Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
f to join him there. Again Grant thought that without positive rudeness he could not refuse. So he stood by Johnson's side during the entire demonstration, greatly to his own disgust and chagrin, and returned to his headquarters afterward full of indignation at the device by which he had been entrapped, and beginning to detest the policy of the President, if for nothing else, because of his petty manoeuvring. These wiles continued. In August, the President determined to make a tour to Chicago by way of New York and Buffalo and other cities, and invited Grant to accompany him. A subordinate can hardly decline such an invitation from the Chief of the State, but Grant, who perceived the object, offered repeated excuses. Mr. Johnson, however, continued to urge the matter, and finally put the request as a personal solicitation. Grant felt that it would be indecorous any longer to object, and accordingly accompanied the President. As he had anticipated, the tour was converted into
the proportion which the nonvoting population bore to the whole; the South should not have its representation increased because of a war in which it had failed. Congress also excluded those who had once been civil or military officers of the United States and had afterward engaged in insurrection, from holding office again under the Government they had striven to overthrow; it stipulated for the sacredness of the National debt and the forfeiture of that of the Confederacy. These provisions welitician. He threw in his lot with the people with whom he had fought. The following letter illustrates the original aversion of Grant to entering politics: General Grant to General Sherman. (Private.) headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., Oct. 18, 1866. dear General,—Yesterday the President sent for me and in the course of conversation asked if there was any objection to you coming to this city for a few days. I replied, of course, that there was not. I
dvised. A delegation was appointed by this convention to proceed to Washington and present resolutions of sympathy to the President. Late on the morning of their arrival Johnson sent the following note to Grant: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., August 18, 1866. General U. S. Grant, Commanding, etc.: General,—The President presents his compliments to you and requests the pleasure of your presence at the reception at the Executive Mansion of the committee from the recent conventew in his lot with the people with whom he had fought. The following letter illustrates the original aversion of Grant to entering politics: General Grant to General Sherman. (Private.) headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., Oct. 18, 1866. dear General,—Yesterday the President sent for me and in the course of conversation asked if there was any objection to you coming to this city for a few days. I replied, of course, that there was not. I wish, therefore,<
Sherman (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
expressions of theirs which are calculated to array them on one or other side of antagonistic political parties to be brought before the public. That such a course would make or was calculated to make a whole party array itself in opposition .to the officer and would weaken his influence for good. I cannot repeat the language used by me, but I gave him to understand that I should not like such a use of a letter from me, nor did not think you would. Taking the whole conversation together, and what now appears in the papers, I am rather of the opinion that it is the desire to have you in Washington either as Acting Secretary of War, or in some other way. I will not venture in a letter to say all I think about the matter, or that I would say to you in person. When you come to Washington I want you to stay with me, and if you bring Mrs. Sherman and some of the children, we will have room for all of you. Yours truly, U. S. Grant. To Major-General W. T. Sherman, St. Louis, Mo.
pularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him over to the support of the enterprise. Grant was unused to the arts of placemen and politicians, and indeed unversed in any manoeuvres except those of the field. He still retained his magnanimous sentiment toward the conquered, and was at first in no way averse to what he supposed were the President's views. He protested against the harsh measures advised by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would b
essarily be the head. The great popularity of Grant at this period made it important to win him ovt the source, and I conveyed these messages to Grant. He sent no reply, nor did he indicate either to lose what had been won at so much cost. Grant tried for a while to hold the balance between ent. General U. S. Grant—Present. Will General Grant be kind enough to call as he passes on hisnded evening parties. He stood by the side of Grant and received the guests, and the circumstance eir arrival Johnson sent the following note to Grant: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., the General-in-Chief to join him there. Again Grant thought that without positive rudeness he coulYork and Buffalo and other cities, and invited Grant to accompany him. A subordinate can hardly dec the plans and proceedings of Andrew Johnson. Grant indeed had at this time a peculiar aversion tobly sought, and something of this he secured. Grant was conscious of the unfair success, and this [20 more...]
eneral was far more inclined to leniency than Johnson. But by degrees the President's feeling beca Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed hi to that time had not been opposed by Grant. Johnson, without any authority of law, had appointed led. To this Congress would not agree; but Mr. Johnson insisted that the States which had revolteeserved. They show the intimate footing that Johnson desired to maintain. From the Presidensident. Late on the morning of their arrival Johnson sent the following note to Grant: Execrudeness he could not refuse. So he stood by Johnson's side during the entire demonstration, greatived the object, offered repeated excuses. Mr. Johnson, however, continued to urge the matter, andnto a political pilgrimage. At every point Mr. Johnson made speeches and received demonstrations ing dislike to the plans and proceedings of Andrew Johnson. Grant indeed had at this time a peculiar[9 more...]
Richard Taylor (search for this): chapter 4
port of the enterprise. Grant was unused to the arts of placemen and politicians, and indeed unversed in any manoeuvres except those of the field. He still retained his magnanimous sentiment toward the conquered, and was at first in no way averse to what he supposed were the President's views. He protested against the harsh measures advised by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would be the next President, and he was avowedly anxious to secure him for the Democr
Brooks (search for this): chapter 4
by many Northerners, and was far more in accord with Johnson than with Stanton. The Democrats claimed him; the Republicans distrusted him. General Richard Taylor came to me about this time and proposed that Grant should become the candidate of the Democratic party in the next Presidential election, promising the support of the South in a mass if it was allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, made similar overtures, also through me. Brooks was my intimate personal friend; he always predicted that Grant would be the next President, and he was avowedly anxious to secure him for the Democrats. I invariably told my chief whatever I learned that could affect or interest him, no matter what the source, and I conveyed these messages to Grant. He sent no reply, nor did he indicate either satisfaction or displeasure at the suggestion. At that time he had no strong political bias, and, I believe, no political ambition. Both were slo
T. W. Sherman (search for this): chapter 4
uccessful in the field. At this epoch Grant became a politician. He threw in his lot with the people with whom he had fought. The following letter illustrates the original aversion of Grant to entering politics: General Grant to General Sherman. (Private.) headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., Oct. 18, 1866. dear General,—Yesterday the President sent for me and in the course of conversation asked if there was any objection to you coming to this city for and what now appears in the papers, I am rather of the opinion that it is the desire to have you in Washington either as Acting Secretary of War, or in some other way. I will not venture in a letter to say all I think about the matter, or that I would say to you in person. When you come to Washington I want you to stay with me, and if you bring Mrs. Sherman and some of the children, we will have room for all of you. Yours truly, U. S. Grant. To Major-General W. T. Sherman, St. Louis,