انقلاب شوروی درعقب نشینی
کارگران شوروی و نخبگان کمونیست جدید
.liliy3a2000@yahoo.com
سایمون پیرانی
این کتاب ادله محکمی بر نگاه نزدیکی در ارتبات میان حزب بولشویک و کارگران آرمان خواه دموکراتیک در مسکو و اولین سال های تعیین کننده انقلاب روسیه است .
سیمون پیرانی استفاده شگرف از محلی حزب و بایگانی پلیس مخفی اجازه می دهد تا او را نشان دهد که چگونه رهبری حزب بلشویک سیستماتیک از بین صدای دموکراتیک در کارگاه.
این کتاب قدرتمند با نگاهی از نزدیک و در ارتباط ما بین حزب بلشویک و آرمان های دموکراتیک کارگران آرمان خواه در را در سال های بسیار مهم اولیه از انقلاب روسیه مسکو را بررسی می کند. سیمون پیرانی استفاده شگرف از موقعیت حزب و دسترسی به بایگانی پلیس مخفی به او امکان میدهد تا چگونگی رهبری حزب بلشویک بطور سیستماتیک ، صدای دموکراتیک را در کارگاه اندیشه کارگران را نابود کند. وی نشان میدهد که: حزب ارائه یک «قرارداد اجتماعی" که وعده داده بهبود استانداردهای زندگی در ازای از دست دادن یک صدای سیاسی. توجه نزدیک به واقعیت مادی از دوران بعد از انقلاب و به لحظات شدید مخالفان کارگاه، این کتاب فراتر از رابرت دانیلز کلاسیک می رود وجدان CF انقلاب در تاکید بر اهمیت دندانه مستقل و غیر حزبی فعالین کارگری سوسیالیستی. او به خوانندگان مراقب باشید در مورد پیچیده، چیزی شکننده به نام دموکراسی، کاوش منشأ و مرگ خود در شرایط اقتصادی و سیاسی مملو از تغییر انقلابی
وی را به .
دانلود و گوش دادن به این فایل صوتی . توضیح اینکه در اطاقی که تراب ثالث در پالتاک تدارک دیدند مصاحبه ای با سایمون پیرانی انجلم دادند که این فایل را بعنوان یک سند در اختیار علاقمندان به جنبش کارگری قرار میدهم . امید که مفید افتد !
http://www.socialist-forum.com/audio/Links/simon1.ram
Simon Pirani's The Russian Revolution in Retreat, 1920-24
has someone read Simon Pirani's The Russian Revolution in Retreat, 1920-24 Soviet Workers and the New Communist Elite, published in 2009?
Reviewed in the Socialist Standard
The Russian Revolution in Retreat, 1920-24. Soviet workers and the new communist elite. By Simon Pirani, Routledge, 2008.
One of the consequences of the fall of state capitalism in the USSR at the beginning of the 90s has been the opening up of the archives of the old regime, including those of its secret police. This book is a fascinating study, based on the minutes of meetings of soviets and factory committees as well as police reports, of the fight put up by factory workers in Moscow in the period 1920-24 to defend their interests under, and at times against, the Bolshevik government. Pirani also describes the beginnings of the emergence of members of the Bolshevik Party as a new, privileged elite.
In 1920 and 1921 during the civil war and its immediate aftermath, conditions in Russia were dire. Workers were paid in kind, but the rations often arrived late and were sometimes reduced. This led to protests and strikes, which the Bolshevik government was prepared to accommodate as long as these were purely economic and did not challenge their rule. The government was particularly edgy in 1921 at the time of the Krondstadt Revolt, whose demands for free elections to the soviets and a relaxation of the ban on private trading, had the sympathy of many workers. In fact, in the still not entirely unfree elections, to the local soviets that year members of other parties (Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, anarchists) and non-party militants made gains at the expense of the Bolsheviks. Pirani concentrates on these "non-partyists" who seemed to have been factory militants who wanted to concentrate on economic issues, but with an acute understanding of the balance of forces and what could extracted from the government.
In 1923 the government cracked down on the other parties, including their factory activists, and stopped them carrying out any open activity. Pirani notes that "no non-communist political organization worked openly in Moscow again until the end of the Soviet period". The non-partyists survived a little longer while the Bolsheviks tried to co-opt them into their party. What political opposition there was was confined to dissident Bolsheviks, inside and outside the party, some of whom adopted a pro-working class stand over wages and conditions, but eventually they too were silenced and many of them joined the members of the other parties in the labour camps of Central Asia and Siberia.
Lenin's attitude was typical of the one he had displayed twenty years earlier in his notorious pamphlet What Is To Be Done? : that workers were not to be trusted to know their own best interest; judging this had to be left to an intellectual elite organised as a vanguard party. Pirani summarises part of Lenin's speech to the 11th Bolshevik Party Congress in 1921:
"Lenin argued that the Russian working class could not be regarded as properly proletarian. 'Often when people say 'workers', they think that that means the factory proletariat. It certainly doesn't', he said. The working class that Marx had written about did not exist in Russia, Lenin claimed. 'Wherever you look, those in the factories are not the proletariat, but casual elements of all kinds.'"
Pirani comments that "the practical consequence of this was that political decision-making had to be concentrated in the party". This distinction between the actual working class (who cannot be trusted) and the "proletariat" (organised in a vanguard party who know best) has been inherited by all Leninist groups ever since and used to justify the dictatorship of the party over the working class.
Pirani's book should be read by those who think, or who want to refute, that the state in Russia under the Bolsheviks could ever have been described as "workers". The workers there always had to try to defend their wages and conditions against it, even in the time of Lenin and Trotsky.
Dave B
And;
What the reviewers say …
"Even though Pirani has clear political preferences, they never compromise the soundness of his analysis. Replete with new and often compelling source material, this impressively researched book is a stimulating, nuanced, competent and very readable account of critical political struggles during this important period in Soviet history. Most significantly, it actually has the potential to enhance our understanding of their outcomes. It undoubtedly deserves a wide readership." – Simon Ertz, Stanford University, in Europe-Asia Studies, May 2009
."The greatest contribution ot this sophisticated and penetrating analysis of worker-party relations is, in my view, the extraordinarily detailed way that Pirani has reconstructed debates and events at the grass-roots level. He effectively puts the reader 'in the room' with rank-and-file communists, and – to an unprecedented extent – independent non-party worker and socialist activists, as they doggedly defended the revolution's democratic premise on the shopfloor and in the factory cell. Through skilful writing and his intimate knowledge of his sources, we get a good sense of the emotional energy and urgency with which some workers engaged in the political arena at this critical juncture." – Page Herrlinger in the International Review of Social History, April 2009
"Simon Pirani approaches his topic from a basically Marxist perspective and utilizes as criteria the concepts of participatory democracy and the historical role (in the Marxist sense) that workers seemed to have achieved during the 1917 revolutions. Those who fear that this approach will be too delimiting and open to bias can be reassured. Pirani skilfully navigates the straits of conflicting political convictions as he wields his above-mentioned dual criteria to reveal quite mercilessly how Communist Party leaders and elites imposed hierarchical, bureaucratic, and repressive structures on the workers and the soviets. Even those who do not share the author's enthusiasm for what October 1917 seemed to portend will hardly be disappointed in this incisively sketched portrait of the utter betrayal of 1917's promise." – Michael Melancon, Auburn University, in the American Historical Review, February 2009.
This study brings significant new insights to the subject" and makes a very significant contribution to filling in the 'view from below' of the early stages of the regime's evolution towards a totalitarian dictatorship and of the coalescence of a bureaucratic elite. In particular, it provides a rare, concrete feel for the still vibrant, though increasingly stifled, political life among the various party and non-party oppositions, all of whom defended, albeit within varying limits, the democratic and egalitarian aspirations of the October Revolution." – David Mandel in Critique, May 2009.
"Pirani adds significantly to our understanding of high Party politics, including Lenin's conflicts with inner-Party oppositionists, the 1920 trade union debate, the Tenth Party Congress' ban on factions, and the 1923 contest between Stalin's triumvirate and the oppositionists associated with Trotsky. The heart of the book, though, are his case studies of trade union, soviet and Party organizations in Moscow, and particularly his examinations of nonparty factory workers' protests and strikes. Pirani devotes attention to the city's Bauman District cell and soviet; the Moscow Automobile Company (AMO) factory; the Bogatyr/Krasnyi Bogatyr rubber factory; the Bromlei/Krasnyi Proletarii machine building and engine factory; and the Trekhgornaia cotton textile factory. Pirani uses these to recast and revise a story otherwise familiar in its outlines from an array of previous studies. Among the studies to which his volume invites immediate comparison are Jonathan Aves's Workers against Lenin and Robert V. Daniels's The Conscience of the Revolution." – Michael Hickey, Bloomsburg University, h-Russia, April 2009. Read the full review here
The radical and left press
"Pirani has assembled a picture not of just what Trotsky said here or Lenin there, if you like the grand theory, but rather what lesser figures, people with more concern, perhaps, for what they'd understood the revolution to have been and how it should be defended. What we get here, then, includes the unnamed hecklers, the calls from the back, reported dutifully by those Cheka agents. The evidence he assembles is confined by choice specifically to the period 1920-1924. It is an interesting choice, for in this period we are leaving behind the distortions imposed by civil war." – William Dixon in Mute. Read the full review here
"According to […] Simon Pirani, although certain aspects of Bolshevik ideology 'played a crucial part in weakening and undermining the revolution, that ideology itself was powerfully impacted by social changes over which it [the Bolshevik government] had little control, and to whose operation it often blinded itself.' […] The richness of detail and originality of Pirani's research is remarkable." – Samuel Farber (author of Before Stalinism), in Against the Current. Read the full review here
"Pirani's book should be read by those who think, or who want to refute, that the state in Russia under the Bolsheviks could ever have been described as 'workers''." – Adam Buick in Socialist Standard. Read the full review here
"Pirani sets out to show how little power ordinary workers had in the period 1920-24, over their workplace and over the Soviet Union in general. […] He is the only person on the libertarian left who has set out to prove the point using original materials. Pirani is concerned to show that there were real workers and so a real working class in this period, and not a shadow class''." – Hillel Ticktin (author of The Ideas of Leon Trotsky, Origins of the Crisis in the USSR etc), in the Weekly Worker. Read the full review here and a response by Geoff Barr here
"It is difficult to convey in a short review how valuable is the new material that Pirani presents in this compelling study […] including contemporary reports, speeches, articles and interventions by dozens of Bolshevik and non-Bolshevik workplace activists, factory managers, dissidents and bureaucrats – culled from minutes of various soviet, trade union and party meetings, from newspapers of the time, as well as from detailed reports of the Cheka, not to mention a considerable body of Russian-language post-Soviet scholarship. – Paul Le Blanc (author of A Short History of the US Working Class, etc) in New Politics.
In the frontispiece
"This powerful book takes a close look at the relationship between the Bolshevik party and the democratic aspirations of rank-and-file workers in Moscow in the crucial early years of the Russian revolution. Simon Pirani's prodigious utilization of local party and secret police archives allows him to show how the Bolshevik party leadership systematically destroyed democratic voices on the shop floor: the party offered a 'social contract' that promised improving standards of living in exchange for the loss of a political voice. Paying close attention to the material reality of the post-revolutionary period and to moments of intense shop floor dissent, this book goes beyond Robert Daniels's classic The Conscience of the Revolution in emphasizing the importance of independent and non-party socialist worker activists. He instructs careful readers about the complex, fragile thing called democracy, exploring its origin and demise in economically and politically fraught conditions of revolutionary change." – Diane P. Koenker, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA (author of Moscow Workers and the 1917 Revolution, Republic of Labor: Russian printers and soviet socialism, etc.)
"Why did the Russian revolution, a mass uprising for justice and democracy, end in a single party dictatorship? This gripping tale of workers in revolution and retreat is essential reading for anyone interested in an answer. Pirani follows Russian workers as they seize power, fight for a democratic revolution, and lose to a Bolshevik party bureaucracy intent on consolidating control. Using exciting new sources, Pirani takes us into the factories of Moscow to understand relations among activists, workers, bureaucrats, and a multiplicity of revolutionary parties." – Wendy Goldman, Carnegie Mellon University, USA (author of Women, The State and Revolution, Women at the Gates, Terror and
Democracy in the Age of Stalin, etc.)
http://www.revolutioninretreat.com/