evidence: With today’s intense ideological polarization, every Supreme Court vacancy also takes on monumental stakes. Exercises of raw power have replaced long-established constitutional norms, upending the confirmation process.footnote9_JnrOQ4L14iAD7DN4ICRZFA1olKmlPAsNay1WODqN06Y_mEWtdNzJD1tp9Michael J. Gerhardt and Richard W. Painter, "Majority Rule and the Future of Judicial Selection," Wisconsin Law Review 2017, no. 2 (May 2017): 270–75, https://wlr.law.wisc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/1263/2017/05/Gerhardt-Painter-Final.pdf. This constitutional hardballfootnote10_IzIB4bpR1L7lqDlOeLAZ-H3f92JFDnsOBT0LLx6w3b0_vPGG0DQOyc1S10Joseph Fishkin and David E. Pozen, "Asymmetric Constitutional Hardball," Columbia Law Review 118 (2018): 921, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3126344. was illustrated most notoriously when Republican senators refused to consider President Barack Obama’s March 2016 nomination of Merrick Garland, claiming that it was too close to the presidential election, only to rush through a vote for Amy Coney Barrett in October 2020, when early voting in that year’s presidential election had already started. [...] The Constitution gives Congress wide latitude to determine the Supreme Court’s structure and responsibilities. Congress should use its power now to reform the Supreme Court.