As election day looms, Latino leaders are canvassing immigrant neighborhoods in swing states to make sure Latinos are aware of their potential impact. (Reuters) 
 
 Five undocumented domestic workers, all named Maria, fanned out across Little Havana delivering a desperate, last-minute plea to Hispanic voters: We can’t vote, but you can. Vote early to ensure a President Trump does not deport us. 
 
 In Hialeah, a traditional stronghold for Cuban American Republicans, backers of Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton drove a colorful, Colombian-style chiva party bus with bongo drums and rumba dancers handing out Cuban pastries and “Hispanics for Hillary” signs. 
 
 And in ritzy Coral Gables, Maria Ballaster, a 60-year-old Cuban American who has always voted Republican reflected on why she had just split her ballot — sticking with her party’s nominee for the U.S. Senate, Marco Rubio, while casting a vote for Clinton. 
 
 “I trust Rubio, but I don’t trust Mr. Crazy,” Ballaster said. 
 
 Here in Florida and across the country, there are early indications that Hispanics have mobilized for this election like no other in U.S. history. Activist groups and Clinton allies, motivated largely by a deepening fear of Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, are deploying new voter outreach strategies and hoping to take advantage of growth in the Latino electorate. 
 
 In Nevada, thousands of voters lined up outside an early-voting site at a Latino market Friday night, prompting voting hours to be extended at the end of what has been a record-breaking early-voting surge in the state. Turnout was so high in Clark County, home to Las Vegas, that Democrats enter Tuesday with an advantage similar to the one they held there four years ago when President Obama won Nevada by seven points. 
 
 Similarly heavy early-voting turnout among Hispanics in Colorado and Arizona has given Democrats hope in those battleground states, too. 
 
 Early voting is not necessarily an indication of final results, given that those who have turned out so far are highly motivated and that the election will be decided by the millions more who cast ballots Tuesday. Some analysts say it is possible that Latino early voting will draw from Election Day turnout rates. 
 
 Nonetheless, the increase has taken place even in states such as Texas, where Democrats have not focused on galvanizing voters. The spike appears to be the result of the rising number of Hispanic voters and the increasingly aggressive efforts to organize what has long been considered a potent voting bloc whose numbers have never lived up to their potential. Adding to the fervor is widespread anger at Trump’s incendiary rhetoric about Hispanics and Mexico, suggesting that Clinton could outperform Obama’s 71 percent share of the Hispanic vote from 2012. 
 
 “Trump has built a wall, indeed,” said Fernand Amandi, a Democratic pollster who specializes in Latino voters. “And it is a new firewall for Democrats.” 
 
 Experts who closely track Hispanic voters caution that the turnout numbers so far seem to reflect anticipated growth rates expected to continue into the 2030s. “This year’s historic turnout in some respects is not unusual,” said Mark Lopez, Pew Research Center’s director of Hispanic research. 
 
 About 11.2 million Hispanics voted in 2012, representing just less than 50 percent of all eligible Latino voters. Since then, the number of eligible Hispanics has jumped by about 4 million voters, which is on par with the overall growth rates of the Hispanic population, according to Pew. 
 
 As the presidential race tightens, Democrats are going after voters in the Republican stronghold of Georgia. In Gwinnett County, a rising number of minorities could be changing the political landscape. (Alice Li/The Washington Post) 
 
 In Colorado, the steady growth of the Latino vote has fueled a narrow edge for Democrats. Obama’s campaign registered thousands of Hispanics there in 2008 and 2012, and many more have been registered by Clinton’s campaign and that of her Democratic primary rival, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, and groups such as the Colorado Immigrant Rights Coalition. 
 
 In every part of the state, Democrats have found Latino voters who have not been active in recent elections or had voted for more moderate Republicans. Damian Alcazar, 46, was registered with the Republican Party and had backed the 2008 presidential bid of Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.). But by Friday night, when he stopped by a GOP get-out-the-vote rally in Aurora, he had already cast a ballot for Clinton. 
 
 “Trump’s way too risky,” he said. 
 
 In Colorado Springs, the center of the state’s largest Republican stronghold, Democrats were targeting and turning out Latinos. Over lunch at El Ranchito 2, a supermarket and restaurant, an entirely Latino clientele was divided between those who could not vote and those who had already voted for Clinton. 
 
 “The Democrats sent me mail, but I didn’t really need it,” said Jaime Valdez, 70. “I was going to vote for Hillary.” 
 
 
 
 Resident Valentina Perez, 73, gets a visit from Maria Bilbao, 50, and her son Thomas Kennedy, 25, in Miami’s Little Havana neighborhood as they canvass for Clinton on Friday. (Angel Valentin/For The Washington Post) 
 
 In Florida, early-voting data suggests that Hispanics are emerging as a larger force in the state’s electorate — and that many Latinos are participating for the first time. 
 
 The Hispanic share of overall early voters is sharply higher this year, reaching about 15 percent from about 10 percent at this stage four years ago, according to an analysis by University of Florida political scientist Daniel A. Smith. Another examination of the numbers, by Democratic strategist Steve Schale, found that more than half of the Hispanics who have voted so far have either never voted before or voted only once previously. 
 
 The diversity of the state’s Hispanic electorate has long presented a challenge for campaigns in both parties. Cuban Americans, particularly in Miami, have been Republican stalwarts, though younger generations have been trending toward the Democrats. People with roots in Central America and Mexico have favored the Democrats historically. In the past, Republicans have made some inroads with the hundreds of thousands of Puerto Ricans who have settled largely around Orlando and have been a swing bloc. 
 
 Overall, the polls in Florida are tight. The Trump campaign and its allies have been working to mobilize voters in the state’s more rural and conservative areas. Trump and his backers have also predicted that many Hispanics will turn out for him Tuesday. 
 
 “I don’t believe the polls,” said Nelson Diaz, the Miami-Dade County GOP chairman. “There’s been an incredible intensity for Trump and long lines in our Hispanic Republican precincts. There’s a big misunderstanding of what’s happening. There’s a silent majority and first-time voters that the polls aren’t capturing, and I think he’s going to end up doing well here.” 
 
 On Saturday, the Democrats’ efforts to court Cuban Americans was on display in Hialeah, the heart of the exile community. In addition to the chiva bus, Clinton allies parked a van blasting hip-hop and reggaeton music. They also handed out guava pastries from a tent. Waiting for them were a group of Trump supporters who started yelling, “Lock her up!” 
 
 The Democrats started shouting back, comparing the GOP presidential nominee to the reviled Cuban dictator: “Castro, no! Trump tampoco!” They also chanted another Spanish phrase that suggested Trump and Castro were funded by the Russians. 
 
 
 
 Clinton supporters rally in Miami. (Angel Valentin/For The Washington Post) 
 
 Across Miami-Dade County, Hispanics seemed to be heavily favoring Clinton. 
 
 Marilyn Ralat-Albernas considered the stakes in the election so high for her Hispanic community that she took a month off work to volunteer for Clinton. 
 
 Ralat-Albernas, a 62-year-old registered nurse of Puerto Rican descent, said she has spent days knocking on doors, canvassing neighborhoods, attesting to the benefits of the Affordable Care Act and proclaiming the threat posed by Trump to millions of undocumented immigrants. 
 
 “When he insulted Mexicans, he was insulting all of us,” said Ralat-Albernas, referring to Trump’s description of Mexican immigrants as rapists. “He doesn’t understand our culture. We need to come together and show him that our community is powerful.” 
 
 In Florida, a network of immigrant rights organizations, unions and leftist nonprofits aligned to bring out the vote for more than a year, according to Maria Rodriguez, executive director of the Florida Immigrant Coalition. 
 
 In the past year, they knocked on 1 million doors of low- and mid-propensity voters throughout the state, nearly 60 percent of whom were Latino. In the trendy Miami Modern District, they handed out cups of Cuban coffee near a mural depicting Trump as a flying pig, to attract young Latinos to vote; they invested in ads on salsa radio stations on Pandora that encouraged listeners to vote early. They scoured areas with large Central American populations to interact with Honduran and Nicaraguan voters who are not typically targeted. 
 
 The community seemed ready to engage, according to Monica Russo, executive vice president of the local Service Employees International Union. Those voters who answered the doors were already concerned with raising the federal minimum wage and immigration reform. By the time Trump captured the Republican Party’s nomination, Russo said these voters were already inspired to make a difference. 
 
 “Folks don’t seem afraid,” Russo said. “They seemed determined.” 
 
 Lorella Praeli, the Clinton campaign’s director of Hispanic outreach, said the campaign sought to recruit ambassadors inside communities — the owner of the local bodega or Spanish grocery and the matriarchs and abuelas who might have an affinity for electing the first female president. 
 
 “We look forward to welcoming some of the most influential Latinas in the country as we build our path to la victoria para Hillary,” read one advertisement. “Latinos will shape the future of our país.” 
 
 When Praeli produced the ad, she said some asked why they would publish something in the informal Spanglish. 
 
 “This is a part of our culture,” Praeli said. “It shows that we understand how families speak with one another.” 
 
 One of the most persuasive strategies for Clinton allies has been to send undocumented workers to knock on the doors of potential Hispanic voters to explain the stakes of the election. 
 
 On Friday, Maria Bilbao and her son, Tomas Kennedy, jumped into their old Mercedes with broken air conditioning to explain what a Trump presidency might mean for their family. She was one of the five undocumented Marias canvassing around Little Havana. 
 
 “To be honest, I’m not voting,” said one woman, Maria Figueroa, 56, upon opening her door to see Bilbao and Kennedy. “They are both liars.” 
 
 Kennedy explained that he agreed the candidates were not the best, but one candidate was better than the other. 
 
 “This is my mother, and she is undocumented,” Kennedy told her. Their family moved from Argentina in 2001, when its economy was collapsing. They were told the wait list to move legally lasted 17 years. Kennedy received a reprieve through the Obama administration’s decision to shield from deportation many people who came to the country as young children. His mother is still at risk. 
 
 “If Trump is elected, we don’t know what he will do,” Kennedy continued. “He’s going to pull our family apart.” 
 
 “He is crazy,” Bilbao added, circling one finger around her ear. 
 
 Figueroa finally agreed she would vote. She wrote down the address for her polling place. 
 
 “It’s true,” Figueroa said, “he cannot be a president.” 
 
 As the sun beat down that afternoon, the Marias stood on the sidewalk and traded stories of their interactions with voters. 
 
 “I told her I cannot vote, but this country needs you to vote,” Maria Lima said, recalling another woman she persuaded. “Our dreams of better life rest on you.” 
 
 She lifted her sunglasses to wipe the moisture from her face. It was a mixture of sweat and tears. 
 
 David Weigel in Colorado and Ed O’Keefe in Washington contributed to this report. ||||| Technically Incorrect offers a slightly twisted take on the tech that's taken over our lives. 
 
 Enlarge Image CBS News/YouTube screenshot by Chris Matyszczyk/CNET 
 
 He was the man who insisted that his superior tweeting was one of his greatest advantages. 
 
 Now, if the New York Times is to be believed, Donald Trump is no longer allowed to write his own tweets. Instead, said the Times report, his campaign makes him dictate them. 
 
 President Obama is clearly a Times reader. (Well, of course he is.) 
 
 "Apparently, his campaign has taken away his Twitter," the president said, speaking in Kissimmee, Florida. "In the last two days, they had so little confidence in his self-control, that they said, "We're just going to take away your Twitter." 
 
 I feel sure this cannot be true. 
 
 I feel sure his campaign managers said to him: "Please, Mr. Trump. If you let us do your tweeting for you, we'll buy you some more KFC." There had to be some sort of deal here. Deals are Trump's lifeblood. 
 
 Now playing: Watch this: Obama pokes fun at Trump for losing Twitter control 
 
 Still, the president drew a conclusion from all this: "Now, if somebody can't handle a Twitter account, they can't handle the nuclear codes." 
 
 He didn't stop there. 
 
 "If somebody starts tweeting at 3 in the morning because SNL made fun of you, then you can't handle the nuclear codes," said the president. 
 
 This refers to Trump angrily tweeting that SNL should be retired because it was boring. 
 
 I'm not sure that presidents should write their own tweets anyway. President Obama's own tweets read as if several fine PR fingers have stroked each letter. 
 
 Laughing at Trump, though, isn't something the Republican nominee appreciates. Thus far, his Twitter account has revealed no reaction. 
 
 The Trump campaign didn't immediately respond to a request for comment. 
 
 I wonder who will be laughing in the early hours of Wednesday morning. And who will be tweeting. ||||| FILE - In this Nov. 3, 2016, photo, a crowd listens to early speakers at the University of North Florida Arena in Jacksonville, Fla., Thursday, Nov. 3, 2016, as they wait for President Barack Obama to... (Associated Press) 
 
 FILE - In this Nov. 3, 2016, photo, a crowd listens to early speakers at the University of North Florida Arena in Jacksonville, Fla., Thursday, Nov. 3, 2016, as they wait for President Barack Obama to speak at a campaign rally for Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. Did Donald Trump succeed... (Associated Press) 
 
 ATLANTA (AP) — Did Donald Trump succeed in at last winning over college-educated whites uneasy with the billionaire reality TV star? Did he drive a wave of working-class white voters? Did Hillary Clinton rebuild Barack Obama's winning coalition — young voters, urban liberals and minorities — while picking off moderate Republicans? 
 
 Those questions are central to who will win Tuesday's presidential election, and a handful of locales could provide some early answers on election night. 
 
 The Associated Press has identified 10 counties seen as bellwethers for the Trump and Clinton strategies. All come from battleground states in the eastern time zone, where polls close the earliest. Their importance was determined from conversations with Republicans and Democrats, as well as AP's own analysis. 
 
 A look at the 10 counties: 
 
 FLORIDA: In 2012, Obama won by about 74,000 votes (0.9 percentage points): 
 
 DUVAL 
 
 This Republican-leaning county, home to Jacksonville, has a solid white majority and sizable black minority, making it look more like the Deep South than south Florida. So a movement in Trump's favor would mean returns closer to 2004, when George W. Bush won by 60,000 votes, than 2012, when Mitt Romney finished just 16,000 ahead of Obama. 
 
 HILLSBOROUGH 
 
 Bush and Obama each won Hillsborough (Tampa) twice, and both are two-term presidents. What makes Hillsborough stand out in 2016 is a growing Mexican-American population. There are already signs that Trump's hard-line immigration stance is driving up the Hispanic vote: A quarter of the Hispanics who cast ballots in the opening days of early voting hadn't voted at all in 2012. An expanded electorate (543,000 voted here in 2012) that is less white would benefit Clinton. 
 
 MIAMI-DADE 
 
 In Florida's most populous county, older Cuban-Americans fuel Republicans (333,000 votes in 2012), while younger Cuban-Americans, other Hispanics and black voters drive Democratic totals (541,000 in 2012). 
 
 If Clinton lags Obama's vote totals with black voters, it could show up here. Trump, meanwhile, could struggle to match the usual Republican performance among Cuban-Americans. Watch for whether Trump's Miami-Dade vote totals lag far behind those of Sen. Marco Rubio, a favorite among his fellow Cuban-Americans. 
 
 ___ 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA: In 2012, Obama lost by 92,000 votes (2 percentage points): 
 
 NEW HANOVER 
 
 Registered Republicans and Democrats are split almost evenly in Wilmington and surrounding New Hanover County, while independents have risen by 10,000 voters since 2012 to outnumber both parties. Obama lost here by 1.5 percentage points in 2008 and slipped to a 4.5 percentage point deficit in 2012. The margin Tuesday could signal how independents are breaking statewide and beyond North Carolina. 
 
 WAKE 
 
 In the state's most populous county, the ranks of voters with no party affiliation have grown by almost 50,000 or 24 percent since 2012, while Republican and Democratic registrations have remained roughly level. How those new voters break in a county Obama won by 56,000 votes (11 points) will help determine the statewide outcome and could portend the leanings of urban independents elsewhere. 
 
 WATAUGA 
 
 This is one of the few nearly all-white counties in the country that split on Obama's two elections. He won by 4 percentage points in 2008, but his vote totals slipped 13 percent in 2012, resulting in a 3-point loss. 
 
 Appalachian State University in Boone anchors the population, which is more educated than the broader North Carolina electorate and includes thousands of students — key Clinton targets. Beyond campus, Watauga has lower income averages and a higher poverty rate, offering Trump an opening. 
 
 ___ 
 
 OHIO: In 2012, Obama won by 166,000 votes (3 percentage points) 
 
 BELMONT 
 
 This is one of three Ohio River counties Obama won in 2008 but lost in 2012. The county is more than 90 percent white. Fewer voters are college-educated than in the general population and median incomes are lower than the national marks — all factors that play to Trump's strengths. He won here easily in the Republican primary, trouncing home-state Gov. John Kasich. 
 
 Obama's vote slipped 13 percent to about 14,000 here in his re-election campaign, while the Republican total climbed 8 percent to almost 17,000. Those totals alone won't flip Ohio to the Republican column, but an uptick for Trump in Belmont could herald gains in similar-profile counties across the state, which has a higher proportion of working-class whites than other battlegrounds. 
 
 HAMILTON 
 
 This diverse county, home to Cincinnati, has pockets of everything both candidates are looking for. The city has a large black population. The surrounding areas have college-educated independent and Republican whites Clinton wants, along with working-class whites likely to back Trump. Obama got 225,000 and 220,000 votes here, winning each time by about 6 percentage points. A tighter margin would bode well for Trump. 
 
 ___ 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA: Obama won in 2012 by 310,000 votes (5.4 percentage points): 
 
 CHESTER 
 
 Obama lost by 0.2 percentage points in 2012, the only metro Philadelphia county he lost after sweeping the metro area in 2008. The Chester population is overwhelmingly white, almost half have college degrees and median income exceeds the national mark. All that makes this county a prime indicator of how Trump is faring among suburban voters who typically back Republicans but are skeptical about Trump. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 In Obama's re-election, his margin in Philadelphia County was much wider than his statewide margin. As rural and small-town counties trend more Republican, the pressure will be on Clinton to replicate that roughly 6-to-1 cushion approaching a 500,000-vote advantage. 
 
 ___ 
 
 Follow Barrow on Twitter at https://twitter.com/BillBarrowAP. ||||| Hispanic voters could be poised to deliver a historic rebuke to Donald Trump and the Republican Party. 
 
 Early-vote statistics from battleground states with large Hispanic populations show record turnout among a bloc that has voted at a lower rate than whites or blacks in past elections. If, as some polls suggest, Hispanic voters are supporting Hillary Clinton by blowout margins, these numbers could sink Trump in a handful of states that are essential to his path to 270 electoral votes. 
 
 Story Continued Below 
 
 In Nevada, Latino turnout propelled Democrats in Clark County — the population center that's home to Las Vegas — to a record-breaking close on Friday, driving up the Democratic lead in early ballots cast to 72,000. That's enough, according to veteran Nevada political analyst Jon Ralston, to essentially tie a bow on the state for Clinton. 
 
 Four years earlier, when President Barack Obama won the state by 7 points, Democrats led Clark County in ballots cast by 71,000 at the end of early voting in 2012. 
 
 State GOP Chairman Michael McDonald responded to the sudden electoral tremors Saturday by suggesting there were shady dealings behind the surge, referring to “a certain group.” 
 
 “Last night, in Clark County, they kept a poll open till 10 o’clock at night so a certain group could vote,” said McDonald at a Trump rally in Reno. “It wasn’t in an area that normally has high transition. The polls are supposed to close at 7. This was kept open till 10. Yeah, you feel free right now? Think this is a free or easy election?” 
 
 In his speech following those remarks, Trump suggested there might be wrongdoing at "certain key Democratic polling locations in Clark County." 
 
 "Folks, it's a rigged system. It's a rigged system. And we're going to beat it," he said. 
 
 In Florida, which tracks turnout by race and ethnicity, Hispanics have so far cast about 14 percent of the 5.7 million early and absentee ballots cast. That puts Hispanics far ahead of where they were in casting early ballots relative to 2012. 
 
 That follows Florida Democratic strategist Steve Schale's analysis, which notes that, through Wednesday alone, Hispanic turnout in 2016 had already exceeded — by 170,000 ballots — Hispanic early voting in the entire 2012 cycle. And Schale noted that many of them are first-time voters, who Democrats see as crucial targets in the early-voting period. 
 
 Similar signs suggest Democrats are seeing robust Hispanic turnout in Arizona as well. And even Texas, considered out of reach for Democrats, is seeing a surge across the state's most populous counties. 
 
 Latino turnout has historically lagged that of most other races and ethnicities — even among those eligible to cast ballots. In 2012, 62 percent of all U.S. citizens voted in the presidential election — but only 48 percent of Hispanic citizens did. Meanwhile, higher percentages of white citizens (62 percent) and black citizens (66 percent) participated. 
 
 Those numbers varied by state. In Florida, Hispanic turnout was actually a point higher than turnout overall. But in Nevada, Latino turnout lagged the overall turnout rate by 6 points, and in Colorado, Hispanic turnout was about 18 points lower than overall turnout. 
 
 These turnout rates are why the Hispanic vote is frequently described as a “sleeping giant” — a giant that Clinton’s campaign and the Democrats are trying to awaken by highlighting Trump’s immigration policies and inflammatory statements about Mexicans in the hopes of driving higher turnout than in past election years. 
 
 For Republicans, a landslide defeat among Hispanics would serve as a repudiation of the party’s efforts to improve its performance among those voters in the wake of Mitt Romney’s resounding defeat among this growing cohort four years ago. 
 
 Still, there are meaningful reasons to believe many public polls aren’t capturing the Hispanic vote accurately. The national polling of Hispanics is erratic, with some polls suggesting that Trump is holding his own among Latino voters, and others portending a wave of Hispanics looming to defeat Trump and haunt the GOP for elections to come. 
 
 Latinos are much harder to reach than any other racial or ethnic group that makes up a significant share of the electorate, which makes them a challenge for pollsters. And with the landscape flooded by cheaper, lower-quality polls, the risk that pollsters are missing large numbers of Hispanic voters — or that the Latinos they are reaching are not fully representative — is substantial. 
 
 And if Trump’s candidacy leads to a spike in Latino turnout, will the polls capture it? How accurately are they portraying Hispanics and their voting intentions going into Election Day? 
 
 The current range of the Hispanic vote breakdown in national polls underscores the difficulty in capturing the right mix of Latino voters. 
 
 Clinton’s leads in national polls among Hispanics range from just 15 points — which would represent a dramatic decline from 2012, when exit polls suggested Obama won Hispanics 71 percent to 27 percent — to a 55-point lead in one poll that would represent a historic margin. 
 
 Variances between polls among such a small subgroup are common; Hispanics are expected to make up, at most, 1 in 10 voters nationally. But the wide disparity in these polls also reflects particular challenges in polling Latinos. 
 
 Hispanics are far more likely not to have landline phones than whites and blacks. According to the most recent data from the National Center for Health Statistics — the branch of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that tracks this data — more than 60 percent of Hispanic adults in the U.S. live in households with only a wireless phone, compared to 44 percent of whites and 48.5 percent of blacks. 
 
 Higher-quality polls make efforts to reach cellphone respondents, but many of the state polls this year have been mostly or entirely conducted via landline phone. 
 
 And, pollsters say, the Hispanics with landlines are different than those without. They are more likely to be lower-income and less assimilated. So polling mostly Hispanics with landlines misses those voters. 
 
 “You have to be doing cellphones, and a lot of them, because that’s a different group,” said Marist College pollster Lee Miringoff. 
 
 Similarly, online polls reflect only a segment of the Hispanic population: the 84 percent that have internet access, a lower percentage than whites. 
 
 Perhaps the most significant challenge for phone polling is language. Most of the high-quality polls employ bilingual interviews, but few others take on that extra expense — and there’s evidence that those that do not are overestimating Trump’s vote share among Latinos. 
 
 A Pew Research Center poll back in June showed that English-dominant Latinos were split relatively evenly: 48 percent for Clinton, and 41 percent for Trump. But Latino registered voters who are more proficient in Spanish or proficient in both Spanish and English were overwhelmingly for Clinton: 80 percent to 11 percent. 
 
 Nolan McCaskill in Reno, Nev., Marc Caputo in Miami and Kyle Cheney contributed to this report. ||||| Hillary Clinton Hillary Rodham ClintonReport: New national security adviser breaks with Trump on 'radical Islamic terrorism' EPA head previously used private email for government business Arkansas lawmaker proposes bill that would remove Clinton name from airport: report MORE backers are bullish about their chances for victory on Tuesday after another surprise from the FBI — this time in the Democratic presidential nominee’s favor. 
 
 FBI Director James Comey’s Sunday letter to Congress said recently discovered emails had not changed his conclusion that Clinton should not face criminal charges for her use of a private email address and server while secretary of State. 
 
 The letter comes on top of promising early-vote data for Democrats, particularly in Nevada, where Hispanic voters appeared to be flocking to the polls. Clinton’s standing in opinion polls has also stabilized in the past couple of days. 
 
 “She’s got it,” one close friend of the Democratic nominee told The Hill in the immediate aftermath of Comey's announcement, predicting that Clinton would win between 310 and 320 votes in the Electoral College. The number required to win the presidency is 270. 
 
 Others expressed their views in even more colorful ways. Reached by text by The Hill, one Clinton aide replied to a question about how he was feeling by sending a celebratory emoji. 
 
 The FBI letter delivered a jolt of momentum for Democrats after a difficult stretch since Oct. 28, when Comey shocked the political world with news his agents were looking at new emails. 
 
 Polls had already been tightening before Comey’s first surprise, raising worries among Democrats that a race that had seemed to be in the bag could be lost after all. 
 
 Two widely respected national polls released Sunday, from ABC News/Washington Post and NBC News/Wall Street Journal, also gave reason for optimism to the Clinton camp. 
 
 They indicated that the Democratic nominee was leading Trump by 5 points and 4 points, respectively. 
 
 “While recognizing that [Clinton] is not yet in the end zone, I would say it is first down and goal to go,” said Chris Lehane, a Democratic strategist who served in President Bill Clinton Bill ClintonTom Perez embodies the Democratic Party. This is why he should lead it. Hillary Clinton rallies DNC members in video message Obama draws crowd, cheers in NYC MORE’s White House. 
 
 Pro-Trump Republicans believe they will prevail on Tuesday night. 
 
 Trump, sprinting around a number of battleground states including Iowa, Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Virginia on Sunday, continued to exude confidence, insisting that his campaign would upset the experts. 
 
 During a stop in Minneapolis, Trump said his opponent’s strategists are belatedly realizing that they are in trouble. 
 
 “They know better than anybody this is a whole different ball game,” he said. “They don’t know about us, folks. We know how to win. They don’t know how to win.” 
 
 Republicans have also pointed to Clinton’s decision to spend time in Michigan, a state thought to be safely in her column, as evidence that the Democrats are nervous. 
 
 Clinton’s husband campaigned in the state on Sunday, while Clinton will visit on Monday, having been in Detroit on Friday. 
 
 At his rally in Minnesota, Trump implored the crowd not to let him down by failing to deliver victory in the state. 
 
 Minnesota last backed a Republican for president in 1972. If Trump were able to flip its 10 electoral votes, however, it would give him a significant boost. It would also augur very well for his chances in a swath of Midwestern and Rust Belt states including Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio and Pennsylvania. 
 
 Reflecting the fluidity of the race, Trump was continuing to perform strongly in some national polls as well. He was up by 1 point over Clinton in an IBB/TIPP tracking poll released Sunday and just 1 point adrift in a McClatchy/Marist poll. 
 
 Democrats believe that Clinton’s get out the vote operation is superior to Trump’s and will pay dividends on Election Day. But conservatives counter that there could yet be a “hidden” Trump vote, meaning supporters who are reluctant to tell pollsters they are backing the controversial businessman turn up to cast their ballots. 
 
 The other question is how the new Comey letter might affect the closing hours of the race. 
 
 Clinton aides have taken a muted approach so far, with communications director Jennifer Palmieri telling reporters simply that the campaign was “glad this matter is resolved.” 
 
 Outside groups aligned with Clinton have taken a more muscular approach. Brad Woodhouse, the director of the pro-Clinton group Correct The Record, said in a statement that Comey’s announcement “makes clear that Donald Trump Donald TrumpMuhammad Ali Jr. detained by immigration at Florida airport Two progressive activists were behind Trump Russian flag prank at CPAC Tom Perez embodies the Democratic Party. This is why he should lead it. MORE’s closing argument is a complete fraud.” 
 
 Trump did not make direct reference to the new letter in his first campaign stop after it emerged, but he did assail Clinton as “the most corrupt person ever to seek the presidency of the United States.” 
 
 During an interview with MSNBC’s Steve Kornacki, Trump campaign manager Kellyanne Conway also argued that the latest Comey letter would do nothing to change the widespread distrust of Clinton that shows up in many opinion polls. 
 
 “The reason that so many Americans have a problem with Hillary Clinton’s honesty and trustworthiness and veracity does not change,” Conway insisted. ||||| NEW YORK (Reuters) - The raucous, passionate and unpredictable 2016 U.S. presidential election is on track to notch another distinction: the most wagered-upon political event ever. 
 
 U.S. presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump (R) speak at campaign rallies in Westbury, New York, U.S., September 26, 2016 and Toledo, Ohio, U.S. September 21, 2016 in a combination of file photos. REUTERS/Carlos Barria/Jonathan Ernst/Files 
 
 With many opinion polls showing a tight race just one day before Tuesday’s election, record numbers of bettors are pouring millions into online platforms from Ireland to Iowa in the hope of capturing a financial windfall from a victory by Democrat Hillary Clinton or Republican Donald Trump. 
 
 UK-based internet betting exchange Betfair said on Sunday its “Next President” market was set to become the most traded it had ever seen and expected to surpass even Brexit, the contentious UK referendum to leave the European Union. 
 
 By Sunday, roughly $130 million had been traded on who will become the next U.S. president, compared with $159 million on the Brexit referendum, Betfair spokeswoman Naomi Totten said. The amount bet so far on the 2016 contest dwarfs the roughly $50 million laid on the 2012 race. 
 
 “We think it is because (of) how raw the Brexit (vote) is in people’s minds - they’re not convinced yet that it’s a done deal,” Totten said. 
 
 Most polls leading into Britain’s June 23 referendum predicted Britons would choose to remain in the EU. Instead, they voted to leave by a 52 percent to 48 percent margin. 
 
 Betfair’s “Next President” market was by far the largest of more than 70 markets on the site related to the U.S. election. As of Friday, some $140 million has been put into play on markets ranging from who will win the popular vote to how many states each party will carry. 
 
 On Ireland’s Paddy Power, which merged with Betfair earlier this year, the U.S. presidential election “is definitely on course to be the biggest political event,” said spokesman Féilim Mac An Iomaire. The site has had about $4.38 million bet on the race so far. 
 
 For Paddy Power, sporting events remain the site’s “bread and butter,” with politics more of a “niche market,” Mac An Iomaire said. Nonetheless, he expects the 2016 race to be among the top 10-most-traded events on the site. 
 
 Even people with no knowledge of politics know who Trump is, said Mac An Iomaire said, explaining the runaway popularity of the U.S. election in betting markets. “Trump is such a huge celebrity.” 
 
 Ladbrokes, a UK-based gambling company, said about 5 million pounds, or a little over $6 million, had been bet on the 2016 presidential election since its markets on the race opened four years ago. A Ladbrokes spokesman said that amount was “at least double” the amount wagered on the 2012 election. 
 
 The three sites all reported an 83 percent probability of a Clinton victory on Tuesday. Her probability shot up a few percentage points on Sunday after the FBI stood by its earlier recommendation that no criminal charges were warranted against Clinton in her use of a private email server. 
 
 BACK IN THE USA 
 
 The vast majority of big-dollar political betting occurs outside America. Wagering on elections in the United States is limited by law to relatively small trading platforms connected to universities, which use data from the markets for academic research. 
 
 Still, the sites are abuzz with activity as the election nears, albeit in small amounts. 
 
 On PredictIt, launched in 2014 and jointly run by Victoria University in Wellington, New Zealand, and Washington, D.C.-based political consulting firm Aristotle International Inc, the five most-active markets all related to the presidential election. 
 
 PredictIt is not legally permitted to disclose the amount of money traded, but its top three markets have all reached the maximum number of participants. 
 
 Trading on the older Iowa Electronic Markets, launched by the University of Iowa in 1988, has also been brisk, although a spokeswoman said she could not say if 2016 was seeing substantially more volume than in 2012, when President Barack Obama won re-election against Republican Mitt Romney. 
 
 The latest Reuters/Ipsos poll showed Clinton with a 5 percentage point lead over Trump in the national survey - 44 percent to 39 percent - while races in the swing states of Florida, North Carolina had shifted from Clinton’s control to being too close to call. 
 
 The PredictIt market gave Clinton an 81 percent probability of winning the White House. IEM’s “Winner Takes All” market showed her with a 71 percent chance . 
 
 ‘SHE WILL WIN IN A LANDSLIDE’ 
 
 Betfair said on Friday that Trump was emerging as the clear favorite among one group of players in particular - Brexit backers. Two-thirds of its customers who had supported a Brexit outcome were also backing Trump on Betfair. 
 
 Paul Krishnamurty, a professional gambler for 15 years who works as an analyst at Betfair and a columnist at Politico, is not one of them. He told Reuters he stood to lose $28,000 if Trump wins on Tuesday. 
 
 Krishnamurty, who said he had earned roughly half a million dollars during his betting career, has laid money on several election-related markets this year. He took a winning position on Trump’s selection of Indiana Governor Mike Pence as his running mate and bet against Jeb Bush during the Republican nominating contests. 
 
 He said he believed Clinton would likely to win both North Carolina and Florida and that a Trump victory was unlikely. 
 
 “I personally believe she will win in a landslide,” Krishnamurty said. ||||| Donald J. Trump is not sleeping much these days. 
 
 Aboard his gold-plated jumbo jet, the Republican nominee does not like to rest or be alone with his thoughts, insisting that aides stay up and keep talking to him. He prefers the soothing, whispery voice of his son-in-law. 
 
 He requires constant assurance that his candidacy is on track. “Look at that crowd!” he exclaimed a few days ago as he flew across Florida, turning to his young press secretary as a TV tuned to Fox News showed images of what he claimed were thousands of people waiting for him on the ground below. 
 
 And he is struggling to suppress his bottomless need for attention. As he stood next to the breakfast buffet at his golf club in Doral, Fla., eyeing a tray of pork sausages, he sought to convey restraint when approached by a reporter for The New York Times. 
 
 “I’m on message,” Mr. Trump asserted, with effort. “I’m not playing around. In fact, I’m a little nervous standing here talking to you even for just a minute.” ||||| As the final, frantic hours of the campaign for control of Congress come to a close, Democrats look like slightly-better-than-even favorites to reclaim the Senate, while Republicans appear certain to hold the House after a Donald Trump-induced October scare. 
 
 If Democrats manage to flip the Senate, senior party aides and strategists involved in battleground races said they’re looking at a majority of 52 seats, best case. That would be a letdown from their earlier hopes of a 54- or 55-seat advantage and put Republicans in the pole position to win back the chamber in 2018. 
 
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 Senate Republicans are conceding nothing, though. The conservative Senate Leadership Fund has poured a jaw-dropping $37 million into the most competitive races over the past two weeks. Republican hopefuls are outperforming Trump and could conceivably prevail in enough of the half-dozen top contests to prevent a Democratic takeover. 
 
 “We are going to keep the majority,” declared Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton, a vice chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee who has barnstormed the country this fall to campaign for GOP lawmakers. “I don’t think the presidential race will be a major factor … [voters] distinguish between the presidential race on the one hand … and the Senate races.” 
 
 Democrats’ confidence is rooted in Hillary Clinton’s narrow edge in national polls, which they believe offsets a late-game injection of uncertainty courtesy of FBI Director James Comey. Democrats need to pick up four seats if Clinton wins, and five if Trump prevails. 
 
 “I have a little heartburn over what Comey did. I think it was bizarre; I wouldn't have ever expected that in a million years,” Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.) said in an interview. But “I just don't see how [Trump] could ever pull this off. And I also feel pretty good about the Senate races.” (The interview occurred before Comey announced Sunday that he's standing by his conclusion that Clinton should not be prosecuted for her handling of classified material.) 
 
 On the House side, meanwhile, most political insiders agree it’s likely to remain safely in Republican hands as the threat of an anti-Trump wave has dissipated. House Republicans privately assert that a number of GOP incumbents once considered to be most at risk of losing — including John Katko and Lee Zeldin of New York, Carlos Curbelo of Florida and Mike Coffman of Colorado — are leading their Democratic challengers. 
 
 Hill Republicans are hoping to keep their losses to under a dozen seats. 
 
 “I feel like we’re in the best shape we could possibly be in, given that it’s a presidential election cycle,” Rep. Steve Stivers (R-Ohio), a deputy chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee who’s expected to take over the organization next year, said in an interview. “I am certain Democrats will not take back the House; it’s not even a possibility.” 
 
 It’s surprising that the race for the Senate is as close as it is, given that Republicans are defending 24 seats, many in blue and purple states, and running with the bombastic Trump atop their ticket. Ironically, they have Trump to thank: As he recovered slightly in the polls the past two weeks, so did Republicans’ dwindling chances of keeping the Senate. 
 
 The New York Times’ Upshot model has Democrats’ chances of winning the chamber at 53 percent, while Nate Silver's FiveThirtyEight says it’s 50-50. Charlie Cook told NBC's Chuck Todd over the weekend he believes Democrats will pick up at least four seats. 
 
 GOP senators are pulling out all the stops to cut through the noise in the presidential race. Sen. Kelly Ayotte (R-N.H.) is aiming to make 50 campaign stops in five days, capped by a 24-hour sprint. Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) is spending the last days of the race sparring with President Barack Obama after running an ad showing the president praising Toomey’s work on gun control. And Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) spent the weekend with House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) on a tour of a state where GOP skepticism of Trump runs deep. 
 
 As many as eight Senate races could go either way. Illinois is the lone safe pickup for Senate Democrats. But sources in both parties privately admit that Democrats are favored to take back the majority given the sheer number of GOP-held states in play. 
 
 Democrats believe that Johnson will fall short in his comeback bid, though they are fretting about former Sen. Evan Bayh (D-Ind.), whose lead in Indiana has evaporated. Republicans wish they had a few more days to prosecute their case against Bayh in what is being cast as a bellwether race. 
 
 “If a Democrat wins there, it’s probably a sign that they’re going to get a big number of seats,” Amy Walter of the Cook Political Report said Sunday on “Face the Nation.” 
 
 Some states are moving Democrats’ way at the last moment. A surge of Latino early voters in Nevada “probably” will lift Democrat Catherine Cortez Masto over Rep. Joe Heck (R-Nev.) in the only state where Republicans are on offense, Nevada political writer Jon Ralston concluded over the weekend. And 10 of the past 12 RealClearPolitics polls give Katie McGinty a lead over Republican incumbent Toomey in Pennsylvania, where Republicans say Toomey’s strong campaign may be swamped by Democrats’ million-voter registration advantage. 
 
 New Hampshire’s race, between Sen. Kelly Ayotte and Democratic Gov. Maggie Hassan, is viewed as the purest toss-up. 
 
 “In a small state with lots of polls in the field simultaneously and voters' phones ringing off the hook, it's difficult to get a representative sample,” said Aaron Jacobs, a spokesman for Hassan, after a rash of polls narrowly favored Ayotte. 
 
 Two conservative states are moving different ways, according to internal party assessments. Republicans have little confidence in Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) pulling it out against young and charismatic Democratic hopeful Jason Kander. 
 
 But Democrats seem less bullish about knocking off Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) than they were two weeks ago. 
 
 Burr's hopes appear directly tied to Trump’s performance in his home state, a must-win for Republicans to take the presidency. 
 
 “There’s no question that Donald Trump has had an enormous amount of momentum. And it’s helping his chances and the senators out there that are running,” Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus said Sunday on ABC’s “This Week.” 
 
 Though Florida is competitive, Republicans are confident that Sen. Marco Rubio’s universal name ID and big money advantage will prevail. But keeping the majority will essentially require Republicans to run the table elsewhere. 
 
 Control of the Senate will be critical for the next administration to confirm its nominees. And the slimmer the House majority next year, the tougher it will be for Ryan to govern the House Republican Conference. 
 
 The conference could lose up to three senior Republicans. Rep. Scott Garrett’s (R-N.J.) refusal to support gay Republican candidates is costing him in his New Jersey district outside New York City. And Republicans are nervous about longtime Reps. John Mica (R-Fla.) and Darrell Issa (R-Calif.). 
 
 Seung Min Kim contributed to this report.
– Donald Trump may have woken up what pollsters call a "sleeping giant"—and it's not planning on voting for him. As the campaigns enter their final day, the Washington Post reports that there are signs that the Latino voter turnout is set to break records, and much of the turnout, especially among first-time voters, is motivated by dislike of Trump. The turnout boost could be enough to swing the vote for Hillary Clinton in states including Nevada and Florida, and Democrats are closely tracking increased turnout in states like Arizona and Texas, Politico reports. In other developments: The New York Times, in a look inside the Trump campaign during its final weeks, reports that after the FBI announced it was investigating new Clinton emails, Trump's advisers finally managed to get him to stop tweeting without their approval. They warned him that he "risked becoming like a wild animal chasing its prey so zealously that it raced over a cliff," insiders say. He now apparently has to dictate his tweets instead of sending them himself. CNET reports that at a rally in Florida Sunday, President Obama mocked Trump for having control of his Twitter account taken away. "Now, if somebody can't handle a Twitter account, they can't handle the nuclear codes," Obama quipped. Reuters reports that this election is on course to attract more gambling dollars than any other political event in history, with most of the betting taking place outside the US. British betting firms say people who bet on Brexit are now betting on a Trump win. The Miami Herald reports that early voting records were shattered in the state Sunday, especially in its two most populous counties. According to the Hill, Clinton supporters smell victory after the FBI's announcement Sunday that its latest review of Clinton emails uncovered no cause for criminal charges. "She's got it," a close friend of Clinton's says, predicting an electoral college victory with 310 to 320 votes, well over the 270 needed. Politico forecasts that the Democrats have a better-than-even chance of gaining a slender majority in the Senate, though the Republicans appear likely to retain control of the House. The AP looks ahead to election night and singles out 10 counties in battleground states where early results will say a lot about whether certain Clinton and Trump strategies worked.