evidence: Moreover, a Chinese military presence at Doklam—particularly one with transportation infrastructure capable of supporting deeper incursions—would threaten a 17-mile-wide strip of land known as the Siliguri Corridor linking seven Northeastern Indian states to the rest of the country. The corridor is often referred to as India’s "Chicken Neck"—and New Delhi had no intention of letting Beijing gain control of it. The 2007 treaty with Bhutan ominously notes that "neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other." Even if Bhutan were willing to let China take control of Doklam, India would likely have been unwilling (and, by treaty, unrequired) to stand aside. [...] Beijing has objected vociferously to each of these steps, with the Foreign Ministry noting in April, "China will firmly take necessary measures to defend its territorial sovereignty and legitimate rights and interests." China intends to select the Dalai Lama’s successor—as it did in 1995 for Tibetan Buddhism’s second-ranking cleric, the Panchen Lama. China’s claim to the areas held by India (and Bhutan) flows from its claim to Tibet. If Tibet is an integral part of China, then all territories ever controlled (or claimed) by Tibet are also integral parts of China. A high-profile scare on the Doklam Plateau—inhabited only by seasonal Tibetan and Bhutanese yak-herders—may have been intended to send India an implicit message: namely, not to repeat its decision to shelter the Dalai Lama 1959, a key cause of China’s 1962 invasion.