repeal the Affordable Care Act and take a more protectionist approach to trade. 
 
 Mr. Bannon, who has those campaign promises scrawled on white boards in his office, has described himself as being responsible for their implementation. But the execution has been botched. Courts have blocked the president’s immigration ban. The repeal effort failed after the White House and congressional leaders could not win enough support in their own party. And that is leaving some conservatives, who have never fully trusted the president’s convictions, afraid that Mr. Bannon’s possible removal could be a precursor to shelving the most complicated and contentious priorities. 
 
 One person with firsthand knowledge of internal White House dynamics, who asked not to be identified given how tense the situation had become, insisted that no immediate changes were likely. Mr. Trump is notoriously fickle in his decision-making process, and he dislikes confrontation. But by openly criticizing Mr. Bannon, he has created an environment that makes it hard for the swaggering and self-assured chief strategist to remain in place without appearing undermined. ||||| (CNN) It's easy to forget, after a whirlwind 82 days in the White House, that chief strategist Steve Bannon only formally joined Donald Trump's presidential campaign fewer than three months before Election Day. 
 
 For Trump, however, the timeline is crystal clear. He is keenly aware of when Bannon joined the team and, more to the point, how far he'd gone without him. 
 
 "I like Steve," the President told the New York Post on Tuesday, "but you have to remember he was not involved in my campaign until very late." 
 
 Trump in the same breath went on to list his pre-Bannon accomplishments and remind the world, "I'm my own strategist," making clear what many had suspected -- that the former Breitbart executive is on the presidential chopping block. Bannon picked the wrong rival in Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner, also a top adviser, and it's become expressly clear that if the two can't, as Trump said, "work this out," Bannon will be the one who pays. 
 
 The prospect of Bannon's dismissal will bring unalloyed joy to Democrats and the anti-Trump resistance, who view him as an right-wing extremist with a direct line to the Oval Office, and no small measure of relief to moderate Republicans turned off by his ideological aversion to most forms of American engagement overseas. 
 
 All of which begs the question: What becomes of Trump and his administration if the Bannon gets the boot? 
 
 The emerging wisdom is that Bannon's departure would set off a centrist drift, with aides like daughter Ivanka Trump, Kushner and former Goldman Sachs No. 2 Gary Cohn, Trump's top economic adviser, leading the way. Firebrands like Stephen Miller, one author of the initial travel ban, would be sidelined or dismissed. 
 
 By this logic, Trump, too, would moderate. Tweets aside, he might be more inclined to engage the establishment, whether that means seeking some kind of bipartisan consensus on trade or getting in the trenches with House Speaker Paul Ryan and fighting for more familiar GOP policies. 
 
 It would be, in short, the "pivot" that so many conservatives in Washington have clamored for and hopefully anticipated since it became clear Trump would be the GOP nominee. 
 
 JUST WATCHED Source: No one is leaving the White House Replay More Videos ... MUST WATCH Source: No one is leaving the White House 01:18 
 
 There is a concern, however, among some Trump allies that firing Bannon -- who helped amplify Trump's outside-the-beltway base with his particular brand of economic populism and pledges to "deconstruct the administrative state" -- could backfire. 
 
 One senior White House official told CNN's Jim Acosta some are worried Bannon will turn Breitbart against Trump if he leaves the White House. 
 
 But those worries seem to crumble when you consider the brief history lesson imparted by Trump during his chat with the Post. 
 
 "I had already beaten all the senators and all the governors, and I didn't know Steve," Trump said, referencing a primary he successfully navigated while Bannon was at Breitbart. "I'm my own strategist, and it wasn't like I was going to change strategies because I was facing crooked Hillary." 
 
 Trump is correct here. The "psychic connection to the issue palette" that drove his base was firmly in place ahead of Bannon's arrival. Breitbart played a part, of course, in boosting Trump, but it was not the author of his worldview. That, for anyone who hasn't followed Trump since the New York City tabloids were fat and literally dripping with classifieds, predates this past political cycle by a decades. 
 
 While the Breitbart website could potentially turn on Trump, a scenario that supposes Bannon is unceremoniously dumped and doesn't leave declaring victory, it would hardly unmoor the zealous core of support that has stood by Trump through countless political tsunamis. 
 
 The more likely outcome if Bannon goes is that he returns to Breitbart and continues to expand on its emerging media empire. And you don't do that by going to war with the most popular politician in its pages. 
 
 Would the alt-right be unhappy? To the extent they are a coherent movement with shared interests beyond trolling women and minorities, sure. But they would get over it, and faster than one might expect. Trump is their meal ticket, too. 
 
 As for the actual voters, well, they might not even notice. Bannon is, after all, a staffer -- one that Trump, CNN's Sara Murray reports, believes was getting a little too much attention. 
 
 Despite his outsize outsider persona, Bannon's profile is more prominent in Washington than in the blue-collar districts Trump feasted on during the election. 
 
 He does not represent the "silent majority" that turned the 2016 election -- a cohort that, as much as anything else, was joined by its uniform disdain for the political and cultural establishment. 
 
 Trump does. ||||| When Stephen K. Bannon reported for work Wednesday, he did not act like a man who had just been publicly humiliated by his boss. 
 
 The White House chief strategist cycled in and out of the Oval Office for meetings with President Trump and took a seat in the front row of the East Room for the afternoon visit of NATO’s secretary general, flanked by some of the very advisers with whom he has been feuding. 
 
 But for Bannon, the day’s routine obscured the reality that he is a marked man — diminished by weeks of battles with the bloc of centrists led by Trump’s daughter and son-in-law and cut down by the president himself, who belittled Bannon in an interview with the New York Post. 
 
 The president’s comments were described by White House officials as a dressing-down and warning shot, though one Bannon friend, reflecting on them Wednesday, likened Bannon to a terminally ill family member who had been moved into hospice care. 
 
 The man not long ago dubbed the “shadow president” — with singular influence over Trump’s agenda and the workings of the federal government — is struggling to keep his job with his portfolio reduced and his profile damaged, according to interviews Wednesday with 21 of Trump’s aides, confidants and allies. Some colleagues described Bannon as a stubborn recluse who had failed to build a reservoir of goodwill within the West Wing. 
 
 (Peter Stevenson/The Washington Post) 
 
 “Bannon is a brilliant pirate who has had a huge impact,” said former House speaker Newt Gingrich, a Trump supporter. “But White Houses, in the end, are like the U.S. Navy — corporate structures and very hard on pirates.” 
 
 For now, at least, Bannon may survive the turmoil, and he and other White House staffers are striving to be on their best behavior after their infighting earned them a scolding by the president over the weekend, according to the aides and allies, many of whom requested anonymity because they were not authorized to talk about internal dynamics. Bannon declined to be interviewed. 
 
 [Bannon wants a war on Washington. Now he’s part of one inside the White House.] 
 
 But the mercurial president has a long history of turning quickly on subordinates, and the political hit late Tuesday in the New York Post was trademark Trump, using the friendly Manhattan tabloid to publicly debase his chief strategist. The president said Bannon was hardly the Svengali of his caricature, but rather “a good guy” who “was not involved in my campaign until very late.” 
 
 Bannon’s associates were caught off guard by Trump’s comments. Some interpreted them as a paternal “love tap” by Trump to assert his own dominance, while others worried they amounted to an indirect firing. Bannon himself was humbled, people close to him said, and his allies scrambled to defend him, including Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who praised him in an appearance on Laura Ingraham’s radio program. 
 
 In a second interview, with the Wall Street Journal on Wednesday, Trump referred to Bannon as “a guy who works for me” — and pointedly noted, as he did with the New York Post, that he was his own “strategist,” even though chief strategist is Bannon’s job title. 
 
 Trump also is increasingly embracing more mainstream policy positions championed by daughter Ivanka Trump, son-in-law Jared Kushner and their allies, including ascendant National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn, instead of Bannon’s brand of combative nationalism. 
 
 1 of 13 Full Screen Autoplay Close Skip Ad × 13 things you may not have known about Stephen K. Bannon View Photos Trump’s chief strategist served in the Navy, has a daughter in the Army and once referred to himself as a Leninist. Caption Trump’s chief strategist served in the Navy, has a daughter in the Army and once referred to himself as a Leninist. He served in the Navy According to Bloomberg, Bannon signed up right after college, serving from 1976 to 1983. He spent four years at sea working as an auxiliary engineer and a navigator aboard a destroyer. Courtesy of the Bannon family Buy Photo Wait 1 second to continue. 
 
 On Wednesday alone, Trump flipped from Bannon-favored positions on issues such as the Export-Import Bank and Chinese currency ma­nipu­la­tion, alarming some Bannon aides who feared their wing had lost influence with the president. 
 
 On Ingraham’s show, Sessions dismissed the suggestion that Bannon’s worldview, which he shares, was being sidelined. “I’m an admirer of Steve Bannon and the Trump family and they’ve been supportive of what we’re doing,” said the attorney general, who in recent days has unveiled tough policies aimed at illegal immigration and drug crimes. “I’ve not felt any pushback against me or on anything I’ve done or advocated.” 
 
 Thomas J. Barrack Jr., a close Trump friend who chaired his inaugural committee, spent Tuesday and Wednesday in Washington meeting with the president and his senior team. He characterized the ideological disagreement between Bannon and others as natural and even healthy. 
 
 “The way this president makes decisions is he encourages different points of view from different people, and he curates those and comes up with his own positions,” Barrack said. “The lack of unanimity is just the way this president manages. He is in command and control.” 
 
 Trump and his team are rushing to notch accomplishments that they can hail at the 100-day mark later this month and to impose new discipline on a White House that has been riven by disorder and suspicion since Trump took office. 
 
 [Inside Trump’s fury: The president rages at leaks, setbacks and accusations] 
 
 Justice Neil M. Gorsuch was confirmed to the Supreme Court and sworn in this week, upending Senate procedure and marking a significant victory for Trump's conservative base. But the absence of any other major legislative achievement and the public failure of a health-care overhaul has gnawed at the president, and other White House advisers have been swift in assigning partial blame to Bannon, according to Trump staffers and outside allies. 
 
 Bannon’s effective demotion began last week when he was removed from the National Security Council’s principals committee. But his real problems began much earlier. Trump bristled at the media depiction of Bannon as a puppeteer, punctuated by the Feb. 13 Time magazine cover labeling Bannon “The Great Manipulator.” 
 
 Trump fashions himself as the leading man — the protagonist of every story in which he stars — and was content to have Bannon as his sidekick, but he did not welcome the competition for top billing. 
 
 Bannon further imperiled his standing with the president by getting crosswise with Kushner, officials said. The two men were close during last year’s campaign; Kushner came to see Bannon as a wartime consigliere. But in the White House, Bannon went to war with the business leaders Kushner helped recruit to the administration — Cohn and others, including Dina Powell, the senior economic counselor and deputy national security adviser. 
 
 Bannon privately derided them as “globalists” and “Democrats,” officials said, even though Powell worked in George W. Bush’s administration and has been called a principled conservative by leading Republican senators. 
 
 Bannon’s supporters believe he is an essential conduit between Trump and his nationalist, populist base. The wealthy Mercer family, which has nurtured Bannon’s political rise and infused Trump’s campaign and allied groups with millions of dollars, is closely monitoring Bannon’s falling fortunes. Rebekah Mercer, who directs the family’s political activities, is unnerved and worried about losing her best link to a president her family takes credit for helping get elected but believes Bannon will be able to maintain his influence, people close to the family said. 
 
 Ingraham wrote in an email of Bannon: “Of course he didn’t invent the conservative populist ideals that Trump ran on, but he is … a reminder in the West Wing of what the president’s core supporters expect of the administration and the promises that must be fulfilled. I think the president has really keen political instincts — and I have to believe he knows his chances of a successful first term are better with Steve on the inside than on the outside.” 
 
 [Horrible pictures of suffering moved Trump to action on Syria] 
 
 Other Trump loyalists flatly dismiss the idea that Bannon is the id of the Trump movement, pointing out that Trump has been advocating some of the same populist positions — especially on immigration and trade — for decades and for more than a year on the campaign trail before Bannon’s hiring last summer. 
 
 These people argue that a better representative of Trump’s voters inside the White House is Stephen Miller, the senior policy adviser and former Sessions aide who joined the campaign early and helped Trump hone and communicate his ideas. They said Miller has worked closely with Bannon but also has strategically aligned himself with Kushner, who came to see him last year as indispensable at Trump’s side. 
 
 As tensions have heightened in recent weeks, the Bannon and Kushner camps have devolved into opposing firing squads. Team Bannon believes the hosts of MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” a show the president watches regularly, are speaking regularly with Kushner and projecting his anti-Bannon sentiments. Kushner allies, meanwhile, finger Bannon as responsible for unflattering stories involving the president’s son-in-law, including those focusing on Kushner’s talks with Russians. 
 
 Inside a White House led by a president increasingly hungry to make deals, even with Democrats, Bannon’s dogmatism appears to have weakened him. 
 
 “The West Wing is finally appreciating it’s a democracy, not a dictatorship, but the rules are hard to navigate when there is such a high degree of polarization,” said Richard Hohlt, a longtime Republican consultant who has observed seven different presidents since his arrival in Washington. “It becomes difficult in a democracy if you’re going to be all ideological purity, all the time.” 
 
 Trump’s three oldest children — Donald Jr., Ivanka and Eric — and Kushner have been frustrated by the impression of chaos inside the White House and feel that their father has not always been served well by his senior staff, according to people with knowledge of their sentiments. The Trump heirs are interested in any changes that might help resuscitate the presidency and preserve the family’s name at a time when they are trying to expand the Trump Organization’s portfolio of hotels. 
 
 “The fundamental assessment is that if they want to win the White House in 2020, they’re not going to do it the way they did in 2016, because the family brand would not sustain the collateral damage,” said one well-connected Republican operative, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the president’s family. “It would be so protectionist, nationalist and backward-looking that they’d only be able to build in Oklahoma City or the Ozarks.” 
 
 Bannon has borne at least part of the blame for the administration’s problems governing. He was intimately involved in the entry ban, which was twice blocked in federal court, and the failed health-care push especially hurt him. Trump thought Bannon would be able to bring along the House Freedom Caucus — a group of hard-line anti-establishment conservatives — but they helped tank the bill to scale back the Affordable Care Act. 
 
 Reince Priebus, the often-embattled chief of staff, is among the aides who feel growing pressure from the president to show that the administration can govern. Priebus has been telling confidants, “I’m not going to have a Memorial Day where the number one headline is ‘Republicans can’t produce a budget’ when everyone else in America can,” according to multiple people with knowledge of his plea. 
 
 For Trump, one bright spot was the decision to launch 59 missiles in Syria last week. The president was pleased with the process, overseen by national security adviser H.R. McMaster, that brought together his war cabinet and corralled its expertise in a way that resembled a more traditional White House. 
 
 “He’s in the best place that I’ve seen him since the inauguration,” Barrack said. “He’s confident. He thinks he’s found the groove, and with his team too. . . . He looks great. His energy level is off the map. And I think he now feels the commander in chief role.” 
 
 Damian Paletta contributed to this report. ||||| Attorney General Jeff Sessions Jefferson (Jeff) Beauregard SessionsThousands gather in DC to protest Trump immigration policies Conservative talk-show host Hugh Hewitt announces end of his MSNBC show Trump to appoint White House lawyer as next DEA chief: report MORE said Wednesday he admires White House chief strategist Stephen Bannon amid reported tension among senior White House aides. 
 
 “I’m an admirer of Steve Bannon and the Trump family,” Sessions said during an interview with conservative radio host Laura Ingraham. 
 
 "They’ve been supportive of what we’re doing. I’ve not felt any pushback on anything I’ve done or advocated," he added. 
 
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 Sessions' remarks come one day after President Trump declined to voice full confidence in Bannon during an interview. 
 
 “I like Steve, but you have to remember he was not involved in my campaign until very late,” Trump told the New York Post, referencing Bannon’s stint as chief executive of his 2016 presidential campaign. 
 
 Trump also confirmed reports that he demanded top administration aides resolve their differences last week. 
 
 “Steve is a good guy, but I told them to straighten it out or I will,” he told the Post. 
 
 Multiple reports in recent days have portrayed a White House plagued by infighting between Bannon and senior adviser Jared Kushner, who is Trump's son-in-law and a top adviser. 
 
 Trump removed Bannon from the National Security Council last week amid speculation about the aide's influence in the White House. Many had criticized Bannon's inclusion on the council's principals committee, arguing it politicized the group. 
 
 Sessions said Wednesday the entire White House is united on Trump’s goals for curbing illegal immigration. 
 
 “[Trump’s] still insisting we’re going to build this wall and he’s not backing down from it,” he said. 
 
 “And I believe everybody, virtually both parties, believes we should end the illegality at the border and get it fixed,” Sessions added. 
 
 “We’re carrying out his agenda and I think that’s shared throughout the White House. I don’t think anybody will object to that."
– President Trump's brief but chilly comments to the New York Post about Steve Bannon had the media scrambling to find sources willing to weigh in on one big question: Is Bannon in or out? The Washington Post spoke with 21 of the president's "aides, confidants, and allies" in a quest to answer that question. Here's what it and other media outlets are learning and speculating: First, know that Trump added more fuel to the fire later Wednesday with a second set of brief comments about Bannon, this time during a wide-ranging Wall Street Journal interview. An excerpt: "I'm my own strategist. ... I’m just saying that [Mr. Bannon] is a guy who works for me, he's a good guy. But, I make my own decision." Though it calls him a "marked man," the Post hesitates to establish a firm position, allowing that "for now, at least, Bannon may survive the turmoil." But it has two quotes that suggest otherwise: In one, an unnamed friend uses the metaphor of a dying relative being transitioned to hospice in describing Bannon. And there's this from Newt Gingrich: "Bannon is a brilliant pirate ... but White Houses, in the end, are like the US Navy ... very hard on pirates." The Post also suggests the Bannon-Jared Kushner friction may extend beyond Kushner. It calls out Ivanka, Eric, and Donald Trump Jr. as being bothered by what they see as an appearance of turmoil that could prove detrimental to their legacy and quest to expand Trump-brand hotels. Though the New York Times reports that Bannon allies (who are major Trump donors) have been holing up in recent days and imagining a path forward for Bannon should he exit, it cites a well-placed source as saying no change is imminent. And Bannon does have allies: One of them, Jeff Sessions, went to bat for him Wednesday in an interview with Laura Ingraham, per the Hill: "I'm an admirer of Steve Bannon," he said. At FiveThirtyEight, Perry Bacon Jr. advises us to "watch not for the decline of Bannon, but for the decline of Bannonism," which Bacon names as one of the four ideological styles espoused by those near Trump. He writes that knowing who might replace Bannon would be the biggest clue, and explains the difference between Gary Cohn or Stephen Miller stepping up. At CNN, Gregory Krieg offers up a sort of answer to Bacon's question, writing the "emerging wisdom" is that Cohn and Kushner will be in and Miller will be out. Krieg largely waves off fears that losing Bannon would mean losing his core supporters, writing Bannon "does not represent the 'silent majority' that turned the 2016 election ... [with] its uniform disdain for the political and cultural establishment. Trump does."